European Civilization, 1648-1945 Lecture 8 | European Civilization, 1648-1945

Professor Paul Freedman: All right, so today the question we're going to deal with is the survival of the Roman Empire in the East.

保罗·弗里德曼教授：好吧，今天我们要解决的问题是东方罗马帝国的生存。

Why did the Empire, based in Constantinople, survive, whereas, as we saw last week, the Western Empire based, nominally, in Rome--at times in Milan, at times in Ravenna--collapsed in the fifth century?

为什么以君士坦丁堡为基地的帝国得以幸存，而正如我们上周所见，名义上以罗马为基地（有时在米兰，有时在拉文纳）的西方帝国却在五世纪崩溃了？

We're going to take a long view of survival in the East--that is, from the fifth century to the mid-ninth century.

我们将从长远的角度来看待东方的生存——即从五世纪到九世纪中叶。

After the mid-ninth century, the Eastern Roman Empire flourishes and has a period, that we will discuss in a few weeks, of great splendor and prosperity.

九世纪中叶以后，东罗马帝国蓬勃发展，并经历了一段极其辉煌和繁荣的时期，我们将在几周后讨论这一时期。

But this long view is justified by the fact that for 400 years, or so, this Eastern Roman Empire faced tremendous threats of invasion, sieges, difficulties dealing with all sorts of nations and peoples, and, at the same time, internal division, because of religious controversy.

但这种长远的观点是合理的，因为在大约四百年的时间里，这个东罗马帝国面临着入侵、围困的巨大威胁，与各种国家和人民打交道时遇到困难，同时由于宗教争议而面临内部分裂。

Or what the people who won, called heresies.

或者胜利者所说的异端。

I remind you that while we call it the Eastern Roman Empire or the Byzantine Empire, they called themselves the Roman Empire--no adjective, no qualification.

我提醒你，虽然我们称其为东罗马帝国或拜占庭帝国，但他们称自己为罗马帝国——没有形容词，没有限定条件。

They were the successor to--and if they were the only successor, tough luck--the empire of Augustus, the empire of Diocletian, the empire of Constantine.

他们是奥古斯都帝国、戴克里先帝国、君士坦丁帝国的继承者——如果他们是唯一的继承者，那倒霉了。

In their base, before the seventh century, they were, as you see on the map.

正如您在地图上看到的那样，七世纪之前，他们就在他们的基地里。

The map really shows them, more or less, at their height.

这张地图或多或少真实地展示了他们的高度。

Eastern Roman Empire-- notice that it goes as far as Spain in the Mediterranean.

东罗马帝国——注意它最远到达地中海的西班牙。

This was the accomplishment of Justinian, and emperor of the sixth century, whose reign marks a kind of apogee, a height of power of this empire, within in this period of crisis.

这是六世纪皇帝查士丁尼的成就，他的统治标志着这个帝国在危机时期的某种顶峰和权力的高度。

So while I'm saying that we are dealing with about four century's worth of sieges and crises, there is this period in the sixth century, in the reign of Justinian, who represents a kind of brief, but very important, reconquest of the West.

因此，虽然我说我们正在应对大约四个世纪的围困和危机，但在六世纪查士丁尼统治时期的这个时期，代表着一种短暂但非常重要的对西方的重新征服。

And that's partly what you're seeing, at least the leftovers of it, in this map, that shows you the Byzantine or Eastern Roman Empire in the year 600, extending--including Spain, North Africa, the coast of what's now Libya, Egypt, the Mediterranean Middle East--that is modern Israel, Syria, Lebanon--Anatolia--that is to say Asia Minor, modern Turkey--and the Balkans, Greece, and the Aegean Islands.

这就是你所看到的部分内容，至少是它的残余部分，在这张地图上，它向你展示了600年的拜占庭或东罗马帝国，其领土延伸——包括西班牙、北非、现在的利比亚、埃及、地中海中东的海岸——也就是现代的以色列、叙利亚、黎巴嫩——安纳托利亚——也就是说小亚细亚、现代的土耳其——以及巴尔干半岛、希腊和爱琴海群岛。

This empire was held together by Constantinople, which, as you see, and as we've already spoken about, is strategically placed to control access between Europe and Asia, across the Bosphorus Straits, and also between the Black Sea, which is the access point to Central Asia and the Mediterranean Sea.

这个帝国是由君士坦丁堡维系在一起的，正如你所看到的，正如我们已经谈到的，君士坦丁堡的战略地位是控制欧洲和亚洲之间、博斯普鲁斯海峡的通道，以及黑海之间的通道，黑海是通往中亚和地中海的入口。

This city, modern Istanbul, still has the walls built by Theodosius II, in the early fifth century.

这座城市，即现代的伊斯坦布尔，仍然保留着狄奥多西二世于五世纪初建造的城墙。

The so-called Theodosian Walls--rather nastily restored recently--are an incredible monument, still, in their ruined state, to the power of Constantinople, as they were built on the landward side.

所谓的狄奥多西城墙（Theodosian Walls）——最近修复得相当糟糕——是君士坦丁堡权力的一座令人难以置信的纪念碑，但仍处于毁坏状态，因为它们建在陆地一侧。

Constantinople--very difficult to attack from the sea, and, because of the walls, very difficult to attack from the land.

君士坦丁堡——从海上攻击非常困难，而且由于城墙的缘故，从陆地攻击也非常困难。

Until very recently, that is, I would say, until the 1980s, the Theodosian walls were not reached by the urban agglomeration of Istanbul.

直到最近，也就是说，直到 20 世纪 80 年代，伊斯坦布尔城市群还没有到达狄奥多西城墙。

That is, they were so big and so far from the main center of the city, that only in recent decades has Istanbul, which is one of the fastest growing and most prosperous cities in the region, has the city leapfrogged over the walls, and the walls are now in kind of the midst of a new part of the city.

也就是说，它们太大了，距离城市的主要中心又那么远，以至于伊斯坦布尔这个该地区发展最快、最繁荣的城市之一，直到最近几十年才跨越了城墙，而城墙现在就像是城市的一个新部分的中间。

Nevertheless, extremely impressive accomplishment.

尽管如此，仍取得了极其令人印象深刻的成就。

And the period we're dealing with is mostly sieges of Constantinople and heresies.

我们所面对的时期主要是君士坦丁堡的围攻和异端邪说。

And if you just hold that in your mind, this, somewhat, “one event after another, that I never heard of,” quality, that this will have, I think will be, if not alleviated, at least rendered comprehensible.

如果你只是在你的脑海中记住这一点，那么，这种“一个接一个的事件，我从未听说过”的品质，我认为这将具有，如果不是减轻的话，至少会变得可以理解。

Before we go on, let me just say a few words about Procopius.

在我们继续之前，让我先简单介绍一下普罗科匹厄斯。

Who has read the Secret History before?

谁读过《秘史》？

OK.

好的。

So not too much.

所以不要太多。

You should have started it.

你应该已经开始了。

I should've warned you.

我应该警告你的。

It has disturbing, even weirdly pornographic parts.

它有令人不安的，甚至是奇怪的色情部分。

It is a diatribe against the Emperor Justinian.

这是对查士丁尼皇帝的谩骂。

I don't think I'm giving anything away by saying that Procopius' theory about Justinian is that he's a demon, a devil, a representative of hell.

我不认为我说普罗科皮乌斯关于查士丁尼的理论是他是一个恶魔、一个恶魔、地狱的代表，这并没有泄露任何信息。

What makes this text interesting, is it's an intimate portrayal, even if it may not be an accurate one.

这篇文章的有趣之处在于它是一种亲密的描绘，即使它可能不是准确的。

But we will pay a certain price--we are willing to pay a certain price for intimacy, for immediacy, for the sense of an extremely sinister court.

但我们会付出一定的代价——我们愿意为了亲密、为了即时、为了一种极其险恶的宫廷感而付出一定的代价。

It's a little bit like reading about Stalin, or some other capricious, extremely powerful, hard-working, but bloodthirsty ruler.

这有点像阅读斯大林或其他任性、极其强大、勤奋但嗜血的统治者。

I think what you have to ask yourself is, how could a ruler of this particular time and polity, not be bloodthirsty?

我想你要问自己的是，这个特定时代和政体的统治者怎么可能不嗜血呢？

What seems to be Procopius' problem?

普罗科匹厄斯的问题似乎是什么？

And we'll elucidate some answers on Wednesday.

我们将在周三阐明一些答案。

Procopius, in part, is interesting, because all of this other works are lavish in their praise of Justinian.

普罗科皮乌斯在某种程度上很有趣，因为所有其他作品都对查士丁尼大肆赞扬。

This is an historian who knows nothing between panegyric and diatribe.

这是一位对赞美和谩骂一无所知的历史学家。

Nothing between lavish servile praise and the harshest imaginable criticism.

慷慨的奴性赞扬和最严厉的批评之间没有任何区别。

The two go together.

两人并肩而行。

The two are phenomena, again, all of absolutist courts from that of Louis XIV to that of twentieth century dictators.

这两者都是从路易十四到二十世纪独裁者的专制宫廷中的现象。

The same kind of enforced praise can create a kind of humiliation and rage that comes out in other forms.

同样的强制赞扬可能会产生一种以其他形式出现的羞辱和愤怒。

A Secret History had to be secret, because had the authorities read a few words of this, Procopius would have not died in bed, as, indeed, he did.

秘史必须是秘密的，因为如果当局读过其中的几句话，普罗科皮乌斯就不会死在床上，事实上，他就是这么做的。

We know this from one manuscript in the Vatican found in the seventeenth century.

我们从梵蒂冈发现的一份 17 世纪手稿中了解到这一点。

OK.

好的。

So that's my introduction to Procopius.

这就是我对普罗科皮乌斯的介绍。

Chapter 3: Circumstances of the Survival of the East [00:07:36]

第三章：东方的生存状况[00:07:36]

When we talk about survival of the East, we're talking about survival under several different kinds of circumstances.

当我们谈论东方的生存时，我们谈论的是几种不同情况下的生存。

So our first concern is, how did the East survive the fifth century, which destroyed the Western Roman Empire?

所以我们首先关心的是，东方是如何熬过摧毁西罗马帝国的五世纪的？

Part of the answer is geography.

部分答案是地理因素。

The East was easier to defend, especially, as I've just said, the position of Constantinople, both as an impregnable site and as a commercial city with very, very extensive trade, and as a base to defend the two core territories of the Empire.

东方更容易防守，尤其是，正如我刚才所说，君士坦丁堡的地位，既是一个坚不可摧的地点，也是一个贸易非常非常广泛的商业城市，也是保卫帝国两个核心领土的基地。

By core territories, I mean that, really, the essential parts of this empire, which are the Balkans--including Greece under that rubric, for the moment--and Asia Minor.

我所说的核心领土，实际上是指这个帝国的重要部分，即巴尔干地区（目前包括该标题下的希腊）和小亚细亚。

And, of course, Constantinople is ideally placed to protect both of them.

当然，君士坦丁堡处于保护他们两个的理想位置。

Other advantages of the East over the West--a bit richer, more urbanized, produced more taxable revenues than the West.

东方相对于西方的其他优势——更富裕、更城市化、比西方产生更多的应税收入。

It's army didn't fall apart.

它的军队并没有崩溃。

It's civilian structure of administration remained intact.

它的文职行政结构保持完好。

With the exception of Justinian, very few these emperors are that outstanding in their abilities.

除了查士丁尼之外，很少有皇帝的能力如此出色。

But their subordinates were very capable, the government worked well, and the East survived a number of powerful threats from the outside.

但他们的下属能力很强，政府运转良好，东方在多次来自外部的强大威胁中幸存下来。

“From the outside” meaning it had the same problem as the Roman Empire, in an, admittedly, smaller and more defensible space.

“从外部来看”意味着它与罗马帝国有着同样的问题，无可否认，它的空间更小、更容易防御。

It had an eastern frontier and it had a northern frontier, both of which were fragile.

它有东部边境和北部边境，这两个边境都很脆弱。

The eastern frontier with Persia--we already talked about them--and the Northern frontier, along the Danube River, more or less, with all sorts of different peoples, from the Avars, Slavs, Bulgars, all sorts of nations that would attack it.

与波斯接壤的东部边境——我们已经讨论过它们——以及沿着多瑙河的北部边境，或多或少都有各种不同的民族，来自阿瓦尔人、斯拉夫人、保加利亚人，以及各种会攻击它的国家。

It also had the disadvantage of internal religious dissent.

它也有内部宗教异议的缺点。

And we're going to be talking more about this.

我们将更多地讨论这一点。

These problems, eventually, did affect the East adversely.

这些问题最终确实对东方产生了不利影响。

It would have a period of pretty radical decline, not so different from that of the West.

它将经历一段相当彻底的衰落时期，与西方没有太大不同。

Beginning in the seventh century, this decline can be seen in the abandonment of many cities, or their much smaller population--we've already seen that as a feature of the West-- in the loss of territory.

从七世纪开始，这种衰落可以从许多城市的废弃，或者它们的人口少得多——我们已经将其视为西方的一个特征——领土的丧失中看出。

We're going to be talking about Islam and the Arab conquests.

我们将讨论伊斯兰教和阿拉伯的征服。

But they begin in the seventh century, and, very quickly, result in the loss, from the Byzantine point of view, of Egypt and the Mediterranean Near East.

但从七世纪开始，从拜占庭的角度来看，它们很快就导致了埃及和地中海近东地区的丧失。

But unlike the West, the Byzantine, or East Roman government, never collapsed in the face of these threats.

但与西方不同的是，拜占庭或东罗马政府在面对这些威胁时从未崩溃。

Although, it is a kind of period of cultural decline.

虽然，这是一种文化衰落的时期。

Certainly, a period of military defeats, of sieges, of political problems, and of religious dissent.

当然，这是一个充满军事失败、围困、政治问题和宗教异议的时期。

Nevertheless, the Empire would survive.

尽管如此，帝国还是会生存下来。

In general, during this period, what unites these 400 years--we're talking about, roughly, 450 to 850--is the ability of the empire to resist invasions, its willingness to accept the loss of certain provinces, while protecting others, and its domination of Constantinople over its region.

总的来说，在这个时期，这 400 年（我们大致谈论的是 450 到 850 年）的共同点是帝国抵抗入侵的能力，它愿意接受某些省份的丧失，同时保护其他省份，以及它对君士坦丁堡对其地区的统治。

At the opening of our period, cities like Alexandria and Antioch are extremely important.

在我们这个时代的初期，像亚历山大和安条克这样的城市极其重要。

Their importance within the Byzantine Empire declines.

他们在拜占庭帝国中的重要性下降。

Chapter 4: Christological Controversies – Nestorianism and Monophysitism [00:11:57]

第四章：基督论的争议——景教和一性论[00:11:57]

But in order to understand that some of the internal problems, we're going to have to talk about heresies.

但为了理解一些内部问题，我们将不得不谈论异端邪说。

I think I already apologized for having to talk about heresies, and I think I already explained why it's important.

我想我已经为不得不谈论异端而道歉，而且我想我已经解释了为什么它很重要。

Questions, remarks, denunciations?

问题、评论、谴责？

OK.

好的。

Representatives of the iconoclast defense fund want to claim equal time?

反传统防御基金的代表想要要求平等的时间吗？

OK.

好的。

This is just a selection of heresies, right?

这只是异端邪说的选集，对吗？

I mean, it's the proverbial tip of the iceberg, the proverbial icing on the cake, the proverbial--what do you call it--crust on the chocolate pudding.

我的意思是，这是众所周知的冰山一角，众所周知的锦上添花，众所周知的——你怎么称呼它——巧克力布丁上的外壳。

But having said that, these two are what are called Christological controversies.

但话虽如此，这两点就是所谓的基督论之争。

They're about the nature of Christ.

它们是关于基督的本质。

The relationship of his human to divine nature.

他的人性与神性的关系。

And, grossly, to oversimplify, the Nestorians emphasize Christ's divine nature, and the Monophysites, Christ's human nature.

而且，粗略地说，聂斯脱利派强调基督的神性，而一性论则强调基督的人性。

[correction: the nestorians emphasize Christ’s human nature; the Monophysites His divine nature].

[更正：景教强调基督的人性；一性论者的神性]。

The beginning of this controversy is with the Nestorians, named after the patriarch, Nestorius, the bishop, Patriarch of Constantinople.

这场争论的开始是景教派，该派以君士坦丁堡宗主教聂斯脱里（Nestorius）的名字命名。

Nestorius seemed to teach--and he's patriarch in the 420s, and the stories would be deposed in 431 as patriarch.

聂斯脱利似乎在教书——他是 420 年代的族长，这些故事将在 431 年被废黜。

His followers seemed to teach that Christ was fully human and that his divine nature was either separate from is human nature, or it was nonexistent or irrelevant.

他的追随者似乎教导说，基督是完全的人，他的神性要么与人性分离，要么不存在或无关紧要。

I should remind you that the problem is posed by Christ being God and yet, being crucified and suffering and dying.

我应该提醒你，这个问题是由基督作为神而被钉在十字架上、受苦和死亡所造成的。

So this is a problem that, logically, arises out of an understanding of who Christ is and what he does for humanity.

因此，从逻辑上讲，这个问题是由于对基督是谁以及他为人类所做的事情的理解而产生的。

Nestorius was deposed by the Third Ecumenical Council of Constantinople--I'm sorry, the Third Ecumenical Council, which meets in Ephesus, on the western shore of Asia Minor.

聂斯托里被君士坦丁堡第三次大公会议废黜了——对不起，第三次大公会议在小亚细亚西岸的以弗所举行。

Council of Ephesus, Ecumenical Council--the third one in 431.

以弗所大公会议，普世大公会议——431年的第三次会议。

The first two had dealt with Arianism.

前两篇讨论的是阿里乌主义。

I remind you that Arianism is a different problem, because it deals not with the nature of Christ, but the relationship of Christ to God the Father.

我提醒你们，阿里乌主义是一个不同的问题，因为它涉及的不是基督的本质，而是基督与父神的关系。

Here, we're now just concentrating on Christ.

在这里，我们现在只专注于基督。

The Monophysites, in opposing the Nestorians, naturally emphasized Christ's divine nature, as the Nestorians had, in their opinion, overemphasized the human nature.

一性论者在反对景教时，自然强调基督的神性，而景教在他们看来过分强调了人性。

But from the point of view of the group that we can call Orthodox, the people who believe neither in Nestorianism nor Monophysitism, both sides were extremists.

但从我们称之为东正教的群体来看，即既不信仰景教也不信仰一性论的人，双方都是极端主义者。

The Monophysites over- did Christ's divine nature.

一性论者夸大了基督的神性。

If the Nestorians taught that Christ had two natures, a kind of fully human one and a fully divine one, that were separate, the Monophysites seemed to be teaching, or did teach, that Christ had one nature, and that, essentially, divine.

如果说景教教导基督有两种本性，一种是完全的人性，一种是完全的神性，二者是分开的，那么一性论者似乎在教导，或者确实教导说，基督有一种本性，而且本质上是神性的。

The relationship of the human and divine natures,in Monophysitism was denounced by their opponents as if you threw a bucket of water into the ocean.

一性论中的人性与神性的关系被他们的反对者谴责，就像你把一桶水扔进大海一样。

The bucket of water representing the human part.

一桶水代表人体部分。

What's at stake in this, and why it's important, is how Christ saves people.

其中的关键点以及其重要性在于基督如何拯救人们。

If he is too human, then he's just a human, elevated by God, like some kind of ancient-world hero.

如果他太人性化了，那么他就只是一个被上帝提升的人，就像某种古代世界的英雄一样。

And he doesn't seem, then, to have the power to save people from the devil, hell, original sin, all of these terrible things that God has saved the followers of Christ from.

那么，他似乎没有能力将人们从魔鬼、地狱、原罪以及所有这些上帝已将基督的追随者拯救出来的可怕事物中拯救出来。

If he's divine, completely divine, then what's the point of distinguishing him from God the Father?

如果他是神圣的，完全神圣的，那么将他与父神区分开来还有什么意义呢？

And then, how did he suffer on the cross?

那么，他在十字架上是怎样受苦的呢？

Was his suffering real?

他的痛苦是真实的吗？

Can God, with no human elements, suffer?

没有人类成分的上帝能受苦吗？

Questions about this so far?

到目前为止对此还有疑问吗？

We understand the difference, then?

那么我们明白其中的区别了吗？

And we, sort of, understand what's at stake?

我们多少明白其中的利害关系是什么？

Sort of, because maybe we are thinking--I hope not, because you're not in a medieval frame of mind, if you're thinking this--you may be thinking, though, none the less, “Well, why don't they just agree to disagree?” Or something like, “Hey, you can believe in one nature, I'll believe in two.” Or, “You can believe in two separate natures, I'll believe in two natures coexisting.

某种程度上，因为也许我们在想——我希望不是，因为你不是处于中世纪的心态，如果你在想这个——你可能会想，尽管如此，“好吧，为什么他们不同意不同意呢？”或者类似这样的话，“嘿，你可以相信一种本性，我会相信两种。”或者，“你可以相信两种不同的本性，我相信两种本性共存。

And God will reward your good intentions.”

上帝会奖赏你的善意。”

That's really the problem, is that we live in a society in which, at least, so we may think.

这才是真正的问题，我们生活在这样一个社会，至少我们是这么认为的。

enlightened people don't really impose their beliefs, in detail, on others.

开明的人并不会真正将自己的信仰详细地强加给别人。

We're not really interested in theology that much.

我们对神学并不是那么感兴趣。

But the Bible, I've got to admit, does say that it is important to have the right belief.

但我必须承认，圣经确实说拥有正确的信仰很重要。

The Bible, particularly, but not exclusively, the Old Testament, is very bad on rewarding good intentions.

圣经，特别是但不限于旧约，在奖励善意方面非常糟糕。

The further back you go in the Bible, the less are good intentions rewarded.

你在圣经中读得越远，善意得到的回报就越少。

Lot's wife was told not to look back.

罗得的妻子被告知不要回头。

She looked back.

她回头看了一眼。

She was turned into a pillar of salt.

她变成了一根盐柱。

Nobody said, “Oh, OK, you didn't mean to look back” or you know, “human weakness”.

没有人说，“哦，好吧，你不是故意回头看的”或者你知道，“人性的弱点”。

That's just it.

就是这样。

Or the guy--now I'm betraying my ignorance--who stumbles as they're carrying the tabernacle back to Jerusalem, from captivity with the Philistines.

或者是那个人——现在我背叛了我的无知——当他们把圣幕从非利士人的囚禁带回耶路撒冷时，他绊倒了。

Is it Usiah?

是乌西亚吗？

Well, anyway, I shouldn't get started on things I'm not sure of.

好吧，无论如何，我不应该开始做我不确定的事情。

But the guy stumbles, and God strikes him dead.

但那人绊倒了，上帝把他打死了。

He stumbled.

他绊倒了。

Nobody asks him, “Oh, I'm sorry, I didn't mean to stumble,” or “a little rabbit ran in front of me.” He stumbles; he dies; that's it.

没有人问他：“哦，对不起，我不是故意绊倒的”，或者“一只小兔子跑到我面前了”。他绊倒了；他死了；就是这样。

God wants you to understand what's going on.

神希望你了解正在发生的事情。

Insofar as you don't make errors.

只要你不犯错误。

Therefore, the right understanding of Christ's nature is important.

因此，正确理解基督的本质非常重要。

It's not just a matter of convincing other people that one band is better than another, or one kind of game is better another, or one team is better than another.

这不仅仅是让其他人相信一个乐队比另一个乐队更好，或者一种游戏比另一种更好，或者一个团队比另一个团队更好的问题。

It is crucial.

这是至关重要的。

Gregory of Nyssa, himself a theologian, writes, about 500 AD or so, that the mood of theological controversy is so great, that if you go into a shop, and you ask about your change, he says, the shopkeeper philosophizes about the begotten and the unbegotten.

尼萨的格雷戈里（Gregory of Nyssa）本身就是一名神学家，他在大约公元 500 年左右写道，神学争论的气氛如此之大，以至于如果你走进一家商店，询问你的零钱，他说，店主会对生者和未生者进行哲学思考。

If you inquire about a loaf of bread, the baker will reply, that the Son is inferior, and the Father is superior.

如果你询问一条面包，面包师会回答说，圣子是次等的，圣父是优越的。

And if you ask if your bath is ready, the attendant says that the sun is made out of nothing.

如果你问洗澡准备好了吗，服务员会说太阳是无中生有的。

Now, all of this is a satiric remark about the way in which ordinary people are caught up in this religious controversy.

现在，这一切都是对普通人卷入这场宗教争论的讽刺。

It is not, exclusively, a matter of intellectuals or clergy.

这不仅仅是知识分子或神职人员的问题。

But it's a political problem as well, and that's the reason that it really preoccupies us.

但这也是一个政治问题，这也是我们真正关注它的原因。

In the Council of Chalcedon in 451-454.

451-454 年卡尔西顿会议。

So Ephesus, 431, Chalcedon, 451 to 454.

所以以弗所，431，迦克墩，451 至 454。

Chalcedon, also on the other side of Constantinople, on the Asian side of what's now Turkey.

卡尔西登（Chalcedon），也在君士坦丁堡的另一边，在现在的土耳其的亚洲一侧。

The Council of Chalcedon denounced the Monophysites.

卡尔西顿会议谴责一性论。

It basically says that Christ has two natures.

它基本上说基督有两种本性。

They are both perfect, they are indivisible, but they are separate.

它们都是完美的，不可分割的，但又是分开的。

Two natures, one person, one hypostasis.

两种本性，一种人，一种本质。

A “hypostasis” is a thing that exists in its own right.

“本质”是指本身存在的事物。

This solution was suggested by Rome, by the pope.

这个解决方案是由罗马教皇提出的。

The same Pope Leo the Great, who'd negotiated with the Huns.

与匈奴人谈判的同一位教皇利奥大帝。

The West had the advantage of not experiencing these kinds of controversies.

西方的优势在于没有经历此类争议。

And so Constantinople, far more powerful than Rome in the 450s--Rome, about to collapse completely--nevertheless, is beholden to Rome for, at least what would be the majority solution, to the problem of Monophysitism.

因此，君士坦丁堡在 450 年代远比罗马强大——罗马即将彻底崩溃——尽管如此，它还是对罗马负有责任，至少在解决一性论问题上是大多数人的解决方案。

Of course, actually, it's not a solution, because not everybody acknowledges the Council of Chalcedon.

当然，实际上这并不是一个解决方案，因为并不是所有人都承认卡尔西顿议会。

It provokes a split.

它会引发分裂。

The Patriarch of Alexandria would be the leader of those resisting the Council, and Egypt, Syria, and, to some extent, Lebanon and Palestine, would be Monophysite, steadfastly.

亚历山大大主教将成为抵抗大公会议的领袖，而埃及、叙利亚，以及某种程度上的黎巴嫩和巴勒斯坦，将坚定地成为一性论者。

Indeed, the survivors of the Monophysites--that is the modern-day representatives of this part of Christianity--are the Copts, in Egypt, who form 10% of the population--Christian Monophysites--and the Christians of Ethiopia, who form a little more than 50% of the population of Ethiopia.

事实上，一性论者——即这部分基督教的现代代表——的幸存者是埃及的科普特人，他们占人口的10%——基督教一性论者——以及埃塞俄比亚的基督徒，他们占埃塞俄比亚人口的50%多一点。

The so-called Coptic Christians are the descendants of the Monophysites.

所谓的科普特基督徒是一性论者的后裔。

The Nestorians also have some scattered followers in the modern world.

景教在现代世界也有一些分散的追随者。

They were very strong in Central Asia.

他们在中亚非常强大。

And if you've studied things like the voyages of Marco Polo and other Western travelers in the thirteenth century, the people who interpret for them, who help them, who acquaint them with central Asia and the Chinese Mongol Empire, are Nestorians.

如果你研究过马可·波罗和其他十三世纪西方旅行家的航行，就会发现为他们翻译、帮助他们、让他们熟悉中亚和中国蒙古帝国的人都是景教徒。

But we're going to leave them out, because they're not a political problem for the Byzantine Empire.

但我们将把它们排除在外，因为它们对拜占庭帝国来说不是一个政治问题。

They're, pretty much, exiled.

他们几乎被流放了。

The Copts are an internal problem.

科普特人是一个内部问题。

And the Monophysites, or Copts, do not like the Orthodox, the Byzantine Emperors.

一性论者或科普特人不喜欢东正教、拜占庭皇帝。

The Byzantine Emperors try to compromise with them.

拜占庭皇帝试图与他们妥协。

And I'll mention a couple of these compromises.

我将提到其中的一些妥协。

The Emperor Zeno, from 474 to 491, issued a document called the Henotikon .

芝诺皇帝于 474 年至 491 年间颁布了一份名为《Henotikon》的文件。

We're back to emperors.

我们又回到了皇帝时代。

As with--we saw as far back as Constantine, emperors trying to intervene to solve religious controversies, right?

就像——我们早在君士坦丁时期就看到皇帝试图干预解决宗教争议，对吗？

The Henotikon says, one of the Trinity was incarnate, and we're not going to discuss it anymore.

Henotikon 说，三位一体之一是化身，我们不会再讨论它了。

So first, it says this rather noncommittal statement: “One of the Trinity was incarnate.” And then it also outlaws any further discussion.

首先，它说了一个相当不置可否的声明：“三位一体中的一个是道成肉身的。”然后它也禁止任何进一步的讨论。

Nobody liked this.

没有人喜欢这个。

Zeno was succeeded by Anastasius, who was a Monophysite.

芝诺的继任者是一性论者阿纳斯塔修斯。

And then, as we'll see, the great emperor of the sixth century, Justinian, who we're going to be looking at much more closely, was a fierce anti-Monophysite or Chalcedonian, Orthodox.

然后，正如我们将看到的，六世纪伟大的皇帝查士丁尼（我们将更仔细地研究他）是一位激烈的反一性论者或迦克敦派的东正教徒。

But his wife was, sort of, semi-Monophysite.

但他的妻子是半一性论者。

This may have been politic.

这可能是出于政治目的。

Since they were both effective rulers, the people who were Monophysite could orient themselves to Theodora, the Empress, and the Orthodox, to Justinian.

由于他们都是有效的统治者，一性论者可以将自己定位于皇后狄奥多拉，而东正教则可以定位于查士丁尼。

Ultimately, this problem would be quote, "solved," because the Arab Muslim invasion of the seventh century would take over the Monophysite territories.

最终，这个问题将被引用为“解决”，因为七世纪阿拉伯穆斯林的入侵将接管一性论的领土。

Chapter 5: The Rise of Islam, the Persian Threat, and Barbarian Invasions [00:26:48]

第五章：伊斯兰教的崛起、波斯威胁和野蛮人入侵 [00:26:48]

Again, I hope I'm not giving away a secret, by saying that the most striking, sweeping, and dramatic event of Mediterranean world or of the Eurasian land mass of the period that we're dealing with, arguably, is the rise of Islam.

再次，我希望我没有泄露秘密，我说，我们正在处理的这个时期，地中海世界或欧亚大陆最引人注目、最广泛、最戏剧性的事件可以说是伊斯兰教的崛起。

Mohammed's Hegira is in the 632-633--I can't remember.

穆罕默德的 Hegira 在 632-633 中——我不记得了。

Anybody know, off hand?

有谁知道吗，一手包办？

Anyone want to look it up, off hand?

有人想马上查一下吗？

H-E-G-I-R-A.

H-E-G-I-R-A。

Professor Paul Freedman: 622.

保罗·弗里德曼教授：622。

622.

622.

By 660, Egypt, Syria, Palestine, Lebanon have fallen to Muslim rule.

到了660年，埃及、叙利亚、巴勒斯坦、黎巴嫩已经落入穆斯林的统治之下。

And they are extending their power as far west as North Africa and as far east as Afghanistan.

他们的势力正向西延伸至北非，向东延伸至阿富汗。

How this happens, why this happens, is the subject for discussion a little later.

这是如何发生的，为什么会发生，是稍后讨论的主题。

But again, if you refer to the map in 600, this is before the Islamic takeover.

但同样，如果你参考 600 年的地图，那是在伊斯兰接管之前。

And again, if you look further east, the Eastern Roman Empire consists of all these parts, many of which are about to be taken away from it.

再一次，如果你再往东看，东罗马帝国由所有这些部分组成，其中许多部分即将被夺走。

And the parts that were taken away from it were pretty much the Monophysite parts.

从中被拿走的部分几乎都是一性论的部分。

So the fifth century is the story of the survival of the Eastern Roman Empire, despite these religious controversies.

因此，尽管存在这些宗教争议，第五世纪是东罗马帝国生存的故事。

The early sixth century, which we'll talk about in more detail, is the story of the expansion of the Empire to make a stab at reuniting, by conquering the West, what had been the single Roman Empire.

我们将更详细地讨论六世纪初，这是帝国扩张的故事，通过征服西方，试图重新统一曾经是单一罗马帝国的帝国。

Justinian's empire was overextended, at least in retrospect.

查士丁尼的帝国扩张过度，至少现在看来是这样。

This is a reconquest that, at least, consultants from a later generation would have said was a mistake, an overexpansion.

这是一次重新征服，至少在后来一代的顾问看来，这是一个错误，是一种过度扩张。

Initially, the main enemy of the Byzantine Empire, after Justinian--so in the late sixth century, early seven century--would be Persia.

最初，在查士丁尼之后——六世纪末七世纪初——拜占庭帝国的主要敌人是波斯。

But also, at the same time, the Byzantine Empire would start experiencing Danubian frontier incursions, attacks from the Balkans.

但与此同时，拜占庭帝国将开始经历多瑙河边境的入侵和来自巴尔干半岛的攻击。

And here again, as I said, it's all invaders and heresies.

正如我所说，这里再次充满了侵略者和异端邪说。

Invasions from Slavs and Avars in the Balkans, and the Persians in the East.

巴尔干地区的斯拉夫人和阿瓦尔人以及东方的波斯人入侵。

OK.

好的。

In 591, a revolution toppled the Persian ruler, who, peculiarly enough, fled to Byzantium for refuge, where the Emperor Maurice helped him gain his throne back.

591年，一场革命推翻了波斯统治者，奇怪的是，他逃往拜占庭避难，在那里莫里斯皇帝帮助他夺回了王位。

In 591, there was a peace between Persia and Byzantium, and Byzantium seemed to have come out of this terrible period of warfare of the late sixth century.

591年，波斯和拜占庭之间达成了和平，拜占庭似乎已经摆脱了六世纪末这段可怕的战争时期。

This allowed Maurice to turn his attention to his other front, his Western- Northern front, where the Avars were a tremendous threat to him.

这使得莫里斯能够将注意力转向他的另一条战线，即他的西北战线，在那里阿瓦尔人对他构成了巨大的威胁。

The Avars, a central Asiatic people, who come in through Central Asia into the Balkans.

阿瓦尔人是中亚民族，他们穿过中亚进入巴尔干半岛。

And they carry with them, to some extent, the Slavs.

在某种程度上，他们也带着斯拉夫人。

The conventional portrayal used to be that the Avars sort of lead the Slavs; the latter are kind of passive.

传统的描述过去是阿瓦尔人领导斯拉夫人。后者是一种被动的。

It's a little more complicated than that.

实际情况比这稍微复杂一些。

The Avars had taken the great cities of the Balkans.

阿瓦尔人占领了巴尔干地区的大城市。

And in 492, Maurice turns to deal with them, to push them back against the Danube.

492年，莫里斯转而对付他们，将他们推回多瑙河。

His army rebels against him, and he's overthrown and killed.

他的军队反抗他，他被推翻并被杀。

The beginning of the seventh century is the period of the maximum danger of Byzantium.

七世纪初是拜占庭最危险的时期。

It lasts, with intermittent flashes, from 602, the overthrow of Maurice, to 717, the Arab Siege of Constantinople.

它从 602 年莫里斯被推翻到 717 年阿拉伯人围攻君士坦丁堡，期间断断续续地持续着。

Immediately, this new emperor, Phocas, is attacked by Persia.

随即，这位新皇帝福卡斯就遭到了波斯的攻击。

The Persian King claiming to revenge the murder of his benefactor, but, in fact, simply reopening the war with Constantinople.

波斯国王声称要为他的恩人被谋杀报仇，但实际上只是重新开启与君士坦丁堡的战争。

In 608-609, the Persians and the Avars are allied, and the Persians are really on the march.

608-609年，波斯人和阿瓦尔人结盟，波斯人真正进军了。

By 617, they have taken Egypt, they have taken Syria, they have taken in Jerusalem, and the relic of the Holy Cross has been taken back to the Persian capital.

到617年，他们占领了埃及，占领了叙利亚，占领了耶路撒冷，圣十字的遗物也被带回了波斯首都。

The emperor, at this time, Heraclius, whom Wickham is not very impressed by, admittedly.

不可否认，此时的皇帝是希拉克略，威克姆对他印象不深。

Heraclius leads a resistance, as does the patriarch, to a siege that is on both sides of the city of Constantinople.

希拉克略和宗主教一样，率领抵抗军围攻君士坦丁堡城的两侧。

On the one side, the land side, the Theodosian Walls, are the Avars and the Slavs on the Bosporus.

一侧，陆地一侧，即狄奥多西城墙，是博斯普鲁斯海峡上的阿瓦尔人和斯拉夫人。

Across the city, on the Asian side of the Bosporus, are the Persians.

在城市的另一边，博斯普鲁斯海峡的亚洲一侧，住着波斯人。

And what Heraclius does, is to confide the city in the care of the patriarch, and go off and attack the Persians from the rear.

希拉克略所做的就是将这座城市交给族长看管，然后从后方攻击波斯人。

The patriarch defends the city, not only by organizing the army, but by putting wonder-working icons on the walls, to face the enemy.

族长保卫城市，不仅通过组织军队，而且通过在墙上放置神奇的图标来面对敌人。

An icon is a painting of a sacred figure.

圣像是一幅神圣人物的画。

So then, it is not a statue, but a painting.

那么，它不是一座雕像，而是一幅画。

And it portrays a saint or Mary or Christ.

它描绘了一位圣人、玛丽或基督。

And in what has come to be called the Orthodox tradition, these remain today, a figure of the church, a very distinct kind of aspect of the piety of the East.

在后来被称为东正教的传统中，这些至今仍然是教会的一个形象，是东方虔诚的一个非常独特的方面。

The Church--patriarch ordered that the Church melt down all of the treasures that had been given to it, to decorate it, in order to pay for troops.

教会大主教下令将教会所有的财宝都熔化掉，用来装饰它，以支付军队的费用。

So the combination of the icons, the money, the spirit of the populous, and military means were able to withstand this prolonged siege--at times a double siege--of the Persians on one side, the Avars and the Slavs on the other side.

因此，圣像、金钱、民众精神和军事手段的结合能够抵御这种长期围困——有时是双重围困——一侧是波斯人，另一侧是阿瓦尔人和斯拉夫人。

After many years of fighting in the East, Heraclius succeeded in overthrowing the Persians.

经过在东方的多年征战，希拉克略成功推翻了波斯人。

At the battle of Nineveh in 627--this is a seventeen-year war or so.

627年的尼尼微战役——这是一场长达十七年左右的战争。

I'm sorry, Nineveh--E-H.

对不起，尼尼微——E-H。

Heraclius defeats the Persians, and the Persian Empire is virtually crippled.

希拉克略击败了波斯人，波斯帝国实际上陷入了瘫痪。

627--Byzantium would have seemed to have been triumphant.

627——拜占庭似乎已经取得了胜利。

The first Arab attacks, however, were in 634, twelve years after Mohammed's Hegira.

然而，阿拉伯人的第一次袭击发生在 634 年，即穆罕默德赫吉拉 (Hegira) 十二年后。

By 636, Syria had been taken; by 638 Jerusalem had been taken; and the True Cross, again--in this case, we lose sight of it.

到 636 年，叙利亚已被占领；到 638 年，耶路撒冷已被占领；还有真正的十字架——在这种情况下，我们忽视了它。

Persia, itself, would collapse in 640 and pass under Arab rule.

波斯本身将在 640 年崩溃并接受阿拉伯人的统治。

Egypt would fall in 645.

埃及将于 645 年陷落。

What's left of the Empire, then, is the Balkans and Anatolia--some Armenian, some Slavic elements.

那么，帝国剩下的就是巴尔干和安纳托利亚——一些亚美尼亚人，一些斯拉夫人。

So weak is this empire, so beset by enemies, does it seem to be, that a successor of Heraclius, the emperor Constans II, moved the capital to Sicily, to the West.

这个帝国如此软弱，如此被敌人围困，希拉克略的继任者君士坦斯二世皇帝将首都迁往西部的西西里岛。

Constans II ruled from Syracuse--Syracuse, Sicily, obviously--the original Syracuse.

君士坦斯二世在锡拉库扎统治——显然是西西里岛的锡拉库扎——最初的锡拉库扎。

He would be the last emperor to visit Rome.

他将是最后一位访问罗马的皇帝。

And he was, actually, the first since 476.

事实上，他是自 476 年以来的第一个。

So in 662, when he moved the capital to Sicily, we have the spectacle of a kind of ghost emperor visiting a ghost city.

所以在662年，当他迁都西西里岛时，我们看到了一种鬼皇帝参观鬼城的景象。

Visit of Constans II to Rome, and the severe crisis of the Eastern Empire beset, as it was now, particularly, but not exclusively, by the Arabs.

君士坦斯二世访问罗马，以及东帝国的严重危机，尤其是但不完全是由阿拉伯人所困扰。

And indeed, in 674, the Arab fleet appeared off Constantinople.

事实上，674 年，阿拉伯舰队出现在君士坦丁堡附近。

In 678, we hear, for the first time, of the weapon of the Greeks against the Arab fleets--a weapon called “Greek fire”.

678年，我们第一次听说希腊人对抗阿拉伯舰队的武器——一种被称为“希腊火”的武器。

Greek fire is some kind of flaming projectile.

希腊火是某种燃烧的射弹。

In other words, something that you can shoot with a catapult, or some other propulsion device, that will burst into flame.

换句话说，你可以用弹射器或其他推进装置发射的东西，会突然起火。

Obviously, you can't launch it if it's already burning.

显然，如果它已经在燃烧，你就无法启动它。

You have to have something that--this is the essence of basic bomb throwing--you have to have something that will explode on impact.

你必须有一些东西——这是基本炸弹投掷的本质——你必须有一些东西会在撞击时爆炸。

The Greek fire was, particularly, effective on wooden ships and on rigging and sails.

希腊大火对木船、索具和帆尤其有效。

It would set the ships on fire.

它会使船只着火。

And it's a weapon that seems to have been unique, at least for awhile, to the Byzantines.

这对于拜占庭人来说似乎是独一无二的武器，至少在一段时间内是这样。

But, parenthetically, how was it that the Arabs have a navy, in the first place?

但是，顺便说一句，阿拉伯人最初是如何拥有海军的呢？

These people, who decades before, had never seen a river that flowed all year long, who had no experience with the sea, for whom the desert was the sea.

这些人几十年前从未见过常年流淌的河流，没有接触过大海，对他们来说沙漠就是大海。

It is an example of this kind of very rapid adaptability that we'll emphasize, when we come to talk about the Islamic invasion.

当我们谈论伊斯兰入侵时，我们将强调这种非常快速的适应能力的一个例子。

The East did survive even this attack.

东方甚至在这次袭击中幸存下来。

The seventh century--we will be dealing with in more detail--is a crucial turning point.

七世纪——我们将更详细地讨论——是一个关键的转折点。

By this time, the Eastern Roman Empire we're talking about as the East is pretty much a Greek Empire.

到了这个时候，我们所说的东罗马帝国几乎就是希腊帝国了。

Justinian would be the last emperor to speak Latin.

查士丁尼将是最后一位讲拉丁语的皇帝。

And the truncation of the empire, with the loss of Egypt and the Near East, means that it is pretty much a Greek empire and, also, pretty much an Orthodox empire.

随着埃及和近东的丧失，帝国的衰落意味着它几乎是一个希腊帝国，同时也是一个东正教帝国。

Orthodoxy is the Christian faith that stands between Nestorianism and Monophysitism.

东正教是介于景教和一性论之间的基督教信仰。

For the time, the Orthodox world, in the East, and the Catholic world, in the West, are the same.

目前，东方的东正教世界和西方的天主教世界是一样的。

Their official break won't come until 1054.

他们的正式休息要到1054年才会到来。

And as you know, to this day, the Orthodox churches of Russia, Greece, and so forth, look very different.

如您所知，直到今天，俄罗斯、希腊等地的东正教教堂看起来还是大不相同。

And they also have certain doctrinal differences with the West.

而且他们与西方也有一定的教义差异。

And that's not our subject, for the time being.

暂时这不是我们的主题。

We do have, however, before the close of business, one more heresy.

然而，在交易结束之前，我们确实又发现了一种异端邪说。

A heresy that starts to divide the Byzantine Empire in the late seventh century, and that is iconoclasm.

七世纪末，一种异端邪说开始分裂拜占庭帝国，这就是反圣像主义。

Iconoclasm, which Wickham talks about in some detail, and which he tells us to take seriously.

威克姆详细谈论了反传统，他告诉我们要认真对待。

What he means by that, is that iconoclasm seems to be something that must not be about what it seems to be.

他的意思是，反传统似乎是某种不应该是表面上的东西。

It's got to be about something else.

一定是有别的事。

Iconoclasm is the belief that images, like icons, in particular, are dangerous.

反传统主义认为图像，尤其是图标，是危险的。

And that they lead to inappropriate worship of the image, rather than what the image symbolizes.

它们会导致对图像的不恰当崇拜，而不是对图像所象征的东西的崇拜。

So the iconoclasts believe in banning images of persons.

因此，反传统者主张禁止人物图像。

A cross is fine, but not a picture of a saint.

十字架可以，但圣徒的照片就不行了。

Even, in some circles, pictures of Christ would be suspect.

甚至在某些圈子里，基督的照片也会受到怀疑。

The danger of this reverence paid to icons is that the icon, then, becomes a sacred thing in itself, and you've fallen into idolatry.

这种对圣像的崇拜的危险在于，圣像本身就变成了神圣的东西，而你就陷入了偶像崇拜。

You're worshipping multiple representatives of the divine.

你在崇拜神的多个代表。

Now it certainly seems logical that this must have something to do with Islam.

现在看来，这肯定与伊斯兰教有关，这似乎是合乎逻辑的。

Because Islam, in its most monotheist manifestations, frowns on and bans the representation of purportedly divine figures.

因为伊斯兰教以其最一神论的表现形式，不赞成并禁止描绘所谓的神圣人物。

And it, indeed, doesn't like figural representation at all, in decoration of sacred spaces.

事实上，它根本不喜欢神圣空间装饰中的人物表现。

Lest this be interpreted as exalting figures, even the Prophet--especially the Prophet himself.

以免这被解释为崇高的人物，甚至是先知——尤其是先知本人。

There are no pictures of Muhammad for home consumption, for mosque display.

没有供家庭消费和清真寺展示的穆罕默德照片。

And so it seems logical that this is a response to criticism from Islam, that Christianity is really not monotheist, that it's a form of idolatry, because it has so many sacred figures.

因此，这似乎是合乎逻辑的，这是对伊斯兰教批评的回应，基督教实际上不是一神论，它是偶像崇拜的一种形式，因为它有如此多的神圣人物。

And that the success of Islam and the success of the Arabs against Byzantium, might be caused by the abandonment of monotheism, the abandonment of the worship of one god and the proliferation of multiple gods.

伊斯兰教的成功和阿拉伯人对抗拜占庭的成功，可能是由于放弃一神教、放弃对一神的崇拜和多神的扩散造成的。

The problem is that there's no real evidence of this.

问题是没有真正的证据证明这一点。

And you don't have to have Islam to force this kind of thing.

而且你不必有伊斯兰教来强迫这种事情。

If you look around the churches of much of Northern Europe, you will see statues that have been decapitated by Protestants, in the sixteenth and seventeenth century, or stained glass that was destroyed by Protestants.

如果你环顾北欧大部分地区的教堂，你会看到十六世纪和十七世纪被新教徒斩首的雕像，或者被新教徒摧毁的彩色玻璃。

Protestantism is iconoclastic in many of its forms, in that it believed that the Catholic Church was superstitious, paid reverence to all of these saints and human figures, and forgot, in the process, to concentrate on the single God.

新教在许多方面都是反传统的，因为它认为天主教会是迷信的，对所有这些圣人和人物表示敬意，却在这个过程中忘记了专注于单一的上帝。

Iconoclasm is a crisis of the empire.

破坏偶像是帝国的危机。

It is also, like these other heresies, a recurrence of this problem of how to represent the connection between God and human beings.

与其他异端一样，它也是如何再现上帝与人类之间联系的问题的再现。

What connects the divine with the humans?

是什么将神与人联系在一起？

Are there intermediaries?

有中介吗？

Is Christ an intermediary, or is he God?

基督是中介，还是神？

And if he's God, how is there intermediation?

如果他是上帝，怎么会有中介呢？

Why does God care about us?

神为何关心我们？

How does God care about us?

神如何关心我们？

How many ways are there to approach him?

有多少种方法可以接近他？

It took until 843 to settle this controversy.

直到843年，这一争议才得到解决。

It had many periods of settlement and then a recrudescence.

它经历了许多时期的沉降，然后又卷土重来。

It's a controversy that lasts, then, something on the order of 150, 160 years.

这场争论持续了大约 150、160 年。

At times, it divides the Empire completely, at times not.

有时，它会完全分裂帝国，有时却不会。

It tends to be supported by the emperor.

往往会得到皇帝的支持。

If the emperor isn't iconoclastic, it tends to wane.

如果皇帝不打破传统，它就会走向衰落。

It's supported by the emperors, partly, as a way of trying to unify and mobilize the Empire around the figure of the emperor, instead of dissipating the energies around the various saintly figures.

它在一定程度上得到了皇帝的支持，作为试图围绕皇帝的形象统一和动员帝国的一种方式，而不是分散各个圣人周围的能量。

So where are we, with this empire, that seems to consist of only sieges and barbarian peoples and heresies?

那么，这个似乎只有围城、野蛮人和异端邪说的帝国，我们在哪里呢？

In the ninth century, it would seem that the cities, with the exception of Constantinople itself, had declined to become little more than fortresses.

在九世纪，除了君士坦丁堡本身之外，其他城市似乎都已沦为堡垒。

We seem to be at the end of classical antiquity, in some fundamental way, of that society built around Mediterranean cities.

从某种根本上来说，我们似乎正处于古典时代的终结，即围绕地中海城市建立的社会。

Society even here, as in the West, is rural.

即使在这里，与西方一样，社会也是农村的。

There's not a whole lot of trade.

贸易量并不大。

There still are libraries, with books in them, but they don't seem to be read very much.

那里还有图书馆，里面有书，但似乎读的人不多。

We have very few texts from this era.

我们这个时代的文字很少。

It's a militarized society.

这是一个军事化的社会。

It's an intensely religious one.

这是一种强烈的宗教色彩。

There's very little secular literature--really at the end of Greco-Roman Pagan knowledge.

世俗文学非常少——实际上是希腊罗马异教知识的终结。

As it happens, however, this period would usher in an era of surprising, at least in retrospect, prosperity for the Byzantine Empire.

然而，碰巧的是，这一时期将为拜占庭帝国带来一个令人惊讶的繁荣时代，至少现在看来是这样。

And we will be talking about that later.

我们稍后会讨论这个问题。

On Wednesday, we're going to discuss the reign of Justinian, through Procopius, as a thing, in itself.

周三，我们将通过普罗科皮乌斯讨论查士丁尼的统治本身。

And then, we will turn to the post-Roman world of the West, subsequently.

然后，我们将转向西方的后罗马世界。

Thanks very much.

非常感谢。