Introduction to Political Philosophy Lecture 2 | Introduction to Political Philosophy
Chapter 1.
第一章。
Introduction: Plato, Apology [00:00:00] Professor Steven Smith: Today we start with Plato, Plato's Apology of Socrates.
简介：柏拉图，《申辩》[00:00:00] 史蒂文·史密斯教授：今天我们从柏拉图开始，柏拉图对苏格拉底的申辩。
This is the best introductory text to the study of Political Philosophy.
这是政治哲学研究最好的入门文本。
Why?
为什么？
Let me give you two reasons.
让我给你两个理由。
First, it shows Socrates, the reputed founder of our discipline, the founder of Political Science, and I will say a little bit more about that later on today, explaining himself and justifying himself, justifying his way of life before a jury of his peers.
首先，它展示了苏格拉底，我们学科的著名创始人，政治学的创始人，今天晚些时候我将对此多说一点，解释自己并为自己辩护，在同行评审团面前为他的生活方式辩护。
It shows Socrates speaking in a public forum, defending the utility of philosophy for political life.
它展示了苏格拉底在公共论坛上的讲话，捍卫哲学在政治生活中的效用。
And, secondly, the Apology demonstrates also the vulnerability of political philosophy in its relation to the city, in its relation to political power.
其次，《道歉》还表明了政治哲学在与城市、与政治权力的关系中的脆弱性。
The Apology puts on trial not merely a particular individual, Socrates, but puts on trial the very idea of philosophy.
《申辩》不仅考验了苏格拉底这个特定的个体，而且考验了哲学的理念本身。
From its very beginnings, philosophy and the city, philosophy and political life, have stood in a sort of tension with one another.
从一开始，哲学与城市、哲学与政治生活就处于一种彼此紧张的状态。
Socrates is charged, as we will see, by the city for corrupting the youth and impiety toward the Gods, right?
正如我们将看到的，苏格拉底被城市指控为腐蚀年轻人和亵渎众神，对吧？
In other words, he's accused of treason, a high capital offense.
换句话说，他被指控犯有叛国罪，这是一种重罪。
No other work of which I am aware helps us better think through the conflict.
据我所知，没有其他工作可以帮助我们更好地思考冲突。
I would even say, the necessary and inevitable conflict, between the freedom of the mind and the requirements of political life.
我什至会说，思想自由与政治生活的要求之间存在必要且不可避免的冲突。
Are these two things, are these two goods as it were, freedom of mind and political life, are they compatible or are they necessarily at odds with one another?
思想自由和政治生活这两种东西，这两种东西，它们是兼容的还是必然相互矛盾？
That seems to me to be, in some ways, the fundamental question that the Apology asks us to consider.
在我看来，从某种程度上来说，这是《道歉》要求我们考虑的基本问题。
Okay?
好的？
Now for generations, the Apology has stood out as a symbol for the violation of free expression.
如今，几代人以来，道歉已经成为侵犯言论自由的象征。
It sets the case for the individual committed to the examined life over and against a bigoted and prejudiced multitude.
它为那些致力于审视生活的个人提供了一个案例，反对偏执和偏见的大众。
The clearest statement of this view of, again, the individual set against the mob in some ways, is found in a work of a very famous civil libertarian of the nineteenth century, a man named John Stuart Mill.
这种个人在某些方面反对暴民的观点的最清晰的表述可以在 19 世纪一位非常著名的公民自由主义者的著作中找到，他的名字叫约翰·斯图尔特·密尔 (John Stuart Mill)。
In his famous tract called simply On Liberty , Mill wrote, "Mankind can hardly be too often reminded that there was once a man named Socrates between whom and the legal authorities of his time there took place a memorable collision." Over and again, and Mill is a kind of a famous case of this, Socrates has been described as a martyr for freedom of speech and he has been somewhat extravagantly compared at various times to Jesus, to Galileo, to Sir Thomas More and has been used as a role model for thinkers and political activists from Henry David Thoreau, to Gandhi, to Martin Luther King.
密尔在他那本名为《论自由》的著名小册子中写道：“人们常常被提醒，曾经有一个名叫苏格拉底的人，他与他那个时代的法律权威之间发生了一场令人难忘的冲突。”密尔就是一个著名的例子，苏格拉底被一次又一次地描述为言论自由的烈士，他在不同时期被夸张地与耶稣、伽利略、托马斯·莫尔爵士相比较，并被亨利·大卫·梭罗、甘地、马丁·路德·金等思想家和政治活动家视为榜样。
So, Socrates has become a very central symbol of political resistance and resistance to political power, and, of the dangers to the individual of unchecked rule.
因此，苏格拉底已成为政治抵抗和对政治权力的抵抗以及不受约束的统治对个人的危险的一个非常中心的象征。
But, this reading of the Apology as you might say, is a kind of brief for freedom of expression and a warning against the dangers of censorship and persecution.
但是，正如您可能会说的，对《道歉》的解读是对言论自由的一种简述，也是对审查和迫害危险的警告。
Although this has been enormously influential over the centuries, at least over the last century and a half, you have to ask yourself: is this the reading that Plato intended?
尽管这在几个世纪以来，至少在过去一个半世纪里产生了巨大的影响，但你必须问自己：这是柏拉图想要的解读吗？
Did Plato want us to read the dialogue this way?
柏拉图希望我们这样读对话吗？
As a teacher of mine used to say, "You read Plato your way, I'll read him his way." But, how did Plato intend this dialogue to be understood?
正如我的一位老师常说的：“你用你的方式读柏拉图，我也用他的方式读他。”但是，柏拉图打算如何理解这段对话呢？
Note that Socrates never defends himself by reference to the doctrine of unlimited free speech.
请注意，苏格拉底从未通过引用无限言论自由的学说来为自己辩护。
He doesn't make that claim.
他没有提出这样的说法。
He doesn't make the claim about the general utility of freedom or unlimited speech.
他并没有宣称自由或不受限制的言论具有普遍效用。
Rather, he maintains as he puts it near the end of the defense speech, that the examined life is alone worth living.
相反，正如他在辩护演讲接近尾声时所说的那样，他坚持认为，只有经过审视的生活才值得过。
Only those, in other words, engaged in the continual struggle to clarify their thinking, to remove sources of contradiction and incoherence, only those people can be said to live worthwhile lives.
换句话说，只有那些不断努力澄清自己的思想、消除矛盾和不连贯根源的人，才可以说是过着有价值的生活。
"The unexamined life is not worth living." Socrates confidently, defiantly asserts to his listeners, to his audience.
“未经审视的生活是不值得过的。”苏格拉底自信地、挑衅地向他的听众、他的听众断言。
Nothing else matters for him.
其他的一切对他来说都不重要。
His, in other words seems to be a highly personal, in many ways, highly individual quest for self perfection and not a doctrine about the value of freedom of speech in general.
换句话说，他似乎是一种高度个人化的、在很多方面、高度个人化的对自我完善的追求，而不是关于一般言论自由价值的学说。
But, even though you might say, Socrates seems to be engaged in, again, this highly personal quest for self perfection, there is something, which one can't avoid, deeply political about the Apology and about his teaching.
但是，即使你可能会说，苏格拉底似乎再次致力于这种高度个人化的自我完善追求，但《申辩》和他的教导中还是有一些人们无法避免的深刻的政治性。
At the heart of the dialogue or at the heart of this speech rather is a quarrel, a quarrel with his accusers over the question, never stated directly perhaps, but over the question of who has the right to educate future citizens and statesmen of the city of Athens.
对话的核心，或者说这次演讲的核心，是一场争吵，一场与他的指控者就这个问题的争吵，这个问题也许从未直接表述过，而是围绕着谁有权教育雅典城未来的公民和政治家的问题。
Socrates's defense speech, like every platonic dialogue, is ultimately a dialogue about education.
苏格拉底的辩护演讲，就像所有柏拉图式的对话一样，归根结底是一场关于教育的对话。
Who has the right to teach, who has the right to educate?
谁有教书的权利，谁有受教育的权利？
This is in many ways for Socrates the fundamental political question of all times.
对于苏格拉底来说，这在很多方面都是有史以来的基本政治问题。
It is the question of really who governs or maybe put another way, who should govern, who ought to govern.
这实际上是由谁来统治的问题，或者换句话说，谁应该统治，谁应该统治。
Remember also that the city that brought Socrates to trial was not just any city, it was a peculiar kind of city, it was Athens.
还要记住，审判苏格拉底的城市不仅仅是一座普通的城市，而是一座特殊的城市，它就是雅典。
And Athens was, until only fairly recent times in human history, the most famous democracy that ever existed.
直到人类历史上最近的时期，雅典还是有史以来最著名的民主国家。
I say fairly recent times until, you know, the American democracy.
我说的是最近一段时间，直到美国民主出现。
But it was, until at least the eighteenth or nineteenth century, the most famous democracy that ever existed.
但至少在十八世纪或十九世纪之前，它是有史以来最著名的民主国家。
The speech of Socrates before the jury is perhaps the most famous attempt to put democracy itself on trial.
苏格拉底在陪审团面前的演讲也许是最著名的对民主本身进行审判的尝试。
It is not merely Socrates who is on trial.
受审的不仅仅是苏格拉底。
Socrates intends to put the democracy of Athens itself on trial.
苏格拉底打算对雅典的民主制度本身进行审判。
Not only does the Apology force Socrates to defend himself before the city of Athens, but Socrates puts the city of Athens on trial and makes it defend itself before the high court of philosophy.
《申辩》不仅迫使苏格拉底在雅典城面前为自己辩护，而且苏格拉底将雅典城置于审判之中，并使其在哲学高等法庭上为自己辩护。
So, the ensuing debate within the dialogue can be read as a struggle again over who has title to rule.
因此，对话中接下来的争论可以被解读为再次谁拥有统治权的斗争。
Is it the people?
是人民吗？
Is it the court of Athens, the d?mos , to use the Greek word for "the people," or is it Socrates the philosopher-king who should be vested with ultimate political authority?
是雅典宫廷，希腊语中的“人民”一词，还是应该被赋予最终政治权威的哲学家国王苏格拉底？
That is, of course, the quest and it's taken up in a very vivid way, much more explicit way in the Republic , but it runs throughout the Apology and you can't really understand the Apology unless you see that this is the question that Socrates is posing throughout.
当然，这就是这个探索，它在《理想国》中以一种非常生动、更加明确的方式被提出，但它贯穿整个《申辩》，除非你看到这是苏格拉底在全文中提出的问题，否则你无法真正理解《申辩》。
So, I have some names put on the board and some dates, because I want to talk a little bit about the political context of this dialogue.
所以，我在黑板上写了一些名字和一些日期，因为我想谈谈这次对话的政治背景。
One can of course read, there's nothing wrong with reading the Apology, again, as a kind of enduring symbol of the plight of the, you might say, the just individual confronted with an unjust mob, or an unjust political rule.
人们当然可以读到，读《道歉》并没有什么错，再次，作为一种持久的象征，你可能会说，正义的个人面对不公正的暴民或不公正的政治统治。
It's, again, a question that Plato takes up in the Republic when a character in the book named Glaucon who happens to be, as it were, the brother of Plato, asks Socrates if it is actually better to be just or simply to have the reputation for justice?
这又是柏拉图在《理想国》中提出的一个问题，当时书中一个名叫格劳孔的人物（恰好是柏拉图的兄弟）问苏格拉底，做一个公正的人实际上更好，还是仅仅拥有正义的声誉更好？
And Socrates says it is better to be just, even if that results in persecution and death.
苏格拉底说，公正是更好的选择，即使这会导致迫害和死亡。
But the trial is not, again, just an enduring symbol of justice versus injustice, it is an actual historical event that takes place in a particular moment of political time and this bears, I think, decisively on how we come to understand the case both for and against Socrates.
但审判不仅仅是正义与非正义的持久象征，它是在政治时间的特定时刻发生的真实历史事件，我认为，这对我们如何理解支持和反对苏格拉底的案件有决定性的影响。
Let me talk a little bit about that context.
让我谈谈这个背景。
The trial of Socrates takes place in the year 399 and all of these refer to before the common era, 399.
苏格拉底的审判发生在公元399年，所有这些都是指公元399年之前。
Some of you will know that that trial follows very quickly upon the heals of the famous Peloponnesian War.
你们中有些人会知道，这场审判是在著名的伯罗奔尼撒战争痊愈后很快发生的。
This was the war related by Socrates's slightly older contemporary, a man named Thucydides who wrote the history of the Peloponnesian War, a war that took place between the two great powers of the Greek world between the Spartans and their allies and Athens and its allies.
这是苏格拉底的同代人、一位名叫修昔底德的人所讲述的战争，他写下了伯罗奔尼撒战争的历史，这场战争发生在希腊世界的两个大国之间，即斯巴达及其盟友与雅典及其盟友之间。
The Athens that fought this war against Sparta was an Athens at the height of its political power and prestige under the leadership of its first citizen Pericles, whose name is also up there at the very top.
与斯巴达进行这场战争的雅典是在其第一位公民伯里克利（Pericles）领导下政治权力和威望达到顶峰的雅典，伯里克利的名字也名列前茅。
Under Pericles, Athens had built the famous Acropolis.
在伯里克利的统治下，雅典建造了著名的卫城。
It had established Athens as a mighty and redoubtable naval power and it created an unprecedented level of artistic and cultural life, even today known simply as Periclean Athens.
它使雅典成为一个强大而令人敬畏的海军强国，并创造了前所未有的艺术和文化生活水平，即使在今天也简称为伯里克利雅典。
But Athens was also something completely unprecedented in the world, it was a democracy.
但雅典也是世界上前所未有的，它是一个民主国家。
And, again, even today the expression "Athenian democracy" connotes an ideal of the most complete form of democratic government that has ever existed.
而且，即使在今天，“雅典民主”这一表述仍然意味着有史以来最完整的民主政府形式的理想。
"We are the school of Hellas." This is what Pericles boasts to his listeners in the famous funeral oration told by Thucydides.
“我们是希腊的学校。”这就是伯里克利在修昔底德著名的葬礼演说中向听众夸耀的内容。
"We throw our city open to the world and never exclude foreigners from any opportunity of learning and observing, even though the eyes of an enemy may profit from our liberality," Pericles boasts once again.
“我们让我们的城市向世界开放，并且从不排除外国人任何学习和观察的机会，即使敌人的眼睛可能会从我们的慷慨中受益，”伯里克利再次夸口道。
The question maybe you want to ask about this is how could the world's first freest and most open society sentence to death a man who spoke freely about his own ignorance and professed to care for nothing so much as virtue and human excellence?
也许你想问的问题是，世界上第一个最自由、最开放的社会怎么能判处一个敢于直言自己无知、自称只关心美德和人类卓越的人死刑？
Now, at the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War, Socrates was just under 40 years of age.
现在，伯罗奔尼撒战争爆发时，苏格拉底还不到40岁。
And, we learned from the speech that Socrates himself served in the military and served in defense of his country.
而且，我们从演讲中得知，苏格拉底本人曾参军，为保卫国家而服役。
The war, the Peloponnesian War, was fought as you can see over a considerable length of time, on and off for almost a period of 30 years and was concluded in the year 404 with the defeat of Athens, the installing of a pro-Spartan oligarchy, a pro-Spartan regime known simply as the Thirty Tyrants who ruled Athens for a year.
正如你所看到的，伯罗奔尼撒战争持续了相当长的时间，断断续续地进行了近30年，并于404年以雅典的失败而结束，亲斯巴达的寡头政权建立，亲斯巴达的政权简称为“三十僭主”，统治雅典一年。
The next year, 403, the Tyrants, The Thirty as they were called, were driven out and a democratic government was once again reestablished in Athens.
次年，即 403 年，僭主（即所谓的“三十”）被驱逐，雅典再次重建了民主政府。
Just three years later, three men named Anytus, Meletus and Lycos, all of whom had been part of the democratic resistance movement against the Spartan oligarchy, brought charges against Socrates.
仅仅三年后，三名名叫阿尼图斯（Anytus）、梅勒图斯（Meletus）和莱科斯（Lycos）的人对苏格拉底提出指控，他们都是反对斯巴达寡头政治的民主抵抗运动的一部分。
The charges against him were: corrupting the young and disbelieving in the Gods that the city believes in.
对他的指控是：腐蚀年轻人以及不信仰这座城市所信仰的诸神。
So, you can see that the charges were brought by people who were themselves, again, part of a democratic resistance movement and the names of Anytus and Meletus as you've read, you know, appear in the speech itself.
所以，你可以看到，这些指控是由那些本身也是民主抵抗运动一部分的人提出的，正如你所读到的，阿尼图斯和梅勒图斯的名字出现在演讲本身中。
So, the charges brought against Socrates did not simply grow out of thin air.
因此，对苏格拉底的指控并非凭空而来。
Maybe we should rephrase the question.
也许我们应该重新表述这个问题。
Not why did the Athenians bring Socrates to trial?
不是为什么雅典人要审判苏格拉底？
But, why did they permit him to carry on his practice of challenging the law and the authority of the law for as long as they did?
但是，为什么他们允许他继续挑战法律和法律权威的做法呢？
Okay?
好的？
Add to this the fact that when Socrates was brought to trial again, the democracy had only recently been reestablished but that many friends and former students of Socrates had been themselves implicated in the rule of the hated Thirty Tyrants.
此外，当苏格拉底再次受审时，民主制度刚刚重新建立，但苏格拉底的许多朋友和以前的学生自己也卷入了令人憎恶的三十暴君的统治。
Among the members of The Thirty was a man named Critias, and there's actually a platonic dialogue named after him, a man named Critias, who was a relative of Plato's and another man named Charmides whose name is also the title of a platonic dialogue, Charmides who is Plato's uncle.
“三十人”的成员中有一个叫克里蒂亚斯，实际上有一部柏拉图对话是以他的名字命名的，一个叫克里蒂亚斯，是柏拉图的亲戚，另一个叫查米德斯，他的名字也是柏拉图对话录的标题，查米德斯是柏拉图的叔叔。
Plato himself, he tells us much later in life in his famous Seventh Letter, Plato himself was invited by his relatives to help to form a part of the government of The Thirty and later Plato said, "That so abhorrent did they become that they made the older democracy look like the Golden Age." So, the point I'm suggesting is that many of Socrates' students and associates, including Plato himself, had some connection with this oligarchical government that had ruled Athens for a brief time.
柏拉图本人，他在晚年的著名的第七封信中告诉我们，柏拉图本人受到亲戚的邀请，帮助组建三十年代政府，后来柏拉图说，“他们变得如此令人憎恶，以至于他们让旧的民主看起来像黄金时代。”因此，我想说的是，苏格拉底的许多学生和同事，包括柏拉图本人，都与这个曾短暂统治雅典的寡头政府有某种联系。
And, Socrates was himself not above suspicion.
而且，苏格拉底本人也并非无可怀疑。
We often, don't we even today yes, we often judge teachers by their students, by the company they keep, yes, don't we?
我们经常，甚至在今天，是的，我们经常通过学生、他们的同伴来评判老师，是的，不是吗？
No one is above suspicion.
没有人是无可怀疑的。
Socrates himself had been a close associate of a man named Alcibiades, probably the most prominent Athenian in the generation after Pericles.
苏格拉底本人曾是一位名叫阿尔喀比亚德的人的亲密伙伴，阿尔喀比亚德可能是继伯里克利之后的一代中最杰出的雅典人。
Alcibiades was the man who engineered the disastrous Sicilian expedition and later ended his life as a defector going to Sparta.
阿尔喀比亚德策划了灾难性的西西里远征，后来以叛逃者的身份前往斯巴达结束了自己的生命。
His complex relationship with Socrates is, by the way, recounted in the drunken speech that Alcibiades gives in Plato's dialogue, Symposium .
顺便说一句，他与苏格拉底的复杂关系在柏拉图的对话录《会饮篇》中阿尔喀比亚德的醉酒演讲中得到了叙述。
So, you can see that the trial of Socrates, the little speech that you have read, takes place in the shadow of military defeat, of resistance, of conspiracy and betrayal.
所以，你可以看到，你读过的这篇小演讲，对苏格拉底的审判，是在军事失败、抵抗、阴谋和背叛的阴影下进行的。
Socrates was 70 years old at the time of the trial.
受审时苏格拉底已经70岁了。
So, this was a highly charged political environment.
因此，这是一个高度紧张的政治环境。
Far more volatile than for example the kind of partisan quarrels we see today in our republic, I hope.
我希望，比我们今天在共和国看到的那种党派争吵更加不稳定。
Okay?
好的？
So, let me talk about the accusations, let me move from the political context of the speech to the accusations.
那么，让我谈谈指控，让我从演讲的政治背景转向指控。
And, I say accusations because there, as you read, if you read closely you will see there were actually two sets of accusations leveled against Socrates.
而且，我说指控是因为，当你读到时，如果你仔细阅读，你会发现实际上有两套针对苏格拉底的指控。
Early in the speech Socrates claims that his current accusers Anytus and Meletus, again, the democratic resistance fighters, the charges they have brought against him are themselves the descendants of an earlier generation of accusers who were responsible for, he claims, maligning and creating an unfavorable prejudice against Socrates.
在演讲的一开始，苏格拉底声称，他目前的指控者阿尼图斯和梅勒图斯，又是民主抵抗斗士，他们对他提出的指控本身就是上一代指控者的后代，他声称，这些指控者对苏格拉底中伤并造成了不利的偏见。
"These charges are not new," he tells the jury, and many members of the jury, he says, will have formed an unfavorable opinion about him.
“这些指控并不新鲜，”他告诉陪审团，他说，陪审团的许多成员都会对他形成不利的看法。
This was the day before there were intense forms of jury selection, where they would ask people: "Do you have a view of the case?" Many of the jurors would have known Socrates, or certainly would have heard of him and, he says, would have had already an unfavorable opinion formed about him by this earlier generation of accusers.
这是陪审团选拔的前一天，他们会问人们：“你对这个案子有什么看法吗？”许多陪审员都认识苏格拉底，或者肯定听说过他，而且他说，早先一代的原告已经对他形成了不利的看法。
Reference he makes to a comic poet, yes, a comic poet, an unequivocal reference to the playwright Aristophanes, whose name I have put up on the board.
他提到了一位喜剧诗人，是的，一位喜剧诗人，明确提到了剧作家阿里斯托芬，我已经将他的名字放在了黑板上。
Aristophanes is the one who created the original or the initial prejudice against Socrates.
阿里斯托芬是对苏格拉底产生最初或最初的偏见的人。
What was that prejudice that Aristophanes, this comic poet, had created?
这位喜剧诗人阿里斯托芬所造成的偏见是什么？
The allusion to Aristophanes and the comic poet is a part of what Plato calls in Book X of the Republic , the old quarrel between philosophy and poetry.
对阿里斯托芬和喜剧诗人的暗示是柏拉图在《理想国》第十卷中所说的哲学与诗歌之间的古老争论的一部分。
This quarrel is a staple of Plato's dialogues, is a central theme, not only of the Symposium in which Aristophanes and Socrates are actually shown at the same dinner table with one another.
这场争吵是柏拉图对话录的主要内容，也是中心主题，不仅是阿里斯托芬和苏格拉底实际上在同一张餐桌上出现的《会饮》的中心主题。
But, it is also a key feature of the Republic which we will be reading in a week, where Socrates offers an elaborate proposal for the censorship and control of poetry, if it is to be made compatible with the demands of political justice.
但是，这也是我们将在一周内阅读的《理想国》的一个关键特征，其中苏格拉底提出了关于诗歌审查和控制的详尽建议，如果它要与政治正义的要求相一致的话。
In fact, in a way you cannot understand the Republic unless you understand the poetic backdrop to it and Socrates's long standing engagement with the poetic tradition and this back and forth between himself and the man he calls this comic poet.
事实上，在某种程度上，你无法理解《理想国》，除非你了解它的诗意背景，了解苏格拉底对诗歌传统的长期参与，以及他自己和他称之为喜剧诗人的人之间的来回交往。
The core of this quarrel between the philosopher and the poet, between Socrates and Aristophanes is not just an aesthetic judgment or it is not simply an aesthetic quarrel it is, again, deeply political or at least has something very political about it.
哲学家和诗人、苏格拉底和阿里斯托芬之间的这场争论的核心不仅仅是审美判断，也不仅仅是审美争论，它是深刻的政治性的，或者至少有一些非常政治性的东西。
It gets to the essence of the question of who is best equipped to educate future generations of citizens and civic leaders.
它触及了谁最有能力教育下一代公民和公民领袖这一问题的本质。
Are the philosophers or are the poets, you might say, the true legislators for mankind, if you want to use Shelley's dictum?
如果你想用雪莱的格言的话，你可能会说，哲学家或诗人是人类真正的立法者吗？
Which one legislates for mankind at the time of Socrates?
苏格拉底时代为人类立法的是哪一部？
The Greeks already had a century's long tradition of poetic education, going back centuries to the time of Homer and Hesiod that set out certain exemplary models of heroic virtue and civic life.
希腊人已经拥有一个世纪悠久的诗学教育传统，可以追溯到几个世纪前的荷马和赫西俄德时代，他们树立了英雄美德和公民生活的某些典范。
The Homeric epics were to the Greek world what the Bible is to our world that is to say, in some respects the ultimate authority, regarding the way of the Gods, their relation to the world and the type of virtues appropriate to human beings.
荷马史诗之于希腊世界就像圣经之于我们的世界一样，也就是说，在某些方面，荷马史诗对于诸神的道路、诸神与世界的关系以及适合人类的美德类型具有最终权威。
The virtues endorsed by the poetic tradition of which Aristophanes is the great representative here, the great inheritor and representative, the virtues of this tradition were the virtues of a warrior culture, of war-like peoples and men at war.
阿里斯托芬是诗歌传统的伟大代表，伟大的继承者和代表，所认可的美德是武士文化的美德，是好战的民族和战争中的人们的美德。
These were the qualities that had guided the Greeks for centuries and contributed to their rise to power.
这些品质引导了希腊人几个世纪，并为他们的崛起做出了贡献。
It contributed to Athens' as well as Sparta's rise to greatness from a small dispersed people, to a great world power and, again, allowed them to achieve a level of artistic, intellectual and political accomplishment akin to Renaissance Florence, Elizabethan England and Thirties Weimar.
它帮助雅典和斯巴达从一个分散的小民族崛起为一个伟大的世界强国，并再次使他们达到了类似于文艺复兴时期的佛罗伦萨、伊丽莎白时代的英国和三十年代魏玛的艺术、知识和政治成就的水平。
So, what is at stake in this quarrel between Socrates and the poetic tradition that he alludes to?
那么，苏格拉底和他所提到的诗歌传统之间的这场争论有什么利害关系呢？
First, Socrates's manner of teaching is markedly different from the poets, right?
首先，苏格拉底的教学方式与诗人明显不同，对吗？
Does anyone know here the opening line of the Iliad ?
有谁知道《伊利亚特》的开场白吗？
Homer's Iliad , does anyone know the first line?
荷马的《伊利亚特》，有谁知道第一行吗？
Anyone remember that from high school?
还有人记得高中时的事吗？
"Sing Goddess the wrath of Achilles," right?
“歌颂女神阿喀琉斯的愤怒”，对吗？
"Sing Goddess the wrath of Achilles." The poets are oracular, right?
“歌颂女神阿喀琉斯的愤怒。”诗人都是神谕者，对吧？
They call on Gods and Goddesses to inspire them with song, to fill them with inspiration to tell stories of people with super-human strength and courage and anger.
他们祈求诸神用歌声激励他们，让他们充满灵感，讲述具有超人力量、勇气和愤怒的人们的故事。
By contrast, you could say, the method of Socrates is not oracular.
相比之下，你可以说，苏格拉底的方法并不神秘。
It is not story telling; it is conversational, it is argumentative, if you want to use the word he applies to it, it is dialectical.
这不是讲故事；而是讲故事。它是对话性的，它是论证性的，如果你想用他所用的词，它是辩证的。
Socrates makes arguments and he wants others to engage with him, to discover which argument can best withstand the test of rational scrutiny and debate.
苏格拉底提出论证，他希望其他人与他互动，发现哪种论证最能经受住理性审视和辩论的考验。
There are no arguments in Homer's Iliad or Odyssey .
荷马的《伊利亚特》或《奥德赛》中没有任何争论。
You hear strong and compelling stories but no arguments.
你会听到强有力的、引人入胜的故事，但没有争论。
Socrates makes, in other words, continual questioning and not the telling of stories and the recitation of verses, the essence of this new political education.
换句话说，苏格拉底使这种新政治教育的本质是不断的提问，而不是讲故事和背诵诗句。
He questions the methods of teaching of the poets.
他质疑诗人的教学方法。
But, secondly, again, Homer and the poets sing the virtues of men at war.
但其次，荷马和诗人再次歌颂战争中人类的美德。
Socrates wants to replace the warrior citizen with a new kind of citizen, a whole new set, you might say, of citizen virtues.
苏格拉底想要用一种新型公民取代战士公民，你可能会说，这是一套全新的公民美德。
The new Socratic citizen, let's call him that for a moment, the new Socratic citizen may have some features in common with the older Homeric warrior.
新的苏格拉底公民，我们暂时这样称呼他吧，新的苏格拉底公民可能与旧的荷马战士有一些共同的特征。
But, Socrates ultimately wants to replace military combat with a new kind of, you might call it, verbal facility, verbal combat, in which again the person with the best argument is declared to be victorious.
但是，苏格拉底最终希望用一种新的，你可以称之为口头便利，口头战斗来取代军事战斗，在这种战斗中，拥有最好论据的人再次被宣布获胜。
The person with the best argument, let the best argument prevail.
拥有最好论据的人，让最好的论据占上风。
The famed Socratic method of argumentation is basically all that remains of the older pre-Socratic culture of struggle and combat.
著名的苏格拉底论证方法基本上是古老的前苏格拉底斗争文化的全部残余。
The new Socratic citizen is to be trained in the art of argument and dialectic, and we will talk a little later about what that means.
新的苏格拉底公民将接受论证和辩证艺术的训练，稍后我们将讨论这意味着什么。
So, it is a challenger to the poets and all they stand for, the century-long tradition of poetic education that Socrates asserts himself, that Socrates presents himself.
因此，苏格拉底所主张的、苏格拉底所展现的长达一个世纪的诗歌教育传统，是对诗人及其所代表的一切的挑战。
The Apology shows Socrates as offering a new model of citizenship, a new kind of citizen.
《申辩》表明苏格拉底提供了一种新的公民模式、一种新的公民。
His challenge to the poets is in a way the basis for the resentment that is built up against him, in that Aristophanes and what he calls the earlier accusers have brought to bear.
他对诗人的挑战在某种程度上是对他的怨恨的基础，阿里斯托芬和他所谓的早期指控者已经对他产生了怨恨。
In fact, you might say, so seriously was Socrates taken by Aristophanes and the poets, that Aristophanes devoted an entire play, he wrote an entire play, about Socrates called the Clouds , devoted to debunking and ridicule Socrates's profession of learning.
事实上，你可能会说，阿里斯托芬和诗人如此认真地对待苏格拉底，以至于阿里斯托芬专门写了一整部戏剧，他写了一整部关于苏格拉底的戏剧，叫做《云》，致力于揭穿和嘲笑苏格拉底的学术职业。
Aristophanes' play sometimes is even included in certain editions of the book you're reading, like this one, it has the edition of Aristophanes' Clouds in it, along with the Apology and Crito .
阿里斯托芬的戏剧有时甚至包含在您正在阅读的书的某些版本中，例如这本书，其中有阿里斯托芬的《云》版本，以及《申辩》和《克里托》。
The existence of that play shows to all of us just how seriously Socrates was taken by the greatest of his contemporaries and Aristophanes was, along with Sophocles and Euripides and others, among the greatest of the Greek playwrights.
该剧的存在向我们所有人表明，苏格拉底受到同时代最伟大的剧作家的重视，而阿里斯托芬与索福克勒斯、欧里庇得斯等人一样，是希腊最伟大的剧作家之一。
The mockery, you might say, mockery of Socrates, remains one of the sincerest forms of flattery; they took him very seriously.
你可能会说，对苏格拉底的嘲讽仍然是最真诚的奉承形式之一。他们非常认真地对待他。
Let me just say something about the Clouds , this comic play, this satire on Socrates, because it is part of that initial accusation that Socrates says is leveled against him.
让我谈谈《云》，这部喜剧，这部对苏格拉底的讽刺剧，因为这是苏格拉底所说的针对他的最初指控的一部分。
Here, Aristophanes presents Socrates as an investigator, and this is part of the first charge, remember an investigator of the things aloft and the things under the earth and who makes the weaker argument the stronger.
在这里，阿里斯托芬将苏格拉底描绘成一个调查者，这是第一个指控的一部分，记住一个天上和地下的事情的调查者，谁使较弱的论点变得更强。
That's the argument that Socrates says Aristophanes brings against him.
这就是苏格拉底所说的阿里斯托芬反对他的论点。
In this play, Socrates is presented as the head, the leader, the director of what we might think of as the first think tank known to human history.
在这部剧中，苏格拉底被描绘成人类历史上第一个智库的首脑、领导者和主任。
It's called in the play itself the Phrontisterion which means, or is sometimes translated as the Thinkery or the Thinketeria or simply a kind of think tank where fathers, Athenian fathers, bring their sons to be indoctrinated into the mysteries of Socratic wisdom.
它在剧中被称为Phrontisterion，意思是，或者有时被翻译为Thinkery或Thinketeria，或者只是一种智囊团，父亲们，雅典的父亲们，把他们的儿子带入苏格拉底智慧的奥秘中。
And in the play Socrates is shown hovering, flying above the stage in a basket in order to be able to better observe the clouds, the things aloft, right?
剧中苏格拉底在空中盘旋，提着篮子飞翔在舞台上空，以便能够更好地观察云层和高处的事物，对吧？
But, also in many ways symbolizing Socrates', at least on the Aristophanes' account, Socrates's detachment from the things down here on earth, the things that concern his fellow citizens.
但是，至少在阿里斯托芬的描述中，苏格拉底在很多方面也象征着苏格拉底对尘世事物的超然，对与他的同胞有关的事物的超然。
Socrates is a kind of what in German people would call Luftmensch .
苏格拉底是德国人所说的“Luftmensch”。
He's a man up in the air, you know, he's so detached, he doesn't have his feet on the ground.
He's a man up in the air, you know, he's so detached, he doesn't have his feet on the ground.
And Socrates is shown not only mocking the Gods in doing this, but he is shown by Aristophanes to teach incest and to teach all of the things that violate every decent, human taboo--incest, the beating of one's parents, all these kinds of things.
苏格拉底不仅在这样做时嘲笑众神，而且阿里斯托芬也向我们展示了他教导乱伦，教导所有违反一切体面的人类禁忌的事情——乱伦、殴打父母，所有这些事情。
Socrates is presented as exhibiting kind of a corrosive skepticism which is at the core of Aristophanes' charge against him.
苏格拉底表现出一种腐蚀性的怀疑主义，这是阿里斯托芬对他的指控的核心。
To make a long story short, the play concludes with Socrates's think tank being burned to the ground by a disgruntled disciple.
长话短说，该剧以苏格拉底的智库被心怀不满的弟子烧毁为结局。
An object lesson for all later professors, I would say, who teach nonsense [chuckles].
我想说，这是给后来所有教授废话的教授的一堂实物课[笑]。
Right?
正确的？
Don't get any ideas.
不要有任何想法。
Take a match to the department.
去部门打一场比赛。
So, how accurate is that picture of Socrates, the man who investigates the things aloft and the things under the ground?
那么，苏格拉底这个研究天上地下事物的人的形象有多准确呢？
The Clouds was written in 423 when Socrates was in his mid-forties and the Aristophanic Socrates is essentially what we call a natural philosopher.
《云》写于 423 年，当时苏格拉底四十多岁，阿里斯托芬式的苏格拉底本质上是我们所说的自然哲学家。
Again, investigating the things aloft, under the ground.
再次，调查高处、地下的事物。
He is what we would call today a scientist, a natural scientist.
他就是我们今天所说的科学家、自然科学家。
But, this seems quite removed, doesn't it, from the Socrates who is brought up on charges of corrupting the young and the impiety in the Apology.
但是，这似乎与苏格拉底相去甚远，不是吗？苏格拉底是在《申辩》中被指控腐蚀年轻人和不敬虔而长大的。
And here is where Socrates actually tells the story, very important in the course of this speech; he provides a kind of intellectual biography of an incident that occurred long before the trial and set him on a very different path.
这就是苏格拉底实际讲述的故事，这在整个演讲过程中非常重要；他提供了一种关于审判前很久发生的事件的知识传记，并使他走上了一条截然不同的道路。
He recalls the story, don't you remember, of a man named Charephon, a friend of his, who had gone to the Delphic Oracle, who had gone to Oracle of Delphi, and asked if there was anyone wiser than Socrates and was told there was not.
他回忆起这样一个故事，你不记得吗，他的一个朋友，一个名叫查勒丰的人，去了德尔斐神谕处，询问是否有比苏格拉底更聪明的人，被告知没有。
Socrates tells us that when he was told this he expressed disbelief in the Oracle.
苏格拉底告诉我们，当他被告知这一点时，他表达了对神谕的怀疑。
He didn't believe it and in order to disprove the Oracle's statement, he says he began a lifelong quest to find someone wiser than himself.
他不相信，为了反驳神谕的说法，他说他开始终生寻找比自己更聪明的人。
A quest, in the course of which lead him to interrogate the politicians, the poets, the craftsmen, all people reputed to be knowledgeable, and his conversations lead him to ask questions, not about natural scientific phenomena, but questions about the virtues, as he tells us, the virtues of a human being and a citizen, what we would call today perhaps moral and political questions.
在此过程中，他询问了政治家、诗人、工匠以及所有被认为知识渊博的人，他的谈话引导他提出问题，不是关于自然科学现象，而是关于美德的问题，正如他告诉我们的那样，人类和公民的美德，我们今天可能称之为道德和政治问题。
That incident that Socrates tells here represents what one could call the famous Socratic turn, Socrates's second sailing so to speak.
苏格拉底在这里讲述的那件事代表了人们所谓的著名的苏格拉底转向，可以说是苏格拉底的第二次航行。
It represents the moment in the life of Socrates where he turns away from the investigation of natural phenomena to the study of the human and political things, the moral and political things.
它代表了苏格拉底一生中的一个时刻，他从对自然现象的研究转向对人类和政治事物、道德和政治事物的研究。
The Delphic story for what it's worth marks a major turning point in Socrates's intellectual biography.
德尔斐故事的价值标志着苏格拉底思想传记的一个重大转折点。
The move from the younger, we could call him, Aristophanic Socrates, the Socrates who, again, investigates the things aloft and under the earth, to the later, what we could call platonic Socrates.
从年轻的苏格拉底，我们可以称他为阿里斯托芬式的苏格拉底，再一次研究地上和地下的事物的苏格拉底，到后来的我们可以称之为柏拉图式的苏格拉底。
The founder of political science, Socrates is the founder of our discipline who asks about the virtues of moral and political life.
苏格拉底是政治学的创始人，也是我们学科的创始人，他探究道德和政治生活的美德。
Socrates's account of this turn, this major turn in his life and career, leaves a lot of questions unanswered, that maybe even occurred to you as you were reading this dialogue, reading this speech.
苏格拉底对这一转折的描述，他一生和职业生涯中的这一重大转折，留下了许多未解答的问题，这些问题甚至可能在您阅读这段对话、阅读这篇演讲时想到。
Why does he turn away from the investigation of natural phenomena to the study of human and political things?
为什么他从对自然现象的调查转向对人类和政治事物的研究？
The Delphic Oracle is interpreted by Socrates, at least to command engaging with others in philosophical conversation.
苏格拉底对德尔斐神谕的解释至少是命令与他人进行哲学对话。
Why does he interpret it this way?
他为什么这样解释呢？
Why does this seem the proper interpretation to engage in these kinds of conversations?
为什么这似乎是参与此类对话的正确解释？
It is this Socrates who is brought up on charges of corruption and impiety, yet none of this quite answers the question of what is the nature of Socrates's crime.
正是这个苏格拉底被指控腐败和不敬虔，但这一切都没有完全回答苏格拉底罪行的性质是什么的问题。
What did he do?
他做了什么？
What did corruption and impiety mean?
腐败和不敬是什么意思？
To try to answer those questions we would have to look a little bit at what is meant by this new kind of Socratic citizen.
为了回答这些问题，我们必须稍微了解一下这种新型苏格拉底式公民的含义。
Who is this citizen?
这位公民是谁？
The charges brought against Socrates by Anytus and Meletus we see are not the same exactly as those brought against him by Aristophanes, the comic poet.
我们所看到的安尼图斯和梅勒图斯对苏格拉底的指控与喜剧诗人阿里斯托芬对苏格拉底的指控并不完全相同。
Anytus and Meletus talk about impiety and corruption, not investigating the things aloft and making the weaker argument the stronger.
安尼图斯和梅勒图斯谈论不虔诚和腐败，而不是调查高处的事物，并以弱论据为强。
What do these terms mean?
这些术语是什么意思？
Impiety and corruption, in what sense are these civic offenses?
不敬虔和腐败，在什么意义上是公民犯罪？
What could impiety have meant to his audience and his contemporaries?
不虔诚对他的听众和同时代人意味着什么？
At a minimum, we would think the charge of impiety suggests disrespect of the gods.
至少，我们会认为不敬虔的指控意味着对神的不敬。
Impiety need not be the same thing as atheism, although Meletus confuses the two, but it does suggest irreverence even blasphemy toward the things that a society cares most deeply about.
不敬不一定与无神论是一回事，尽管梅勒图斯混淆了两者，但它确实暗示着对社会最关心的事物的不敬甚至亵渎。
Yes?
是的？
To be impious is to disrespect those things a person or a society cares most deeply about.
不虔诚就是不尊重一个人或一个社会最关心的事情。
When people today, for example, refer to flag burning as a desecration, as desecrating the flag they are speaking the language of impiety, right.
例如，当今天的人们将焚烧国旗称为亵渎时，他们是在说不敬的语言，对吧。
They are speaking the language of some kind of religious or quasi-religious desecration.
他们所说的是某种宗教或准宗教亵渎的语言。
Meletus, whose name in Greek actually means care, accuses Socrates of not caring properly for the things that his fellow citizens care about.
梅勒图斯（Meletus）这个名字在希腊语中的实际意思是“关心”，他指责苏格拉底没有适当地关心他的同胞所关心的事情。
So, the question is: "What does Socrates care about"?
那么，问题是：“苏格拉底关心什么”？
What does he care about?
他关心什么？
Consider the following: every society, which we know, operates within the medium of belief or faith of some kind.
考虑以下情况：我们所知道的每个社会都是在某种信仰或信念的媒介下运作的。
Take our founding documents, the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, all men are created equal, that we are endowed with inalienable rights that all legitimate government grows out of consent and the like.
以我们的建国文件、《独立宣言》、《宪法》为例，人人生而平等，我们被赋予不可剥夺的权利，所有合法政府的产生都源于同意等等。
These beliefs form something like a kind of national creed, you might say, American, national creed, what it means to be an American and not someone else.
这些信仰形成了某种类似于国家信条的东西，你可能会说，美国人，国家信条，作为一个美国人而不是其他人意味着什么。
Yet, how many people could give a kind of reasoned account of what makes these beliefs true, or what grounds these beliefs?
然而，有多少人能够对这些信念的真实性或这些信念的基础给出合理的解释？
Most of us, most of the time, hold these beliefs as a matter of faith, as a matter of belief, because we have learned about them from childhood, because they were written by Thomas Jefferson or some other reputed high authority.
我们大多数人，大多数时候，都将这些信念视为一种信仰，一种信仰，因为我们从小就了解它们，因为它们是托马斯·杰斐逊或其他一些享有盛誉的权威所写的。
To question those beliefs would seem to exhibit a kind of lack of civic faith, faith in our ruling opinions.
质疑这些信仰似乎表现出一种缺乏公民信仰，缺乏对我们主导意见的信仰。
In short you might say a lack of civic piety or respect.
简而言之，你可能会说缺乏公民虔诚或尊重。
Socrates clearly believes that piety or faith is the natural condition of the citizen.
苏格拉底显然相信虔诚或信仰是公民的自然条件。
Every society, no matter of what kind requires a kind of faith in its ruling principles, in its fundamental beliefs.
每个社会，无论是哪种社会，都需要对其统治原则和基本信念有一种信仰。
But belief seems to be threatened from at least two sources.
但信仰似乎至少受到两个来源的威胁。
One is simple disbelief or unbelief, a kind of rejection of ruling opinion simply because you don't like it.
一种是简单的怀疑或不相信，一种仅仅因为你不喜欢就拒绝主流观点的行为。
You know, when you see the bumper sticker on the car "Question Authority," this kind of rejection of ruling opinion.
你知道，当你看到汽车保险杠上的贴纸“质疑权威”时，这种拒绝裁决意见的行为。
But the other source of conflict with ruling opinion is from philosophy.
但与主流观点发生冲突的另一个根源是哲学。
Philosophy is not the same thing as simple disbelief or rejection, but the two can be easily confused.
哲学与简单的怀疑或拒绝不是一回事，但两者很容易混淆。
Philosophy grows out of a desire to replace opinion with knowledge, opinion or belief with reason.
哲学源于用知识代替意见、用理性代替意见或信仰的愿望。
For philosophy, it is not enough simply to hold a belief on faith, but one must be able to give a rational account, a reasoned account for one's belief, its goal again is to replace civic faith with rational knowledge.
对于哲学来说，仅仅对信仰持有信仰是不够的，还必须能够对自己的信仰做出理性的解释，合理的解释，其目标又是用理性知识取代公民信仰。
And, therefore, philosophy is necessarily at odds with belief and with this kind of civic faith.
因此，哲学必然与信仰以及这种公民信仰相矛盾。
The citizen may accept certain beliefs on faith because he or she is attached to a particular kind of political order or regime.
公民可能会因为信仰而接受某些信仰，因为他或她依附于某种特定的政治秩序或政权。
But, for the philosopher this is never enough.
但是，对于哲学家来说，这还远远不够。
The philosopher seeks to judge those beliefs in the light of true standards, in the light of what is always and everywhere true as a quest for knowledge.
哲学家试图根据真正的标准，根据对知识的追求始终和无处不在的真实性来判断这些信念。
There is a necessary and inevitable tension between philosophy and belief, or to put it another way, between philosophy and the civic pieties that hold the city together.
哲学与信仰之间，或者换句话说，哲学与将城市凝聚在一起的公民虔诚之间，存在着一种必然且不可避免的紧张关系。
From this point of view, I want to say, was Socrates guilty of impiety?
从这个角度来看，我想说，苏格拉底有不敬虔的罪吗？
On the face of it, the answer to that seems yes.
从表面上看，答案似乎是肯定的。
Socrates does not care about the same thing his fellow citizens care about.
苏格拉底并不关心他的同胞所关心的事情。
His opening words to the jury seem to convey this, "I," he says, "am simply foreign to the manner of speech here." This seems to be a statement of his alienation or disaffection from the concerns of his fellow Athenians.
他对陪审团的开场白似乎传达了这一点：“我，”他说，“对这里的讲话方式很陌生。”这似乎是他对雅典同胞关心的疏远或不满的表现。
I know nothing about what you do or what you care about.
我对你所做的事情或你关心的事情一无所知。
Yet it certainly doesn't seem right to say that Socrates does not care at all.
然而，说苏格拉底根本不在乎似乎也不对。
He claims to care deeply, perhaps more deeply than anyone has ever cared around him, before or since.
他声称自己非常关心，也许比他周围的任何人都更加关心，无论是之前还是之后。
And among the things he cares deeply about, he says, is this calling to do nothing as he says "To do nothing but persuade you, both younger and older, not to care for bodies and money, but, how your soul will be in the best possible condition." That concern with the state of one's soul, he tells the jury, has lead him not only to impoverish himself, but to turn himself away from the public business, from the things that concern the city to the pursuit of private virtue.
他说，他非常关心的事情之一就是这种无所事事的召唤，正如他所说的那样“什么都不做，只是说服你们，无论年轻还是年长，不要关心身体和金钱，而是关心如何让您的灵魂处于最佳状态。”他告诉陪审团，对自己灵魂状态的关注不仅导致他自己变得贫穷，而且使自己远离公共事务，远离与城市有关的事情，转而追求私人美德。
And, here are the words of his that I want to leave you with today from section 31d of the Apology .
今天我想向大家介绍的是他在《道歉》第 31d 节中所说的话。
Socrates writes, "This is what opposes my political activity.
苏格拉底写道：“这就是反对我的政治活动的原因。
And, its opposition seems to me to be all together noble for know well, men of Athens, if I had long ago attempted to be politically active I would long ago have perished and I would benefited neither you nor myself.
而且，在我看来，它的反对是高尚的，因为雅典人，如果我很久以前就试图在政治上积极活动，我早就灭亡了，我对你们和我自己都没有好处。
Now do not be vexed with me when I speak the truth.
现在，当我说实话时，不要对我生气。
For there is no human being who will preserve his life if he genuinely opposes either you or any other multitude and prevents many unjust and unlawful things from happening in the city." Rather, he says, "if someone who really fights for justice is going to preserve himself even for a short time, it is necessary for him to lead a private, rather than a public life." Think about that, if someone who really fights for justice is going to preserve himself, it is necessary for him to lead a private, not a public life.
因为如果一个人真正反对你或任何其他群体，并阻止许多不公正和非法的事情在这座城市发生，那么没有人会保全自己的生命。”相反，他说，“如果一个真正为正义而战的人想要保护自己，即使是短暂的，他也有必要过私人生活，而不是公共生活。”想想看，如果一个真正为正义而战的人要保全自己，他就必须过私人生活，而不是公共生活。
How are we to understand Socrates's claim that the pursuit of justice requires him to turn away from public to private life?
我们如何理解苏格拉底的主张，即追求正义需要他从公共生活转向私人生活？
What is this new kind of citizen, again, concerned with this kind of private virtue, this concern for the virtue of one's soul?
这种关注这种私人美德、关注个人灵魂美德的新型公民是什么？
That's the question I want us to consider again for next week as we finish the Apology and move our way up to the Crito .
这是我希望我们在下周完成道歉并进入克里托时再次考虑的问题。
Okay?
好的？
We'll do that for next week.
我们将在下周这样做。