The Science of Emotions & Relationships

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Welcome to the Huberman Lab podcast, where we discuss science and science-based tools for everyday life.

欢迎来到休伯曼实验室播客，我们在这里讨论科学和基于科学的日常生活工具。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

My name is Andrew Huberman and I'm a professor of neurobiology and ophthalmology at Stanford School of Medicine.

我叫安德鲁·胡伯曼，是斯坦福大学医学院的神经生物学和眼科教授。

This podcast is separate from my teaching and research roles at Stanford.

这个播客与我在斯坦福大学的教学和研究角色是分开的。

It is however, part of my desire and effort to bring zero-cost-to-consumer information about science and science-related tools to the general public.

然而，我的愿望和努力的一部分是将有关科学和科学相关工具的零成本消费者信息带给公众。

In keeping with that theme, I'd like to thank the sponsors of today's podcast.

为了与这个主题保持一致，我要感谢今天播客的赞助商。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

This month we're talking all about the science of emotions and tools related to the science of emotions.

这个月我们讨论的都是情感科学和与情感科学相关的工具。

We've talked about the science of stress and resiliency tools to access more calm, tools to raise your stress threshold to become more resilient.

我们已经讨论了压力和弹性工具的科学，这些工具可以让你更加平静，提高你的压力阈值，从而变得更有弹性。

We've talked about motivation and the role of the dopamine system.

我们已经讨论了动机和多巴胺系统的作用。

I'd like to make a couple of announcements about some new resources.

我想就一些新资源发布一些公告。

The first one is that we have now captured all the Huberman Lab episodes in English and in Spanish.

第一个是我们现在已经用英语和西班牙语捕获了所有 Huberman Lab 剧集。

We were able to do that thanks to your support, of our sponsors, and on Patreon.

感谢您、我们的赞助商以及 Patreon 的支持，我们能够做到这一点。

Now, all of the podcasts have a captioning feature on YouTube, and those were done by experts.

现在，YouTube 上的所有播客都具有字幕功能，并且这些都是由专家完成的。

While there might be the occasional error, for the most part, they're very precise.

虽然偶尔可能会出现错误，但在大多数情况下，它们都非常精确。

We've done that so that people that prefer to consume the content in Spanish or that like to read the content from the English subtitles can do so.

我们这样做是为了让那些喜欢使用西班牙语内容或喜欢阅读英文字幕内容的人可以这样做。

We're going to continue to expand the number of languages that are captioned for the Huberman Lab podcast.

我们将继续扩大 Huberman Lab 播客的字幕语言数量。

We want to thank you for that resource.

我们要感谢您提供的资源。

It's now available for all episodes.

现在所有剧集均可使用。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

In addition, in previous episodes, I've talked about NSDR, or non-sleep deep rest.

另外，在之前的剧集中，我谈到了 NSDR，即非睡眠深度休息。

NSDRs come in a variety of different forms.

NSDR 有多种不同的形式。

There's self-hypnosis, I've pointed you to some resources for that previously.

有自我催眠，我之前已经给你介绍过一些相关资源。

There's yoga nidra.

有瑜伽休息术。

NSDR is really about achieving calm quickly and doing that in a self-directed way for many reasons, in order to access sleep more readily, in order to de-stress very deeply in order to replace sleep that you've lost.

NSDR 实际上是为了快速实现平静，并出于多种原因以自我导向的方式做到这一点，以便更容易地获得睡眠，以便深度减压，从而弥补您失去的睡眠。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

It also seems to aid neuroplasticity.

它似乎也有助于神经可塑性。

It can enhance the rearrangements of connections in the brain that occur during learning.

它可以增强学习过程中大脑中连接的重新排列。

There's scientific support for that.

对此有科学支持。

There's a link in today's episode caption to a new site.

今天的剧集标题中有一个新网站的链接。

This is a YouTube video that was brought free of cost by the folks over at Madefor, a company that's been a sponsor of the podcast previously.

这是 YouTube 视频，由 Madefor 的工作人员免费提供，该公司之前是该播客的赞助商。

This is an NSDR script that doesn't contain any of the intentions, or some of the more typical language of yoga nidra.

这是一个 NSDR 脚本，不包含任何意图，或一些更典型的瑜伽休息术语言。

Instead, it's focused purely on the breathing protocols as well as includes a body scan, where you direct your attention to different locations around your body.

相反，它纯粹专注于呼吸方案以及身体扫描，您可以将注意力集中到身体周围的不同位置。

It has all the core elements of non-sleep deep rest, but is distinct from yoga nidra.

它具有非睡眠深度休息的所有核心要素，但与瑜伽休息术不同。

I just offer this to you as a resource if you'd like to use it.

如果您想使用它，我只是将其作为资源提供给您。

It's about 30 minutes long and should be very effective in bringing you into deep states of relaxation for all the reasons I mentioned before.

它大约有 30 分钟长，应该非常有效地让你进入深度放松状态，原因我之前提到过。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Let's talk about emotions.

我们来谈谈情感吧。

Emotions are a fascinating and vital aspect of our life experience.

情绪是我们生活经历中一个令人着迷且至关重要的方面。

It's fair to say that emotions make up most of what we think of as our experience of life.

可以公平地说，情绪构成了我们所认为的生活体验的大部分内容。

Even the things we do, our behaviors and the places we go and the people we end up encountering in our life, all of that really funnels into our emotional perception of what those things mean, whether or not they made us happy or sad or depressed or lonely, or were awe-inspiring.

甚至我们所做的事情、我们的行为、我们去的地方以及我们在生活中最终遇到的人，所有这些都真正影响了我们对这些事情意味着什么的情感感知，无论它们是否让我们快乐、悲伤、沮丧或孤独，或者令人敬畏。

Now, one thing that is absolutely true is that everyone's perception of emotion is slightly different, meaning your idea of happy is very likely different than my idea of what a state of happiness is.

现在，绝对正确的一件事是，每个人对情绪的看法都略有不同，这意味着您对幸福的看法很可能与我对幸福状态的看法不同。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

We know this also for color vision, for instance.

例如，我们也知道色觉也是如此。

Even though the cells in your eye and my eye that perceive the color red are identical right down to the genes that they express, we can be certain, based on experimental evidence and what are called psychophysical studies, that your idea of the most intense red is going to be very different than my idea of the most intense red if we were given a selection of 10 different reds and asked which one is most intense, which one looks most red.

尽管你的眼睛和我的眼睛中感知红色的细胞就其表达的基因而言都是相同的，但根据实验证据和所谓的心理物理学研究，我们可以确定，如果我们选择 10 种不同的红色，并询问哪一种最强烈，哪一种看起来最红，你对最强烈红色的想法将与我对最强烈红色的想法有很大不同。

That seems crazy, you would think that something as simple as color would be universal, and yet it's not.

这似乎很疯狂，您可能会认为像颜色这样简单的东西是通用的，但事实并非如此。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

We need to agree at the outset that emotions are complicated and yet they are tractable.

我们需要从一开始就同意，情绪是复杂的，但又是容易控制的。

They can be understood.

他们是可以理解的。

Today we're going to talk about a lot of tools to understand what emotions are for you to understand what your emotional states mean and what they don't mean.

今天我们将讨论很多工具来了解什么是情绪，让您了解您的情绪状态意味着什么以及它们不意味着什么。

In doing that, that will allow you to place value on whether or not you should hold an emotional state as true or not true, whether or not it has meaning or it doesn't, as well as whether or not the emotions of others are important to you in a given context.

在这样做的过程中，这将使你能够重视某种情绪状态是否真实，它是否有意义，以及在特定情况下他人的情绪对你是否重要。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

We're going to talk a lot about development.

我们将讨论很多有关开发的内容。

In fact, we're going to center a lot of our discussion today around infancy and puberty.

事实上，我们今天的大部分讨论都将围绕婴儿期和青春期进行。

We're also going to talk about tools for enhancing one's emotional range and for navigating difficult emotional situations.

我们还将讨论增强情绪范围和应对困难情绪状况的工具。

I'm not a clinical psychologist.

我不是临床心理学家。

I'm not a therapist, but I do have some background in psychology.

我不是治疗师，但我确实有一些心理学背景。

Today I'm going to be drawing from the psychology greats, not me, but from the greats of psychology who studied emotion, who studied emotional development, and linking that to the neuroscience of emotion.

今天，我将借鉴心理学大师的经验，而不是我自己，而是研究情感、研究情感发展的心理学大师，并将其与情感的神经科学联系起来。

Because nowadays, we understand a lot about the chemicals and the hormones and the neural circuits in the brain and body that underlie emotion.

因为如今，我们对情绪背后的化学物质、激素以及大脑和身体中的神经回路有了很多了解。

While there's no one, single universally true theory of emotion, at the intersection of many of the existing theories, there are really some ground truths.

虽然没有一个单一的普遍正确的情感理论，但在许多现有理论的交叉点上，确实存在一些基本事实。

Today we're going to visit those ground truths.

今天我们将探讨这些基本事实。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

We're going to talk about the tools that emerge from them, and we're going to talk about some absolutely wild and wacky experiments that people are doing out there right now, that I don't necessarily recommend you do, of inhaling different types of hormones and trying to get attached more quickly.

我们将讨论从中出现的工具，我们将讨论人们现在正在做的一些绝对疯狂和古怪的实验，我不一定建议你这样做，吸入不同类型的激素并试图更快地附着。

You're actually going to do some experiential stuff today, if you like.

如果你愿意的话，今天你实际上会做一些体验性的事情。

There're some things that you can do in real time while listening to the podcast in order to tap into some of the mechanisms that I'll be referring to.

您可以在收听播客时实时执行一些操作，以便利用我将提到的一些机制。

Today's going to be very interactive in a way that previous podcast episodes have not.

今天的互动将会非常激烈，这是之前的播客节目所没有的。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

If we want to understand emotions, we have to look at where emotions first develop.

如果我们想理解情绪，我们就必须看看情绪首先是从哪里产生的。

In fact, this is a critical central theme if you want to understand brain science and psychology.

事实上，如果你想了解脑科学和心理学，这是一个关键的中心主题。

There's a rule in neuroanatomy, because if you look at 50 different brains of humans, or you compare the brains of dogs and humans, there are a lot of differences.

神经解剖学中有一条规则，因为如果你观察 50 个不同的人类大脑，或者比较狗和人类的大脑，就会发现有很多差异。

Certain things are the same, but certain things are different.

有些事情是相同的，但有些事情是不同的。

The rule that every good neuroanatomist knows is that if you want to understand what a part of the brain does, you have to address two questions.

每个优秀的神经解剖学家都知道的规则是，如果你想了解大脑的一部分是做什么的，你必须解决两个问题。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

First, you have to know what connections does that brain area make?

首先，你必须知道大脑区域之间有什么联系？

What is it connected to?

它与什么相连？

Where does it get inputs from and where does it send inputs?

它从哪里获取输入以及将输入发送到哪里？

For instance, if there's an area of the brain that gets direct input from the neurons in the nose, you can be pretty certain that it has some role in analyzing smell, in measuring something about odors or analyzing something about odors.

例如，如果大脑的某个区域从鼻子中的神经元获得直接输入，那么您可以非常确定它在分析气味、测量气味或分析气味方面发挥一定作用。

Now, if it also gets input from the eye, you can also conclude that it gets input from the visual system, that it cares about light and photons.

现在，如果它也从眼睛获得输入，您还可以得出结论，它从视觉系统获得输入，它关心光和光子。

This is sort of obvious, and yet you need to know that connectivity, and you need to know what's called the developmental origin of that structure.

这是显而易见的，但您需要知道这种连接性，并且需要知道该结构的发展起源。

You need to know where it was early in development, because things move around a lot as the brain develops.

你需要知道它在发育早期的位置，因为随着大脑的发育，事物会发生很多变化。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

The brain, of course, is this more or less squishy thing floating around in some liquid that's stuffed inside your skull.

当然，大脑是一个或多或少粘糊糊的东西，漂浮在填充在头骨内的某种液体中。

As a consequence, things move around a lot.

结果，事情发生了很大的变化。

They are not always in the same place in two different species or two individuals of the same species.

它们并不总是在两个不同物种或同一物种的两个个体中处于同一位置。

You have to know where they started out, because where they started out informs what they do as well.

你必须知道他们从哪里开始，因为他们从哪里开始，也决定了他们所做的事情。

When we're talking about emotions, we cannot point to one area of the brain.

当我们谈论情绪时，我们不能指向大脑的某一区域。

We can't say that's the area of the brain that's responsible for emotions.

我们不能说那是负责情绪的大脑区域。

There is this so-called limbic system that has been linked to emotions in various ways.

这种所谓的边缘系统以多种方式与情绪相关。

We're going to talk about that today.

今天我们就来谈谈这个问题。

But the limbic system is just one component of the inputs to create emotions.

但边缘系统只是创造情绪的输入组成部分之一。

It's not the place for emotions.

这不是情感的地方。

You can't go in and lesion one location in the brain and eliminate emotions entirely.

你不可能进入并损害大脑的某一位置并完全消除情绪。

Just doesn't work that way.

只是这样行不通。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

First of all, we have to ask, what are the circuits for emotion?

首先我们要问，情绪的回路是怎样的？

What are the brain areas for emotion?

大脑的哪些区域负责情绪？

Nowadays, there's a lot of debate about this.

如今，对此有很多争论。

For years, it was thought that there might be circuits, meaning connections in the brain, that generate the feeling of being happy, or circuits that generate the feeling of being sad, et cetera.

多年来，人们认为可能存在产生快乐感觉的电路，即大脑中的连接，或者产生悲伤感觉的电路，等等。

That's been challenged.

这受到了挑战。

In fact, Lisa Feldman Barrett has been the person who's really challenged this head-on and has very good evidence for the fact that such circuits probably don't exist.

事实上，丽莎·费尔德曼·巴雷特（Lisa Feldman Barrett）是真正正面挑战这一点的人，并且有很好的证据证明这种电路可能不存在。

Yet, I think there's good evidence for circuits in the brain, such as limbic circuits and other circuits, that shift our overall states or our overall level of alertness or calmness, or whether or not they bias us toward viewing the outside world or paying more attention to what's going on inside our bodies.

然而，我认为有充分的证据表明大脑中的回路，例如边缘回路和其他回路，可以改变我们的整体状态或警觉或平静的整体水平，或者它们是否使我们偏向于观察外部世界或更多地关注我们身体内部发生的事情。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

If none of this makes sense right now, I promise it will make sense soon.

如果现在这些都没有意义，我保证很快就会有意义。

But the important thing to understand is that emotions do arise in the brain-body.

但要理解的重要一点是，情绪确实会在大脑和身体中产生。

They arise because there are specific connections between specific areas in the brain and body, and if we want to understand how emotions work, we have to look how emotions are built.

它们的出现是因为大脑和身体的特定区域之间存在特定的联系，如果我们想了解情绪是如何运作的，我们就必须看看情绪是如何建立的。

They are built during infancy, adolescence and puberty, and then it continues into adulthood.

它们在婴儿期、青春期和青春期形成，然后持续到成年期。

But the groundwork is laid down early in development when we are small children.

但基础是在我们还是小孩子的时候就在发展的早期打下的。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Let's think about what happens to a baby that comes into the world.

让我们想想一个婴儿来到这个世界上会发生什么。

A baby comes into the world.

一个婴儿来到了这个世界。

You are born into this world without really any understanding of the things around you.

你出生在这个世界上，对周围的事物并没有真正的了解。

Now, there are two ways that you can interact with the world, and you're always doing them more or less to some degree at the same time.

现在，你可以通过两种方式与世界互动，并且你总是或多或少地同时进行这两种方式。

Those are interoception, paying attention to what's going on inside you, what you feel internally, and exteroception, paying attention to what's going on outside.

这些是内感受，关注你内心发生的事情，你内心的感受，以及外感受，关注外面发生的事情。

Hold that in mind, please, because the fact that you're both interocepting and exterocepting is true for your entire life.

请记住这一点，因为你一生都在进行内感受和外感受。

It sets the foundation for understanding emotions.

它为理解情绪奠定了基础。

It's absolutely critical.

这绝对是至关重要的。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

As an infant, you didn't have any knowledge of what you needed.

作为一个婴儿，你对自己需要什么一无所知。

You didn't understand hunger, you didn't understand toys when you first came into the world.

当你第一次来到这个世界时，你不理解饥饿，也不理解玩具。

You didn't understand cold or heat or any of that.

你不了解冷或热或任何这些。

When you needed something, you experienced that as anxiety.

当你需要某样东西时，你就会感到焦虑。

You would feel an increase in alertness if you had to use the bathroom.

如果您必须使用卫生间，您会感到更加警觉。

You would feel an increase in alertness if you were hungry, and you would vocalize.

如果你饿了，你会感到警觉性增加，并且会发出声音。

You would cry out.

你会哭出来。

You would act agitated, you might coo, you might do a number of different things, but all you knew was what you were feeling internally.

你会表现得焦躁不安，你可能会咕咕叫，你可能会做很多不同的事情，但你所知道的只是你内心的感受。

Then your caregiver, whoever that might have been, would respond to that.

然后你的看护者，无论是谁，都会对此做出回应。

You would feel some agitation.

你会感到有些激动。

A caregiver would come and make a decision, Oh, you need food and give you milk or change your diaper or wrap you in a blanket if you were cold, but they didn't know if you were cold.

护理人员会过来做出决定，哦，你需要食物，给你牛奶，或者换尿布，或者如果你冷的话给你裹上毯子，但他们不知道你是否冷。

They could just assume that you were cold.

他们可能会认为你很冷。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

This is actually really important to understand — that a baby, when you were a baby and when I was a baby, we didn't have any sense of the outside world, except that it responded to our acts of anxiety, essentially.

事实上，理解这一点非常重要——婴儿，当你还是个婴儿的时候，当我还是个婴儿的时候，我们对外部世界没有任何感觉，除了它本质上对我们的焦虑行为做出反应。

Now, this isn't Freudian theory, right?

现在，这不是弗洛伊德的理论，对吧？

There are components of it that are embedded in Freudian theory, but all developmental psychologists agree that babies lack the ability to make cognitive sense of the outside world.

它的某些组成部分根植于弗洛伊德的理论中，但所有发展心理学家都同意婴儿缺乏对外部世界进行认知的能力。

But in this feeling of anxiety and registering one's own internal state and then crying out to the outside world, either through crying or subtle vocalizations or even just cooing, making some noise, we start to develop a relationship with the outside world in which our internal states, our shifts in anxiety, start to drive requests and people come and respond to those requests, hopefully.

但在这种焦虑感中，记录自己的内部状态，然后向外界呼喊，无论是通过哭泣或微妙的发声，甚至只是咕咕叫，发出一些噪音，我们开始与外部世界建立一种关系，在这种关系中，我们的内部状态，我们焦虑的转变，开始推动请求，人们希望能够回应这些请求。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

The reason I say hopefully is that we've all heard, presumably, about these cases of neglect.

我之所以说充满希望，是因为我们想必都听说过这些忽视的案例。

There are a lot of cases where if you neglect a baby, you neglect an adolescent or a teenager, development doesn't go well.

在很多情况下，如果你忽视了婴儿，忽视了青少年或青少年，发育就不会顺利。

We'll touch on some of those, but those are really extreme cases.

我们将讨论其中的一些，但这些都是非常极端的情况。

They're sort of like the parallel to experiments that are often done in the laboratory with animals, where you've probably heard of these enriched environments, where they'll give mice a bunch of toys and they'll give them some different foods every once in a while, and they'll house them together with other mice.

它们有点像在实验室里用动物进行的实验，你可能听说过这些丰富的环境，他们会给老鼠一堆玩具，每隔一段时间就会给它们一些不同的食物，然后把它们和其他老鼠关在一起。

Then what you find is that the animals — they will say, oh, their brain is thicker and their neurons have more branches to them and all that.

然后你会发现，动物们会说，哦，它们的大脑更厚，它们的神经元有更多的分支等等。

But that's really comparing deprivation with normalcy.

但这实际上是在将剥夺与正常状态进行比较。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

What we want to center on today instead is what happens when things go well, and why things might not go well in certain circumstances is interesting.

相反，我们今天想要关注的是当事情进展顺利时会发生什么，以及为什么在某些情况下事情可能会进展不顺利，这很有趣。

But to me, not as interesting as what healthy emotional development looks like.

但对我来说，这并不像健康的情感发展那样有趣。

If you haven't achieved healthy emotional development, what can be done as an intervention at later times in order to rescue that?

如果你还没有实现健康的情绪发展，以后可以采取什么干预措施来挽救它？

You as a baby, you're flopping around there in your crib.

当你还是个婴儿的时候，你就在婴儿床上翻来覆去。

You're getting care where you need it and when you need it, presumably.

大概，您可以在需要的地方、需要的时间获得护理。

This gets to the basis of what emotions are about, which are emotions are really about forming bonds and being able to predict things in the world.

这就是情绪的基础，情绪实际上是关于形成联系并能够预测世界上的事情。

That's really what emotions are about.

这确实是情感的意义所在。

Whether or not the baby feels angry or happy or sad, we don't know.

婴儿是否感到愤怒、快乐或悲伤，我们不知道。

We can guess, but we don't know.

我们可以猜测，但我们不知道。

In fact, most of the time we don't even know how we feel, let alone how other people feel.

事实上，很多时候我们甚至不知道自己的感受如何，更不用说别人的感受了。

That's true for adults.

对于成年人来说也是如此。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

If I ask you how you feel right now, I don't know that you could tell me in any kind of rich language that I would say, "Oh, I really understand." If you said you were very, very depressed or very, very happy, I'd have some sense because of how extreme that is.

如果我问你现在感觉如何，我不知道你能用任何丰富的语言告诉我，我会说：“哦，我真的明白。”如果你说你非常非常沮丧或非常非常高兴，我会有些道理，因为这是多么极端。

But I don't know that I would really know.

但我不知道我真的会知道。

I don't think you know how I feel right now either.

我想你也不知道我现在的感受。

I could be furious right now or I could be very happy.

我现在可能会很生气，也可能会很高兴。

You don't have any idea.

你没有任何想法。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Now, of course, we have these things called expressions; our pupils dilate.

当然，现在我们有了称为表达式的东西；我们的瞳孔放大。

There are various cues of how people feel.

人们的感受有多种线索。

We're going to talk about those cues, but you really don't know.

我们将讨论这些线索，但你真的不知道。

At this point, I actually just want to pause and mention a really interesting tool that is trying to address this question of what are emotions and what do they consist of, that you can use if you like.

在这一点上，我实际上只是想暂停并提到一个非常有趣的工具，它试图解决什么是情绪以及它们由什么组成的问题，如果您愿意，您可以使用它。

This is an app.

这是一个应用程序。

I didn't develop it, I don't have any relationship to them, But the app was developed by people at Yale, by groups at Yale who do research, and it's called Mood Meter.

我没有开发它，我与他们没有任何关系，但该应用程序是由耶鲁大学的人员、耶鲁大学从事研究的小组开发的，它被称为情绪计。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

It's actually quite interesting.

这实际上很有趣。

I think it's either free or it's 99 cents.

我认为它要么是免费的，要么是 99 美分。

Again, no business relationship to them, but what they're trying to do is put more nuance, more subtlety on our words and our language for emotions, and be able to allow you to predict how you're going to feel in the future.

再说一次，与他们没有业务关系，但他们试图做的是让我们的言语和情感语言更加细致，并且能够让你预测你将来的感受。

It's actually quite interesting.

这实际上很有趣。

I'm on the app right now, and I know you can't see this, but it's called Mood Meter.

我现在正在使用该应用程序，我知道您看不到这个，但它的名字叫“情绪计”。

You can find it on Apple or Android, and you go into it and it asks you, it says to me, "Hi Andrew, how are you right now?" I clicked a little tab that says I feel, and I can either pick high energy and unpleasant, high energy and pleasant, low energy unpleasant or low energy pleasant.

你可以在苹果或安卓上找到它，当你进入它时，它会问你，它对我说：“嗨，安德鲁，你现在好吗？”我点击了一个小标签，上面写着我的感受，我可以选择高能量和不愉快、高能量和愉快、低能量不愉快或低能量愉快。

I would say, right now I feel high energy, pleasant.

我想说，现在我感觉精力充沛、愉快。

I just revealed to you how I feel.

我刚刚向你透露了我的感受。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

I click on that, and then it gives you a gallery of colors and you just move your finger to the location where you think it matches most.

我点击它，然后它会给你一个颜色库，你只需将手指移动到你认为最匹配的位置即可。

As you do that, little words pop up.

当你这样做时，会弹出一些小词。

I know some people are listening to this on audio only, so it'll say motivated, cheerful, inspired.

我知道有些人只听音频，所以它会说积极、快乐、鼓舞。

I would say I'm feeling right now, cheerful.

我会说我现在感觉很高兴。

You click that and then you just go to the next window and it just says what are you doing?

你点击它，然后你就进入下一个窗口，它只是说你在做什么？

This feels like play to me, but I'm going to call it work.

这对我来说就像是玩耍，但我将其称为工作。

Then that's it.

然后就这样了。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Then what it does is it basically starts to collect data on you.

然后它所做的就是开始收集有关您的数据。

You're giving it information and it starts to link that to other features that you allow it access to if you like.

您向它提供信息，它就会开始将其链接到您允许其访问的其他功能（如果您愿意）。

It starts helping you be able to predict how you're going to feel at different times a day.

它开始帮助您预测一天中不同时间的感受。

It's actually quite accurate in certain ways, quite interesting.

它实际上在某些方面相当准确，非常有趣。

It points to a couple really interesting features, which is that we don't really have enough language to describe all the emotional states, and yet there' some core truths to what makes up an emotion.

它指出了一些非常有趣的特征，那就是我们确实没有足够的语言来描述所有的情绪状态，但情绪的构成有一些核心事实。

I want to review that twice during today's podcast because this can really help people, kids and adults, understand better what they're feeling and why, and when best to engage in certain activities, and, thankfully, when best to avoid certain activities too.

我想在今天的播客中回顾两次，因为这确实可以帮助人们，孩子和成人，更好地了解他们的感受和原因，以及何时最好参与某些活动，值得庆幸的是，何时最好避免某些活动。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

The way this works is the following.

其工作方式如下。

You need to ask yourself at any point — you can do this right now if you like — what's your level of autonomic arousal?

你需要随时问自己——如果你愿意，你现在就可以这样做——你的自主唤醒水平是多少？

Autonomic arousal is just the continuum, the range of alert to calm.

自主神经唤醒只是一个连续体，即从警觉到平静的范围。

If you're in a panic right now, you are like 10 out of 10 on the arousal scale.

如果你现在感到恐慌，那么你的兴奋程度大概是十分之十。

If you are asleep, you're probably not comprehending what I'm saying, although maybe a little bit.

如果您睡着了，您可能无法理解我在说什么，尽管可能有一点。

But let's say you're very drowsy, you might be at a one or a two.

但是假设您非常困倦，您可能处于一两点。

You always have to ask, where are you on the arousal scale?

你总是要问，你的唤醒程度处于什么水平？

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Then there's this other access, this other question, which is what we call valence.

然后还有另一个访问，另一个问题，这就是我们所说的价。

Now, valence is a value.

现在，价是一个值。

Do you feel good or bad?

你感觉好还是坏？

I would say I feel pretty good right now.

我想说我现在感觉很好。

On a scale of one to 10, I don't know, I feel like a seven.

从一到十的范围内，我不知道，我感觉是七。

Got a good night's sleep last night, had a good walk with Costello this morning.

昨晚睡了个好觉，今天早上和科斯特洛一起散步。

I'm fed, I'm hydrated.

我吃饱了，水分充足。

I feel good, so I'm a seven.

我感觉很好，所以我是七岁。

I'm alert and I feel pretty good.

我很警觉，而且感觉很好。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Then there's a third thing, which is how much we are interocepting and how much we are exterocepting, all right?

然后还有第三件事，那就是我们有多少内感受和外感受，好吗？

How much our attention is focused internally on what we're feeling and how much it's focused externally.

我们的注意力有多少集中在我们内心的感受上，又有多少注意力集中在外部。

This is always going to be in a dynamic balance.

这始终处于动态平衡中。

For instance, if you're really, really stressed, oftentimes that puts you in a position to be really in touch with what's going on in your body.

例如，如果你真的非常非常有压力，通常这会让你能够真正了解你身体里正在发生的事情。

If you start having a lot of somatic, a lot of bodily sensations, like your heart is beating so fast that you can't ignore it, then you're really strongly interoceptive.

如果你开始有很多躯体的、很多身体的感觉，比如你的心跳得很快，以至于你无法忽视它，那么你真的有很强的内感受性。

But also sometimes you're really stressed because someone's stressing you out or somebody sends you a text message or makes a comment about a YouTube thing you posted or something, and you're really triggered by it.

但有时你也确实感到压力很大，因为有人给你带来了压力，或者有人给你发了一条短信，或者对你发布的 YouTube 内容或其他内容发表了评论，而你真的会被它触发。

That never happens to me.

这种事从来没有发生在我身上。

But if it does happen to you, then you're exterocepting.

但如果它确实发生在你身上，那么你就是外感受。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

There are these three things.

有这三件事。

How alert or sleepy you are, that's one.

你有多警觉或多困，这就是其中之一。

How good or bad you feel, that's two.

你的感觉有多好或多坏，那是两个。

Then whether or not most of your attention is directed outward or whether or not it's directed inward.

然后你的大部分注意力是向外还是向内。

Much of what we call emotions are made up by those three things.

我们所谓的情绪大部分都是由这三件事组成的。

Let's return now to development, but tuck that away and think about it.

现在让我们回到开发上来，但是先把它放在一边思考一下。

Alert versus asleep, good versus bad, and focused internally or focused externally, because when I looked at the whole of all the theories of emotion that were out there, there were a lot of different components to them, but they all seemed to center back to these same three features in some way or to some degree or another.

警觉与睡眠、好与坏、关注内在或关注外在，因为当我审视现有的所有情感理论时，发现它们有很多不同的组成部分，但它们似乎都以某种方式或某种程度上集中在这三个相同的特征上。

It can be very powerful to understand and look at your emotions through that lens.

通过这个镜头来理解和看待你的情绪是非常强大的。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Let's return to the infant.

让我们回到婴儿身上。

There's the baby in the crib.

婴儿床上有婴儿。

It's mostly interocepting.

它主要是内接受的。

As caregivers bring it what it needs, you hope — milk, diaper changes, et cetera, a warm blanket if it's cold, pull off the blanket when the baby's fussing and it's too warm, because babies get too warm, also.

当护理人员给它带来你所需要的东西时，你希望——牛奶、换尿布等等，如果天气冷的话，一条温暖的毯子，当宝宝闹腾并且太热时，把毯子拉下来，因为宝宝也会变得太热。

It starts to interocep--exterocept.

它开始interocep——exterocept。

Excuse me, I misspoke.

对不起，我说错了。

I want to be very clear.

我想说得很清楚。

It starts to exterocept.

它开始外感受。

The baby starts to look into the outside world and start making predictions.

婴儿开始观察外部世界并开始做出预测。

It starts wondering how much it needs to cry, or predicting, well, if I cry like a little bit, then mom comes over and I get my milk.

它开始想知道它需要哭多少，或者预测，好吧，如果我哭一点，然后妈妈就会过来给我喝牛奶。

Or if I cry a lot, mom doesn't come over and give me milk, so I need to really scream at the top of my head.

或者如果我哭得很厉害，妈妈不会过来给我牛奶，所以我需要大声尖叫。

Babies are starting to evaluate and do all this, but they're not doing it consciously.

婴儿开始评估并做这一切，但他们并不是有意识地这样做。

They're doing this strategically in order to relieve anxiety.

他们有策略地这样做是为了缓解焦虑。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

I won't propose that that's what we do into adulthood, but a lot of what we do in adulthood is when we feel something, we start exterocepting.

我不会建议这就是我们成年后所做的事情，但我们在成年后所做的很多事情是当我们感受到某种东西时，我们开始外感受。

Some people are much better at just sitting as a container and just interocepting and paying attention to what they're feeling internally.

有些人更擅长作为一个容器坐着，只是内感受并关注他们内心的感受。

But most people do a little bit of a balance of both.

但大多数人都会在两者之间取得一点平衡。

We don't feel good, so we look for an item of food that might make us feel better.

我们感觉不舒服，所以我们寻找一种可以让我们感觉更好的食物。

We're feeling anxious heading into the dentist or something like that, so we text somebody.

我们在去看牙医或类似的事情时感到焦虑，所以我们给某人发短信。

We do this almost reflexively.

我们几乎是本能地这样做。

It's not always conscious.

它并不总是有意识的。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Infants do this and we continue to do this.

婴儿会这样做，我们也会继续这样做。

We start to now balance our interoceptive and exteroceptive focus, our looking inward and looking outward.

我们现在开始平衡我们的内感受和外感受焦点，我们向内看和向外看。

As we do that, we're starting to figure out what gets our needs met.

当我们这样做时，我们开始弄清楚什么可以满足我们的需求。

Remember, emotions are really there to form bonds and to make predictions.

请记住，情绪确实是用来形成联系和做出预测的。

Our needs are going to be met to some degree or not.

我们的需求会在某种程度上得到满足，也可能不会得到满足。

Sometimes, sadly, there is neglect.

可悲的是，有时会被忽视。

Sometimes people don't show up for us the way that we would like.

有时人们并没有按照我们希望的方式出现。

In general, our responses to that have to do with whether or not we predict whether or not they would or not.

一般来说，我们对此的反应与我们是否预测他们是否会这样做有关。

When we expect something and it doesn't happen, it's a big letdown.

当我们期待某件事而它没有发生时，我们会感到非常失望。

That was the discussion about dopamine last episode.

这是上一集关于多巴胺的讨论。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

The many theories of emotion, the triune brain theory, that you have a primitive and involved brain, something that's a little bit on shaky ground these days.

许多关于情感的理论，即大脑三位一体理论，认为你有一个原始且复杂的大脑，但如今这些理论有点站不住脚。

The idea that Darwin proposed — that there are these universal expressions of emotions.

达尔文提出的想法——情绪有这些普遍的表达方式。

The work of Helen Fisher on love, that you have circuits in the brain for lust, circuits in the brain for love, and circuits in the brain for long-term bonds; as well as the work of Lisa Feldman Barrett saying that emotions are contextual, that they have a social component.

海伦·费舍尔（Helen Fisher）关于爱情的著作指出，大脑中存在着欲望的回路，大脑中存在着爱的回路，大脑中也存在着用于长期联系的回路；以及丽莎·费尔德曼·巴雷特 (Lisa Feldman Barrett) 的著作，她指出情绪是与情境相关的，它们具有社会成分。

I'll be talking more about this, but the work of Alan Shore, a clinical psychologist and researcher at UCLA, about right brain, left brain and its role in emotional development.

我会更多地谈论这个，但加州大学洛杉矶分校的临床心理学家和研究员艾伦·肖尔（Alan Shore）的工作是关于右脑、左脑及其在情绪发展中的作用。

All of them have strong elements of this idea of paying attention to what's going on inward and outward.

他们所有人都具有强烈的关注内在和外在发生的事情的想法。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

As a young creature, an infant and young toddler, you were mainly focused inward and you started to understand what was going on outward as a way of predicting what would bring you relief, what would remove your anxiety.

作为一个年轻的生物，一个婴儿和幼儿，你主要关注内心，你开始了解外在发生的事情，以此来预测什么会给你带来缓解，什么会消除你的焦虑。

That's where the fundamental rules of your experience, your emotional experience, were laid down.

这就是你的经历、你的情感经历的基本规则被制定的地方。

Now, I realize that's a lot of information, and it's somewhat of an academic talk, but there were two tools in there that I just want to highlight.

现在，我意识到这有很多信息，而且有点像学术演讲，但我只想强调其中有两个工具。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

One is the Mood Meter app, if you're interested in it can give you some insight into the different kinds of nuance within emotions and allow you to actually predict emotional states, if you want to try that.

其中一个是情绪计应用程序，如果您对此感兴趣，它可以让您深入了解情绪中的不同种类的细微差别，并允许您实际预测情绪状态（如果您想尝试的话）。

You might find that interesting.

你可能会觉得这很有趣。

The other one is this idea that there are three axes to emotion, three continuum that interact.

另一个是情感有三个轴，三个相互作用的连续体。

The level of alertness and calmness, how good or bad you feel, and whether or not you're mainly focused inward or outward, because those are going to form a useful toolkit for the information going forward.

警觉和冷静的程度，你感觉的好坏，以及你的注意力主要集中在内心还是外在，因为这些都将成为未来信息的有用工具包。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Now, let's talk about what kind of baby you were, because that actually informs your emotionality now.

现在，让我们谈谈你是什么样的婴儿，因为这实际上决定了你现在的情绪。

These are classic, they're actually famous experiments done by Bowlby and Ainsworth.

这些都是经典的，它们实际上是鲍尔比和安斯沃斯所做的著名实验。

Anyone that studied psychology or has taken a psychology class might have learned about this.

任何学习过心理学或参加过心理学课程的人可能都了解过这一点。

This is this classic experiment of what was called the Strange Situation task, in which, and I'm describing it very coarsely here, I realize, but a mother and child come into the laboratory.

这是一个所谓的“奇怪情况”任务的经典实验，我意识到，在这个实验中，我在这里非常粗略地描述它，但是一个母亲和一个孩子走进了实验室。

Yes, this has now also been done with fathers.

是的，现在父亲们也这样做了。

The baby and the mother, or father, play together for a bit, and then the mother leaves.

婴儿和母亲或父亲一起玩一会儿，然后母亲离开。

The mother leaves for some period of time, and then comes back.

母亲离开了一段时间，然后又回来了。

And the research is devoted to understanding the response of the child when the caretaker, the mother or the father, returns.

这项研究致力于了解当看护者（母亲或父亲）回来时孩子的反应。

Most all children, not every child, but most children will cry when their primary caretaker leaves.

大多数孩子，不是每个孩子，但大多数孩子在主要看护人离开时都会哭泣。

They don't like that, and there are good reasons for that.

他们不喜欢这样，这是有充分理由的。

They formed a bond and an attachment, and we will talk about some of the deeper chemical reasons for those bonds.

它们形成了键和附件，我们将讨论这些键的一些更深层次的化学原因。

However, the experiment is focused on the return of the caregiver, because Bowlby and Ainsworth and many of their scientific offspring and colleagues identified at least four patterns that babies display when their caretaker returns.

然而，该实验的重点是看护者的回归，因为鲍尔比和安斯沃思以及他们的许多科学后代和同事发现了婴儿在看护者回来时表现出的至少四种模式。

And they group these into Group A, B, C, D, so much so that the kids were referred to as A babies, B babies, C babies or D babies.

他们将这些孩子分为A、B、C、D组，以至于这些孩子被称为A婴儿、B婴儿、C婴儿或D婴儿。

You may know which one you were, but the categories are really interesting.

您可能知道自己属于哪一类，但这些类别确实很有趣。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

The first babies are the A babies.

第一个婴儿是 A 婴儿。

So these were kids that would get upset when their caretaker would leave, but when their caretaker would return, the infant would respond with happiness with what looked like delight.

因此，当看护人离开时，这些孩子会感到不安，但当看护人回来时，婴儿会做出幸福的反应，看起来很高兴。

They would go to the caretaker.

他们会去找看门人。

They seemed happy.

他们看起来很高兴。

If they had been fussy before or sad, they felt relieved.

如果说他们之前还有些烦躁或悲伤的话，现在他们会感到如释重负。

These are referred to as secure attached kids.

这些被称为安全依恋的孩子。

So they have a healthy response to separation and they have a healthy response to re-engaging with the caretaker.

因此，他们对分离有健康的反应，对与看护者重新接触也有健康的反应。

The B babies as they're called, were less likely to seek comfort from their caregiver when the caregiver would return.

当照顾者回来时，B 型婴儿不太可能向照顾者寻求安慰。

So they would sometimes continue to play with their toys or they had an adult in the room while the parent was gone, they would stay with them.

因此，他们有时会继续玩玩具，或者当父母不在时，房间里有一个成年人，他们会和他们待在一起。

It was sometimes complicated and nuanced, but these were referred to as avoidant babies.

有时情况很复杂且微妙，但这些被称为回避型婴儿。

Don't run away with any conclusions about the language here just yet.

暂时不要对这里的语言下任何结论。

It's not clear that avoidant babies become avoidant adults, but bear with me.

目前尚不清楚回避型婴儿是否会成为回避型成年人，但请耐心听我说。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

The C babies would respond to the return of the caregiver with acts of annoyance.

C 婴儿会对看护者回来做出恼怒的反应。

They seemed kind of angry.

他们看起来有点生气。

So it wasn't that they ignored them.

所以并不是他们忽视了他们。

They seemed kind of angry.

他们看起来有点生气。

And those were referred to as ambivalent babies.

这些被称为矛盾婴儿。

Not to be confused with A babies.

不要与 A 婴儿混淆。

These are the C babies were the ambivalent babies.

这些是 C 婴儿，是矛盾的婴儿。

So the infant's reaction to the returning caregiver were inconsistent.

因此，婴儿对返回的照顾者的反应并不一致。

It seemed like they wanted to bond with them again, but that they seemed kind of annoyed.

看起来似乎很想和他们重新建立联系，但又显得有些恼火。

I think we've all felt this way before with people that we care very much about, especially people we care very much about.

我想我们以前对我们非常关心的人，尤其是我们非常关心的人都有过这样的感觉。

And then the third category, the D babies were the disorganized babies.

然后是第三类，D类婴儿是杂乱无章的婴儿。

That's what they called them.

他们就是这么称呼他们的。

They weren't disorganized in that they were messy.

它们并不是杂乱无章，而是杂乱无章。

The child avoided interactions with everyone and acted fearful when the caregiver returned, and their behavior didn't really change whether or not the caregiver was there or not.

孩子避免与每个人互动，并且当看护者回来时表现出恐惧，而且无论看护者是否在场，他们的行为都没有真正改变。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

And that fourth category was actually added rather late in the course of this research.

第四类实际上是在本研究过程的后期添加的。

I should mention, these experiments have been repeated with a huge variety of different contexts.

我应该提到，这些实验已经在各种不同的环境下重复进行。

There was work done by Mary Maine at UC Berkeley and many others looking at all sorts of variations on this theme.

加州大学伯克利分校的玛丽·缅因州和其他许多人所做的工作正在研究这个主题的各种变化。

But over time, it made it clear that certain babies are able to feel secure upon re-engaging with their caregiver and others don't, or they're confused about it.

但随着时间的推移，事实清楚地表明，某些婴儿在与照顾者重新接触后能够感到安全，而其他婴儿则不然，或者他们对此感到困惑。

So we probably don't know whether or not you were an A, a B, or a C, D baby unless you were in these experiments and somehow you had that knowledge.

所以我们可能不知道你是 A、B 还是 C、D 婴儿，除非你参与了这些实验并且不知何故你掌握了这些知识。

But this, this classic work, opened up a huge set of important questions that related to what is the reestablishment of the bond really about?

但这部经典著作提出了一系列重要问题，这些问题涉及到重建纽带的真正目的是什么？

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

I mean, what's actually being figured out here is not whether or not there are four categories of babies.

我的意思是，这里真正要弄清楚的不是婴儿是否有四类。

That's interesting.

那很有意思。

But it presumably is more interesting to focus on what is it that defines a really good bond, a secure attachment or an insecure attachment or an avoidant attachment?

但也许更有趣的是，关注什么定义了真正良好的联系，安全依恋或不安全依恋或回避依恋？

And the four things are gaze, literally eye contact — and doesn't have to be direct, beaming eye contact with no blinks, like people accused me of before.

这四件事是凝视，字面意思是目光接触——而且不一定是直接的、微笑的眼神接触，不眨眼，就像人们之前指责我的那样。

It can just be gaze that people look at each other.

人们互相看向的目光可能只是凝视。

You see couples.

你看情侣。

They look at each other.

他们互相看着对方。

They don't always stare each other long periods of time.

他们并不总是长时间地凝视对方。

Sometimes they do.

有时他们会这样做。

Vocalizations, so what we say and how we say it.

发声，即我们说什么以及如何说。

Affect or emotion, so the way that we express crying, smiling, et cetera.

情感或情感，即我们表达哭泣、微笑等的方式。

And touch, those four things.

触摸这四件事。

And you probably could add a fifth dimension once language and written language develops, which is written word, exchange of letters, exchange of text, exchange of things of that sort, emails are another way in which people can bond.

一旦语言和书面语言发展起来，你可能可以添加第五个维度，即书面文字、信件交换、文本交换、此类事物的交换，电子邮件是人们建立联系的另一种方式。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

But gaze, vocalization, affect and touch are really the core of this thing that we call social bonds and emotionality.

但凝视、发声、情感和触摸实际上是我们所谓的社会纽带和情感的核心。

Now that's important.

现在这很重要。

We know, for instance, that there are brain areas like the fusiform face area, which is deep in the brain, that is responsible for the processing of faces.

例如，我们知道，大脑深处有一些像梭状面部区域这样的大脑区域，负责处理面部表情。

Children's recognition of their parents' faces and voices is extremely accurate and strong.

孩子对父母的面孔和声音的识别能力极其准确和强烈。

Likewise, parents' recognition of their child's vocalizations, not just voices, but cries, are remarkable.

同样，父母对孩子发声的认可，不仅仅是声音，还有哭声，都是值得注意的。

If you've ever had the experience of being at a party with somebody who has small children, and you're talking to them and all of a sudden they hear something but you don't.

如果您曾经有过与有小孩的人一起参加聚会的经历，并且您正在与他们交谈，突然他们听到了一些声音，但您却听不到。

It's as if they've got wolf hearing, and all of a sudden they go running into the other room, and indeed the kid is, I don't know, some kid is beating up their kid or their kid's beating up some other kid, or the kid has injured themselves or feels emotionally injured.

就好像他们有狼性听力，突然他们跑进另一个房间，事实上，我不知道那个孩子正在殴打他们的孩子，或者他们的孩子正在殴打其他孩子，或者孩子受伤了自己或感到精神上受伤。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

This perception of voice, there's very good evidence to support the fact that we are tuned to the frequencies of voices and vocalizations of people that we care about.

这种对声音的感知，有很好的证据支持这样一个事实：我们会适应我们关心的人的声音和发声的频率。

It's not just true in rodents and in birds and other mammals.

这不仅适用于啮齿动物、鸟类和其他哺乳动物。

It's definitely true in humans as well.

对于人类来说也是如此。

And babies are very tuned in to the sound of their mother's voice, even yes, while they're in the womb.

婴儿非常喜欢母亲的声音，即使是在子宫里的时候也是如此。

There's this whole world of what's called motherese which is the particular style of speech that mothers, and other caretakers now we know, use with children.

整个世界都被称为“母亲语”，这是母亲和我们现在知道的其他看护者对孩子使用的特殊语言风格。

So those are the core elements, how you look at somebody and how they look at you, what you say, what they say, what they seem to be feeling, and how that makes you feel, smiles, frowns.

所以这些是核心要素，你如何看待某人，他们如何看待你，你说什么，他们说什么，他们似乎有什么感觉，以及这让你感觉如何，微笑，皱眉。

If you know someone really well, you can read inflections in even little subtle things like they don't really believe me, or oh, they're really excited by this, or oh, now I know what they're thinking.

如果你非常了解某人，你甚至可以读出一些微妙的事情的变化，比如他们并不真正相信我，或者哦，他们对此真的很兴奋，或者哦，现在我知道他们在想什么。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

That kind of processing, some people are better at it than others, but everyone's better at doing that with people that we recognize and know.

在这种处理方面，有些人比其他人更擅长，但每个人都更擅长与我们认识和认识的人一起做。

In fact, couples come to know each other exceedingly well, so much so that it can both benefit and injure their relationship to constantly be making these perceptions.

事实上，夫妻之间对彼此的了解非常深入，以至于不断地做出这些看法既可能有益也可能损害他们的关系。

But there's a range.

但有一个范围。

Some people are more tuned into this than others.

有些人比其他人更适应这一点。

And that probably has roots in the sorts of attachments that you form early on.

这可能源于你早期形成的各种依恋。

So Bowlby and colleagues developed these A, B, C, D thing and it has a lot to do with face processing and gaze and vocalizations and touch.

所以 Bowlby 和同事开发了这些 A、B、C、D 的东西，它与面部处理、凝视、发声和触摸有很大关系。

All of those happened on return with the mother, but they weren't parsing those.

所有这些都发生在母亲返回时，但他们没有解析这些。

They weren't looking at them individually.

他们并不是单独看待他们。

So this raises a really interesting question, which is what is it when we feel something?

所以这就提出了一个非常有趣的问题，那就是当我们感受到某种东西时，它是什么？

Is it because of something that happens spontaneously in us?

是因为我们身上自发发生的事情吗？

It's a memory?

是记忆吗？

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Or it's something that we realized we saw on the internet or we got news about somebody?

或者是我们意识到我们在互联网上看到的东西或者我们得到了有关某人的新闻？

Nowadays, people get so much information about the people they know, both the people they like and dislike, by way of viewing online activities.

如今，人们通过查看在线活动获得了大量有关他们认识的人的信息，包括他们喜欢的人和不喜欢的人。

So they're exterocepting, and then it's impacting your internal state.

所以它们是外感受的，然后它会影响你的内部状态。

And it's clear from most all of the theories of emotional health that an ability to recognize when your own internal state is being driven primarily by external events as important for being able to emotionally regulate.

从大多数情绪健康理论中可以清楚地看出，识别自己的内部状态何时主要由外部事件驱动的能力对于情绪调节来说同样重要。

People who are constantly being yanked around by the external happenings in the world, you would say are emotionally labile.

你可能会说，那些不断被世界上的外部事件拉扯的人情绪不稳定。

They are not in control of their emotions.

他们无法控制自己的情绪。

Even if they're calm all the time, if that calmness only arrives because they're in a placid environment and then you put a cracker in that environment and they freak out, well then they're not really calm.

即使他们一直都很平静，但如果这种平静只是因为他们处于平静的环境中而出现，然后你在那个环境中放了一块饼干，他们就会惊慌失措，那么他们就不是真正平静了。

They're calm in so far as there isn't something disturbing in the environment.

只要环境中没有任何令人不安的事情，他们就很平静。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So how much the outside environment disrupts your internal environment has everything to do with this balance of interoception and exteroception.

因此，外部环境对你内部环境的干扰程度与内感受和外感受的平衡密切相关。

And it very likely has roots in whether or not you were secure attached or insecure attached, disorganized or ambivalent as a baby.

它很可能根源于你在婴儿时期是否是安全依恋或不安全依恋、混乱或矛盾。

Now, of course, you can't travel back in time and know.

当然，现在你无法回到过去并了解情况。

But there are some hints as to what kind of emotionality each of us has by examining two periods of development.

但通过考察两个发展时期，我们可以得到一些关于我们每个人的情绪类型的线索。

One is adolescence and puberty, and the other is adulthood.

一个是青春期和青春期，另一个是成年期。

So while we can't travel back in time, there is an exercise that you can do to address, at least in this moment, whether or not you have a bias for exteroception or a bias for interoception, whether or not you are better, at least in this moment, at paying attention to what's going on internally or externally.

因此，虽然我们无法回到过去，但至少在这一刻，你可以做一个练习来解决，无论你是否有外感受或内感受的偏见，无论你至少在此时此刻是否能更好地关注内部或外部发生的事情。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

And of course, this will vary with circumstance.

当然，这会因情况而异。

I think we all know people that, maybe it's you, you go to a party and you get there and everyone seems to be talking and having a really good time.

我想我们都认识这样的人，也许是你，你去参加一个聚会，到达那里，每个人似乎都在聊天，玩得很开心。

And you're wondering whether or not you have any food in your teeth, or whether or not there's something on your face, or whether or not your hair is right, or whether or not you said something the wrong way, whether or not you're turning red.

你想知道你的牙齿里是否有食物，或者你的脸上是否有东西，或者你的头发是否正确，或者你是否说错了话，或者你是否脸红了。

People also experience this a lot with public speaking, and it's not just about learning to clamp your level of stress, it's also about how much you're exterocepting, how much you're out of your head, they call it, but how much you're focused on the events around you versus the events inside you.

人们在公开演讲中也会经历很多这种情况，这不仅仅是关于学会控制压力水平，还在于你的外感受程度，他们所说的你的头脑失常程度，以及你对周围事件和内心事件的关注程度。

Actually, it's interesting when you talk to people who are very effective athletes or they have very high-stress, high-consequence jobs, they talk about this notion of getting out of your head.

事实上，有趣的是，当你与那些非常高效的运动员或从事高压力、高后果工作的人交谈时，他们会谈论摆脱你头脑的想法。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

You only have so much attentional resource and it can be split between two things.

你的注意力资源有限，而且可以分配给两件事。

You'll see that in a moment.

一会儿你就会看到这一点。

It can be anchored to one thing.

它可以锚定在一件事上。

It can be fully focused on what's going on internally, or it can be fully focused on what's going on externally.

它可以完全专注于内部发生的事情，也可以完全专注于外部发生的事情。

And if you want to be "effective" in the world, effective being in quotes, it is useful when in very dynamic environments, especially social environments, to have a lot of your attention focused outward as opposed to trying to pay attention to whether or not you're saying things correctly or the tamper of your own voice.

如果你想在这个世界上“有效”，有效地引用，那么在非常动态的环境中，尤其是社交环境中，将大量注意力集中在外部而不是试图注意你说的话是否正确或你自己的声音是否被篡改是有用的。

That is more or less destructive for the ability to engage socially.

这或多或少会对参与社交的能力造成破坏。

So here's the exercise.

这是练习。

You can do this.

你可以这样做。

Please don't do this if you're driving.

如果您正在开车，请不要这样做。

But let's just try and illustrate, or allow you to experience this interoceptive-exteroceptive balance and the extent to which you can move interoception and exteroception deliberately.

但让我们尝试说明一下，或者让你体验这种内感受-外感受的平衡，以及你可以有意识地移动内感受和外感受的程度。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

If you close your eyes right now and concentrate on the contact of any portion of your body with say, the chair, or your car seat — although please, again, don't do this while you're driving — anywhere that you are, even if you're just standing up or you're in the kitchen, you're lying on the couch, and try to bring as much of your attention to that point of contact as possible.

如果你现在闭上眼睛，专注于你身体的任何部分与椅子或汽车座椅的接触——尽管请再次强调，不要在开车时这样做——无论你在哪里，即使你只是站着，或者你在厨房里，你躺在沙发上，并尝试将尽可能多的注意力集中在那个接触点上。

And then from there, you're going to move your attention even more deeply into, say, the sensation of what's going on in your gut.

然后从那里开始，你将把你的注意力更深入地转移到，比如说，你的肠道里正在发生什么的感觉上。

Are you full?

你吃饱了吗？

Are you empty?

你空着吗？

Are you hungry?

你饿了吗？

Are you not?

你不是吗？

Is your heart beating?

你的心在跳动吗？

At what rate?

以什么速度？

What's the cadence of your breathing?

你的呼吸节奏是多少？

Basically bringing your focus and attention to everything at the surface of your skin and inward.

基本上将您的注意力集中到皮肤表面和内部的一切。

So I'm going to do a rare thing on the Huberman Lab podcast.

所以我要在休伯曼实验室播客上做一件罕见的事情。

I'm going to introduce about five to eight seconds of silence in order to allow you to do that a little bit.

我将引入大约五到八秒的沉默，以便让您能够做到这一点。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Okay.

好的。

Now, this is an exercise that you can continue afterward if you want to extend how long you do this.

现在，如果您想延长这样做的时间，您可以在之后继续这个练习。

But now try and do something that for most people actually is a little bit harder, which is to purely exterocept.

但现在尝试做一些对大多数人来说实际上有点困难的事情，那就是纯粹的外感受。

Put your eyes or your ears or both on anything in your immediate space, one thing.

将你的眼睛或耳朵或两者都放在你眼前空间中的任何东西上，一件事。

And I would restrict that thing to something small enough that at least in your field of view, it would occupy 20% of your field of view.

我会把那个东西限制在足够小的范围内，至少在你的视野中，它会占据你视野的 20%。

So it doesn't have to be a pinpoint unless the pin is right in front of you and you're holding it real close.

因此，它不一定是一个精确的点，除非该图钉就在您的面前并且您非常靠近地握住它。

I would say look across the room.

我会说看看房间的另一边。

Pick a panel on the wall or a leg of a table or something and try and bring as much of your attention to that as possible.

选择墙上的一块面板或桌腿或其他东西，并尝试尽可能多地集中注意力。

And again, I'll take about five seconds of silence to allow you to exterocept.

再说一遍，我将沉默大约五秒钟，让您进行外部感受。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Okay.

好的。

So what you probably found is that you were able to do that, but that some degree of interoception is maintained.

所以你可能发现你能够做到这一点，但保持了某种程度的内感受。

It's hard to place a hundred percent of your attention on something externally unless it's really exciting, really novel.

很难将你百分百的注意力放在外部事物上，除非它真的很令人兴奋，真的很新奇。

If you've ever watched a really great movie, presumably you're exterocepting more than you're interocepting until something exciting happens, and then you feel something.

如果你曾经看过一部非常精彩的电影，那么你的外感受可能比内感受更多，直到发生令人兴奋的事情，然后你就会感觉到一些东西。

You're actually tethering your emotional experience to something external.

实际上，您将自己的情感体验与外部事物联系在一起。

And now you can also do this dynamically.

现在您也可以动态地执行此操作。

You can decide to focus internally and then externally.

您可以决定先关注内部，然后再关注外部。

You can decide to split it 50%/50% or 70/30.

您可以决定将其分割为 50%/50% 或 70/30。

One can develop, you can develop a heightened ability to do this.

一个人可以发展，你可以发展一种更高的能力来做到这一点。

And the power of doing that is actually that when you are in environments where you feel like you're focused too much internally and you'd like to be focused more externally, you can actually do that deliberately.

这样做的力量实际上在于，当你感觉自己过于专注于内部并且你想更加关注外部的环境时，你实际上可以故意这样做。

But as you notice, it takes work.

但正如您所注意到的，这需要付出努力。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

It involves taking your attentional spotlight, in what we call the aperture of your attention, and narrowing that aperture to either the self or something externally or splitting the two.

它涉及将你的注意力集中在我们所说的注意力光圈上，并将该光圈缩小到自我或外部事物，或者将两者分开。

And yet there are practices that have been developed that center on moving interoception and exteroception from one being more heavily weighted than the other, more focused outward or more focused inward.

然而，已经开发出一些实践，其重点是将内感受和外感受从一个比另一个更重要、更向外或更集中的方向转移。

And it's dynamic.

而且它是动态的。

And the circuits in the brain that underlie intero and exteroception aren't exactly known, but they are anchored in the areas of the brain that are involved in attention like the frontal eye fields, and areas that when you third-person yourself, when you can see yourself doing something, like if you put your hand out in your environment and you focus on your hand, you know that that's your hand as opposed to some random object.

大脑中内感受和外感受背后的回路尚不完全清楚，但它们锚定在大脑中涉及注意力的区域，例如额眼区域，以及当你以第三人称视角观察自己在做某事时，例如，如果你将手伸到周围的环境中，然后你将注意力集中在你的手上，你就知道那是你的手，而不是某个随机物体。

There are areas of the brain that are involved in that and recognizing location of self relative to the rest of your body.

大脑的某些区域参与其中并识别自我相对于身体其他部分的位置。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

These exercises are really what are at the core of these development of emotional bonds.

这些练习确实是情感纽带发展的核心。

Because as we mentioned before, these four things, the gaze, vocalization, touch and affect, those are happening very dynamically.

因为正如我们之前提到的，凝视、发声、触摸和情感这四件事是动态发生的。

So if somebody winks at you, you're paying attention to their wink, but then you also notice how you feel.

因此，如果有人对你眨眼，你会注意到他们的眨眼，但你也会注意到自己的感受。

Then they might say something.

然后他们可能会说些什么。

Then you might say something.

那么你可能会说些什么。

This is very dynamic.

这是非常动态的。

So if it seems overwhelming to try and interocept and exterocept and then shift the balance, you do that all the time.

因此，如果尝试内感受和外感受然后改变平衡似乎势不可挡，那么你就一直这样做。

Your brain and nervous system are fantastic at doing this.

你的大脑和神经系统非常擅长做到这一点。

Now, some people have a very hard time breaking out of a very strongly interoceptive mode.

现在，有些人很难摆脱非常强烈的内感受模式。

Some people have a harder time breaking out of their exteroceptive mode.

有些人很难摆脱外感受模式。

It's very interesting to note the extent to which we have biases in how interoceptive or exteroceptive we are.

有趣的是，我们对内感受或外感受的程度存在偏见。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Remember those three axes that we talked about earlier?

还记得我们之前谈到的那三个轴吗？

You have valence, good or bad.

你有价态，无论是好还是坏。

You have alertness, alert or calm.

你有警觉、警觉或冷静。

And you have interoceptive or exteroceptive bias.

而且你有内感受或外感受偏差。

And it's going to differ across the day.

而且一天中的情况都会有所不同。

It's going to differ across the lifetime.

一生中都会有所不同。

It's certainly going to differ according to whatever it is that you're engaged in.

根据您从事的工作，它肯定会有所不同。

But early in development, you start off with this interoceptive bias.

但在发展的早期，你就从这种内感受偏见开始。

You are starting to develop expectations, predictions about how the outside world is going to work.

你开始对外部世界将如何运作产生期望和预测。

And you are trying to figure out the reliability of outside events in people.

你正试图找出人们外部事件的可靠性。

And where things are reliable, when people are reliable, we are able to give up more of our interoception.

当事情可靠时，当人们可靠时，我们就能够放弃更多的内感受。

There's literally trust that our interoceptive needs, our internal needs will be met through bonds and actions of others.

从字面上看，我们相信我们的内感受需求、我们的内部需求将通过他人的联系和行动得到满足。

And this starts to veer toward the discussion about neglect and trauma.

这开始转向关于忽视和创伤的讨论。

We are going to devote entire episodes, probably an entire month, to trauma and PTSD, but those have roots in what we're talking about now, and it's important to internalize and understand what we're talking about now in order to get the most out of those future conversations.

我们将用整集，可能是整整一个月的时间来讨论创伤和创伤后应激障碍，但这些都根源于我们现在正在谈论的内容，重要的是内化和理解我们现在正在谈论的内容，以便从未来的对话中获得最大收益。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So if all of this seems like a lot of information and very complicated, I just invite you to pay attention from time to time how much you happen to be interocepting or exterocepting.

因此，如果所有这些看起来信息很多并且非常复杂，我只是邀请您时不时地注意一下您碰巧有多少内感受或外感受。

Because emotions and the intensity of those emotions will grow or shrink depending on how much we're interocepting.

因为情绪和这些情绪的强度会根据我们内感受的程度而增强或减弱。

If we are feeling extremely sad and there is an outside event that made us sad, chances are there's going to be a balance.

如果我们感到非常悲伤，并且有一件外部事件让我们感到悲伤，那么很可能会出现平衡。

But that the extreme grief, the extreme sadness, is going to lead us to mostly interocept.

但极度的悲伤、极度的悲伤将导致我们大多进行内感。

Whereas when we're feeling extremely happy, the same is true.

而当我们感到非常快乐时，情况也是如此。

Something great happens in the world and we're just going to feel it.

世界上会发生一些伟大的事情，我们只会感受到它。

Most of our perception, most of our awareness is going to be on an internal state.

我们的大部分感知、大部分意识都处于内部状态。

So we are always tethered to the outside world to some degree or another.

因此，我们总是在某种程度上与外部世界联系在一起。

That was true when you were an infant, and it was true when you were an adolescent, and it's true as an adult.

当你是婴儿时是这样，当你是青少年时是这样，当你成年时也是这样。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So now I want to just pause, just shelve the discussion about interoception and exteroception for a moment.

所以现在我想暂停一下，暂时搁置有关内感受和外感受的讨论。

And I want to talk about what is arguably the second most, if not equally important, aspect of your development as it relates to emotionality and as it relates to this, what I call trust, but this ability to predict whether or not things in the outside world are reliable or not reliable in terms of their ability to help you meet your interoceptive needs.

我想谈谈你的发展中可以说是第二重要的方面，如果不是同样重要的话，因为它与情感相关，并且与此相关，我称之为信任，但这种能力可以预测外部世界的事物在帮助你满足内感受需求的能力方面是否可靠。

And that period is puberty.

而那个时期就是青春期。

So up until now, we've been talking mainly about psychology, not a lot of biology, not a lot of mechanism, and now we're going to transition into talking about mechanism, hormones, receptors, et cetera.

所以到目前为止，我们主要讨论的是心理学，而不是很多生物学，不是很多机制，现在我们将转向谈论机制、激素、受体等等。

Puberty is an absolute biological event.

青春期是一个绝对的生物学事件。

It has a beginning and it has a specific definition, which is the transition into reproductive maturity.

它有一个开始，也有一个具体的定义，那就是向生殖成熟的过渡。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So there are a lot of hormonal changes.

所以有很多荷尔蒙的变化。

Yes, there are also a lot of brain changes, and most people don't realize it, but the brain changes occur first.

是的，大脑也有很多变化，大多数人都没有意识到，但大脑的变化是最先发生的。

The brain turns on the hormone systems that allow puberty to occur.

大脑开启激素系统，让青春期发生。

Puberty is occurring earlier nowadays than it did in the past.

如今，青春期比过去发生得更早。

The current numbers that I was able to find is that in females and girls, the transition is starting around age 10, whereas in boys, it's about age 12.

目前我能找到的数据是，对于女性和女孩来说，这一转变是在 10 岁左右开始的，而对于男孩来说，这一转变大约是在 12 岁左右。

That's going to differ by way of a number of different factors.

这会因许多不同因素而有所不同。

Those are averages.

这些是平均值。

So depends on where you are in the world, depends on all sorts of things.

所以取决于你在世界的哪个地方，取决于各种各样的事情。

One of the primary triggers for puberty is actually body fat.

青春期的主要触发因素之一实际上是身体脂肪。

This is interesting.

这很有趣。

The peptide hormone leptin, some people call it a peptide, some people call it a hormone, but it meets both definitions depending on how you look at it, is made by fat.

肽类激素瘦素，有人称之为肽，有人称之为激素，但它符合这两个定义，具体取决于你如何看待它，它是由脂肪制成的。

So leptin had a lot of popularity in the nineties because it was discovered as being produced by fat, and it was seen in animal studies that it could promote leanness.

所以瘦素在九十年代很受欢迎，因为它被发现是由脂肪产生的，并且在动物研究中发现它可以促进瘦身。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

It actually communicates to the brain that there's enough body fat in order to allow the metabolic factors and processes to occur to liberate more fat.

它实际上向大脑传达有足够的身体脂肪，以便允许代谢因素和过程发生以释放更多的脂肪。

This is why people have trouble losing that last five pounds.

这就是为什么人们很难减掉最后五磅。

It's because leptin levels are very low.

这是因为瘦素水平非常低。

This was actually the basis for the whole cheat day, refeed thing, that the idea was if you eat a lot for one day a week while dieting hard, that you can signal to the brain that there's enough leptin.

这实际上是整个作弊日、重新喂食的基础，这个想法是，如果你每周有一天吃很多东西，同时努力节食，你可以向大脑发出信号，表明有足够的瘦素。

I don't know if that's the reason or whether or not the cheat days just provided some psychological relief, probably both.

我不知道这是否是原因，或者作弊日是否只是提供了一些心理缓解，可能两者兼而有之。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

But in any case, leptin is made by body fat, and when there's enough leptin, it signals the brain to trigger puberty.

但无论如何，瘦素是由身体脂肪产生的，当有足够的瘦素时，它会向大脑发出信号，触发青春期。

There was a paper published in the midnineties in the journal Science, excellent journal, showing that leptin could be injected into younger females that would not have yet gone into puberty, and you could accelerate the onset of puberty with leptin.

九十年代中期《科学》杂志上发表了一篇优秀期刊的论文，表明可以将瘦素注射到尚未进入青春期的年轻女性体内，用瘦素可以加速青春期的到来。

So the more body fat, the earlier puberty.

所以体内脂肪越多，青春期越早。

That's true.

这是真的。

Leptin is also involved in various growth effects in the body generally.

瘦素通常还参与体内的各种生长作用。

And it's interesting.

这很有趣。

Very obese children don't necessarily undergo puberty earlier.

非常肥胖的儿童不一定会提前进入青春期。

Sometimes they do, but they do tend to be larger boned.

有时它们会这样做，但它们的骨骼往往更大。

Their bones actually grow more quickly and they tend to have higher bone density because leptin is also involved in bone density.

他们的骨骼实际上生长得更快，而且骨密度往往更高，因为瘦素也与骨密度有关。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

The whole issue of onset of puberty also has some really interesting social effects.

青春期开始的整个问题也会产生一些非常有趣的社会影响。

And I want to really highlight that most of these effects are so-called pheromone effects.

我想真正强调的是，这些效应中的大多数都是所谓的信息素效应。

Remember, a hormone is a substance secreted from one area of the body, travels and impacts tissues and cells elsewhere in the body.

请记住，激素是一种从身体某个部位分泌的物质，它会传播并影响身体其他部位的组织和细胞。

A pheromone is a chemical that's released by one member of a species that goes and acts on and impacts other members of that species, or even other species.

信息素是一种由物种的一个成员释放的化学物质，它会作用于该物种的其他成员，甚至其他物种，并对其产生影响。

So for instance, rodents are very good at detecting the urine and the scent markings of large carnivores that want to eat them.

例如，啮齿动物非常擅长检测尿液和想要吃它们的大型食肉动物的气味标记。

So that's a pheromonal interaction.

这就是信息素相互作用。

Whether or not there are pheromonal effects in humans is very debated.

人类是否存在信息素效应存在很大争议。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

I did a post on this on Instagram a little while ago about some pheromone effects that were reported in humans, and I had a couple people come at me saying look, it's never really been shown in humans that there's a pheromonal, what's called the vomeronasal organ.

不久前，我在 Instagram 上发表了一篇关于人类报告的一些信息素效应的帖子，有几个人来找我说，看，人类从未真正证明过有一种信息素，即所谓的犁鼻器。

There's something called Jacobson's organ.

有一种东西叫雅各布森风琴。

It's rudimentary.

这是初级的。

Some people have it.

有些人有它。

Some people don't.

有些人则不然。

Very controversial.

很有争议。

So I want to point out that human pheromone effects are controversial, although I think there's, in my opinion, there's ample evidence for them.

所以我想指出，人类信息素的影响是有争议的，尽管我认为有足够的证据证明它们。

Synchronization of menstrual cycles for, many people report, then people say there's some studies that show that it's not true.

许多人报告说月经周期同步，然后人们说有一些研究表明这不是真的。

Then there have been some data showing very impressive pheromonal effects of female partners being able to detect the odor of their significant others on t-shirts that were washed several times.

还有一些数据显示，女性伴侣的信息素效应令人印象深刻，能够在洗过几次的 T 恤上检测到她们另一半的气味。

So they can't consciously perceive it, but they say, "This one smells like them.

所以他们无法有意识地感知到它，但他们说：“这个闻起来像他们。

This one smells like my partner." And indeed, the match was way above chance.

这个闻起来像我的搭档。”事实上，这场比赛远远超出了偶然性。

So there does seem to be weak pheromone effects, at least in my opinion when I look at the data, but much more needs to be done.

因此，信息素效应似乎确实很弱，至少在我查看数据时认为如此，但还需要做更多的工作。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So one of the more interesting pheromone effects that impacts puberty, at least in animal models, is the so-called Vandenbergh effect, which is if you take a prepubertal female, so a female that has not undergone sexual maturation, and you introduce a novel male that is not the father or a brother, not a sibling, she will undergo puberty almost immediately.

因此，至少在动物模型中，影响青春期的更有趣的信息素效应之一是所谓的范登堡效应，即如果你选择一个青春期前的女性，即尚未经历性成熟的女性，然后引入一个不是父亲或兄弟或兄弟姐妹的新男性，她几乎会立即进入青春期。

So this is really striking.

所以这真的很引人注目。

For years, this was thought not to occur in primate species, but there was a paper published last year in Current Biology Cell Press Journal, excellent journal, showing that mandrills, a particular type of primate, they exhibit this Vandenbergh effect.

多年来，这种现象被认为不会发生在灵长类动物身上，但去年《当代生物学细胞出版社杂志》（Current Biology Cell Press Journal）这本优秀期刊上发表了一篇论文，表明山魈（一种特殊类型的灵长类动物）表现出这种范登堡效应。

There are also all sorts of other pheromone effects: the most infamous one is called the Bruce effect, where the introduction of a novel male to a pregnant female animal causes spontaneous miscarriage.

还有各种其他信息素效应：最臭名昭著的一种被称为布鲁斯效应，其中将新的雄性引入怀孕的雌性动物会导致自然流产。

That effect seems to be protected against by the presence of the father.

父亲的存在似乎可以防止这种影响。

So another interpretation of this, and I want to really highlight that these are animal studies, but the way this works is that if a pregnant female is in the company of the male that impregnated her, then her young are protected by his scent presence or his pheromone presence.

因此，对此的另一种解释，我想真正强调的是，这些都是动物研究，但其工作原理是，如果怀孕的雌性与使她怀孕的雄性在一起，那么她的孩子会受到他的气味或信息素的存在的保护。

But if he's gone and a novel male shows up, there's a tendency for her to spontaneously miscarry and essentially for the fetus to be lost.

但如果他走了，一个新的男性出现，她就有可能自然流产，基本上胎儿就会丢失。

Now, whether or not this occurs in humans is still very controversial, but nonetheless, these pheromone effects exist.

现在，这种情况是否发生在人类身上仍然存在很大争议，但尽管如此，这些信息素效应是存在的。

That one is called the Bruce effect named after Hilda Bruce, who is the scientist that discovered it.

这种效应被称为布鲁斯效应，以发现该效应的科学家希尔达·布鲁斯 (Hilda Bruce) 的名字命名。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

The one that's relevant to the puberty discussion is the Vandenbergh effect, which I mentioned a few minutes ago, which is a novel male showing up.

与青春期讨论相关的是范登堡效应，我几分钟前提到过，这是一个新奇的男性出现。

It has to be a sexually competent male, so he has to have already passed through puberty, and his presence triggers activation of puberty in a female that otherwise would've remained prepubertal for longer.

它必须是一个有性能力的男性，所以他必须已经度过了青春期，而他的存在会触发女性青春期的激活，否则女性的青春期前会保持更长时间。

Again, whether or not this happens in humans, unclear.

同样，这种情况是否发生在人类身上还不清楚。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Well, what can we be sure about when we think about puberty?

那么，当我们思考青春期时，我们可以确定什么？

Puberty is triggered by a number of different factors that are changes in GABA expression in the brain and inhibitory transmitter.

青春期是由许多不同的因素触发的，其中包括大脑中 GABA 表达的变化和抑制性递质。

One of the more interesting molecules that triggers puberty in all individuals is something called Kisspeptin.

Kisspeptin 是触发所有个体青春期的更有趣的分子之一。

Kisspeptin is made by the brain and it stimulates large amounts of a different hormone called GNRH, gonadotropin-releasing hormone, to be released.

Kisspeptin 由大脑产生，它会刺激大量不同的激素（称为 GNRH）释放，即促性腺激素释放激素。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Gonadotropin-releasing hormone then causes the release of another hormone, something called luteinizing hormone, or LH, which travels in the bloodstream and stimulates the ovaries of females to produce estrogen and the testes of males to produce testosterone.

然后，促性腺激素释放激素会导致另一种激素的释放，即黄体生成素（LH），它在血液中传播，刺激女性卵巢产生雌激素，刺激男性睾丸产生睾酮。

Kisspeptin has other effects as well, but those are some of the main ones as they relate to puberty.

Kisspeptin 还具有其他作用，但这些是与青春期相关的一些主要作用。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Now, this is interesting because at this point the testes in males start churning out tons of testosterone in order to trigger the development of secondary sexual characteristics — body hair and all the others, deepening of voice, et cetera.

现在，这很有趣，因为此时男性的睾丸开始产生大量睾酮，以引发第二性征的发育——体毛和所有其他特征、声音的低沉等等。

In females, estrogen is doing various other things, breast development, et cetera.

对于女性来说，雌激素还有其他多种作用，比如乳房发育等等。

Normally in an adult, somebody who is past puberty, a big increase in gonadotropin-releasing hormone and luteinizing hormone would eventually be shut down because the way that the brain works, the hypothalamus and the pituitary, are actually measuring how much hormone is in the blood, and if testosterone or estrogen or any other hormone goes too high, they shut down the release of things like luteinizing hormone.

通常情况下，对于一个过了青春期的成年人来说，促性腺激素释放激素和黄体生成激素的大量增加最终会被关闭，因为大脑的工作方式，下丘脑和垂体，实际上是在测量血液中激素的含量，如果睾酮或雌激素或任何其他激素过高，它们就会关闭黄体生成激素等物质的释放。

It's called a negative feedback loop.

这称为负反馈循环。

It basically is like a thermostat in the house.

它基本上就像房子里的恒温器。

It's more complicated than that, but once levels get too high in the bloodstream, it shuts down.

情况比这更复杂，但一旦血液中的水平过高，它就会关闭。

But Kisspeptin is able to drive very high levels of these hormones in an ongoing way so that puberty can commence and can continue.

但 Kisspeptin 能够持续提高这些激素的水平，以便青春期能够开始并持续。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Incidentally, Kisspeptin has now become yet another of the panoply of hormones and peptides and cocktails that athletes take in order to try and stimulate natural hormone production, essentially to create their own performance-enhancing drugs endogenously.

顺便说一句，Kisspeptin 现在已成为运动员服用的激素、肽和鸡尾酒的又一种，目的是尝试刺激天然激素的产生，本质上是为了内源性地创造自己的成绩增强药物。

No judgment there, but that's a fact.

没有判断力，但这是事实。

There's a lot of Kisspeptin use.

Kisspeptin 的使用量很大。

I'm not truly not suggesting anyone do this, but people are buying and injecting Kisspeptin for the specific reason that even past puberty can stimulate the large increases in things like estrogen, large increases in testosterone and things of that sort.

我并不是真的不建议任何人这样做，但人们购买和注射 Kisspeptin 的具体原因是，即使过了青春期也能刺激雌激素、睾酮等物质的大量增加。

It has a number of psychological effects too; seems to have big effects on libido, etc. All these things, of course, are subject to feedback loops, so they don't work indefinitely.

它也有许多心理影响；似乎对性欲等有很大影响。当然，所有这些东西都受到反馈循环的影响，因此它们不会无限期地发挥作用。

I'm going to highlight, again, I'm not suggesting anyone do it but I do like to pay attention to what's out there, and Kisspeptin because it wasn't discovered that long ago is one of the things that you don't often hear about when people talk about performance-enhancing drugs or therapeutic endocrinology.

我要再次强调，我并不是建议任何人这样做，但我确实喜欢关注现有的东西，而 Kisspeptin 是因为很久以前才被发现，这是当人们谈论性能增强药物或治疗内分泌学时你不经常听到的事情之一。

These things also have therapeutic uses in the endocrine setting.

这些东西在内分泌环境中也有治疗用途。

So for instance, kids that don't undergo puberty or kids that are hypogonadal or adults that are hypogonadal, they're not making enough hormone, will take things like Kisspeptin.

例如，未进入青春期的孩子或性腺机能减退的孩子或性腺机能减退的成年人，他们没有产生足够的激素，会服用 Kisspeptin 等药物。

among other things.

除其他事项外。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So that's how puberty happens at the biological level, it gets triggered by leptin and Kisspeptin.

这就是青春期在生物水平上发生的方式，它是由瘦素和 Kisspeptin 触发的。

Then this young child is now a different creature to some extent, not just because they're reproductively competent, of course, but because there's a shift in a number of the things that underlie these social bonds.

那么这个年幼的孩子现在在某种程度上是一个不同的生物，当然不仅仅是因为他们有生殖能力，而且因为这些社会纽带背后的许多事情发生了变化。

There's a marked shift in a number of the things that allow children and adults to engage in predictive behavior about each other.

在许多事情上发生了显着的转变，使得儿童和成人能够对彼此进行预测行为。

The whole nature of adolescence and puberty is to take a child that was a generalist and to make them a specialist.

青春期和青春期的本质就是把一个通才的孩子变成一个专家。

This is very important as it relates to the conversation about emotionality, but it's important in terms of all aspects of brain function and in terms of learning and in terms of who each and every one of us will and has become.

这一点非常重要，因为它涉及到关于情绪的对话，但它对于大脑功能的各个方面、学习以及我们每个人将要成为的人和已经成为的人来说都很重要。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

In adolescence and in childhood, sure, there are some genetic biases.

当然，在青春期和儿童期，存在一些遗传偏差。

Hair color, eye color, height and things like that.

头发颜色、眼睛颜色、身高等等。

A lot of that's programmed into the genome.

其中很多都被编程到基因组中。

There are other genetic biases too, of course, that we inherit.

当然，我们还继承了其他遗传偏见。

But it's in adolescence and puberty that we go from essentially being somewhat good at a bunch of things or somewhat poor at a bunch of things to becoming very good at a few things and very poor at a lot of other things.

但正是在青春期和青春期，我们从本质上在很多事情上有些擅长或在很多事情上有些较差，转变为在某些事情上非常擅长而在其他很多事情上很差。

That's because of the relationship to puberty and neuroplasticity.

这是因为与青春期和神经可塑性的关系。

This ability to change the brain in response to experience is starting to taper off such that by our early twenties it's harder to achieve.

这种改变大脑对经验做出反应的能力开始逐渐减弱，到了二十出头就更难实现。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Now the transition from generalist to specialist is one aspect of adolescence and puberty, but the other is the formation of social and emotional bonds.

现在，从通才到专才的转变是青春期和青春期的一个方面，但另一个方面是社会和情感纽带的形成。

Most of what consumes the minds and waking hours of adolescence and children who have gone through puberty, and going through puberty, is questions about how they relate to social structures, who they can rely on, and how they can make reliable predictions in the world, now that they have more agency, that they are physically changed.

青春期和已经经历青春期的孩子们的思想和醒着的大部分时间都在思考他们如何与社会结构建立联系，他们可以依赖谁，以及他们如何能够对世界做出可靠的预测，因为他们有了更多的代理权，他们的身体发生了变化。

In fact, you could argue that puberty is the fastest rate of maturation that you'll go through at any point in your life.

事实上，你可能会说青春期是你一生中任何时候都会经历的最快的成熟速度。

It's the largest change that you'll go through at any point in your life in terms of who you are because your biology is fundamentally changed at the level of your brain and your bodily organs, all your organs from the skin inward.

这是你一生中任何时候都会经历的关于你是谁的最大变化，因为你的生物学在你的大脑和你的身体器官层面上发生了根本性的改变，从皮肤向内的所有器官。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So I want to visit a little bit of the research about some of the core needs that occur during puberty in adolescence, not just for parents or for the people that might be in puberty in adolescence, but also so that people can reflect on which of these sort of boxes were checked off for them as they approached emotional maturity.

因此，我想访问一些有关青春期青春期期间发生的一些核心需求的研究，不仅是针对父母或可能处于青春期的人，而且也是为了让人们能够反思，当他们接近情感成熟时，他们会勾选哪些类型的方框。

So there's a terrific review article that was published in the journal Nature, which is if not the premier then certainly among the top three premier journals in the field of science, about the biology of adolescence and puberty, as well as some of the core needs and demands that have to be met for successful emotional maturation during that time.

因此，《自然》杂志上发表了一篇很棒的评论文章，该杂志即使不是首屈一指的，也肯定是科学领域前三名的顶级期刊，内容涉及青春期和青春期的生物学，以及在此期间情感成功成熟所必须满足的一些核心需求和要求。

We will provide a link to that, but I just want to highlight a few of the things that they place in the final table.

我们将提供一个链接，但我只想强调他们在决赛桌中放置的一些内容。

I don't want to go through all the results right now because you could do that on your own, if you like.

我现在不想查看所有结果，因为如果您愿意，您可以自己完成。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

They mainly highlight a lot of the changes in neurons and neural circuits.

它们主要强调了神经元和神经回路的许多变化。

For instance, I'll just highlight one: there's a connection between the dopamine centers in the brain and an area of the brain that's involved in emotion and dispersal.

例如，我只想强调一个：大脑中的多巴胺中心​​与大脑中涉及情绪和扩散的区域之间存在联系。

Dispersal is very interesting.

分散是非常有趣的。

What you observe in animals and humans is that around the end of adolescence and during the transition to puberty, both because of changes in the brain and changes in hormones, there's an intense desire on the part of the child to get further and further away from primary caregivers.

你在动物和人类身上观察到的是，在青春期末期和青春期过渡期间，由于大脑的变化和激素的变化，孩子强烈渴望远离主要照顾者。

Not permanently; they always return.

不是永久的；他们总会回来。

Similar to a child that walks off and then looks back and sees if everything's safe and then continues on, during adolescence and puberty, both in animals and in kids, it almost seems like there's a bias for action and the action is always in the direction away from the primary caregiver.

类似于一个孩子走开，然后回头看看一切是否安全，然后继续前进，在青春期和青春期，无论是动物还是儿童，似乎都存在行动偏见，而且行动总是远离主要照顾者的方向。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Now, as soon as I say that, I can just imagine in my mind that somebody out there is saying, "Well, no my kid, as soon as they hit puberty, they just want to stay home with us all the time." That's not typical.

现在，一旦我这么说，我就能在脑海中想象有人在说：“好吧，不，我的孩子，一旦他们进入青春期，他们就想一直呆在家里和我们在一起。”这不典型。

It happens, but it's not typical.

它发生了，但并不典型。

Mostly there's a desire to start spending more time with friends, more time with peers, and less time with adults.

大多数情况下，人们希望开始花更多的时间与朋友在一起，更多的时间与同龄人在一起，更少的时间与成年人在一起。

I find it extremely interesting to note that that's not just true in humans; that's true in other primate species, that's true in rodents, that's true in almost every other mammalian species.

我发现非常有趣的是，这不仅适用于人类，而且适用于人类。对于其他灵长类动物来说是这样，对于啮齿类动物来说也是如此，对于几乎所有其他哺乳动物物种来说也是如此。

So there's something about these hormones that don't just allow sexual reproduction, they don't just change the brain and bodily organs and the shape of us, they also bias us towards dispersal, getting further and further away from primary caregivers in particular.

因此，这些激素不仅允许有性生殖，它们不仅改变大脑、身体器官和我们的形状，它们还会使我们偏向分散，特别是与主要照顾者越来越远。

So parents of teenagers or future teenagers, it is not just normal, it is baked in to the biology of humans to disperse around adolescence and in the teen years.

因此，对于青少年或未来青少年的父母来说，这不仅仅是正常的，它已经融入到人类的生物学中，在青春期和青少年时期传播。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So again, I just want to highlight a few of these, what were listed as intervention strategies to promote healthy adolescence and puberty.

再次强调，我只想强调其中的一些，即被列为促进健康青春期和青春期的干预策略。

It's very interesting because the entire article; I should mention who wrote this article, apologies.

这很有趣，因为整篇文章；我应该提到这篇文章的作者，抱歉。

One of them is a friend of mine.

其中之一是我的朋友。

So the first author is Ronald Dahl, not the children's book author, I'm assuming.

所以我猜第一作者是罗纳德·达尔，而不是儿童读物作者。

From the School of Public Health at University of California Berkeley, and Nicholas Allen, Linda Wilbrecht and Ahna Ballonoff Suleiman.

来自加州大学伯克利分校公共卫生学院的 Nicholas Allen、Linda Wilbrecht 和 Ahna Ballonoff Suleiman。

Forgive me for the pronunciation the last one.

请原谅我最后一个的发音。

I know Dr. Wilbrecht quite well.

我很了解威尔布雷希特博士。

She's done the work on dispersal and is quite well known for that work.

她完成了驱散方面的工作，并因此而闻名。

It's a very extensive review, but I think you'll find it accessible.

这是一篇非常广泛的评论，但我想你会发现它很容易理解。

A lot of changes in thickness of the brain at different stages, et cetera.

大脑厚度在不同阶段有很多变化等等。

But I think most people will be interested in what that translates to in the real world.

但我认为大多数人都会对其在现实世界中的转化感兴趣。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

What's interesting is during puberty, there's increased connection, connectivity as we call it, between the prefrontal cortex — which is involved in motivation and decision-making, being able to suppress action, for making long-term goals possible — as well as dopamine centers and the amygdala.

有趣的是，在青春期，前额皮质（参与动机和决策，能够抑制行动，使长期目标成为可能）与多巴胺中心和杏仁核之间的联系（我们所说的连通性）增强。

So there's this really broad integration and testing, I think this is the key element here, testing of circuits for emotions and reward as they relate to decisions.

因此，这是真正广泛的集成和测试，我认为这是这里的关键要素，测试与决策相关的情绪和奖励回路。

I think that's useful because when you look at the behavior of adolescents and teens, they are testing social interactions, they are testing physical interactions with the world.

我认为这很有用，因为当你观察青少年的行为时，他们正在测试社交互动，他们正在测试与世界的身体互动。

Oftentimes they're engaging in unsafe behavior, and I would never try and justify that with the underlying neurology, but the neuroscience points to increased connectivity between areas of the brain that are related to emotionality and to threat detection, like the amygdala, but also reward.

他们常常会做出不安全的行为，我永远不会尝试用潜在的神经学来证明这一点，但神经科学指出，大脑中与情绪和威胁检测相关的区域（如杏仁核）之间的连接性增强，但也与奖励有关。

So it's a time of testing behaviorally how different behaviors lead to success or not.

因此，这是一个从行为上测试不同行为如何导致成功的时期。

It's how different behaviors lead to fear states or not.

这就是不同的行为是否会导致恐惧状态的原因。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Now of course you could say that of any stage of development, but it seems like puberty is a very, very heightened stage in which testing of contingencies, good or bad, is taking place.

当然，你可以说任何发展阶段都是如此，但青春期似乎是一个非常非常高度的阶段，在这个阶段中，正在对意外事件（无论好坏）进行测试。

Of course this is happening, it's operating in a body that's now more capable than the infant.

当然，这种情况正在发生，它在一个比婴儿更有能力的身体中运作。

So an infant can damage themselves through error, but it's harder for them to damage themselves through deliberate planning.

因此，婴儿可能会因错误而伤害自己，但他们更难通过深思熟虑的计划来伤害自己。

That's why it's important, of course, to lock up all the medications in the house, make sure infants can't get to them, but it's not likely that the infant is going to devise an extremely diabolical plan to get into the cabinet to get a certain substance, whereas a teenager might.

当然，这就是为什么将所有药物锁在屋子里，确保婴儿拿不到它们很重要，但婴儿不太可能想出一个极其邪恶的计划来进入柜子获取某种物质，而青少年可能会。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So you can start to map the neurology onto some of this emotional exploration.

所以你可以开始将神经学映射到一些这种情感探索上。

I do realize that this episode is about emotions.

我确实意识到这一集是关于情感的。

Puberty is a time in which the internal state of the person or the animal is being sampled and tested against different exteroceptive events, only now they are able to guide those events with more agency.

青春期是一个人或动物的内部状态被采样并针对不同的外感受事件进行测试的时期，直到现在他们才能够以更多的代理来指导这些事件。

It's no longer just about whether or not the caregiver is bringing you milk or bringing you food.

这不再只是看护者是否给您带来牛奶或食物的问题。

Now of course, the parents will all say, "Yeah, but I'm paying for everything that they're doing.

当然，现在父母们都会说：“是的，但我正在为他们所做的一切付出代价。

I'm paying for the car and I'm paying for the food." True.

我付车费，我付饭钱。”真的。

But the biology doesn't care about the source.

但生物学并不关心来源。

The child or the adolescent is now able, the teen really, is able to now sample many, many more exteroceptive events through behavior.

儿童或青少年现在能够，实际上，青少年现在能够通过行为体验到更多、更多的外感受事件。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So some of these recommendations are interesting.

所以其中一些建议很有趣。

The theory is that one of the motivations is to learn to mitigate the risk of famine and malnutrition.

该理论认为，动机之一是学习减轻饥荒和营养不良的风险。

As teenagers get older, they start questioning whether or not their parents are everything they thought they were, whether or not they're the greatest thing that ever was or the worst thing that ever was, perhaps, including whether or not they will be able to provide them resources.

随着青少年年龄的增长，他们开始质疑他们的父母是否和他们想象的一样，他们是有史以来最伟大的事情还是有史以来最糟糕的事情，包括他们是否能够为他们提供资源。

So they test whether or not they can actually feed themselves, whether or not they can support themselves, although rarely not...

所以他们测试自己是否能够真正养活自己，是否能够养活自己，尽管很少不能......

Certainly it happens, but rarely are they really taking care of themselves, although some teens are forced to take care of themselves, of course.

当然这种情况会发生，但他们很少真正照顾自己，尽管有些青少年被迫照顾自己。

Because parents and other caretakers aren't available.

因为父母和其他看护人不在。

The recommendations that map to the biology include later, there's been a big push for later start times in schools to match their shifts in circadian rhythms and the need for extended sleep, something we talked about during the sleep episodes, to insist on sleep interventions for youth who are at increased risk for mental health problems.

与生物学相关的建议包括，人们大力推动学校推迟上课时间，以适应昼夜节律的变化和延长睡眠的需要，这是我们在睡眠期间谈到的，坚持对心理健康问题风险增加的青少年进行睡眠干预。

Almost every mental health issue is supported by getting regular, quality sleep of sufficient duration.

几乎所有的心理健康问题都可以通过充足持续时间的规律、优质睡眠来解决。

Sufficient durations can vary from person to person.

足够的持续时间可能因人而异。

Leveraging different kinds of social relationships that reinforce positive behavior.

利用不同类型的社会关系来强化积极的行为。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

This is starting to sound like kind of a boilerplate stuff, yet really the goal is during puberty to encourage as many safe forms of interaction that allow children, teens really, and adolescents — I keep calling them children, but what I mean are children going through puberty — that allow them to test this thing of autonomy so that they can start to make good assessments about their exteroceptive events that they are selecting and how those make them feel internally.

这听起来有点像老套的东西，但实际上，我们的目标是在青春期鼓励尽可能多的安全互动形式，让儿童、真正的青少年和青少年——我一直称他们为孩子，但我的意思是正在经历青春期的孩子——让他们能够测试这种自主性，这样他们就可以开始对他们选择的外感受事件以及这些事件给他们带来的内心感受做出良好的评估。

So they're essentially doing a buffet.

所以他们本质上是在做自助餐。

The buffet has now broadened to not just include the events and experiences that their parents and other caretakers bring them, but they can now expand the buffet into things that they can provide themselves.

自助餐现在已经扩大到不仅包括他们的父母和其他看护者给他们带来的活动和体验，而且他们现在可以将自助餐扩展到他们可以自己提供的东西。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So adolescence and puberty is really seen as the period of development in which one self-samples for these two elements that we talked about at the beginning, which are how do I form bonds and how do I make predictions about what will make me feel good at a level of interoception?

因此，青春期和青春期确实被视为一个发展时期，在这个时期，一个人对我们一开始谈到的这两个要素进行自我采样，即我如何形成联系以及我如何预测什么会让我在内感受水平上感觉良好？

Some of that might sound a little transactional, that all we're trying to do is figure out how we can bond with people so we can get what we need, so we can feel how we need.

其中一些听起来可能有点交易性，我们想做的就是弄清楚如何与人们建立联系，这样我们就能得到我们需要的东西，这样我们就能感受到我们的需要。

I think that's true to some extent.

我认为这在某种程度上是正确的。

Of course, there's a richer, more abstract aspect to relationships too, which are in relationships you can access things you couldn't do before, you can cooperate, there's things like teamwork, you can do all sorts of things.

当然，关系还有更丰富、更抽象的方面，在关系中你可以接触到以前做不到的事情，你可以合作，有团队合作之类的东西，你可以做各种各样的事情。

But in terms of the biology, it's clear that there's this stage of development where more autonomy, more physical capability, is triggered by these hormone changes in the brain and these peptide changes in the brain and body.

但从生物学角度来看，很明显，在发展的这个阶段，大脑中的激素变化以及大脑和身体中的肽变化会引发更多的自主权和身体能力。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

That nonetheless brings us back to the exact same model that we started with in infancy: of alert or calm.

尽管如此，这还是让我们回到了婴儿期开始时的完全相同的模式：警觉或冷静。

Feel good or feel bad.

感觉良好或感觉不好。

Primarily exterocepting, primarily interocepting.

主要是外感受，主要是内感受。

So I keep going back to this; I'm sort of like a repeating record on that, because the same core algorithm, the same core function is at play throughout the lifespan.

所以我一直回到这个话题；我有点像重复记录，因为相同的核心算法、相同的核心功能在整个生命周期中都在发挥作用。

That's a useful framework in my opinion because it allows you to sort through all the data and information that's out there about, well this area of the stria terminalis is active, or the basolateral amygdala is active, or gray matter thickening or this hormone or that hormone, and return to a kind of kernel of certainly not exhaustive truth, it doesn't cover all aspects of emotionality, but at least establishes some groundwork from which you can start to evaluate how different behaviors might or might not make sense, how certain emotional responses might or might not make sense, regardless of the age of the person or the organism.

在我看来，这是一个有用的框架，因为它可以让你对现有的所有数据和信息进行分类，或者终纹的这个区域是活跃的，或者基底外侧杏仁核是活跃的，或者是灰质增厚，或者是这种激素，或者是那种激素，并返回到一种肯定不是详尽的事实的核心，它并没有涵盖情绪的所有方面，但至少建立了一些基础，从中你可以开始评估不同的行为可能或可能没有意义，无论人或有机体的年龄如何，某些情绪反应可能有意义也可能没有意义。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

A discussion about emotions would not be complete without talking about the right brain/left brain stuff.

如果不讨论右脑/左脑的东西，关于情绪的讨论就不完整。

This is a very interesting aspect of sociology, psychology, and neuroscience.

这是社会学、心理学和神经科学的一个非常有趣的方面。

There's a theory of emotional development that I find particularly interesting, which is from Allan Shore at UCLA that talks about how most of our testing of bonds and relationships is this seesawing back and forth between very dopaminergic, so driven by dopamine, or serotonergic, driven by serotonin, states.

有一个我觉得特别有趣的情感发展理论，它来自加州大学洛杉矶分校的艾伦·肖尔（Allan Shore），它谈到我们对纽带和关系的大多数测试是如何在非常多巴胺能（由多巴胺驱动）或血清素能（由血清素驱动）状态之间来回摇摆。

This starts with infant and mother or infant and father.

这从婴儿和母亲或婴儿和父亲开始。

I talked a little bit about this in the previous episode but just to remind you, or for anyone that didn't hear about it, that during development, healthy emotional development clearly begins with an ability for the caretaker and child to be in calm, peaceful, soothing, touch-oriented, eye-gazing type of behaviors.

我在上一集中谈到了这一点，但只是想提醒您或任何没有听说过的人，在发展过程中，健康的情绪发展显然始于看护者和孩子保持冷静、平和、舒缓、以触摸为导向、目光凝视类型行为的能力。

Those really drive serotonin, the endogenous opioid system, oxytocin.

这些确实会驱动血清素、内源性阿片类系统、催产素。

Things that are very calming and are centered around pleasure with the here-and-now as well as excited states of what we're going to do next.

那些非常平静的事情，以此时此地的快乐以及我们下一步要做的事情的兴奋状态为中心。

There's actually a kind of characteristic sign of the dopaminergic interaction where both caretaker and child are wide-eyed, the pupils dilate, that's a signature of arousal.

实际上，多巴胺能相互作用有一种特征，即看护者和孩子都睁大眼睛，瞳孔放大，这是兴奋的标志。

They get really excited.

他们真的很兴奋。

Oftentimes the baby will look away if it gets really excited.

通常，如果宝宝非常兴奋，他就会把目光移开。

Those are signatures of dopamine release in the body.

这些是体内多巴胺释放的特征。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

In adolescence, these same things carry forward; where their good bonds are achieved through hanging around, watching TV, just kind of playing video games or texting together or talking, whatever it is that the soothing local activity happens to be as well, as adventure and things that are exciting.

在青春期，这些同样的事情会继续下去；他们的良好关系是通过闲逛、看电视、玩电子游戏、一起发短信或聊天等方式建立的，无论是什么令人舒缓的当地活动，比如冒险和令人兴奋的事情。

So it could be sports, it could be shopping, it could be summer adventure, it could be the next big thing.

所以它可能是运动，可能是购物，可能是夏季冒险，也可能是下一件大事。

So this kind of seesawing back and forth between the different reward systems seems to be the basis from which healthy emotional bonds are created.

因此，不同奖励系统之间的这种来回拉锯似乎是建立健康情感纽带的基础。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

I invite anyone who's interested in this to look up some of Dr. Shore's work.

我邀请任何对此感兴趣的人查阅肖尔博士的一些著作。

I think I misspoke on the last episode.

我想我在最后一集说错了。

He's not a psychiatrist, he's a clinical psychologist and psychoanalyst but has deep rootings in neuroscience.

他不是精神病学家，而是临床心理学家和精神分析师，但在神经科学方面有着深厚的根基。

So it's, I think, a fascinating aspect.

所以我认为这是一个令人着迷的方面。

But the way it's framed in his book and in some of the language around that is around right brain/left brain.

但他的书中和一些相关语言的框架方式是围绕右脑/左脑的。

We've all heard this stuff before, that the right brain is thought to be the emotional side.

我们以前都听过这样的说法，即右脑被认为是情感的一面。

This is the characteristic thing that you hear out there: that the right brain is holistic, that it's emotive and that the left brain is logical, sequential, and analytic.

这是你在外面听到的特征：右脑是整体性的，它是情感性的，而左脑是逻辑性的、顺序性的和分析性的。

That's not what Shore was proposing.

这并不是肖尔的提议。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

There are some right brain/left brain differences, but the idea that the right brain is synthetic, holistic and emotive and that the left brain is logical, sequential and analytic is false.

右脑/左脑存在一些差异，但认为右脑是综合性的、整体性的和情感性的，而左脑是逻辑性的、顺序性的和分析性的想法是错误的。

There is zero neuroscience evidence for that, whatsoever.

无论如何，神经科学证据为零。

We're going to address this in more detail during a month talking about learning and memory and dementia.

我们将在一个月内更详细地讨论这个问题，讨论学习、记忆和痴呆症。

But let's talk about some truths, some differences between the left brain and right brain, because we can't have a discussion about emotion without doing that.

但是让我们谈谈一些事实，左脑和右脑之间的一些差异，因为如果不这样做，我们就无法讨论情感。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

The left brain, at least for people who are right-handed, is linguistically dominant.

左脑，至少对于惯用右手的人来说，在语言上占主导地位。

Meaning most of language is centered in the left side of the brain for right-handed people.

这意味着对于惯用右手的人来说，大部分语言都集中在左脑。

If you were a left-hander and you were forced to become right-handed, chances are this is still true because of when language gets laid down in the brain.

如果你是左撇子，而你被迫变成右撇子，那么情况很可能仍然如此，因为语言是在大脑中形成的。

For left-handers, people that naturally write with their left hand and always did, language is still mostly in the left side of the brain, but it's also found more often in the right side of the brain.

对于左撇子来说，即天生用左手写字并且一直这样做的人，语言仍然主要位于大脑的左侧，但也更常见于右侧大脑。

So it's not as lateralized as we say, it's kind of distributed between both.

所以它并不像我们所说的那样偏侧化，而是分布在两者之间。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So right-handers, most of your language is coming from the left side of your brain.

因此，惯用右手的人，大部分语言都来自左脑。

Left-handers, it's probably a little bit more evenly distributed.

对于左撇子来说，它的分布可能更均匀一些。

There are some variations whether or not you're a hook righty or a hook lefty.

无论您是右撇子还是左撇子，都有一些变化。

There's all sorts of nuance to this.

这有各种各样的细微差别。

But that's the general aspect.

但这是一般方面。

So language tends to be centered in the left side of the brain, and that includes lexicon, grammar, syntax, all of it except for one.

因此，语言往往以左脑为中心，包括词汇、语法、句法，除了其中之一之外的所有内容。

We'll talk about one aspect of language that seems to be more right brain.

我们将讨论语言的一个方面，似乎更适合右脑。

That's very interesting.

这很有趣。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

There does seem to be some arithmetic advantage.

似乎确实有一些算术优势。

So ability in math in the left side of the brain, and I'm going to talk about how all this was discovered in a minute.

左脑的数学能力，我将在一分钟内讨论这一切是如何被发现的。

The right brain, however, is linguistically primitive.

然而，右脑在语言上是原始的。

Most people don't realize this because the right brain is always described as the emotive side.

大多数人没有意识到这一点，因为右脑总是被描述为情感的一面。

It's super emotional and holistic.

这是超级情感化和整体性的。

But it's actually linguistically primitive.

但它实际上在语言上是原始的。

There's a way that that's been teased out through experiment.

通过实验已经弄清楚了一种方法。

It's very good at manipulating spatial things and visual spatial tasks.

它非常擅长操纵空间事物和视觉空间任务。

It's primarily handling that stuff.

它主要是处理那些东西。

But it's sort of nonlanguage except one aspect.

但除了一个方面之外，它有点非语言。

There isn't a ton of evidence for this, but the evidence is strong, which is prosody.

虽然没有大量证据证明这一点，但证据很充分，这就是韵律。

Prosody is the lilting and falling of language.

韵律是语言的轻快和跌宕。

So a good example would be Italian.

意大利就是一个很好的例子。

I don't speak Italian, I only know a little bit of Italian, but most of the Italian I know is when my Italian colleagues have said to me, " ?" which means, like, "What are you trying to say?" or "What are you saying?" I think I'm getting that right.

我不会说意大利语，我只懂一点点意大利语，但我所知道的意大利语大部分是当我的意大利同事对我说“？”的时候。这意味着“你想说什么？”或“你在说什么？”我想我是对的。

Basically they're saying I don't speak Italian, which is true.

基本上他们说我不会说意大利语，这是真的。

Or because one of them knows and loves Costello very much, they always say, " ," which means "big, lazy guy," which accurately captures Costello.

或者因为其中一个人非常了解并喜爱科斯特洛，所以他们总是说“，”，意思是“大而懒的家伙”，这准确地抓住了科斯特洛。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So even though it's few examples, right, , there's a lot of lilt and fall in Italian.

因此，尽管例子很少，对吧，意大利语中有很多轻快和跌倒的地方。

Other languages, not so much, and it varies by language.

其他语言则没有那么多，而且因语言而异。

One of the reasons I find Italian so beautiful, not the Italian I speak but the Italian that other people speak, so beautiful to listen to is that that prosody and that the shifts in intonation are really quite remarkable.

我觉得意大利语如此美丽的原因之一，不是我说的意大利语，而是其他人说的意大利语，听起来如此美丽，是因为它的韵律和语调的变化确实非常引人注目。

It's almost like a sing-song, listening to them speak.

听他们说话，就像唱歌一样。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

And I used to like to go to scientific meetings, and I'd always hang out with the Italians, because I have some good friends in Italian labs, but also because they always knew where the best food was.

我以前喜欢参加科学会议，我总是和意大利人一起出去玩，因为我在意大利实验室有一些好朋友，而且因为他们总是知道哪里有最好的食物。

Their standards for food are incredible.

他们的食物标准令人难以置信。

They would rather starve than eat terrible pasta.

他们宁愿挨饿也不愿吃难吃的意大利面。

And the pasta they do find and that they're willing to eat is always fantastic.

他们找到的并且愿意吃的意大利面总是很棒。

But in addition to that, they always brought a guitar.

但除此之外，他们还总是带一把吉他。

They were a lot more fun than a lot of my other colleagues to hang out with at meetings.

与我的许多其他同事一起参加会议要有趣得多。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So, in any event, the right brain is doing things that are more about manipulating spatial information.

因此，无论如何，右脑正在做更多关于操纵空间信息的事情。

And I'll talk about this more in a future episode, but this was discovered in split-brain patients, so people that lack connection between the two sides of the brain.

我将在以后的剧集中详细讨论这一点，但这是在裂脑患者中发现的，即大脑两侧之间缺乏联系的人。

And this had to be teased out through very complicated experiments.

这必须通过非常复杂的实验来弄清楚。

People like Roger Sperry who won a Nobel Prize for this, who was at Caltech.

像加州理工学院的罗杰·斯佩里（Roger Sperry）这样的人就因此获得了诺贝尔奖。

Mike Gazzaniga and others figured out these lateralized differences.

迈克·加扎尼加（Mike Gazzaniga）和其他人发现了这些横向差异。

But let's just try and demolish the myth that the right side is synthetic and holistic and emotive and that the left side is logical, sequential, and analytic — that you're a left-brain person or a right-brain person.

但是，让我们尝试打破这样的神话：右侧是综合性、整体性和情感性的，而左侧是逻辑性的、顺序性的和分析性的——你是左脑人还是右脑人。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Nothing could be further from the truth.

事实并非如此。

There's no scientific evidence to support that.

没有科学证据支持这一点。

And there's a few lesion studies that can tease out effects that make you think that's what's happening.

有一些损伤研究可以梳理出让你认为这就是正在发生的事情的影响。

But the really careful work points in a totally different direction.

但真正仔细的工作却指向了一个完全不同的方向。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

We can't have a complete conversation about emotions and bonds and social connection without talking about oxytocin.

如果不谈论催产素，我们就无法完整地谈论情感、纽带和社会联系。

Oxytocin has come to such prominence in the last decade or so and seems to be everywhere anytime you hear a discussion about neuroscience in the brain or hormones in the brain.

催产素在过去十年左右的时间里变得如此突出，每当你听到有关大脑神经科学或大脑激素的讨论时，催产素似乎无处不在。

Oxytocin is released in response to lactation in females.

女性在哺乳时会释放催产素。

It is released in response to sexual interactions.

它是根据性互动而释放的。

It is released in response to nonsexual touch.

它是对非​​性接触的反应而释放的。

It's released in males and females.

它在男性和女性中释放。

And indeed, it's involved in pair-bonding and the establishment of social bonds in general.

事实上，它涉及结对关系和一般社会纽带的建立。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

How it does that seems to be by matching internal state.

它是如何做到这一点的似乎是通过匹配内部状态。

It seems to both increase synchrony of internal states, somehow — maybe it sets a level of calmness or alertness; that seems like a reasonable hypothesis — as well as raising people's awareness for the emotional state of their partner.

不知何故，它似​​乎都增加了内部状态的同步性——也许它设定了一定程度的冷静或警觉；这似乎是一个合理的假设，同时也提高了人们对伴侣情绪状态的认识。

And again, this brings us back to this alertness/calmness axis and this interoceptive/exteroceptive axis.

再次，这让我们回到警觉/冷静轴和内感受/外感受轴。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

In order to form good bonds, we can't just be thinking about how we feel.

为了建立良好的关系，我们不能只考虑自己的感受。

We also need to be paying attention to how others feel, and we're evaluating a match.

我们还需要关注其他人的感受，并且我们正在评估一场比赛。

We're trying to see whether or not there seems to be some sort of synchrony between states, and oxytocin both seems to increase that synchrony and increase the awareness for the emotional state of others.

我们试图了解状态之间是否存在某种同步性，而催产素似乎既增加了这种同步性，又提高了对他人情绪状态的认识。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Now, I know many of you are probably screaming, "Mirror neurons, mirror neurons." Mirror neurons, as some of you may know and some of you perhaps may not, are neurons that were discovered in animals and humans for their ability to respond when people engaged in certain physical actions like lifting of a pen.

现在，我知道你们中的许多人可能会尖叫，“镜像神经元，镜像神经元。”你们中有些人可能知道，有些人可能不知道，镜像神经元是在动物和人类身上发现的神经元，因为它们能够在人们进行某些身体动作（例如举笔）时做出反应。

But the same neurons would respond when somebody watched someone else lift a pen.

但当有人看到别人拿起笔时，同样的神经元也会做出反应。

So they were really mirrors of, or representing mirrors of, behavior both in self and in others.

因此，它们实际上是自我和他人行为的镜子，或者代表着自己和他人行为的镜子。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Mirror neurons are very controversial.

镜像神经元是非常有争议的。

There are many neuroscientists who I respect a lot who don't think they exist because they look at the data and the data, at least in their mind, were overinterpreted in the realm of empathy and in assigning value to the emotional states of others.

有许多我非常尊敬的神经科学家，他们认为自己不存在，因为他们查看数据，而这些数据，至少在他们看来，在同理心领域和对他人情绪状态赋予价值时被过度解释了。

And when I look at the literature, my opinion is that, indeed, there are neurons in the brain that clearly represent the actions of others, but it's not clear that they're wired into the emotion and empathy system in any direct way.

当我查看文献时，我的观点是，大脑中确实有神经元清楚地代表他人的行为，但尚不清楚它们是否以任何直接方式连接到情感和同理心系统中。

And I think the growing consensus is that mirror neurons, while the name is terrific, is...

我认为越来越多的共识是镜像神经元虽然名字很棒，但...

and it's so catchy and encompasses so much of what you would love for it to encompass, but that the data don't really support that.

它非常吸引人，包含了很多你希望它包含的内容，但数据并不真正支持这一点。

But this is controversial and I'm perfectly happy to get experts on here that could debate it better than I could.

但这是有争议的，我非常高兴这里有专家可以比我更好地辩论它。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

There are, however, neurons in the brain that were discovered by my colleague, Keren Haroush, at Stanford, when she was working in Noam Ziv's lab, that clearly point to the fact that primate species are making assumptions and are trying to predict the behavior of other members of their species.

然而，我在斯坦福大学的同事凯伦·哈鲁什（Keren Haroush）在诺姆·齐夫（Noam Ziv）的实验室工作时发现了大脑中的神经元，这些神经元清楚地表明灵长类动物正在做出假设并试图预测其物种其他成员的行为。

It's an experiment I don't have time to go into in real detail, which I should probably just get Keren on here.

这是一个我没有时间详细讨论的实验，我可能应该让凯伦在这里进行。

For those of you that are familiar with the Prisoner's Dilemma, which is really a model of cooperation.

对于熟悉囚徒困境的人来说，这确实是一种合作模式。

You can either cooperate or one member of a given interaction can cooperate and the other one won't, or you can both not cooperate.

你们可以合作，或者给定交互中的一个成员可以合作而另一个成员不合作，或者你们都可以不合作。

There are ways in which you can solve this so-called Prisoner's Dilemma by looking at previous behavior and making predictions about the likely next behavior that the other individual will engage in.

您可以通过多种方法来解决这种所谓的囚徒困境，即查看先前的行为并预测对方接下来可能会采取的行为。

And there do seem to be neurons that are doing these sorts of predictions or computations.

似乎确实有神经元正在进行此类预测或计算。

And again, I'll go into this in more detail in the future.

再说一遍，我将来会更详细地讨论这个问题。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So rather than think about mirror neurons like neurons for empathy, I think it's more correct to think about neurons that are trying to predict the behavior of others.

因此，我认为，与其考虑像同理心神经元这样的镜像神经元，不如考虑试图预测他人行为的神经元。

And that's, as we said, one of the core features of emotions, which are to establish bonds and through those bonds, to be able to predict behavior.

正如我们所说，这就是情绪的核心特征之一，它是建立联系并通过这些联系能够预测行为。

So oxytocin is one component of this ability to predict others' behavior and to guide our own behavior.

因此，催产素是预测他人行为和指导我们自己行为的能力的组成部分。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So here are some experiments that involve the administration of intranasal oxytocin.

这里有一些涉及鼻内催产素给药的实验。

This is actually...

这其实是...

people now, I think you need a prescription, although in some places you don't.

现在人们，我认为你需要处方，尽管在某些地方不需要。

There are people who are taking intranasal oxytocin in order to try and increase the depth of bonding, and I don't recommend you do that.

有些人服用鼻内催产素来尝试增加亲密关系的深度，我不建议您这样做。

I've never tried that.

我从来没有尝试过。

Whatever oxytocin I've released, I've made without an intranasal exogenous application.

无论我释放什么催产素，我都是在没有鼻内外源性应用的情况下制造的。

But what's been reported is increased positive communication among couples.

但据报道，夫妻之间的积极沟通有所增加。

So people have taken intranasal oxytocin in studies.

于是人们进行了鼻内服用催产素的研究。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So that study, for those of you who like, was published in Biological Psychiatry, which my psychiatry colleagues tell me is a fine journal, and the title is "Intranasal oxytocin increases positive communication and reduces the stress hormone cortisol levels during couple conflict." They have them fight, or they have them fight with and without oxytocin, so interesting.

因此，对于那些喜欢的人来说，这项研究发表在《生物精神病学》上，我的精神病学同事告诉我这是一本很好的期刊，标题是“鼻内催产素增加积极的沟通并降低夫妻冲突期间的应激激素皮质醇水平”。他们让他们打架，或者让他们在有或没有催产素的情况下打架，太有趣了。

Very much in line with the idea that oxytocin is the "trust hormone." That's sort of in keeping with that.

非常符合催产素是“信任激素”的理念。这有点符合这一点。

That was a 2009 paper.

那是2009年的一篇论文。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

There's other evidence, for instance, that men report a greater sense of connection and intimacy with their partners during sex after taking intranasal oxytocin.

例如，还有其他证据表明，男性在服用鼻内催产素后，在性行为中与伴侣的联系和亲密感增强了。

There are studies in autistic children, giving them intranasal oxytocin as a way to try and help them establish better social connection and "empathy" or theory of mind.

有一些针对自闭症儿童的研究，给他们鼻内催产素，试图帮助他们建立更好的社会联系和“同理心”或心理理论。

I've talked about theory of mind before where understanding of what other children or/and adults are experiencing.

我之前谈到过心理理论，即理解其他儿童或/和成人正在经历的事情。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So oxytocin does seem to create these general effects, and how nuanced they are in one situation or another, I don't know.

因此，催产素似乎确实会产生这些一般效果，以及它们在某种情况下的细微差别，我不知道。

I'm aware and I was told and I'm definitely not recommending this that there's a marketed oxytocin-ketamine nasal spray.

我知道并且有人告诉我，我绝对不会推荐市面上有一种催产素-氯胺酮鼻喷雾剂。

Now, I have no idea...

现在，我不知道...

maybe someone can put in the comments why you'd want to combine oxytocin and ketamine.

也许有人可以在评论中写下为什么你想结合使用催产素和氯胺酮。

I can't imagine why.

我无法想象为什么。

Ketamine is a dissociative anesthetic that's used for the treatment of PTSD.

氯胺酮是一种解离麻醉剂，用于治疗创伤后应激障碍 (PTSD)。

It used to be used as a recreational drug.

它曾经被用作消遣性药物。

It's very similar to PCP.

它与 PCP 非常相似。

Seems quite dangerous, in fact.

事实上，看起来很危险。

I don't know why those two things would be combined, why one would want to combine them.

我不知道为什么这两件事会结合在一起，为什么有人想要将它们结合起来。

But there are products out there that seem to combine those two things, and I'm not certain why one would do that, but it's interesting to note that it's happening.

但有些产品似乎将这两件事结合在一起，我不确定为什么有人会这样做，但有趣的是，它正在发生。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

A particularly interesting study about oxytocin that was published in the Journal of Neuroscience, which is a good journal, that oxytocin modulates social distance between males and females.

一项关于催产素的特别有趣的研究发表在《神经科学杂志》（Journal of Neuroscience）上，这是一本很好的杂志，该研究表明催产素可以调节男性和女性之间的社交距离。

So this is interesting.

所以这很有趣。

What they did is they gave oxytocin to people that were in monogamous relationships and then they evaluated the extent to which, in this case, the males in those relationships would pay attention to visual attention to attractive other potential partners.

他们所做的就是给处于一夫一妻制关系中的人注射催产素，然后评估在这种情况下，这些关系中的男性对有吸引力的其他潜在伴侣的视觉注意力的程度。

And it seemed like that the general takeaway from this study is that oxytocin administration seemed to promote monogamous behavior, so behavior that was in line with monogamy of the relationship that they were in, as opposed to foraging for potentially new mates.

这项研究的总体结论似乎是，催产素的施用似乎促进了一夫一妻制的行为，因此这种行为符合他们所处关系的一夫一妻制，而不是寻找潜在的新伴侣。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Now, of course, these are somewhat artificial experiments or very artificial experiments, depending on how you interpret them.

当然，这些在某种程度上是人工实验或非常人工的实验，取决于你如何解释它们。

But the general theme is that oxytocin is promoting monogamy.

但总的主题是催产素正在促进一夫一妻制。

It's promoting pair-bonding.

它促进配对。

It's promoting a understanding of the internal state of others, which requires enhanced exteroception for those particular others.

它促进了对他人内部状态的理解，这需要增强对特定他人的外感受。

So not just generally having them look everywhere and see what's going on in the world, but particularly paying attention to the emotional states of others.

因此，不仅要让他们到处看看，看看世界上正在发生什么，还要特别关注他人的情绪状态。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

I'm sure several of you will be asking, "Well, what can I do to increase oxytocin?" if that's your goal.

我相信你们中的一些人会问：“那么，我可以做什么来增加催产素呢？”如果那是你的目标。

There's some evidence, and I invite you again to go to examine.com or another such site like PubMed, if you want to forage PubMed, that vitamin D is required for proper production and, in some cases, can increase levels of oxytocin when supplemented, which is interesting.

有一些证据，我再次邀请您访问 Examiner.com 或其他类似网站（例如 PubMed），如果您想寻找 PubMed，维生素 D 是正常生产所必需的，并且在某些情况下，补充后可以增加催产素的水平，这很有趣。

And that, believe it or not, melatonin, our old friend melatonin, which I have pushed back against as a supplement for sleep because of some of the, what I view as, untoward side effects of melatonin in most cases.

不管你信不信，褪黑激素，我们的老朋友褪黑激素，我一直反对将其作为睡眠补充剂，因为我认为在大多数情况下褪黑激素会产生一些不良副作用。

But it seems like melatonin, in some cases, can prime the system for slightly increased oxytocin release.

但在某些情况下，褪黑激素似乎可以为系统做好准备，略微增加催产素的释放。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

There's even one report, although it didn't look that strong to me, that low doses of caffeine could increase oxytocin release, but that, to me, falls under the category of what was once described as "a drug when injected into a person or animal is always effective at producing a scientific paper," meaning that you can get a result, but the result isn't always so robust.

甚至有一份报告，虽然对我来说看起来不太有力，但低剂量的咖啡因可以增加催产素的释放，但对我来说，这属于曾经被描述为“注射到人或动物体内的药物总是能有效地发表科学论文”的范畴，这意味着你可以获得结果，但结果并不总是那么可靠。

So you always want to read past the titles and the abstracts and get into the meat of the paper.

所以你总是想阅读标题和摘要并深入了解论文的实质内容。

And when I did that, the effects were pretty negligible with caffeine on oxytocin.

当我这样做时，咖啡因对催产素的影响几乎可以忽略不计。

But it's interesting that vitamin D and melatonin may have some positive effects on oxytocin release.

但有趣的是，维生素 D 和褪黑激素可能对催产素的释放有一些积极的影响。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

But like I said, many people are just taking oxytocin directly through these intranasal sprays.

但正如我所说，许多人只是通过鼻内喷雾剂直接服用催产素。

I'm pretty sure it's prescription in most places, but check, and again, I'm not recommending anybody do that.

我很确定大多数地方都是处方药，但请检查一下，我不建议任何人这样做。

I've never tried it.

我从来没有尝试过。

I don't know that I will.

我不知道我会的。

I think I'm going to stick with the oxytocin that I've got.

我想我会坚持使用现有的催产素。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

The other molecule that we make that's extremely important for social bonds and emotionality is one that we're going to talk about more in the month on hormones and that's vasopressin.

我们制造的另一种分子对社会纽带和情感极其重要，我们将在本月更多地讨论有关激素的分子，那就是加压素。

Vasopressin suppresses urination.

加压素抑制排尿。

It's made by the body, but it was developed as a treatment for something called diabetes insipidus where people urinate excessively and they actually risk dehydration and they can lose a lot of electrolytes, et cetera, so it causes water retention.

它是由人体产生的，但它是为了治疗尿崩症而开发的，在尿崩症中，人们排尿过多，实际上有脱水的风险，并且会失去大量电解质等，因此会导致水潴留。

Alcohol consumption inhibits vasopressin, so large amounts of alcohol made people excrete a lot of fluid, and so forth.

饮酒会抑制加压素，因此大量饮酒会使人排出大量液体，等等。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Vasopressin has effects on the brain directly.

加压素直接作用于大脑。

It actually creates feelings of giddy love.

它实际上创造了令人眼花缭乱的爱的感觉。

It also increases memory in very potent ways.

它还以非常有效的方式增加记忆力。

There's a whole biohacking community that has been dabbling with vasopressin for some time.

整个生物黑客社区涉足加压素已有一段时间了。

I have never tried it.

我从来没有尝试过。

I certainly don't recommend it.

我当然不推荐它。

It is prescription, and it is a pretty serious compound to start messing with because it has so many different effects in the body.

它是处方药，而且是一种非常严重的化合物，因为它对身体有很多不同的影响。

It's interesting because it creates the sense of giddy love.

这很有趣，因为它创造了一种令人眼花缭乱的爱的感觉。

It's also used somewhat as an aphrodisiac, so it's similar to oxytocin.

它也被用作壮阳药，因此它与催产素类似。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

It also has very interesting effects on monogamous or nonmonogamous behavior.

它对一夫一妻制或非一夫一妻制行为也有非常有趣的影响。

This, again, we will revisit in the future, but there's a beautiful set of experiments that have been done in a little rodent species called a prairie vole.

我们将来还会再次讨论这一点，但我们已经在一种叫做草原田鼠的小型啮齿动物身上进行了一系列精彩的实验。

It turns out there are two different populations of prairie voles.

事实证明，草原田鼠有两个不同的种群。

Some are monogamous.

有些是一夫一妻制。

They always mate with the same other prairie vole, and some are very robustly nonmonogamous.

它们总是与同一只草原田鼠交配，有些是非常严格的非一夫一妻制。

They meet with as many other prairie voles as they can.

他们会遇到尽可能多的其他草原田鼠。

And turns out that levels of vasopressin and/or vasopressin receptor dictate whether or not they're monogamous or not.

事实证明，加压素和/或加压素受体的水平决定了它们是否是一夫一妻制。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

And there's actually some interesting evidence in humans when people report their behavior, assuming they're reporting accurately, that vasopressin and vasopressin levels can relate to monogamy or nonmonogamy in humans as well.

事实上，当人们报告自己的行为时，假设他们报告准确，就会发现一些有趣的证据表明，加压素和加压素水平也与人类的一夫一妻制或非一夫一妻制有关。

We're going to talk about this in the month on hormones.

我们将在本月讨论有关激素的问题。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

If we're talking about the neuroscience of emotions, we have to talk about the vagus nerve.

如果我们谈论情绪的神经科学，我们就必须谈论迷走神经。

I describe what the vagus nerve is in a previous episode.

我在上一集中描述了迷走神经是什么。

That's these connections between the body and the viscera, including the gut, the heart and the lungs and the immune system and the brain and that the brain is also controlling these organs, so it's a two-way street.

这就是身体和内脏之间的联系，包括肠道、心脏、肺、免疫系统和大脑，大脑也控制着这些器官，所以这是一条双向路。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

There's this big myth out there that I mentioned before that stimulating the vagus in various ways leads to calmness, that it's always going to calm you down.

我之前提到过一个大神话，即以各种方式刺激迷走神经可以带来平静，它总是能让你平静下来。

And that is false.

那是错误的。

I just want to repeat that is completely false.

我只想重复一遍，这完全是错误的。

In fact, there was just a paper, yet another paper published the other day, which is fantastic, which is from David McCormick's lab up at the University of Oregon.

事实上，只有一篇论文，前几天发表的另一篇论文，非常棒，来自俄勒冈大学大卫·麦考密克的实验室。

It's published in Current Biology, excellent journal, showing, I'm just reading the title, "Vagus nerve stimulation induces widespread cortical," the neocortex, "and behavioral activation." I've read the paper.

它发表在《当代生物学》杂志上，这是一本优秀的杂志，显示我刚刚读到的标题是“迷走神经刺激诱导广泛的皮质”、新皮质“和行为激活”。我读过报纸。

It's fantastic.

太棒了。

It illustrates, yet again, stimulation of the vagus increases dopamine release, increases activation of the brain, alertness.

它再次说明，刺激迷走神经会增加多巴胺的释放，增加大脑的激活和警觉性。

It is a stimulant of alertness.

它是一种警觉性兴奋剂。

It is not calming people down.

它并没有让人们平静下来。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Now, this is interesting in light of emotionality.

现在，从情感角度来看，这很有趣。

Because of work that's been done by many groups, but in particular, I'm going to focus on the work of a colleague of mine, Karl Deisseroth, at Stanford, who's a psychiatrist, but has also developed a lot of tools to adjust the activity of neurons in real time using light and electrical stimulation and so forth.

由于许多小组已经完成了工作，但我将特别关注我的斯坦福大学同事 Karl Deisseroth 的工作，他是一名精神病学家，但也开发了很多工具，可以使用光和电刺激等实时调整神经元的活动。

I'll refer you to an article in The New Yorker that was published about this a few years ago.

我将向您推荐几年前发表在《纽约客》上的一篇有关此问题的文章。

I'm going to read a brief excerpt, but I'll put the link in the caption as well.

我将阅读简短的摘录，但我也会将链接放在标题中。

He's talking to an extremely depressed, suicidal, depressed patient who has a small device implanted that allows her to adjust her vagus nerve activity.

他正在与一位极度抑郁、有自杀倾向的抑郁症患者交谈，她体内植入了一个小装置，可以让她调节迷走神经活动。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Now, vagus stimulation was originally developed for the treatment of epilepsy.

现在，迷走神经刺激最初是为了治疗癫痫而开发的。

It's now being used for various other purposes.

它现在被用于各种其他目的。

Vagus stimulation can even increase plasticity, it seems.

迷走神经刺激似乎甚至可以增加可塑性。

So again, increasing activity of the vagus increases alertness, and it's just incredible to see what happens in real time to emotionality when the vagus is stimulated.

再说一次，增加迷走神经的活动会提高警觉性，当迷走神经受到刺激时，实时观察情绪会发生什么，真是令人难以置信。

Again, not calming, but activating alertness.

再说一遍，不是平静，而是激活警觉。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

They're in his office, and they're talking, and he asks her how she's doing, and she describes how she's been doing as, previously, as "going pancake" which, for her, just means totally laid out flat, not much going on.

他们在他的办公室里，正在交谈，他问她过得怎么样，她将自己之前的表现形容为“煎饼”，对她来说，这意味着完全平铺直立，没有太多事情发生。

She talks about how she doesn't want to pursue a job.

她谈到她不想找工作。

She's really depressed.

她真的很郁闷。

And he says in typical good psychiatrist fashion, "Well, that's a lot to think about." That's actually the quote.

他以典型的优秀精神病学家的方式说道：“嗯，有很多事情需要考虑。”这实际上是引用。

And they talk about her blood pressure, et cetera.

他们谈论她的血压等等。

And then she says, "Mood's been down, just spiraling down." Talks about insomnia, bad dreams, low appetite.

然后她说：“情绪一直很低落，呈螺旋式下降。”谈论失眠、噩梦、食欲不振。

So this is severe depression.

所以这是严重的抑郁症。

This is what we call major depression.

这就是我们所说的重度抑郁症。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

And then she requests, "Can we please go up to 1.5 on vagus stimulation?" She'd been receiving 1.2 milliamps of stimulation every five minutes to 30 seconds, but was no longer able to feel the effects.

然后她问道：“我们可以将迷走神经刺激提高到 1.5 吗？”她每 5 分钟到 30 秒就会接受 1.2 毫安的刺激，但已经感觉不到效果了。

So he says, "Okay, I think we can go up a little.

所以他说：“好吧，我想我们可以上升一点。

You're tolerating things well." They start the stimulation and "in the course of the next few minutes," her name was Sally, "underwent a remarkable change.

你对事情的容忍度很好。”他们开始刺激，“在接下来的几分钟内”，她的名字叫莎莉，“经历了显着的变化。

Her frown disappeared.

她的皱眉消失了。

She became cheerful, describing the pleasure she had had during the Christmas holiday and recounting how she'd recently watched some YouTube videos of Deisseroth.

她变得很高兴，描述了她在圣诞假期期间的快乐，并讲述了她最近如何观看 Deisseroth 的一些 YouTube 视频。

She was still smiling and talking when the session ended and they walked out to the reception area."

当会议结束时，她仍然微笑着说话，他们走到接待区。”

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So this is just by stimulating and activating the vagus.

所以这只是通过刺激和激活迷走神经。

Now, why am I bringing this up?

现在，我为什么要提出这个？

Well, for several reasons.

嗯，有几个原因。

One is the vagus is fascinating in terms of the brain-body connection.

一是迷走神经在大脑与身体的连接方面非常有趣。

Two, I'd like to keep trying to dispel the myth that vagus stimulation is all about being calm.

第二，我想继续努力消除迷走神经刺激就是保持冷静的神话。

It's really about being alert.

这确实是要保持警惕。

I don't know how that originally got going backwards, but it's about being alert.

我不知道最初是如何倒退的，但这是关于保持警惕。

And once again, level of alertness or level of calmness is impacting emotion, that this axis of alertness and calmness is one primary axis in emotion.

再一次，警觉程度或冷静程度正在影响情绪，警觉和冷静的轴是情绪的一个主轴。

It's not the only one because there's also this valence component of good or bad, and those two aren't the only ones because there's also this component of interoceptive, exteroceptive that we talked about earlier, and there will be others too.

它不是唯一的，因为还有好或坏的效价成分，而这两个也不是唯一的，因为还有我们之前讨论过的内感受、外感受的成分，而且还会有其他成分。

Again, it's not exhaustive.

再次强调，这并不详尽。

But I find it fascinating and it really brings us back to where we started, which is what are the core elements of emotion and what can you do about them?

但我觉得它很有趣，它确实让我们回到了我们开始的地方，那就是情感的核心要素是什么，你能对它们做什么？

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

And before we close up today, I just want to make sure that even though I've mentioned some tools; I talked about the Mood Meter app.

在我们今天结束之前，我只想确保，尽管我提到了一些工具；我谈到了情绪计应用程序。

I talked about oxytocin and some of the things that impact oxytocin, talked about some of the ways that you can conceptualize emotions.

我谈到了催产素和一些影响催产素的因素，谈到了一些概念化情绪的方法。

This business of how you conceptualize emotions is really the most powerful tool you can ever have in terms of understanding and regulating your emotional state, if you're willing to try and wrap your head around it.

如果你愿意尝试并认真思考的话，关于如何概念化情绪的这件事实际上是你在理解和调节你的情绪状态方面可以拥有的最强大的工具。

I realize it's not the simplest thing to do, but rather than think of emotions as just these labels — happy, sad, awe, depressed — thinking about emotions, excuse me, as elements of the brain and body that encompass levels of alertness that include a dynamic with the outside world and your perception of your internal state, and starting to really think about emotions in a structured way can not only allow you to understand some of the pathology of when you might feel depressed or anxious or others are depressed and anxious, but also, to develop a richer emotional experience to anything.

我意识到这不是最简单的事情，而是不要将情绪仅仅视为这些标签 - 快乐，悲伤，敬畏，沮丧 - 将情绪视为大脑和身体的元素，包含警觉程度，包括与外部世界的动态和你对内部状态的感知，并开始以结构化的方式真正思考情绪不仅可以让你理解当你可能感到沮丧或焦虑或其他人感到沮丧和焦虑时的一些病理学，而且还可以发展更丰富的情绪体验任何东西。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Now, of course, I don't expect that as you're out there interacting with friends and you're watching TV and experiencing life that you should be parsing every bit of your experience in some sort of reductionist and mechanistic way.

现在，当然，我不期望当你在外面与朋友互动、看电视和体验生活时，你应该以某种简化和机械的方式解析你的每一点经历。

That's not the goal here.

这不是这里的目标。

But for those of you that are practitioners, teachers of any kind, for those of you that are kids, for those of you that are trying to understand what your emotional life and your consciousness, dare I say the word, really consists of, I do believe that these are fundamental elements that are well supported by the science across a variety of researchers doing things from a variety of different perspectives and some of whom agree with one another and some of whom don't.

但对于你们中的从业者、任何类型的教师、你们中的孩子们、你们中的那些试图理解你的情感生活和你的意识（我敢说这个词）真正由什么组成的人来说，我确实相信这些基本要素得到了各种研究人员从不同角度做事的科学的充分支持，其中一些人彼此同意，另一些人则不同。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

So I offer it to you as a source of knowledge from which you can start to think about your emotional life differently, I hope, as well as others in a way that builds more richness into that experience, not that detracts from it.

因此，我将其作为知识的来源提供给您，我希望您可以从中开始以不同的方式思考您的情感生活，以及其他人的方式，从而使这种体验更加丰富，而不是减损它。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

One last point as it relates to that.

最后一点与此相关。

Many of you have asked me about psychedelic therapies that are now emerging, things like psilocybin and MDMA.

你们中的许多人问过我有关现在新兴的迷幻疗法的信息，例如裸盖菇素和摇头丸。

We are, of course, going to dive into that topic deeply.

当然，我们将深入探讨这个话题。

We have an expert guest coming on to discuss that topic.

我们有一位专家嘉宾来讨论这个话题。

Those compounds clearly affect the aspects of emotionality that we were talking about today — calmness, alertness, valence, good or bad, interoceptive/exteroceptive positioning.

这些化合物显然会影响我们今天讨论的情绪的各个方面——平静、警觉、效价、好或坏、内感受/外感受定位。

And so rather than just do a kind of cursory exploration of those compounds and what the therapeutic and scientific community is thinking about them and how they function, I think it's more important to embed that framework in our thinking so that when we address psychedelics and we address other sorts of therapies — cognitive behavioral therapy, different types of emotive therapies that relate to individuals and couples, et cetera — that we are able to think about them with some sort of structure and rigor, rather than just talk about them as a bunch of chemicals that produce these amazing experiences that people need to tell you about, because if there's one truth, it seems that psychedelics seem to promote activity of storytelling about psychedelic experience, but that itself is not really what the therapeutic community and the academic communities are interested in.

因此，我认为，不仅仅是对这些化合物以及治疗和科学界对它们的看法以及它们如何发挥作用进行粗略的探索，我认为更重要的是将该框架嵌入到我们的思维中，以便当我们讨论致幻剂和其他类型的疗法时——认知行为疗法、与个人和夫妻相关的不同类型的情感疗法等——我们能够以某种结构和严谨的方式来思考它们，而不是仅仅将它们视为一堆产生人们需要告诉你的这些令人惊奇的体验的化学物质，因为如果有一个事实的话，迷幻药似乎促进了讲述迷幻体验的故事活动，但这本身并不是治疗界和学术界真正感兴趣的。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

They're interested in trying to understand the universal truths, the universal biological shifts and psychological shifts that occur in the clinical use of those compounds.

他们有兴趣尝试了解这些化合物临床使用中发生的普遍真理、普遍的生物变化和心理变化。

And so we're going to hold off for now, but we will get to them.

所以我们现在要推迟，但我们会找到它们的。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

Once again, we've covered an enormous amount of material today.

今天我们再次讨论了大量的材料。

It's really the equivalent of two, if not three, university lectures in one podcast episode.

这实际上相当于一集播客中的两场（如果不是三场）大学讲座。

I want to thank those of you that have supported the podcast and point to ways in which all of you can support the podcast.

我要感谢那些支持播客的人，并指出你们所有人可以支持播客的方式。

Many of these are cost free.

其中许多都是免费的。

The first is to please subscribe on YouTube and as well to hit the notifications button so that when we release new videos, which typically is every Monday for the full-length episodes, but we also now have short clips that you'll be notified.

第一个是请在 YouTube 上订阅，并点击通知按钮，以便当我们发布新视频时（通常是每周一发布完整剧集），但我们现在也有短片，您会收到通知。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

As well, if you could subscribe on Apple and Spotify and leave us a review on Apple.

另外，如果您可以订阅 Apple 和 Spotify 并给我们留下有关 Apple 的评论。

You have the opportunity to leave us a five-star review, if you think we deserve a five-star review.

如果您认为我们值得五星级评价，您有机会给我们留下五星级评价。

Please tell your friends and family and coworkers about the podcast if you think the material would be of interest and informative for them.

如果您认为您的朋友、家人和同事对播客感兴趣且内容丰富，请告诉他们这些材料。

And if you want to send them links, that's terrific too.

如果您想向他们发送链接，那也很棒。

In addition, if you could check out our sponsors, we always provide links to those sponsors in the captions.

此外，如果您可以查看我们的赞助商，我们总是在标题中提供这些赞助商的链接。

That's the best way to support the podcast.

这是支持播客的最佳方式。

Andrew Huberman:

安德鲁·休伯曼：

And last, but certainly not least, I want to thank you for your time and attention and thank you for your interest in science.

最后但同样重要的是，我要感谢您的时间和关注，并感谢您对科学的兴趣。

PART 1 OF 1 ENDS

第 1 部分（共 1 部分）结束