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European Civilization, 1648-1945 Lecture 7 | European Civilization, 1648-1945

欧洲文明,1648-1945 第 7 讲|欧洲文明,1648 年至 1945 年
 ·  Yale Open Courses | European Civilization, 1648-1945  ·  原文

Professor Paul Freedman: So last time we spoke about the collapse of the Roman Empire.

保罗·弗里德曼教授:上次我们谈到了罗马帝国的崩溃。

And I didn't quite definitively answer the question: External force - Internal collapse?

我并没有很明确地回答这个问题:外力-内部崩溃?

There are other possible explanations: an eminent historian of the barbarians says that the Roman Empire committed suicide by accident.

还有其他可能的解释:一位著名的野蛮人历史学家说,罗马帝国是意外自杀的。

That essentially it was just a political problem.

本质上这只是一个政治问题。

The wrong people became emperors.

错误的人成为了皇帝。

Some bad things happened and one day there it was, it was gone.

发生了一些不好的事情,有一天它就在那里,它消失了。

I'm not sure I buy that; I like long-term causes more.

我不确定我是否买这个;我更喜欢长期事业。

But it is important to emphasize that a lot of this is contingency and not inevitability.

但需要强调的是,其中很多都是偶然的,而不是必然的。

Historians generally tend to make things look as if they had to happen.

历史学家通常倾向于让事情看起来好像是必然发生的。

As if there's sort of long-term things playing out inevitably.

就好像有某种长期的事情不可避免地发生一样。

And the longer or the farther away the historian is from the period that he or she is studying, the greater that tendency because the look back is longer.

历史学家距离他或她正在研究的时期越长或越远,这种趋势就越大,因为回顾的时间更长。

So in talking about both the Empire and the barbarians, I want to at least remind you that events could have gone other ways.

因此,在谈论帝国和野蛮人时,我至少想提醒您,事件可能会朝其他方向发展。

There are lots of long-term tendencies, but we're talking about a series of factors that are both immediate and long term.

有很多长期趋势,但我们讨论的是一系列既是近期因素又是长期因素。

This is relevant to talking about the barbarians and who they are.

这与谈论野蛮人及其是谁有关。

Which is more of a mystery than it might seem.

这比看起来更神秘。

Who they are as in, what does it mean to say that someone is a Visigoth?

他们是谁,说某人是西哥特人意味着什么?

How much have I described what that means?

我已经描述了多少这意味着什么?

And despite the business about plunder, that's not actually the only thing they were after.

尽管掠夺是他们的生意,但这实际上并不是他们唯一追求的东西。

As we have tried to emphasize, they liked the Roman Empire.

正如我们试图强调的,他们喜欢罗马帝国。

They wanted to share in its advantages, not to destroy it.

他们想分享它的优势,而不是摧毁它。

We've emphasized accommodation rather than conquest.

我们强调的是适应而不是征服。

We've said that this is the end of a world, not the end of the world.

我们说过,这是世界末日,而不是世界末日。

It is the end of a certain civilization, perhaps, or maybe transformation of that civilization, but it's not the end of civilization.

也许这是某种文明的终结,或者是该文明的转变,但这不是文明的终结。

They're not invaders from outer space.

他们不是来自外太空的入侵者。

Where do they come from?

他们从哪里来?

Who are they?

他们是谁?

What are these aspects of accommodation?

住宿有哪些方面?

That's partly what we want to talk about today in discussing the barbarian kingdoms after the collapse of Rome.

这就是我们今天在讨论罗马崩溃后的野蛮王国时要讨论的部分内容。

So 476 to 530.

所以 476 到 530。

What happens in 530 is that the Eastern Roman Empire embarks on a reconquest of the West under the emperor Justinian.

公元530年,东罗马帝国在查士丁尼皇帝的领导下开始重新征服西方。

And that will be the subject of our discussion a week from today.

这将是我们从今天起一周后讨论的主题。

Any questions in the meanwhile?

期间还有什么疑问吗?

Notice that in the Burgundian Code the authors of the code, the Burgundians, call themselves barbarians.

请注意,在《勃艮第法典》中,法典的作者勃艮第人称自己为野蛮人。

They distinguish between barbarians and Romans.

他们区分野蛮人和罗马人。

Even though they use the word, it's deceptive to think of barbarians, or tribes, or Germans as if these were absolute well-defined terms that corresponded to an absolute well-defined set of realities.

尽管他们使用这个词,但将野蛮人、部落或德国人视为绝对明确定义的术语并对应于一组绝对明确定义的现实是具有欺骗性的。

What do we know about these people before they enter the Empire?

在这些人进入帝国之前我们对他们了解多少?

We know something from archaeology.

我们从考古学中知道了一些事情。

But as they moved around, as I said they're not nomadic, they have settlements, but they're not very urban settlements.

但当他们四处迁徙时,正如我所说,他们不是游牧民族,他们有定居点,但并不是非常城市化的定居点。

They have gravesites.

他们有墓地。

People who have gravesites with a lot of graves are not moving around a lot.

拥有大量坟墓的人不会经常走动。

So that's one indication.

这是一个迹象。

And the gravesites sometimes have stuff in them, things buried with them.

墓地里有时会有东西,和它们一起埋葬的东西。

And among other things, they show that they had trade with the Roman Empire because they've got Roman artifacts in them.

除其他外,它们表明他们与罗马帝国有贸易往来,因为里面有罗马文物。

Chapter 2: Tacitus and the Nature of the Barbarian Tribes [00:04:23]

第二章:塔西佗和野蛮部落的本质[00:04:23]

Well, OK.

好吧,好吧。

But we actually don't find out that much about them.

但我们实际上对他们了解不多。

The main written source for pre-invasion, let's call them Germanic tribes delicately, is Tacitus, the Roman historian better known, or best known, for his very pessimistic annals of the history of the Roman Empire.

入侵前的主要书面资料,让我们巧妙地称其为日耳曼部落,是罗马历史学家塔西佗,他因对罗马帝国历史的非常悲观的编年史而更为人所知,或者说最为人所知。

But also the author of a brief work called Germania about the German tribes.

同时也是一部关于日耳曼部落的简短著作《日耳曼尼亚》的作者。

For Tacitus, the Germans - that is the peoples living beyond the Rhine frontier - are both childlike and noble.

对于塔西佗来说,德国人——即生活在莱茵河边境以外的民族——既孩子气又高贵。

They're warlike.

他们好战。

From the Roman point of view, these barbarians are intent on invading the Empire and enjoying its riches.

从罗马人的角度来看,这些野蛮人一心想要入侵帝国并享受其财富。

Hence the defensive kinds of frontiers we've talked about.

因此我们讨论了防御性的边界。

The Rhine, or in Britain, Hadrian's Wall, which you can still see in the north of England, not that far from the Scottish border.

莱茵河,或者在英国,哈德良长城,你仍然可以在英格兰北部看到它,距离苏格兰边境不远。

That to guard not against Germans, but Celts, Picts, and Scots, in particular.

这不是为了防范德国人,而是为了防范凯尔特人、皮克特人和苏格兰人。

Tacitus portrays the Germans as kind of warlike.

塔西佗将德国人描绘成好战的。

Around the year 100 is his description.

他的描述是在 100 年左右。

But he never visited Germania.

但他从未访问过日耳曼尼亚。

And if you'd asked him, well, if you're going to write about them, shouldn't you do some field work?

如果你问他,好吧,如果你要写关于它们的文章,你不应该做一些实地工作吗?

he'd have looked at you as if you were crazy.

他会看着你,就好像你疯了一样。

Go there?

去那里吗?

Me?

我?

Moi?

莫伊?

You've got to be kidding.

你一定是在开玩笑。

The reason he wrote the work was probably not an anthropological description of the Germans, but as a way of berating the Romans.

他写这本书的原因可能不是对日耳曼人的人类学描述,而是作为一种斥责罗马人的方式。

If you describe people who are virtuous but primitive, you can use that to castigate your own people.

如果你形容人有道德但很原始,你可以用它来谴责自己的人。

Rousseau's noble savage where the American Indians are used to attack supposedly civilized societies is an example.

卢梭笔下的高贵野蛮人利用美洲印第安人来攻击所谓的文明社会就是一个例子。

Or descriptions of the South Seas, some of Herman Melville's earlier works.

或者赫尔曼·梅尔维尔早期作品中对南海的描述。

Or Robert Louis Stevenson.

或者罗伯特·路易斯·史蒂文森。

Or Gauguin's paintings.

或者高更的画作。

Contrast a beautiful, natural, simple world far superior to the fatiguing rat race of what passes for civilization.

对比一个美丽、自然、简单的世界,远远优于被视为文明的令人疲惫的老鼠竞赛。

So Tacitus' Germans are warlike, concerned with personal bravery and honor.

所以塔西佗笔下的德国人是好战的,关心个人的勇敢和荣誉。

They have close family ties.

他们有着密切的家庭关系。

They're heterosexuals.

他们是异性恋者。

They treat their women well.

他们对待自己的女人很好。

All of these are supposed to contrast with what Tacitus, who's a bit of a scold, Tacitus sees as Roman decadence.

所有这些都应该与塔西佗形成鲜明对比,塔西佗有点责骂,塔西佗认为罗马的颓废。

The Romans are given to prostitution.

罗马人沉迷于卖淫。

None of that in the German realms.

在德国境内,这些都不是。

The Romans are given to same sex love.

罗马人崇尚同性之爱。

Oh, no, no, no. The Germans know that that is really evil.

哦,不,不,不。德国人知道这确实是邪恶的。

They don't practice divorce, according to Tacitus.

根据塔西佗的说法,他们不实行离婚。

Now this is not-- This is a moralistic rather than an ethnographic treatise.

这不是——这是一篇道德论文,而不是一篇民族志论文。

He does condemn them for certain vices.

他确实谴责他们的某些恶行。

The vices typically ascribed to so-called primitive peoples by the civilized.

这些恶习通常被文明人归咎于所谓的原始民族。

They're lazy.

他们很懒。

They tend to get drunk.

他们往往会喝醉。

They quarrel.

他们吵架。

They gamble.

他们赌博。

In several respects Tacitus, however, describes things that are true of later German practices visible in the Burgundian Code, for example.

然而,塔西佗在几个方面描述了后来德国在《勃艮第法典》中可见的实践的真实情况。

And that he does not make up for any particular moralistic purpose.

而且他并没有弥补任何特定的道德目的。

Two of these things are the comitatus-- The comitatus is the important men surrounding the leader, his entourage, but his military entourage, his armed men.

其中两个是comitatus——comitatus是领导者周围的重要人物,他的随从,但是他的军事随从,他的武装人员。

Not just bodyguards, but members of a gang, I guess would be the closest simile.

不仅仅是保镖,还有帮派成员,我想这将是最接近的比喻。

People who are loyal to their superior, but who have a certain amount of autonomy.

忠于上级,但又拥有一定自主权的人。

They're not just sort of paid, as I said, bodyguards.

正如我所说,他们不仅仅是拿薪水的保镖。

They are his followers.

他们是他的追随者。

An anachronistic word would be “vassals”–anachronistic because it's not used at this time.

一个不合时宜的词是“vassals”——不合时宜是因为此时不使用它。

His military followers.

他的军事追随者。

Armed military followers, the comitatus .

武装军事追随者,comitatus。

Tacitus describes the feud.

塔西佗描述了这场争斗。

Feud between clans.

氏族之间的世仇。

Feuds are generally characteristic of societies without a strong central government and with fairly generous definitions of kinship.

世仇通常是没有强大中央政府且对亲属关系定义相当宽松的社会的特征。

A generous definition of kinship means you know who your second cousin is, maybe your third cousin, maybe your third cousin twice removed.

亲属关系的宽泛定义意味着你知道你的第二代表兄弟是谁,也许是你的第三代表兄弟,也许是你两次远亲的第三代表兄弟。

And that cousin is going to consider your interests to be his or her interests as well.

这位表弟也会将你的兴趣视为他或她的兴趣。

You might expect your children or parents to support you, but you probably don't expect your great uncles or second cousins to do much for you.

你可能期望你的孩子或父母支持你,但你可能不期望你的叔祖父或堂兄弟姐妹为你做很多事情。

So in terms of vengeance, which is also protection, in other words, I am protected by the fact that if somebody kills me, my clan will take vengeance on their clan.

所以从报仇的角度来说,这也是一种保护,换句话说,我受到了保护,如果有人杀了我,我的家族就会向他们的家族报仇。

In terms of protection and vengeance, extended kinship is related to a feud and to keeping order in a society that doesn't have a very powerful central government.

在保护和复仇方面,延伸的亲属关系与世仇和维持一个没有非常强大的中央政府的社会秩序有关。

One way of avoiding feuds that killed too many people is compensation.

避免造成太多人死亡的争斗的一种方法是赔偿。

And this compensation is mentioned by Tacitus and is what appears in the Burgundian Code and elsewhere as wergeld .

塔西佗提到了这种补偿,并且在《勃艮第法典》和其他地方出现为“wergeld”。

Wergeld is the money paid in compensation for hurting or killing someone.

Wegeld 是为伤害或杀害某人而支付的赔偿金。

I killed your brother.

我杀了你兄弟。

We have a drunken brawl.

我们酒后吵架了。

I don't like the way he describes my mother.

我不喜欢他描述我母亲的方式。

And I kill him.

我杀了他。

I'm sorry, but that's just the way things go.

抱歉,事情就是这样。

What are you going to do about it?

你打算怎么做?

Are you going to kill me?

你要杀了我吗?

Are you going to kill a cousin of mine?

你要杀我的表弟吗?

Or maybe you'll accept compensation based on, say, what kind of guy he was.

或者也许你会根据他是什么样的人来接受补偿。

Was he a silversmith?

他是银匠吗?

In which case I'm going to have to pay a huge amount of money.

那样的话我就得付出一大笔钱了。

Or was he just some guy?

或者他只是一个普通人?

Some random guy, random Burgundian?

某个随机的家伙,随机的勃艮第人?

Or free Burgundian?

或者免费勃艮第?

Or freed, formerly slave?

或者从前的奴隶获得自由?

All of these are tariffs.

所有这些都是关税。

They're sliding scales of compensation.

他们的补偿标准是浮动的。

Tacitus mentions this.

塔西佗提到过这一点。

So we're looking at the Burgundian Code – and there are other barbarian law codes – for clues as to how the society functioned.

因此,我们正在研究《勃艮第法典》以及其他野蛮法典,以寻找有关社会如何运作的线索。

But of course, it's a society that's already in the Roman Empire.

但当然,这是一个罗马帝国已经存在的社会。

It looks like before they entered the empire, they lived in little villages.

看来他们在进入帝国之前,都是住在小村庄里。

They cultivated grain, but they were more cattle-raisers.

他们种植谷物,但更多的是养牛。

They're skilled at iron working.

他们擅长打铁。

They also supplemented their income by a spot of raiding and warfare.

他们还通过一些袭击和战争来补充收入。

Opportunistic warfare.

机会主义战争。

Ties of kinship are very important.

血缘关系非常重要。

When we're talking about a clan, extended kinship group, we're talking about maybe 50 households.

当我们谈论一个氏族、大的亲属群体时,我们谈论的可能是 50 个家庭。

And we'll see this again.

我们会再次看到这一点。

We'll see this with the Bedouins in the desert, for example.

例如,我们将在沙漠中的贝都因人身上看到这一点。

Within the clan you're not supposed to feud.

在氏族内部,你不应该有争斗。

Not supposed to.

不应该的。

Above the clan level is some kind of confederation or tribe.

氏族级别之上是某种联盟或部落。

And this is where things get kind of difficult, because we don't really know how one clan considered another clan to be part of something larger.

这就是事情变得有点困难的地方,因为我们真的不知道一个氏族如何将另一个氏族视为更大的一部分。

That is, we know that the Romans call the people who defeated them at Adrianople the Visigoths.

也就是说,我们知道罗马人称在阿德里安堡击败他们的人为西哥特人。

“Oh, my gosh.

“哦,天哪。

Here I am.

我在这里。

Adrianople.

阿德里安堡。

The Visigoths are winning.

西哥特人正在获胜。

What am I going to do?”

我要做什么?

But who are the Visigoths?

但西哥特人是谁?

One theory is that they're just groups of people who come together in contact with the Roman Empire, in part because the Roman Empire calls them something.

一种理论认为,他们只是与罗马帝国接触的一群人,部分原因是罗马帝国对他们有某种称呼。

It gives them a name and they develop what's called “fictive kinship” from a common ancestor.

它给了他们一个名字,他们从共同的祖先那里发展出了所谓的“虚构的亲属关系”。

They invent the notion that they all come from one place and one ancestor.

他们发明了这样一种观念:他们都来自一个地方和一个祖先。

This process of sort of fictitious ethnic invention is called “ethnogenesis”.

这种虚构的种族发明过程被称为“种族发生”。

Ethnogenesis means the birth of an ethnicity.

民族发生意味着一个民族的诞生。

Rather than some kind of biological fact that you could confirm with DNA, e.g. all Visigoths have some sort of biological thing in common.

而不是可以用 DNA 确认的某种生物学事实,例如所有西哥特人都有某种生物学上的共同点。

These people are not really related, but they invent a common ancestor.

这些人并没有真正的血缘关系,但他们发明了一个共同的祖先。

And this question of who forms a real group remains both important as a real thing.

谁组成一个真正的群体这个问题仍然是一个重要的现实问题。

For example, American Indian tribes.

例如美洲印第安部落。

There are some whose claims to existence are indisputable.

有些人声称其存在是无可争议的。

They have treaties with the United States.

他们与美国签订了条约。

They've had reservations for many years.

他们已经预订了很多年了。

But now with the inducements for tribes, the tax free status, the ability to have casinos and things like that, there are petitions for tribes to be recognized as such.

但现在,随着对部落的激励、免税地位、拥有赌场的能力以及诸如此类的事情,有人请求承认部落的地位。

And here the question of ethnicity.

这里是种族问题。

Ethnic identification becomes extremely important.

民族认同变得极其重要。

A more sinister and much more widespread modern aspect of ethnogenesis is precisely the use of the Germanic barbarians as the origins of the Germans.

民族发生的一个更险恶和更广泛的现代方面恰恰是利用日耳曼野蛮人作为日耳曼人的起源。

It's no accident that in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, culminating but not limited to the Nazis, the idea of the Germans as a racial group; as a group with a common Aryan – with a “y” – ancestry; As manly and as pure in the sense that Tacitus portrays them becomes a polemical idea.

在 19 世纪末和 20 世纪初,德国人作为一个种族群体的观念达到顶峰(但不仅限于纳粹),这绝非偶然。作为一个拥有共同雅利安人(带有“y”)血统的群体;塔西佗所描绘的男性气概和纯洁性成为了一个有争议的想法。

A fighting idea.

一个战斗的想法。

An invented idea of great force.

一个具有强大力量的发明想法。

Just because something is false, it does not necessarily lack historical importance.

仅仅因为某件事是错误的,并不一定就缺乏历史重要性。

So the idea of ethnogenesis, of the invention of a group called the Visigoths is one way of approaching who they are.

因此,民族起源的想法,即创造一个名为西哥特人的群体的想法,是了解他们是谁的一种方式。

On the other hand, there's not a whole lot of evidence that they're doing this.

另一方面,没有大量证据表明他们正在这样做。

There's not a whole lot of evidence that they are developing this notion of a common ancestor.

没有大量证据表明他们正在发展这种共同祖先的概念。

Much of the evidence, or seeming evidence, for that is Roman.

大部分证据,或者表面上的证据,都来自罗马。

A lot of this ethnogenesis comes from contact with the Romans.

这种民族起源很大程度上来自于与罗马人的接触。

Certainly peoples who come in contact with those who are more civilized than they are, and by civilized I mean peoples who have writing, who live in cities, who have extensive trade and administration.

当然,这些民族与那些比他们更文明的人接触过,我所说的文明是指那些拥有文字、居住在城市、拥有广泛贸易和行政管理的民族。

The so-called barbarian peoples are going to want to define themselves against the Romans.

所谓的野蛮人将会想要对抗罗马人。

Hence, among other things, many of these invaders are Arian, with an “i”.

因此,除其他外,这些入侵者中有许多是带有“i”的阿里乌派。

They use religious difference as part of their identity.

他们利用宗教差异作为他们身份的一部分。

So they have come into the empire and, as we said last time, they come into the empire first as allied troops, as refugees, as federati .

所以他们进入了帝国,正如我们上次所说,他们首先作为盟军、难民、联邦人进入帝国。

Federati, that is to say armies of the Roman Empire.

Federati,即罗马帝国的军队。

They are supported by a system with the bland name of hospitality.

他们得到了一个名为“热情好客”的系统的支持。

Hospitality meaning that they're settled on the land of Romans and they share in the revenue of that land.

热情好客意味着他们定居在罗马人的土地上,并分享那片土地的收入。

That's how the Romans pay them.

罗马人就是这样付钱给他们的。

They don't pay them cash.

他们不付现金。

They don't pay them in plunder.

他们不会以掠夺的方式支付报酬。

They pay them in a portion of the tax revenue.

他们用一部分税收收入来支付这些费用。

So you owe a reasonably powerful but not quite powerful enough senator in Burgandy.

所以你欠布尔甘地一位相当强大但不够强大的参议员。

You settle some friendly Burgundian troops on your land.

你在你的土地上安置了一些友好的勃艮第军队。

And you give them hospitality, that is to say one third of the tax revenue that you're collecting for the empire.

你给他们招待,也就是说你为帝国征收的税收的三分之一。

Or maybe one third of just your regular old private revenues.

或者也许只是你常规私人收入的三分之一。

This is a kind of accommodation then.

那么这就是一种住宿。

It's accommodation that costs money, but it is part of a set of ways that the Roman elite figures out how to deal with these invaders.

住宿是要花钱的,但它是罗马精英想出的一系列应对这些入侵者的方法的一部分。

Collaborate with them.

与他们合作。

So the Roman aristocratic land owners and the barbarian war leaders come to various kinds of accommodation.

于是罗马贵族的土地所有者和野蛮人的战争领袖们纷纷前来各种住宿。

Now, the accommodation differs depending on where we're speaking of.

现在,住宿根据我们所说的地方而有所不同。

And now we come to the point of having to describe the barbarian kingdoms.

现在我们必须描述一下野蛮王国。

I've given you two maps, one of which you're not to show people who are not in the class.

我给了你两张地图,其中一张你不能给不在课堂上的人看。

This one.

这个。

The one with the arrows.

有箭头的那个。

Yale University is home to one of the great historians of our time, Walter Goffart.

耶鲁大学是当代最伟大的历史学家之一沃尔特·戈法特的故乡。

And I can't believe that I'm talking about all sorts of people like Wickham and Goffart in something that's going to be widely available, but, anyway let me express my admiration to him, great early Medieval historian who could certainly run rings around me.

我不敢相信我正在谈论像威克姆和戈法特这样的各种各样的人,这些人将被广泛使用,但是,无论如何,让我表达我对他的钦佩,伟大的早期中世纪历史学家,他肯定可以在我周围运行。

He's retired.

他已经退休了。

He taught at the University of Toronto.

他在多伦多大学任教。

And among his many works is one that completely destroys the notion of having invaders with arrows.

在他的众多作品中,有一部完全打破了带有箭的入侵者的观念。

This whole idea, like they've got this path; we know where they are; they come from somewhere.

这整个想法,就像他们已经找到了这条路;我们知道他们在哪里;他们来自某个地方。

See up where what is now southern Sweden, Skandia?

看到现在瑞典南部的斯坎迪亚(Skandia)吗?

A lot of these histories, or what purport to be histories, say they came from Skandia.

许多这些历史,或者声称是历史的东西,都说它们来自斯坎迪亚。

And you can still read in not very old textbooks, oh, the Visigoths came from Skandia.

你仍然可以在不太古老的教科书中读到,哦,西哥特人来自斯坎迪亚。

And then they went here, and then they went there, and they're migrating all round.

然后他们去了这里,然后又去了那里,然后他们就到处迁徙。

And you have little arrows that show their progress.

还有一些小箭头可以显示他们的进度。

You're not supposed to do that.

你不应该这样做。

I'm not sure what you're supposed to do though, as a substitute.

我不确定你应该做什么,作为替代。

And as always with historically misleading things, once you get rid of the misleading thing, you're kind of helpless if you're trying to teach this.

与历史上的误导性事物一样,一旦你摆脱了误导性事物,如果你试图教授这一点,你就会感到无助。

So I'm asking you to look at this really closely and not take it seriously.

所以我要求你仔细看看这个问题,不要认真对待。

I'm asking you to memorize everywhere they went, but not to tell anybody.

我要求你记住他们去过的每一个地方,但不要告诉任何人。

Once they enter the Empire then those arrows start to make sense.

一旦他们进入帝国,这些箭头就开始有意义了。

We know that the Visigoths were in the Balkans at the time of the battle of Adrianople in 278.(correction: 378) We know that they sacked Rome in 410.

我们知道,278 年阿德里安堡战役时,西哥特人正在巴尔干地区。(更正:378)我们知道,他们在 410 年洗劫了罗马。

We know that they go down to Italy to try to get to the granaries of North Africa.

我们知道他们前往意大利试图到达北非的粮仓。

We know they discover, “OMG, I can't build a boat,” so then they come up the other side of Italy.

我们知道他们发现,“天哪,我不会造船”,所以他们来到了意大利的另一边。

They settle in southern France.

他们定居在法国南部。

They're kicked out of southern France by the Franks for the most part.

他们大部分被法兰克人赶出了法国南部。

And they settle in Spain, where the Arabs get them.

他们定居在西班牙,阿拉伯人在那里得到他们。

Four weeks from now, I think.

我想四个星期后。

So the arrows are not completely deceptive, and that's why I've given these to you.

所以这些箭头并不完全具有欺骗性,这就是为什么我把这些给你。

And it's hard to tell which arrows apply to which tribes, so hence map two.

而且很难分辨哪些箭头适用于哪些部落,因此绘制了第二张地图。

Map two, a lot calmer.

图二,平静多了。

This is the situation in 506.

这是506的情况。

Why 506?

为什么是506?

Because in that year the Franks, whom we're going to be following more closely, the Merovingian Franks defeat the Visigoths and start pushing them out of southern France.

因为在那一年,我们将更密切地关注法兰克人,墨洛温王朝的法兰克人击败了西哥特人,并开始将他们赶出法国南部。

So this is a map, I guess, before that defeat.

所以我猜这是那次失败之前的地图。

You see the Visigoths in southern France and northeastern Spain with the Basques kind of in between them.

你可以在法国南部和西班牙东北部看到西哥特人,巴斯克人则介于他们之间。

So this is the situation in 500.

所以这就是500的情况。

There's no more Roman Empire of the West.

西罗马帝国已不复存在。

Or there is a fictitious Roman Empire of the West.

或者有一个虚构的西方罗马帝国。

All of these people to varying degrees-- well, not all of them, most of them-- acknowledge some kind of suzerainty of Constantinople.

所有这些人都在不同程度上——好吧,不是全部,而是大多数——都承认君士坦丁堡的某种宗主权。

You'll read about Clovis, King of the Franks in the beginning of the 6th century, who gets some sort of gift from the emperor Anastasius in Constantinople.

您将了解六世纪初法兰克国王克洛维的故事,他从君士坦丁堡的阿纳斯塔修斯皇帝那里得到了某种礼物。

A letter of appointment, some robes, various trinkets, and, according to Gregory of Tours, the historian of Clovis, the title of consul.

一封任命书、一些长袍、各种小饰品,根据克洛维历史学家图尔的格雷戈里的说法,还有执政官的头衔。

And he is very pleased with this.

他对此感到非常满意。

He dons these robes.

他穿着这些长袍。

He scatters coins just like a newly appointed emperor.

他就像新上任的皇帝一样撒钱。

But is he obeying the emperor Anastasius?

但他服从阿纳斯塔修斯皇帝吗?

Did the emperor Anastasius start sending orders to him?

阿纳斯塔修斯皇帝开始向他发出命令了吗?

Or have any kind of administration?

或者有什么管理办法吗?

No. This is really just symbolic.

不,这实际上只是象征性的。

We will talk about the relationship between the Eastern empire and the barbarians, because it's going to change in the sixth century as the Eastern empire fends off its opponents and becomes more concerned to take back as much as possible of the lost Western empire.

我们会谈论东方帝国和野蛮人之间的关系,因为这种关系将在六世纪发生变化,东方帝国抵御了对手,并变得更加关心尽可能多地夺回失去的西方帝国。

In the year 500, the most impressive of these barbarians would've been the Ostrogoths because they are occupying Italy, which is the most Roman, the most prosperous, the most intact economically and culturally of the former Roman Empire of the West.

公元500年,这些野蛮人中最令人印象深刻的是东哥特人,因为他们占领的意大利是西罗马前罗马帝国中最罗马、最繁荣、经济和文化最完整的国家。

The Ostrogoths had been in the-- if you look at the arrows, they had been maybe in the Crimean area, around the Black Sea.

东哥特人曾经在——如果你看箭头,他们可能在黑海周围的克里米亚地区。

They came into the Balkans.

他们进入了巴尔干地区。

They tried to attack Constantinople in the late fifth century, and they were defeated.

公元五世纪末,他们试图进攻君士坦丁堡,但遭到失败。

And they were encouraged to move into Italy by the Byzantine emperor to get rid of Odoacer, that military leader whose takeover of Italy in 476 is conventionally understood to be the end of the Roman Empire in the West.

拜占庭皇帝鼓励他们进入意大利,以除掉奥多亚塞,这位军事领袖于 476 年接管意大利,传统上认为这是西方罗马帝国的终结。

The Ostrogoths had an impressive ruler named Theodoric.

东哥特人有一位令人印象深刻的统治者,名叫狄奥多里克。

And they ruled from Ravenna, the old last Roman capital in northeastern Italy.

他们从意大利东北部最后的罗马古都拉文纳进行统治。

And the tomb of Theodoric can still be seen in Ravenna.

在拉文纳仍然可以看到狄奥多里克的坟墓。

Very impressive monument.

非常令人印象深刻的纪念碑。

Chapter 4: Intellectual Life after the Fall of Rome [00:26:17]

第四章:罗马陷落后的思想生活 [00:26:17]

Roman education survived in Italy.

罗马教育在意大利幸存下来。

It would reach its last flowering with two figures: I mentioned one of them last time, Boethius, and Cassiodorus.

它将在两个人物中达到最后的盛放:我上次提到过其中之一,波伊提乌斯和卡西奥多洛斯。

These are two key figures in the preservation of classical learning.

这是保存古典学问的两位关键人物。

Boethuis, not perhaps literally the last person in the west who knew Greek, but certainly the last person who tried to make Greek knowledge known to people who could only read in Latin.

博埃修斯也许不是西方最后一个懂希腊语的人,但肯定是最后一个试图让只能读拉丁文的人了解希腊知识的人。

He conceived the project of translating all of Plato and Aristotle into Latin.

他构想了将柏拉图和亚里士多德的全部著作翻译成拉丁文的计划。

He started by doing a kind of introductory textbook.

他首先编写了一本入门性教科书。

Like a lot of great projects, this one was not completed.

像许多伟大的项目一样,这个项目没有完成。

In fact, this one barely got off the ground because he was accused by Theodoric of conspiring with the Byzantine Empire, the Eastern Roman Empire, to overthrow him.

事实上,这一位才勉强起步,是因为他被狄奥多里克指控与拜占庭帝国、东罗马帝国合谋推翻他。

He was imprisoned for a year.

他被监禁了一年。

In prison he wrote one of the most magnificent works of philosophy, of why we are alive and why we die.

在监狱里,他写下了最伟大的哲学著作之一,讲述了我们为何而生、为何而死。

The Consolation of Philosophy.

哲学的安慰。

And then he was executed.

然后他被处决了。

Cassiodorus lived to be ninety.

卡西奥多鲁斯活到了九十岁。

So one of the differences between these two figures of the last gasp of Roman culture in Italy is Cassiodorus's relative longevity.

因此,这两个意大利罗马文化最后喘息时期的人物之间的区别之一是卡西奥多鲁斯的相对长寿。

They're both figures of the sixth century.

他们都是六世纪的人物。

Boethius dies in the 530s, Cassiodorus much, much later.

博伊提乌斯 (Boethius) 于 530 年代去世,卡西奥多罗斯 (Cassiodorus) 去世的时间要晚得多。

Cassiodorus also conceives of a program of education, but it is more oriented towards Latin learning.

卡西奥多鲁斯也构想了一个教育计划,但它更侧重于拉丁语学习。

And Cassiodorus in some way is the founder, or at least the transmitter to us, of the idea of the liberal arts.

卡西奥多罗斯在某种程度上是文科理念的创始人,或者至少是我们的传播者。

Cassiodorus is a religious figure.

卡西奥多罗斯是一位宗教人物。

Boethius is a Christian and he wrote on Christian topics, but The Consolation of Philosophy, interestingly enough, is a Stoical work, has very little explicitly about Christianity.

波爱提乌斯是一名基督徒,他的著作涉及基督教主题,但有趣的是,《哲学的安慰》是一部斯多葛派的作品,很少明确地涉及基督教。

Cassiodorus, on the other hand, is the guy who invented the idea that monks should copy manuscripts.

另一方面,卡西奥多罗斯是僧侣应该抄写手稿这一想法的发明者。

That the preserve of culture, the place where it seeks refuge and is protected in barbarian times, should be monasteries.

文化的保护区,文化在野蛮时代寻求庇护和保护的地方,应该是修道院​​。

This seems so self-evident to us.

这对我们来说似乎是不言而喻的。

Because if there's one thing we know about monasteries, it's guys hunched over and writing stuff and the preservation of learning.

因为如果我们对修道院了解一件事的话,那就是那些弯腰写东西和保存知识的人。

But, in fact, monasteries start out as just anti-intellectual institutions where you pray and you don't spend a lot of time reading, let alone copying, let alone thinking.

但事实上,修道院一开始只是一个反智机构,在那里你祈祷,你不会花很多时间阅读,更不用说抄袭,更不用说思考了。

You're supposed to have visions.

你应该有远见。

You're supposed to be inspired.

你应该受到启发。

You're supposed to fast and become ecstatic.

你应该禁食并变得欣喜若狂。

It's Cassiodorus who conceives of this as a contemplative and learned project.

卡西奥多鲁斯将其视为一项沉思且博学的项目。

The liberal arts means here things that are not immediately practically useful, but that help illuminate the person seeking after knowledge.

文科在这里指的是那些不能立即发挥实际作用,但有助于启发寻求知识的人的东西。

And what kind of knowledge is a person seeking after in the 6th century A.D.?

公元六世纪的人在追求什么样的知识?

They're seeking after knowledge of God and knowledge of the divine.

他们正在寻求关于上帝的知识和神圣的知识。

Why not just read the Bible?

为什么不直接读圣经呢?

I'm sure many of you have read the Bible or read parts of it.

我相信你们很多人都读过圣经或读过其中的一部分。

The Bible is not an immediately evident document in terms of its view of the world is total, but it's full of mysteries.

就其世界观而言,《圣经》并不是一份立即显而易见的文献,但它充满了奥秘。

It's full of obscurities.

它充满了晦涩难懂。

It's a strange work that requires knowledge and explication.

这是一项奇怪的工作,需要知识和解释。

Or to celebrate divine services, for example, requires a certain kind of knowledge.

例如,庆祝神圣的仪式需要某种知识。

To know when Easter is.

知道复活节是什么时候。

To know the phases of the moon.

了解月相。

To know what day it is.

要知道今天是什么日子。

These monks, or just anybody out in the countryside, can't just look at their phone and see what time it is.

这些和尚,或者乡下的任何人,不能只看手机就知道现在几点了。

There's a need for some practical knowledge, but that involves abstract concepts like the movements of the planets.

需要一些实用知识,但这涉及抽象概念,例如行星的运动。

This is what the liberal arts are and this is what's being preserved in the Ostrogothic kingdom.

这就是文科,这就是东哥特王国所保留的内容。

But the fate of Boethius shows you the sort of duality of the barbarian patronage of culture.

但波伊提乌斯的命运向你展示了野蛮人对文化的赞助的二元性。

On the one hand, the Ostrogoths in Italy are as civilized as these groups get.

一方面,意大利的东哥特人与这些群体一样文明。

On the other hand, of course, Boethius is executed.

另一方面,当然,波伊提乌斯被处决了。

On the third hand, you didn't have to be a barbarian to execute people.

第三,你不必成为野蛮人才能处决人。

After all, Seneca was forced to commit suicide by Nero.

毕竟,塞内卡是被尼禄逼迫自杀的。

So the fate of intellectuals in the Roman Empire is not necessarily so much better than the fate of intellectuals in the barbarian kingdoms.

所以罗马帝国知识分子的命运并不一定比野蛮王国知识分子的命运好多少。

The thing about the intellectuals in the barbarian kingdoms is they're very few of them.

蛮夷王国的知识分子的特点是数量很少。

Seneca's a great man.

塞内卡是一个伟大的人。

It's too bad that he died.

可惜他死了。

We could have had more works.

我们本来可以有更多的作品。

But there were lots of other philosophers.

但还有很多其他哲学家。

There were lots of other playwrights.

还有很多其他剧作家。

Boethuis we can say-- Boethius and Cassiodorus, maybe, are the two smartest people in the sixth century, judging by what they had access to, what they read, how they wrote.

我们可以说,博伊修斯(Boethius)——博伊修斯和卡西奥多罗斯也许是六世纪最聪明的两个人,从他们接触到的东西、读到的东西和写作的方式来判断。

And that’s scary.

这很可怕。

If you can say that Isidore of Seville is the smartest man of the seventh century.

如果说塞维利亚的伊西多尔是七世纪最聪明的人。

Or Bede and Alcuin are the smartest men of the eighth century.

或者说,贝德和阿尔昆是八世纪最聪明的人。

It's not just a compliment to them.

这不仅仅是对他们的赞美。

If you're rated like the eighteenth best tennis player in the United States, that's a tremendous accomplishment.

如果您被评为美国第十八位最佳网球运动员,那将是一项巨大的成就。

But presumably, there are 200 tennis players who are ranked.

但据推测,有 200 名网球运动员上榜。

And behind them there are 10,000 very good tennis players.

他们的背后还有一万名非常优秀的网球运动员。

But what if you were the number one tennis player in the country, and there was no number four?

但如果你是全国排名第一的网球运动员,而没有第四名呢?

No number four through one hundred million.

没有第四到一亿。

Tennis would be an endangered game.

网球将是一项濒临灭绝的运动。

It would mean a lot, but supposing nobody followed tennis anymore?

这意义重大,但假设不再有人追网球呢?

I don't know enough about antiquated games, but some medieval game that only five people know how to play.

我对古董游戏了解不多,但有一些只有五个人会玩的中世纪游戏。

I could be the fourth ranked.

我可能是排名第四的。

But here we're not talking about sports, important though they are.

但这里我们谈论的不是体育运动,尽管它们很重要。

We're talking about the fundamental aspects of knowledge.

我们正在谈论知识的基本方面。

Theodoric.

狄奥多里克.

Theodoric is a great ruler, but he had a problem that is typical of many of these barbarian groups: He had to hold his minority together.

狄奥多里克是一位伟大的统治者,但他面临着许多野蛮群体的典型问题:他必须将少数派团结在一起。

The thing that made Italy the wealthiest, the most important, the biggest prize for the barbarians is its Roman population, its Roman wealth, the preservation of its cities.

意大利之所以成为野蛮人最富有、最重要、最大的奖赏,是因为它的罗马人口、罗马财富和城市的保护。

But that also meant that the Ostrogoths were a tiny proportion of the total population.

但这也意味着东哥特人只占总人口的一小部分。

He needs to hold them together, but he also needs to mollify the Romans.

他需要将他们团结在一起,但他也需要安抚罗马人。

So it's a dangerous place for barbarian rulers.

所以对于蛮族统治者来说这是一个危险的地方。

Odoacer had already been overthrown.

奥多亚塞已经被推翻了。

It's too valuable to the Eastern Empire.

对于东帝国来说太有价值了。

And indeed after Theodoric died in 535, very shortly thereafter the Byzantine Empire, the Eastern Roman Empire, would invade Italy and devastate it in the course of conquering it in a twenty years’ war.

事实上,在狄奥多里克于 535 年去世后不久,拜占庭帝国、东罗马帝国就入侵了意大利,并在二十年的战争中摧毁了它。

Chapter 5: The Barbarian Tribes: Vandals, Moors, Angles, Saxons, and Visigoths [34:33]

第五章:野蛮部落:汪达尔人、摩尔人、盎格鲁人、撒克逊人和西哥特人 [34:33]

Now if you look at the map again and turn to North Africa, you'll see we've got the Vandals in what's now Tunisia and eastern Algeria.

现在,如果您再次查看地图并转向北非,您会发现在现在的突尼斯和阿尔及利亚东部地区有汪达尔人。

And then Moorish kingdom and Roman Empire.

然后是摩尔王国和罗马帝国。

Ignore Roman Empire.

忽略罗马帝国。

I don't know what they're talking about.

我不知道他们在说什么。

Moorish kingdoms, what does that mean?

摩尔王国,这意味着什么?

We don't really know who these people are either.

我们也不知道这些人是谁。

They're not invaders.

他们不是侵略者。

They're desert peoples who have now taken over what was formerly the Roman Empire, and they're pressing the Vandals.

他们是沙漠民族,现在已经接管了以前的罗马帝国,他们正在向汪达尔人施压。

The Vandals were less accommodating than the Ostrogoths.

汪达尔人不像东哥特人那样宽容。

They were more fiercely Arian.

他们是更加激烈的阿里安派。

They persecuted the elite of the Roman population, including the Roman bishops.

他们迫害罗马人口中的精英,包括罗马主教。

But they were very effective rulers.

但他们是非常有效的统治者。

They had a navy.

他们有一支海军。

They were able to plunder Rome several times in the 5th century.

他们在五世纪曾多次掠夺罗马。

But they were beleaguered by these Moorish groups, in other words native peoples of the North African desert.

但他们受到这些摩尔人群体(即北非沙漠原住民)的围攻。

And so by 506, their kingdom has shrunk.

因此,到了 506 年,他们的王国已经萎缩。

They were also a minority in what had been a very populous part of the Roman Empire.

他们也是罗马帝国人口稠密地区的少数群体。

And they tended to fight among each other.

他们往往互相争斗。

They had internecine feuds.

他们有内讧。

And so we're talking about things that are common to many of these barbarian kingdoms.

因此,我们谈论的是许多野蛮王国所共有的事情。

Disorganization.

混乱。

Internal fighting.

内斗。

Alien religious beliefs, particularly the Arian heresy.

外来宗教信仰,特别是阿里乌派异端。

And once they've done the plundering, inability really to start making the economy work very effectively.

一旦他们完成了掠夺,就无法真正开始使经济非常有效地运转。

The Vandals would be driven out of North Africa, or obliterated actually, by the Eastern Roman Empire, in the late 520s, early 530s.

520 年代末 530 年代初,汪达尔人被东罗马帝国赶出了北非,或者说实际上被消灭了。

Now I'm not going to go through every one of these, but I want to give you some examples of accommodation.

现在我不会一一列举,但我想给你们提供一些住宿的例子。

Go up to the British Isles.

前往不列颠群岛。

You'll see it says British kingdoms, that means Celtic kingdoms, whose remnants would later be Wales, Scotland.

你会看到它说的是不列颠王国,这意味着凯尔特王国,其残余后来是威尔士和苏格兰。

And then the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms.

然后是盎格鲁撒克逊王国。

The Anglo-Saxons are invaders who come from the continent beginning in the 440s.

盎格鲁撒克逊人是从 440 年代开始从大陆来到的入侵者。

This is the first place that Rome abandons.

这是罗马放弃的第一个地方。

Here it looks more like a conventional invasion.

在这里,它看起来更像是一次常规的入侵。

The invaders come and the Romans pull back their troops because they're afraid that Gaul is going to fall next.

入侵者来了,罗马人撤回了他们的军队,因为他们担心高卢接下来会沦陷。

And this is an island where the Roman impress, the Roman impact, was less.

在这座岛屿上,罗马的印记、罗马的影响较少。

There isn't a large Roman majority and a small German minority.

罗马人占多数,日耳曼人占少数。

There is a Celtic majority that blends with the invaders or that seeks refuge in these independent British kingdoms, as they're called on the map, to the west.

凯尔特人占多数,他们与入侵者混在一起,或者在西边的这些独立的不列颠王国(地图上对它们的称呼)寻求庇护。

We don't know very much about what's going on in Britain at this time because more than Vandal North Africa, more than Ostrogothic Italy, the past is obliterated.

我们对此时英国正在发生的事情了解不多,因为与北非的破坏者、东哥特的意大利相比,过去更多地被抹去了。

There's very little Latin being written.

拉丁文写得很少。

We have very little knowledge of what is going on.

我们对正在发生的事情知之甚少。

So this is at one extreme of what might be called Barbarization verses Roman permanence.

因此,这是所谓的“野蛮化”与“罗马永久化”的极端情况。

We're going to be talking about the Franks later, and we're going to talk a little bit about the Burgundians in closing today.

稍后我们将讨论法兰克人,今天结束时我们将讨论勃艮第人。

But this leaves really among the important groups the Visigoths.

但这确实使西哥特人成为重要群体之一。

The Visigoths, the people who in a way started this with their invasions of the Balkans in the late 4th century.

西哥特人在某种程度上是从 4 世纪末入侵巴尔干半岛开始的。

In 506 they control much of France, the south and the west particularly, and are trickling into Spain.

506年,他们控制了法国的大部分地区,特别是南部和西部,并且正在慢慢进入西班牙。

We will be following, in reading Gregory of Tours, the tremendous success of the Franks against the Visigoths.

在阅读图尔的格雷戈里时,我们将追随法兰克人对抗西哥特人的巨大成功。

And so the Visigoths will be pushed out.

因此,西哥特人将被赶走。

Chapter 6: The Burgundians and the Burgundian Code [00:39:15]

第6章:勃艮第人和勃艮第法典[00:39:15]

What about the Burgundians?

那么勃艮第人呢?

You've read the Burgundian Code-- anything strike you about it?

您读过《勃艮第法典》——其中有什么让您印象深刻的吗?

Spencer?

斯宾塞?

Student: Mainly it focused on differences between different classes and emphasized the free men versus the slaves.

学生:主要是讲不同阶级之间的差异,强调自由人和奴隶。

Burgundians versus Romans, et cetera.

勃艮第人与罗马人,等等。

Professor Paul Freedman: Yeah, why?

保罗·弗里德曼教授:是的,为什么?

What's that all about?

这是怎么回事?

Yeah?

是的?

Student: Well, it talked about the-- in the book it talked about how long hair became like a status symbol.

学生:嗯,它在书中谈到了长发如何成为身份的象征。

Professor Paul Freedman: Yes.

保罗·弗里德曼教授:是的。

So the question was, what is all this hair pulling?

那么问题来了,这到底是怎么回事?

It's a status symbol.

这是一种身份的象征。

We'll see that the Merovingian kings wear long hair, specially long hair.

我们会看到墨洛温王朝的国王留着长发,特别是长发。

And when they're finally deposed by the Carolingians, that hair is cut.

当他们最终被加洛林王朝废黜时,他们的头发就被剪掉了。

Now of course, all their hair is cut, they're put in monasteries.

当然,现在他们的头发都被剪掉了,被送进了修道院。

And monks are what's called “tonsured”.

和尚就是所谓的“剃度”。

If they're not completely bald, they at least are pretty near.

即使他们没有完全秃顶,至少已经接近秃头了。

Like many barbarian, so-called barbarian, people, or like many people period, they're certain signs of prestige, symbols.

就像许多野蛮人,所谓的野蛮人,或者像许多时期的人一样,他们是某些声望的标志、象征。

The Burgundian Code is drawn up between 483 and 532.

勃艮第法典于 483 年至 532 年制定。

It's drawn up in different stages.

它是在不同阶段制定的。

The Burgundians were closer to [correction: “than”] the Ostrogoths in degree of Romanization.

勃艮第人在罗马化程度上更接近[更正:“比”]东哥特人。

They're a group that wants to be Roman, or at least accepted by the Romans.

他们是一群想要成为罗马人,或者至少被罗马人接受的群体。

They write their own law code in Latin, like the Visigoths, for example.

例如,他们像西哥特人一样用拉丁语编写自己的法典。

They also write a sort of law code for the Roman population.

他们还为罗马人民编写了某种法律法规。

This law code is aware of disputes between Romans and Burgundians.

这部法典注意到了罗马人和勃艮第人之间的争端。

And if each has a different kind of law, then how do you settle a problem that arises between members of both communities?

如果每个社区都有不同的法律,那么如何解决两个社区成员之间出现的问题?

The Burgundian law in itself shows a lot of Roman influence.

勃艮第法律本身就显示出很大的罗马影响。

For example, in chapter eighteen you've seen this title “Of things that happen by chance” and probably didn't seem very dramatic.

例如,在第十八章中,您已经看到这个标题“偶然发生的事情”,并且可能看起来不是很戏剧化。

If any animal by chance or any dog by bite causes death to a man, we order that among Burgundians the ancient rule of blame be removed henceforth.

如果任何动物偶然或任何狗咬伤导致人死亡,我们命令从今以后取消勃艮第人古老的责备规则。

This is an interesting question.

这是一个有趣的问题。

If my dog bites you and you die, am I responsible?

如果我的狗咬了你,你死了,我有责任吗?

Is your brother going to have to kill me?

你哥哥非得杀了我吗?

That's what the Burgundian tradition would have been.

这就是勃艮第的传统。

But here they say if it's an accident, then your brother can't kill me.

但这里他们说如果是意外的话你哥哥就杀不了我。

This is the difference between -- this is a a tricky problem.

这就是两者之间的区别——这是一个棘手的问题。

Those of you who have the good fortune to go to law school are going to study this first year: torts.

那些有幸进入法学院的人将在第一年学习:侵权法。

A tort is a so-called civil wrong as opposed to a crime.

侵权行为是一种所谓的民事错误,而不是犯罪。

A crime is where I kill you because I want to.

犯罪就是因为我想杀了你。

A tort is I leave a roller skate out on the sidewalk, you trip and die.

侵权行为是我把溜冰鞋留在人行道上,你绊倒然后死掉。

I'm not going to be considered in the same league as someone who poisoned you, but that roller skate shouldn't be there.

我不会被认为与毒害你的人处于同一联盟,但那双溜冰鞋不应该在那里。

And of course this is a crucial thing.

当然,这是至关重要的事情。

For example, I've learned, fortunately not from experience, but from neighbors after Hurricane Irene, that if a tree in my yard falls on your house, I'm not to blame.

例如,幸运的是,我不是从经验中,而是从飓风艾琳之后的邻居那里了解到,如果我院子里的一棵树倒在你的房子上,我不应该受到责备。

Your insurance is going to have to cover that.

你的保险必须涵盖这一点。

I'm really sorry about that tree.

我真的很抱歉那棵树。

But if you warned me, “I don't like the look of that tree in your yard.

但如果你警告我,“我不喜欢你院子里那棵树的样子。

It's leaning over like this.

就这样弯着身子了。

I'm afraid in the next storm it's going to fall in on your house,” and I don't do anything, then my understanding is that I'm liable for negligence.

我担心下一场暴风雨它会砸到你的房子”,而我什么也没做,那么我的理解是我要为疏忽负责。

This was a present and obvious nuisance.

这是一个当前且明显的麻烦。

It was an obvious threat, and my neighbor called my attention to it.

这是一个明显的威胁,我的邻居提醒我注意它。

And I didn't do anything.

而我什么也没做。

So next time it storms and your house is threatened by somebody else's tree, just as the wind starts to blow go next door and say, you know, I don't like the look of that tree on your property.

所以,下次暴风雨,你的房子受到别人的树的威胁时,就像风开始吹的时候,去隔壁说,你知道,我不喜欢你家那棵树的样子。

You better do something.

你最好做点什么。

These are real legal questions.

这些都是真正的法律问题。

And they are handled in here with some sophistication.

它们在这里的处理有些复杂。

On the other hand, there is vengeance.

另一方面,还有报复。

It's OK to practice vengeance, but there are some limitations.

实行复仇是可以的,但也有一些限制。

For example, if I kill you, your relatives can kill me, but they can't just kill my cousin.

比如说,如果我杀了你,你的亲戚可以杀我,但他们不能只杀我的表弟。

This is sort of individual-directed and not clan-directed vengeance.

这是一种个人导向的复仇,而不是部落导向的复仇。

There's a lot of talk about compensation and wergeld for victims.

关于受害者的赔偿和赔偿有很多讨论。

How much you pay.

你付多少钱。

Whether you grab them by the hair.

无论你抓住他们的头发。

Whether you cut off which finger.

无论你砍掉哪根手指。

Whether they were free or slave.

无论他们是自由人还是奴隶。

Whether they were a skilled artisan or a serf.

无论他们是熟练的工匠还是农奴。

I love title X.

我喜欢标题X。

“If anyone kills a slave, barbarian by birth, a trained house servant or messenger, let him compound 60 solidi.

“如果有人杀了奴隶、生来是野蛮人、训练有素的仆人或信使,他就得复合 60 苏莱迪。

But 200 solidi if the slave is a skilled goldsmith.” 40 solidi for a carpenter, and so forth.

但如果奴隶是熟练的金匠,就得 200 苏莱迪。”木匠需要 40 固体,等等。

If you cut off someone's arm, it's half of their wergeld.

如果你砍掉某人的手臂,那就是他们财产的一半。

Wergeld is like murder.

韦格尔德就像谋杀。

Their murder value.

他们的谋杀价值。

So I have a murder value of 100 solidi.

所以我的谋杀值为 100 固体。

Cut off an arm, you've got to pay me 50 solidi.

砍掉一只手臂,你得付给我50苏莱德。

This seems pretty crude, doesn't it?

这看起来很粗糙,不是吗?

How does it strike you?

你觉得怎么样?

Yes?

是的?

Student: Yeah, it does seem crude, but I think it gives a solution to something that could cause a total outbreak, a civil war.

学生:是的,这确实看起来很粗糙,但我认为它为可能导致全面爆发、内战的事情提供了解决方案。

Professor Paul Freedman: It is a maintenance of peace.

保罗·弗里德曼教授:这是维护和平。

And what about victims' compensation?

那么受害者的赔偿呢?

In the Western legal tradition, if you injure me, it's a crime against the peace, and the state punishes the perpetrator.

在西方法律传统中,如果你伤害了我,那就是危害和平罪,国家会惩罚肇事者。

Only relatively recently has this notions of victims' rights, victims' compensation, been entered.

直到最近,受害者权利、受害者赔偿的概念才被引入。

Which is like a reversion back to the notion that the crime really injures not the state or the king or the peace that we all take for granted, but the individual who is affected.

这就像回到了这样一个观念:犯罪真正伤害的不是我们都认为理所当然的国家、国王或和平,而是受到影响的个人。

But what makes it seem crude is the specificity of the offenses.

但犯罪行为的特殊性使其显得粗鲁。

If you look at the Connecticut Criminal Code, it's not quite so precise about hair pulling.

如果你看看康涅狄格州刑法,你会发现其中关于拉扯头发的规定并不那么精确。

If anyone seizes a freeman by the hair, the fine is greater if he's seized with two hands than one.

如果有人抓住自由人的头发,用两只手抓住他的罚款比用一只手抓住他的罚款更高。

Maybe that has to do with intent.

也许这与意图有关。

One arm might be instinct.

一只手臂可能是本能。

I'm pulling your hair.

我拉扯你的头发。

But two hands argues of serious intent to do harm.

但两只手辩称有严重伤害意图。

Or it's more humiliating.

或者说更丢脸。

This is a culture in which there's an awful lot of shame and compensation for public shaming.

在这种文化中,存在着巨大的羞耻感和对公众羞辱的补偿。

A lot of questions of personal status.

很多关于个人状况的问题。

In title IV about theft, if a slave commits a theft he's either beaten or killed, end of story.

在关于盗窃的第四章中,如果一个奴隶犯了盗窃罪,他要么被殴打,要么被杀,故事结束。

Freemen, that is to say people who are not slaves, pay fines and compensation.

自由民,即非奴隶的人,缴纳罚款和赔偿。

It's a violent society.

这是一个充满暴力的社会。

Course all criminal codes show various forms of violence.

当然,所有刑法典都显示了各种形式的暴力。

There's a lot of mutilation.

有很多残害。

There are a lot of assaults on women.

针对女性的侵害事件屡见不鲜。

Compensation for assaults on free women are paid to the women themselves, but a native freeman who assaults a maid-servant must pay the master.

侵犯自由妇女的赔偿由妇女本人支付,但侵犯女仆的本地自由民必须向主人赔偿。

Maid-servant, as a slave, is regarded as a commodity.

婢女作为奴隶,被视为商品。

And then finally, it's a society in which, at least according to the official law code, men are more valued than women, or men are less regulated than women.

最后,至少根据官方法律法规,在这个社会中,男性比女性更受重视,或者男性比女性受到的监管更少。

If a man breaks a marriage, in title XXXIV, he's fined if he goes and runs off with another woman.

如果一个男人破坏了婚姻,在第 XXXIV 章中,如果他与另一个女人私奔,他将被罚款。

If a woman goes off and runs off with another man, she's to be smothered to death.

如果一个女人跟另一个男人私奔了,她就会被闷死。

On that enlightened note, we'll leave the Burgundian Code.

出于这种开明的考虑,我们将保留《勃艮第法典》。

And indeed we're going to leave the barbarians only for a little while.

事实上,我们只会暂时离开野蛮人。

Next week we're going to talk about the Eastern Roman Empire and why it survived and even why it flourished.

下周我们将讨论东罗马帝国以及它为何幸存甚至为何繁荣。

中文为机器翻译,仅供参考。