Spanish conquest of Petén (Wikipedia featured)
The Spanish conquest of Petén was the last stage of the conquest of Guatemala, a prolonged conflict during the Spanish colonisation of the Americas.
西班牙对佩滕的征服是征服危地马拉的最后阶段，危地马拉是西班牙殖民美洲期间的一场长期冲突。
A wide lowland plain covered with dense rainforest, Petén contains a central drainage basin with a series of lakes and areas of savannah.
佩滕是一片广阔的低地平原，覆盖着茂密的雨林，有一个中央流域盆地，有一系列湖泊和稀树草原地区。
It is crossed by several ranges of low karstic hills and rises to the south as it nears the Guatemalan Highlands.
它被几座低矮的喀斯特山丘穿过，并向南延伸，靠近危地马拉高地。
The conquest of Petén, a region now incorporated into the modern republic of Guatemala, climaxed in 1697 with the capture of Nojpetén, the island capital of the Itza kingdom, by Martín de Ursúa y Arizmendi.
1697 年，马丁·德·乌尔苏阿·阿里兹门迪 (Martín de Ursúa y Arizmendi) 占领了伊察王国的岛屿首府诺伊佩滕 (Nojpetén)，对佩滕 (现已并入现代危地马拉共和国) 的征服达到了高潮。
With the defeat of the Itza, the last independent and unconquered native kingdom in the Americas fell to European colonisers.
随着伊察人的失败，美洲最后一个独立且未被征服的本土王国落入欧洲殖民者手中。
Sizeable Maya populations existed in Petén before the conquest, particularly around the central lakes and along the rivers.
在被征服之前，佩滕就已经有大量玛雅人居住，特别是在中央湖泊和河流沿岸。
Petén was divided into different Maya polities engaged in a complex web of alliances and enmities.
佩滕分为不同的玛雅政体，这些政体之间存在着复杂的联盟和敌对网络。
The most important groups around the central lakes were the Itza, the Yalain and the Kowoj.
中央湖泊周围最重要的族群是伊察族、雅兰族和科沃伊族。
Other groups with territories in Petén included the Kejache, the Acala, the Lakandon Chʼol, the Xocmo, the Chinamita, the Icaiche and the Manche Chʼol.
在佩滕拥有领土的其他族群包括 Kejache、Acala、Lakandon Ch'ol、Xocmo、Chinamita、Icaiche 和 Manche Ch'ol。
Petén was first penetrated by Hernán Cortés with a sizeable expedition that crossed the territory from north to south in 1525.
1525 年，埃尔南·科尔特斯 (Hernán Cortés) 率领一支规模庞大的探险队，从北向南穿越该地区，首次侵入佩滕。
In the first half of the 16th century, Spain established neighbouring colonies in Yucatán to the north and Guatemala to the south.
16世纪上半叶，西班牙在北边的尤卡坦州和南边的危地马拉建立了邻近的殖民地。
Spanish missionaries laid the groundwork for the extension of colonial administration in the extreme south of Petén from 1596 onwards, but no further Spanish entry of central Petén took place until 1618 and 1619 when missionaries arrived at the Itza capital, having travelled from the Spanish town of Mérida in Yucatán.
自 1596 年起，西班牙传教士为在佩滕最南端扩展殖民统治奠定了基础，但直到 1618 年和 1619 年传教士从尤卡坦州的西班牙小镇梅里达抵达伊察首府后，西班牙才进一步进入佩滕中部。
In 1622 a military expedition set out from Yucatán led by Captain Francisco de Mirones and accompanied by Franciscan friar Diego Delgado; this expedition was a disaster, and the Spanish were massacred by the Itza.
1622年，一支由弗朗西斯科·德·米罗内斯上尉率领的军事远征队从尤卡坦州出发，由方济会修道士迭戈·德尔加多陪同。这次远征是一场灾难，西班牙人被伊察人屠杀了。
In 1628 the Manche Chʼol of the south were placed under the administration of the colonial governor of Verapaz within the Captaincy General of Guatemala.
1628 年，南部的曼切乔尔被置于危地马拉都督维拉帕斯殖民总督的管辖之下。
The Manche Chʼol unsuccessfully rebelled against Spanish control in 1633.
1633 年，曼什乔尔人反抗西班牙的控制，但没有成功。
In 1695 a military expedition tried to reach Lake Petén Itzá from Guatemala; this was followed in 1696 by missionaries from Mérida and in 1697 by Martín de Ursúa's expedition from Yucatán that resulted in the final defeat of the independent kingdoms of central Petén and their incorporation into the Spanish Empire.
1695 年，一支军事探险队试图从危地马拉到达佩滕伊察湖；随后，1696 年来自梅里达的传教士和 1697 年马丁·德·乌尔苏阿从尤卡坦州远征，最终击败了佩滕中部的独立王国，并将其并入西班牙帝国。
The modern department of Petén is located in northern Guatemala.
现代佩滕省位于危地马拉北部。
It is bordered on the west by the Mexican state of Chiapas; this border largely follows the course of the Usumacinta River.
西边与墨西哥恰帕斯州接壤；该边界主要沿着乌苏马辛塔河的河道。
On the north side Petén is bordered by the Mexican state of Campeche and on the northwest by the Mexican state of Tabasco; Petén is bordered on the east by Belize and on the south side by the Guatemalan departments of Alta Verapaz and Izabal.
佩滕北侧与墨西哥坎佩切州接壤，西北部与墨西哥塔巴斯科州接壤；佩滕东边与伯利兹接壤，南边与危地马拉的上韦拉帕斯省和伊萨瓦尔省接壤。
The Petén lowlands are formed by a densely forested low-lying limestone plain featuring karstic topography.
佩滕低地由森林茂密的低洼石灰岩平原形成，具有喀斯特地貌。
The area is crossed by low east–west oriented ridges of Cenozoic limestone and is characterised by a variety of forest and soil types; water sources include generally small rivers and low-lying seasonal swamps known as bajos.
该地区由新生代石灰岩东西向的低山脊穿过，具有多种森林和土壤类型的特点；水源通常包括小河流和称为巴霍斯的低洼季节性沼泽。
A chain of fourteen lakes runs across the central drainage basin of Petén; during the rainy season some of these lakes become interconnected.
十四个湖泊组成的链条横跨佩滕的中央流域；在雨季，其中一些湖泊变得相互连接。
This drainage area measures approximately 100 kilometres (62 mi) east–west by 30 kilometres (19 mi) north–south.
该流域面积东西长约 100 公里（62 英里），南北长约 30 公里（19 英里）。
The largest lake is Lake Petén Itzá, near the centre of the drainage basin; it measures 32 by 5 kilometres (19.9 by 3.1 mi).
最大的湖泊是佩滕伊察湖（Lake Petén Itzá），靠近流域中心；它的尺寸为 32 x 5 公里（19.9 x 3.1 英里）。
A broad savannah extends south of the central lakes; it has an average altitude of 150 metres (490 ft) above mean sea level with karstic ridges reaching an average altitude of 300 metres (980 ft).
宽阔的大草原向中央湖泊以南延伸；它的平均海拔高于平均海平面 150 米（490 英尺），喀斯特山脊的平均海拔达到 300 米（980 英尺）。
The savannah features a compact red clay soil that is too poor to support heavy cultivation, which resulted in a relatively low level of pre-Columbian occupation.
稀树草原的特点是致密的红粘土，土壤太贫瘠，无法支持大量耕种，这导致前哥伦布时期的居住水平相对较低。
It is surrounded by hills with unusually steep southern slopes and gentler northern approaches; the hills are covered with dense tropical forest.
它周围环绕着群山，南坡异常陡峭，北坡则较为平缓。山上覆盖着茂密的热带森林。
To the north of the lakes region bajos become more frequent, interspersed with forest.
在湖区的北部，巴霍斯变得更加频繁，散布着森林。
In the far north of Petén the Mirador Basin forms another interior drainage region.
在佩滕最北端，米拉多尔盆地形成了另一个内流域。
To the south Petén reaches an altitude of approximately 500 metres (1,600 ft) as it rises towards the Guatemalan Highlands and meets Paleozoic metamorphic rocks.
佩滕向南延伸至危地马拉高地，并与古生代变质岩相遇，海拔约为 500 米（1,600 英尺）。
The climate of Petén is divided into wet and dry seasons, with the rainy season lasting from June to December, although these seasons are not clearly defined in the south.
佩滕的气候分为湿季和干季，雨季从六月持续到十二月，尽管南部没有明确定义这些季节。
The climate varies from tropical in the south to semitropical in the north; temperature varies between 12 and 40 °C (54 and 104 °F), although it does not usually drop beneath 18 °C (64 °F).
气候变化多样，从南部的热带气候到北部的亚热带气候；温度在 12 至 40 °C（54 至 104 °F）之间变化，但通常不会低于 18 °C（64 °F）。
Mean temperature varies from 24.3 °C (75.7 °F) in the southeast around Poptún to 26.9 °C (80.4 °F) around Uaxactún in the northeast.
平均气温从波普通东南部周围的 24.3 °C (75.7 °F) 到东北部 Uaxactún 周围的 26.9 °C (80.4 °F) 不等。
Highest temperatures are reached from April to June, and January is the coldest month; all Petén experiences a hot dry period in late August.
最高气温在四月至六月期间，一月是最冷的月份；八月下旬，整个佩滕省都经历了炎热干燥的时期。
Annual precipitation is high, varying from a mean of 1,198 millimetres (47.2 in) in the northeast to 2,007 millimetres (79.0 in) in central Petén around Flores (Nojpetén).
年降水量很高，东北部的平均降水量为 1,198 毫米（47.2 英寸），而弗洛勒斯 (Nojpetén) 周围佩滕中部的平均降水量为 2,007 毫米（79.0 英寸）。
The extreme southeast of Petén experiences the largest variations in temperature and rainfall, with precipitation reaching as much as 3,000 millimetres (120 in) in a year.
佩滕最东南部的气温和降雨量变化最大，年降水量高达 3,000 毫米（120 英寸）。
The first large Maya cities developed in Petén as far back as the Middle Preclassic (c.
最早的玛雅大城市就在佩滕发展起来，其历史可以追溯到中前古典时期（约公元 150 年）。
600–350 BC), and Petén formed the heartland of the ancient Maya civilization during the Classic period (c.
公元前600年至公元前350年），佩滕在古典时期（约公元前600年至公元前350年）形成了古代玛雅文明的中心地带。
AD 250–900).
公元 250-900 年）。
The great cities that dominated Petén had fallen into ruin by the beginning of the 10th century AD with the onset of the Classic Maya collapse.
公元 10 世纪初，随着经典玛雅崩溃的开始，统治佩滕的大城市已沦为废墟。
A significant Maya presence remained into the Postclassic period after the abandonment of the major Classic period cities; the population was particularly concentrated near permanent water sources.
在古典时期主要城市被遗弃后，玛雅人的重要存在一直延续到后古典时期。人口特别集中在永久水源附近。
Although there is insufficient data to accurately estimate population sizes at the time of contact with the Spanish, early Spanish reports suggest that sizeable Maya populations existed in Petén, particularly around the central lakes and along the rivers.
尽管没有足够的数据来准确估计与西班牙人接触时的人口规模，但西班牙人的早期报告表明，佩滕地区存在大量玛雅人，特别是在中央湖泊和河流沿岸。
Before their defeat in 1697 the Itza controlled or influenced much of Petén and parts of Belize.
在 1697 年被击败之前，伊察人控制或影响了佩滕的大部分地区和伯利兹的部分地区。
The Itza were warlike, and their martial prowess impressed both neighbouring Maya kingdoms and their Spanish enemies.
伊察人好战，他们的军事实力给邻近的玛雅王国和他们的西班牙敌人留下了深刻的印象。
Their capital was Nojpetén, an island city upon Lake Petén Itzá; it has developed into the modern town of Flores, which is the capital of the Petén department of Guatemala.
他们的首都是诺伊佩滕 (Nojpetén)，这是佩滕伊察湖 (Lake Petén Itzá) 上的一座岛屿城市。它已发展成为现代城镇弗洛雷斯，是危地马拉佩滕省的首府。
The Itza spoke a variety of Yucatecan Maya.
伊察人讲多种尤卡坦玛雅语。
The Kowoj were the second in importance, and they were hostile towards their Itza neighbours.
科沃吉人的重要性位居第二，他们对伊察邻居充满敌意。
The Kowoj were located to the east of the Itza, around the eastern lakes: Lake Salpetén, Lake Macanché, Lake Yaxhá and Lake Sacnab.
科沃伊人位于伊察河以东，围绕东部湖泊：萨尔佩滕湖、马坎切湖、亚克哈湖和萨克纳布湖。
Other groups are less well known, and their precise territorial extent and political makeup remains obscure; among them were the Chinamita, the Kejache, the Icaiche, the Lakandon Chʼol, the Mopan, the Manche Chʼol and the Yalain.
其他群体则不太为人所知，其确切的领土范围和政治构成仍然模糊。其中有 Chinamita 人、Kejache 人、Icaiche 人、Lakandon Ch'ol 人、Mopan 人、Manche Ch'ol 人和 Yalain 人。
The Yalain appear to have been one of the three dominant polities in Postclassic central Petén, alongside the Itza and the Kowoj.
雅兰人似乎是后古典时期佩滕中部的三大统治政体之一，与伊察人和科沃伊人并列。
The Yalain territory had its maximum extension from the east shore of Lake Petén Itzá eastwards to Tipuj in Belize.
雅兰领土的最大范围从佩滕伊察湖东岸向东延伸至伯利兹的蒂普杰。
In the 17th century the Yalain capital was located at the site of that name on the north shore of Lake Macanché.
17 世纪，雅兰首都位于马坎奇湖北岸的同名地点。
At the time of Spanish contact the Yalain were allied with the Itza, an alliance cemented by intermarriage between the elites of both groups.
在与西班牙接触时，雅兰人与伊察人结盟，这一联盟是通过两个群体精英之间的通婚而巩固的。
In the late 17th century Spanish colonial records document hostilities between Maya groups in the lakes region, with the incursion of the Kowoj into former Yalain sites including Zacpeten on Lake Macanché and Ixlu on Lake Salpetén.
17 世纪末，西班牙殖民记录记录了湖区玛雅群体之间的敌对行动，科沃吉人入侵了前雅兰遗址，包括马坎奇湖上的扎克佩滕和萨尔佩腾湖上的伊克斯鲁。
The Kejache occupied a territory to the north of the Itza, between the lakes and what is now Campeche.
克贾什人占领了伊察河以北的一块领土，位于湖泊和现在的坎佩切之间。
To the west of them was Acalan, inhabited by a Chontal Maya-speaking group with their capital in the south of what is now Campeche state.
他们的西边是阿卡兰，居住着一个讲琼塔尔玛雅语的群体，他们的首都位于现在的坎佩切州的南部。
The Chʼolan Maya-speaking Lakandon (not to be confused with the modern inhabitants of Chiapas by that name) controlled territory along the tributaries of the Usumacinta River spanning southwestern Petén in Guatemala and eastern Chiapas.
说乔兰玛雅语的拉坎东人（不要与恰帕斯州的现代居民混淆）控制着乌苏马辛塔河支流沿线的领土，横跨危地马拉佩滕西南部和恰帕斯州东部。
The Lakandon had a fierce reputation among the Spanish.
拉坎东人在西班牙人中享有很高的声誉。
The Xocmo were another Chʼolan-speaking group; they occupied the remote forest somewhere to the east of the Lakandon.
Xocmo 是另一个说乔兰语的群体。他们占领了拉坎东东部某处偏远的森林。
Never conquered, the Xocmo escaped repeated Spanish attempts to locate them and their eventual fate is unknown; they may be ancestors of the modern Lacandon people.
霍克莫人从未被征服，西班牙人多次试图寻找他们，但他们逃脱了，他们的最终命运不得而知；他们可能是现代拉坎东人的祖先。
The Manche Chʼol held territory in the extreme south of what is now the Petén department.
曼切乔尔人控制着现在佩滕省最南端的领土。
The Mopan and the Chinamita had their polities in the southeastern Petén.
莫潘人和奇纳米塔人的政体位于佩滕东南部。
The Manche territory was to the southwest of the Mopan.
芒什领地在磨盘西南边。
Christopher Columbus discovered the Americas for the Kingdom of Castile and León in 1492.
1492 年，克里斯托弗·哥伦布为卡斯蒂利亚和莱昂王国发现了美洲。
By 1580 this had unified with neighbouring kingdoms to form one Spanish kingdom.
到 1580 年，它与邻近的王国统一，形成一个西班牙王国。
Private adventurers thereafter entered into contracts with the Spanish Crown to conquer the newly discovered lands in return for tax revenues and the power to rule.
此后，私人冒险家与西班牙王室签订合同，征服新发现的土地，以换取税收和统治权。
In the first decades after the discovery, the Spanish colonised the Caribbean and established a centre of operations on the island of Cuba.
在发现后的头几十年里，西班牙人在加勒比地区建立了殖民地，并在古巴岛上建立了一个活动中心。
They heard rumours of the rich empire of the Aztecs on the mainland to the west and, in 1519, Hernán Cortés set sail with eleven ships to explore the Mexican coast.
他们听到了有关西边大陆上阿兹特克人富裕帝国的传言，1519 年，埃尔南·科尔特斯 (Hernán Cortés) 带着 11 艘船启航探索墨西哥海岸。
By August 1521 the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan had fallen to the Spanish.
1521 年 8 月，阿兹特克首都特诺奇蒂特兰落入西班牙手中。
Within three years of the fall of Tenochtitlan the Spanish had conquered a large part of Mexico, extending as far south as the Isthmus of Tehuantepec.
特诺奇蒂特兰陷落后的三年内，西班牙人征服了墨西哥的大部分地区，向南延伸至特万特佩克地峡。
The newly conquered territory became New Spain, headed by a viceroy who answered to the Spanish Crown via the Council of the Indies.
新征服的领土成为新西班牙，由一位总督领导，他通过印度群岛委员会向西班牙王室负责。
Cortés despatched Pedro de Alvarado with an army to conquer the Mesoamerican kingdoms of the Guatemalan Sierra Madre and neighbouring Pacific plain; the military phase of the establishment of the Spanish colony of Guatemala lasted from 1524 to 1541.
科尔特斯派遣佩德罗·德·阿尔瓦拉多率领一支军队去征服危地马拉马德雷山脉和邻近太平洋平原的中美洲王国；西班牙在危地马拉建立殖民地的军事阶段从 1524 年持续到 1541 年。
The Captaincy General of Guatemala had its capital at Santiago de los Caballeros de Guatemala and covered a wide territory that also included the Mexican state of Chiapas as well as El Salvador, Honduras and Costa Rica.
危地马拉都督府的首都位于危地马拉圣地亚哥，领土范围广阔，还包括墨西哥恰帕斯州以及萨尔瓦多、洪都拉斯和哥斯达黎加。
The Spanish imposed colonial rule over Yucatán between 1527 and 1546, and over Verapaz from the 16th to the 17th centuries, leaving the area between – essentially Petén and much of Belize – independent long after surrounding peoples had been subjugated.
西班牙人于 1527 年至 1546 年间对尤卡坦州实行殖民统治，并于 16 世纪至 17 世纪对维拉帕斯实行殖民统治，使佩滕和伯利兹大部分地区之间的地区在周边人民被征服很久之后仍保持独立。
A single soldier arriving in Mexico in 1520 was carrying smallpox and thus initiated the devastating plagues that swept through the native populations of the Americas.
1520 年，一名携带天花抵达墨西哥的士兵引发了席卷美洲原住民的毁灭性瘟疫。
The European diseases that ravaged the indigenous inhabitants of the Americas also severely affected the various Maya groups of Petén.
肆虐美洲土著居民的欧洲疾病也严重影响了佩滕的各个玛雅群体。
It is estimated that there were approximately 30,000 Chʼol and Chʼoltiʼ Maya in western Petén at the start of the 16th century.
据估计，16 世纪初，佩滕西部大约有 30,000 名 Ch'ol 和 Ch'olti' 玛雅人。
Between 1559 and 1721 they were devastated by a combination of disease, war and enforced relocations.
1559 年至 1721 年间，他们因疾病、战争和强制搬迁而遭受重创。
When Nojpetén fell in 1697 there were approximately 60,000 Maya living around Lake Petén Itzá, including a considerable number of refugees from other areas.
1697 年诺伊佩滕陷落时，佩滕伊察湖周围居住着大约 60,000 名玛雅人，其中包括相当数量的来自其他地区的难民。
It is estimated that 88% of the inhabitants died during the first decade of colonial rule because of disease and war.
据估计，在殖民统治的头十年里，88%的居民因疾病和战争而死亡。
Although disease was responsible for the majority of deaths, internecine warfare between rival Maya groups and Spanish expeditions also took their toll.
尽管疾病是造成大部分死亡的原因，但玛雅敌对群体和西班牙探险队之间的自相残杀也造成了人员伤亡。
Conquistadors often wore steel armour that included chainmail and helmets.
征服者经常穿着钢甲，包括链甲和头盔。
The Spanish were sufficiently impressed by the quilted cotton armour of their Maya enemies that they adopted it in preference to their own steel armour.
西班牙人对他们的玛雅敌人的绗缝棉质盔甲印象深刻，因此他们更喜欢采用它，而不是自己的钢盔甲。
Maya weaponry was not sufficiently powerful to justify the discomfort of wearing European armour.
玛雅武器的威力不足以证明穿着欧洲盔甲的不适是合理的。
Quilted cotton armour, although still uncomfortably hot, was flexible and weighed much less.
绗缝棉质盔甲虽然仍然很热，但很灵活，重量也轻得多。
The Maya armour was adapted by the Spanish, who used knee-length quilted cotton tunics and Spanish-style caps.
玛雅盔甲是由西班牙人改编的，他们使用及膝的绗缝棉质长袍和西班牙风格的帽子。
Horsemen wore long quilted cotton leg protectors; their horses were also protected with padded cotton armour.
骑士们穿着长长的绗缝棉质护腿；他们的马匹也受到棉质盔甲的保护。
After the final push to the Petén lakes in early 1697, the Spanish recorded that they left with their garrison over 50 Dutch- and French-made muskets, three 1-pound (0.45 kg) calibre light cannons (piezas) cast from iron and mounted on carriages, four iron and two bronze pedreros (2-chambered stone-launchers) and six of at least eight bronze light cannons (known as esmiriles).
1697 年初对佩滕湖进行最后一次进攻后，西班牙人记录称，他们给驻军留下了 50 多支荷兰和法国制造的步枪、三门 1 磅（0.45 公斤）口径的铁铸轻型加农炮（piezas），安装在马车上，四门铁制佩德雷罗斯炮和两门青铜佩德雷罗斯炮（两室石发射器），以及至少八门青铜轻型加农炮中的六门（称为埃斯米里莱斯）。
The Spanish described the weapons of war of the Petén Maya as bows and arrows, fire-sharpened poles, flint-headed spears and two-handed swords known as hadzab that were crafted from strong wood with the blade fashioned from inset obsidian; these were similar to the Aztec macuahuitl.
西班牙人将佩滕玛雅人的战争武器描述为弓箭、火锋利的棍子、燧石头长矛和被称为“哈扎布”的双手剑，这些剑由坚固的木材制成，剑刃则镶嵌黑曜石；这些与阿兹特克人的 macuahuitl 相似。
They had a thin, wide wooden shaft with obsidian or flint blades set into channels in the wood.
他们有一根细而宽的木轴，木头的通道中镶嵌着黑曜石或燧石刀片。
The shaft was up to 80 centimetres (31 in) long and was crafted from the hard, dark wood of a flowering tree (Apoplanesia paniculata) called chulul by the Maya.
该轴长达 80 厘米（31 英寸），由玛雅人称为 chulul 的开花树（Apoplanesia panulata）的坚硬深色木材制成。
The bows used by the Maya were described as almost as high as a man and were made from the same chulul wood as the hadzab, with the bowstring fashioned from henequen fibre; the bow was called a chuhul.
据描述，玛雅人使用的弓几乎与人一样高，由与哈扎布相同的 chuulul 木材制成，弓弦由 henequen 纤维制成。这种弓被称为“chuhul”。
Arrows were made from reeds with flint, bone or fishtooth arrowheads and flights crafted from feathers.
箭是用芦苇制成的，带有燧石、骨或鱼齿箭头和用羽毛制成的箭头。
In hand-to-hand combat the Maya used daggers with obsidian or flint blades set into a chulul-wood handle, they were about 20 centimetres (7.9 in) long.
在肉搏战中，玛雅人使用带有黑曜石或燧石刀片的匕首，刀片镶嵌在朱鲁木手柄中，它们长约 20 厘米（7.9 英寸）。
Maya spears were referred to as nabte; sometimes the tip was fire-hardened, sometimes they were set with a stone blade.
玛雅长矛被称为 nabte；有时尖端经过火硬化，有时则用石刀片固定。
Spears were mainly used to thrust and slash but they could also be thrown as a javelin.
长矛主要用于刺击和砍击，但也可以作为标枪投掷。
The Maya used several different sizes of spear with the smaller spears probably employed as a missile; the longer spears were a similar size as those used by the Spanish.
玛雅人使用几种不同尺寸的矛，较小的矛可能用作导弹；较长的矛与西班牙人使用的矛大小相似。
Distinguished Maya warriors entered battle wearing armour.
杰出的玛雅战士穿着盔甲参加战斗。
The upper body was covered by a short jacket that was filled with rock salt, and the forearms and legs were protected with tight bindings of cloth or leather.
上半身覆盖着一件充满岩盐的短夹克，前臂和腿上用布或皮革紧紧绑住。
The salt-packed cotton armour was tough enough that even arrows could not penetrate it.
盐棉甲坚韧得连箭都无法射穿。
Armour could be decorated and was often adorned with feathers.
盔甲可以装饰，并且通常饰有羽毛。
Commoners did not wear armour in battle, usually only wearing a loincloth and warpaint.
平民在战斗中不穿盔甲，通常只穿着腰带和战漆。
Warriors carried shields made from two right-angled wooden bars with deerskin stretched across them.
战士们手持由两根直角木条制成的盾牌，上面铺着鹿皮。
The Spanish were aware that the Itza Maya had become the centre of anti-Spanish resistance and engaged in a policy of encircling their kingdom and cutting their trade routes over the course of almost two hundred years.
西班牙人意识到伊察玛雅人已成为反西班牙抵抗的中心，并在近两百年的时间里采取了包围他们的王国并切断他们的贸易路线的政策。
The Itza resisted this steady encroachment by recruiting their neighbours as allies against the Spanish advance.
伊察人通过招募邻国作为盟友来抵抗西班牙的持续入侵。
The Spanish engaged in a strategy of concentrating native populations in newly founded colonial towns, or reducciones (also known as congregaciones).
西班牙人采取了将土著人口集中到新建立的殖民城镇或reducciones（也称为congregaciones）的战略。
Native resistance to the new nucleated settlements took the form of the flight of the indigenous inhabitants into inaccessible regions such as the forest or joining neighbouring Maya groups that had not yet submitted to the Spanish.
土著居民对新的有核定居点的抵抗表现为土著居民逃入森林等人迹罕至的地区，或加入尚未屈服于西班牙人的邻近玛雅群体。
Those that remained behind in the reducciones often fell victim to contagious diseases.
那些在还原过程中落后的人常常成为传染病的受害者。
In addition to military expeditions, a contract for conquest was issued to the Dominican Order, which engaged missionaries for the peaceful pacification of native populations so they would accept Roman Catholicism and submit to Spanish rule.
除了军事远征之外，多米尼加骑士团还签订了一份征服合同，该骑士团聘请传教士和平平息当地居民，以便他们接受罗马天主教并服从西班牙统治。
This tactic worked in the neighbouring mountains of Verapaz to the south, although their success there was aided by the threat of Spanish garrisons stationed within striking distance.
这种战术在南部维拉帕斯附近的山区发挥了作用，尽管他们的成功得益于驻扎在打击距离内的西班牙驻军的威胁。
In the lowland Petén this approach was not so successful, since the Maya could disappear easily into the rainforest leaving the Spanish with deserted settlements.
在佩滕低地，这种方法并不那么成功，因为玛雅人很容易消失在雨林中，留下西班牙人的定居点。
Likewise, the Franciscan Order engaged in generally peaceful attempts to incorporate the Maya into the Spanish Empire via the attempted Christian conversion of native leaders.
同样，方济各会也试图通过让当地领导人皈依基督教，将玛雅人并入西班牙帝国。
The Franciscan Order routinely embraced the practice of missionary violence, including corporal punishment and the defence of the idea of "holy war" against non-Christians.
方济各会经常采用传教士暴力的做法，包括体罚和捍卫针对非基督徒的“圣战”理念。
In many cases the Maya remained Christian only while the missionaries were present, and they would immediately become apostate as soon as the friars left.
在许多情况下，玛雅人只有在传教士在场时才保持基督教信仰，一旦传教士离开，他们就会立即变节。
In Guatemala in the late 17th century, the Franciscan friar Francisco de Asís Vázquez de Herrera argued that war against apostate Indians was obligatory.
17 世纪末在危地马拉，方济各会修道士弗朗西斯科·德·阿西斯·巴斯克斯·德·埃雷拉 (Francisco de Asís Vázquez de Herrera) 认为，针对背道的印第安人的战争是必须的。
Missionary penetration of Petén was not risk-free, and many missionaries were killed in the region.
传教士渗透佩滕并非没有风险，许多传教士在该地区被杀。
Independent Maya frequently attacked Christianised Maya settlements and encouraged such settlements to abandon their new religion and resist the Spanish.
独立的玛雅人经常袭击基督教化的玛雅定居点，并鼓励这些定居点放弃他们的新宗教并抵抗西班牙人。
As Spanish military expeditions were launched against the Maya with increasing frequency, independent Maya communities began to request the presence of missionaries to avoid armed conflict.
随着西班牙对玛雅人的军事远征越来越频繁，独立的玛雅社区开始要求传教士的存在，以避免武装冲突。
The Itza attempted to use neighbouring Maya groups, such as the Yalain, as a buffer against Spanish encroachment; they may also have instigated rebellions by neighbouring groups that were already undergoing incorporation into the Spanish Empire.
伊察人试图利用邻近的玛雅人群体，例如雅兰人，作为抵御西班牙侵略的缓冲区。他们还可能煽动已经并入西班牙帝国的邻近团体的叛乱。
With Spanish attempts to penetrate the region divided between mutually independent colonial authorities in Yucatán and Guatemala, at times the Itza would be making peaceful overtures on one front while fighting on the other.
随着西班牙试图渗透尤卡坦州和危地马拉相互独立的殖民当局所划分的地区，伊察人有时会在一条战线上做出和平姿态，而在另一条战线上则进行战斗。
In 1525, after the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire, Hernán Cortés led an expedition to Honduras over land, cutting across the Itza kingdom in what is now the northern Petén Department of Guatemala.
1525 年，西班牙征服阿兹特克帝国后，埃尔南·科尔特斯率领一支远征军从陆路前往洪都拉斯，穿越了伊察王国（即现在危地马拉北部佩滕省）。
His aim was to subdue the rebellious Cristóbal de Olid, whom he had sent to conquer Honduras; Olid had set himself up independently on his arrival in that territory.
他的目的是制服反叛的克里斯托瓦尔·德·奥利德，他派他去征服洪都拉斯。奥利德一抵达那片领土就已经独立定居了。
Cortés had 140 Spanish soldiers, 93 of them mounted, 3,000 Mexican warriors, 150 horses, a herd of pigs, artillery, munitions and other supplies.
科尔特斯拥有 140 名西班牙士兵（其中 93 名骑兵）、3,000 名墨西哥战士、150 匹马、一群猪、大炮、弹药和其他物资。
He also had with him 600 Chontal Maya carriers from Acalan.
他还随身携带了 600 名来自阿卡兰的乔塔尔玛雅航母。
They arrived at the north shore of Lake Petén Itzá on 13 March 1525.
1525 年 3 月 13 日，他们抵达佩滕伊察湖北岸。
The Roman Catholic priests accompanying the expedition celebrated mass in the presence of Aj Kan Ekʼ, the king of the Itza, who was said to be so impressed that he pledged to worship the cross and to destroy his idols.
随行探险队的罗马天主教神父在伊察国王阿吉·坎·埃克 (Aj Kan Ek') 的见证下举行了弥撒，据说阿吉·坎·埃克对此印象深刻，并发誓要崇拜十字架并摧毁他的偶像。
Cortés accepted an invitation from Kan Ekʼ to visit Nojpetén (also known as Tayasal), and crossed to the Maya city with 20 Spanish soldiers while the rest of his army continued around the lake to meet him on the south shore.
科尔特斯接受了坎·艾克 (Kan Ek´) 的邀请，访问了诺杰佩滕 (Nojpetén)（也称为塔亚萨尔 (Tayasal)），并与 20 名西班牙士兵一起穿越到玛雅城市，而他的其余部队则继续绕湖而行，在南岸与他会合。
On his departure from Nojpetén, Cortés left behind a cross and a lame horse that the Itza treated as a deity, attempting to feed it poultry, meat and flowers, but the animal soon died.
离开诺伊佩滕时，科尔特斯留下了一个十字架和一匹跛马，伊察人将其视为神灵，试图喂它家禽、肉和鲜花，但动物很快就死了。
The Spanish did not officially contact the Itza again until the arrival of Franciscan priests in 1618, when Cortés' cross was said to still be standing at Nojpetén.
直到 1618 年方济各会牧师到来时，西班牙人才再次与伊察正式联系，据说当时科尔特斯的十字架仍然矗立在诺伊佩滕 (Nojpetén)。
From the lake, Cortés continued south along the western slopes of the Maya Mountains, a particularly arduous journey that took 12 days to cover 32 kilometres (20 mi), during which he lost more than two-thirds of his horses.
从湖边出发，科尔特斯沿着玛雅山脉的西坡继续向南，这是一段特别艰辛的旅程，花了 12 天才走了 32 公里（20 英里），在此期间他失去了三分之二以上的马匹。
When he came to a river swollen with the constant torrential rains that had been falling during the expedition, Cortés turned upstream to the Gracias a Dios rapids, which took two days to cross and cost him more horses.
当科尔特斯来到一条因探险期间持续不断的暴雨而水位上涨的河流时，他转向上游前往格拉西亚斯阿迪奥斯急流，花了两天时间才渡过，并损失了更多的马匹。
On 15 April 1525 the expedition arrived at the Maya village of Tenciz.
1525 年 4 月 15 日，探险队抵达玛雅村庄坦西兹。
With local guides they headed into the hills north of Lake Izabal, where their guides abandoned them to their fate.
在当地向导的带领下，他们进入了伊萨巴尔湖以北的山丘，在那里，向导抛弃了他们，让他们听天由命。
The expedition became lost in the hills and came close to starvation before they captured a Maya boy who led them to safety.
探险队在山中迷路，几乎挨饿，最后他们抓住了一名玛雅男孩，将他们带到了安全的地方。
Cortés found a village on the shore of Lake Izabal, perhaps Xocolo.
科尔特斯在伊萨瓦尔湖岸边发现了一个村庄，可能是索科洛。
He crossed the Dulce River to the settlement of Nito, somewhere on the Amatique Bay, with about a dozen companions, and waited there for the rest of his army to regroup over the next week.
他与大约十几名同伴渡过杜尔塞河，到达位于阿马蒂克湾某处的尼托定居点，并在那里等待剩余的军队在下周重新集结。
By this time the remnants of the expedition had been reduced to a few hundred; Cortés succeeded in contacting the Spaniards he was searching for, only to find that Olid had already been deposed, trialed and beheaded for treason by his trusty lieutenant de las Casas.
此时，远征队的残部已经减少到几百人。科尔特斯成功联系到他正在寻找的西班牙人，却发现奥利德已经被他信任的副官德拉斯卡萨斯以叛国罪废黜、审判并斩首。
Cortés then returned to Mexico by sea.
科尔特斯随后乘船返回墨西哥。
From 1527 onwards the Spanish were increasingly active in the Yucatán Peninsula, establishing several colonies and towns by 1544, including Campeche and Valladolid in what is now Mexico.
从 1527 年起，西班牙人在尤卡坦半岛日益活跃，到 1544 年建立了多个殖民地和城镇，其中包括位于现在墨西哥境内的坎佩切和巴利亚多利德。
The Spanish impact on the northern Maya, encompassing invasion, epidemic diseases and the export of up to 50,000 Maya slaves, caused many Maya to flee southwards to join the Itza around Lake Petén Itzá, within the modern borders of Guatemala.
西班牙对玛雅北部的影响，包括入侵、流行病和输出多达 50,000 名玛雅奴隶，导致许多玛雅人向南逃亡，加入佩滕伊察湖周围的伊察人，即现代危地马拉境内。
Dominican missionaries were active in Verapaz and the southern Petén from the late 16th century through the 17th century, attempting non-violent conversion with limited success.
从 16 世纪末到 17 世纪，多米尼加传教士活跃在维拉帕斯和佩滕南部，尝试非暴力皈依，但成效有限。
In the 17th century, the Franciscans came to the conclusion that the pacification and Christian conversion of the Maya would not be possible as long as the Itza held out at Lake Petén Itzá.
17世纪，方济各会得出结论，只要伊察人坚守佩滕伊察湖，玛雅人的平定和皈依基督教就不可能实现。
The constant flow of escapees fleeing the Spanish-held territories to find refuge with the Itza was a drain on the workforce managed by the encomienda system.
逃离西班牙控制领土的逃亡者不断涌入伊察避难，这对受封制度管理的劳动力造成了巨大的消耗。
The first Catholic missionaries entered southern Petén in 1596 to convert the Manche Chʼol and the Mopan.
1596 年，第一批天主教传教士进入佩滕南部，使曼切乔尔人和莫潘人皈依基督教。
The Qʼeqchiʼ of Verapaz long had close ties with the Manche Chʼol.
维拉帕斯的 Q'eqchi' 长期以来与曼什乔尔 (Manche Ch'ol) 有着密切的联系。
The colonial Maya towns of Cobán and Cahabón, in Alta Verapaz, traded quetzal feathers, copal, chile, cotton, salt and Spanish-produced iron tools with their lowland Lakandon and Manche Chʼol neighbours, receiving cacao and achiote in exchange.
上韦拉帕斯的玛雅殖民地城镇科班和卡哈本与低地的拉坎东和曼切乔尔邻居进行绿咬鹃羽毛、柯巴脂、智利、棉花、盐和西班牙生产的铁工具的贸易，并获得可可和阿奇奥特作为交换。
Many Qʼeqchiʼ from Verapaz fled Spanish control to settle among the Lakandón and Manche Chʼol.
许多来自维拉帕斯的 Q'eqchi' 逃离了西班牙的控制，在拉坎东 (Lakandón) 和曼什乔尔 (Manche Ch'ol) 地区定居。
These fugitives strengthened the existing ties between the independent Chʼol and the Spanish-controlled Maya of Verapaz; the constant flow of Maya between colonial Verapaz and independent Petén led to religious syncretism that the Spanish religious authorities were unable to prevent.
这些逃亡者加强了独立的Ch'ol与西班牙控制的维拉帕斯玛雅人之间现有的联系；玛雅人在殖民地韦拉帕斯和独立的佩滕之间不断流动，导致了西班牙宗教当局无法阻止的宗教融合。
This relationship did not hinder the Spanish from using the Qʼeqchiʼ to help conquer and reduce the Manche Chʼol.
这种关系并没有妨碍西班牙人利用盖奇奇人来帮助征服和削弱曼切乔尔人。
From the middle of the 16th century the Dominican Order had been tasked with the peaceful conversion of the Chʼol of Verapaz and southern Petén, and their concentration into new colonial towns.
从 16 世纪中叶开始，多米尼加修会就肩负着和平改变维拉帕斯 Ch'ol 和佩滕南部地区的任务，并将他们集中到新的殖民城镇。
The Itza became fearful that the newly converted Manche Chʼol would lead the Spanish to Nojpetén.
伊察人担心新皈依的曼什乔尔会带领西班牙人前往诺伊佩滕。
In 1628 the towns of the Manche Chʼol were placed under the administration of the governor of Verapaz, with Dominican friar Francisco Morán as their ecclesiastical head.
1628 年，曼什乔尔的城镇被置于韦拉帕斯总督的管理之下，多米尼加修道士弗朗西斯科·莫兰 (Francisco Morán) 担任他们的教会领袖。
Morán favoured a more robust approach to the conversion of the Manche and moved Spanish soldiers into the region to protect against raids from the Itza to the north.
莫兰赞成采取更强有力的方法来改变曼切人的信仰，并将西班牙士兵调入该地区，以防止从伊察人向北部发起的袭击。
The new Spanish garrison in an area that had not previously seen a heavy Spanish military presence provoked the Manche to revolt, which was followed by abandonment of the indigenous settlements.
在一个以前没有出现过大量西班牙军事存在的地区，新的西班牙驻军激起了曼切人的叛乱，随后他们放弃了土著定居点。
The Itza, worried about the southern approaches to their territory, may have instigated a Manche rebellion that took place in Lent 1633.
伊察人担心南方会接近他们的领土，因此可能煽动了 1633 年四旬斋期间发生的曼什叛乱。
Towards the end of the 17th century Spanish priorities changed, and the failure of the peaceful efforts of the Dominicans to convert the Chʼol combined with the increasing British presence in the Caribbean led the colonial authorities to end the Dominican monopoly and allow the Franciscans and other orders to enter the region; military options were also viewed more favourably.
17 世纪末，西班牙的优先事项发生了变化，多米尼加人改变 Ch'ol 人信仰的和平努力失败，加上英国在加勒比地区的势力不断增加，导致殖民当局结束了多米尼加人的垄断，并允许方济各会和其他修会进入该地区；军事选择也受到更有利的对待。
Between 1685 and 1689, the Qʼeqchiʼ of Cobán and Cahabón were forced to assist the Spanish in their armed expeditions against the Manche Chʼol and in forcibly relocating them to Verapaz.
1685 年至 1689 年间，科班 (Cobán) 和卡哈本 (Cahabón) 的盖奇奇 (Q'eqchi') 被迫协助西班牙人武装远征曼切乔尔 (Manche Ch'ol)，并将他们强行迁移到维拉帕斯 (Verapaz)。
These actions depopulated the southern Petén and led to the breakdown of the trade routes linking colonial Guatemala with the independent Maya of Petén.
这些行动减少了佩滕南部的人口，并导致连接殖民地危地马拉和独立的佩滕玛雅人的贸易路线中断。
From 1692 to 1694, Franciscan friars Antonio Margil and Melchor López were active among the Manche and Lakandon Chʼol.
1692 年至 1694 年间，方济会修道士安东尼奥·马吉尔 (Antonio Margil) 和梅尔乔·洛佩斯 (Melchor López) 活跃于曼切人和拉坎东乔尔人之间。
They were eventually expelled by the Chʼol; upon their return to Santiago de Guatemala they proposed three invasion routes into southern Petén and neighbouring Chiapas.
他们最终被 Ch'ol 驱逐。返回危地马拉圣地亚哥后，他们提出了三条入侵佩滕南部和邻近恰帕斯州的路线。
Throughout the 17th century, Spanish missionaries encountered considerable reticence among the Manche, until the Spanish finally decided to move them to an area where they could be more easily controlled.
整个 17 世纪，西班牙传教士在曼切人中遇到了相当大的沉默，直到西班牙人最终决定将他们转移到更容易控制的地区。
At the time of contact there were perhaps 10,000 Manche; these were devastated by war and disease, with the survivors relocated to Rabinal in the modern department of Baja Verapaz.
在接触时，曼切人大约有 10,000 人；这些都被战争和疾病摧毁了，幸存者搬到了下韦拉帕斯现代省的拉比纳尔。
After 1700 the Manche Chʼol ceased to play any part in the history of Petén.
1700 年之后，Manche Ch'ol 在佩滕的历史中不再扮演任何角色。
The Mopan population has been estimated at between 10,000 and 20,000 people at the time of contact.
据估计，在接触时，磨盘人口有 10,000 至 20,000 人。
In 1692 the Council of the Indies ordered that the Manche Chʼol and the Mopan be dealt with decisively.
1692 年，印度议会下令果断处理曼什乔尔和莫潘。
The population suffered the effects of war and disease, and the few survivors were moved into Spanish reducciones in southeastern Petén, before being moved to colonial settlements in other parts of Petén.
人口遭受战争和疾病的影响，少数幸存者被转移到佩滕东南部的西班牙雷杜西内，然后被转移到佩滕其他地区的殖民定居点。
In 1695 the colonial authorities decided to act upon a plan to connect the province of Guatemala with Yucatán, and soldiers commanded by Jacinto de Barrios Leal, president of the Royal Audiencia of Guatemala, conquered several Chʼol communities.
1695 年，殖民当局决定实施一项连接危地马拉省与尤卡坦州的计划，危地马拉皇家法庭主席 Jacinto de Barrios Leal 指挥的士兵征服了几个 Ch'ol 社区。
The most important of these was Sakbʼajlan on the Lacantún River in eastern Chiapas, now in Mexico, which was renamed as Nuestra Señora de Dolores, or Dolores del Lakandon, in April 1695.
其中最重要的是位于恰帕斯州东部（现属墨西哥）拉坎图恩河上的萨克巴伊兰，于 1695 年 4 月更名为 Nuestra Señora de Dolores 或 Dolores del Lakandon。
This was one part of a three-pronged attack against the independent inhabitants of Petén and neighbouring Chiapas; a second group joined up with Barrios Leal having marched from Huehuetenango.
这是针对佩滕和邻近恰帕斯州独立居民的三管齐下攻击的一部分；第二支队伍与从韦韦特南戈出发的巴里奥斯·莱尔会合。
The third group, under Juan Díaz de Velasco, marched from Verapaz against the Itza.
第三组在胡安·迪亚斯·德·贝拉斯科的领导下，从维拉帕斯向伊察进军。
Barrios Leal was accompanied by Franciscan friar Antonio Margil who served as an advisor as well as his personal confessor and chaplain to his troops.
巴里奥斯·莱尔的陪同人员是方济会修道士安东尼奥·马吉尔，他担任顾问、私人忏悔神父和部队牧师。
The Spanish built a fort and garrisoned it with 30 Spanish soldiers.
西班牙人建造了一座堡垒并驻扎了30名西班牙士兵。
Mercederian friar Diego de Rivas was based at Dolores del Lakandon, and he and his fellow Mercederians baptised several hundred Lakandon Chʼols in the following months and established contacts with neighbouring Chʼol communities.
Mercederian 修道士迭戈·德·里瓦斯 (Diego de Rivas) 驻扎在多洛雷斯·德尔·拉坎东 (Dolores del Lakandon)，他和他的 Mercederian 同胞在接下来的几个月里为数百名 Lakandon Ch'ol 人施洗，并与邻近的 Ch'ol 社区建立了联系。
Resistance against the Spanish continued, and hostile Chʼol killed several newly baptised Christian Indians.
对西班牙人的抵抗仍在继续，敌对的乔尔杀害了几名新受洗的基督教印第安人。
In early March 1696 such was the success of the friars that captain Jacobo de Alzayaga and the Mercederians decided to try to reach Lake Petén Itzá.
1696 年 3 月上旬，修道士们取得了巨大的成功，雅各布·德·阿尔扎亚加 (Jacobo de Alzayaga) 船长和梅塞德里亚人决定尝试到达佩滕伊察湖 (Lake Petén Itzá)。
They headed eastwards towards the Pasión River with 150 heavily armed soldiers plus native guides, travelling in five large canoes.
他们在 150 名全副武装的士兵和当地向导的带领下，乘坐五艘大型独木舟向东前往帕西翁河 (Pasión River)。
They got as far as the savannah to the southeast of the lake before turning back for unknown reasons.
他们一直走到了湖东南部的大草原，然后又不知为何折返。
Antonio Margil remained in Dolores del Lakandon until 1697.
安东尼奥·马吉尔 (Antonio Margil) 一直住在多洛雷斯·德尔·拉坎东 (Dolores del Lakandon)，直到 1697 年。
The Chʼol of the Lacandon Jungle were resettled in Huehuetenango in the early 18th century.
18 世纪初，拉坎东丛林的 Ch'ol 人在韦韦特南戈重新定居。
Nojpetén fell to a Spanish assault on 13 March 1697, more than 150 years after the conquest of the rest of the Yucatán Peninsula and more than 160 years after the conquest of the Guatemalan Highlands.
1697 年 3 月 13 日，西班牙攻克诺伊佩滕，此时距征服尤卡坦半岛其他地区 150 多年、征服危地马拉高地 160 多年。
The lengthy delay in conquering the Petén region was due to a combination of its geographical remoteness and inhospitality and the fierce reputation of its Maya inhabitants.
佩滕地区的征服被拖延了很长时间，这是由于该地区地处偏远、荒凉，以及玛雅居民的恶名。
During this time the Itza used the Yalain as an eastern buffer against Spanish approach from Belize.
在此期间，伊察人利用雅兰河作为东部缓冲区，抵御来自伯利兹的西班牙人的进攻。
The lengthy indirect contact between the Itza and the Spanish invaders allowed the Itza to develop an understanding of Spanish strategy and tactics that was honed over the period of almost two centuries that the Itza were surrounded by European-dominated territories.
伊察人与西班牙入侵者之间长期的间接接触使伊察人对西班牙的战略和战术有了一定的了解，这种了解是在伊察人被欧洲统治的领土包围的近两个世纪的时间里磨练出来的。
This understanding distinguished the conquest of Petén from the 16th-century conquests of the Aztecs, Maya and Incas.
这种理解将佩滕的征服与 16 世纪阿兹特克人、玛雅人和印加人的征服区分开来。
In contrast, the Spanish had a very poor understanding of the Itza and their neighbours and viewed them as ignorant savages whose kingdom was protected by Satan from the Christianising efforts of the Spanish Empire and the Roman Catholic Church.
相比之下，西班牙人对伊察人和他们的邻居的了解非常少，认为他们是无知的野蛮人，他们的王国受到撒旦的保护，免受西班牙帝国和罗马天主教会基督教化的影响。
From the time that Hernán Cortés crossed Petén in the early 16th century, the Spanish mistakenly believed the king of the Itza (the Aj Kan Ek') was the overlord of the entire central Petén region.
从16世纪初埃尔南·科尔特斯越过佩滕起，西班牙人就错误地认为伊察国王（阿杰·坎·艾克）是整个佩滕中部地区的霸主。
Following Cortés' visit, no Spanish attempted to visit the warlike Itza inhabitants of Nojpetén for almost a hundred years.
科尔特斯访问之后，近一百年来没有任何西班牙人试图拜访诺伊佩滕好战的伊察居民。
In 1618 two Franciscan friars set out from Mérida in Yucatán on a mission to attempt the peaceful conversion of the still pagan Itza in central Petén.
1618 年，两名方济各会修道士从尤卡坦州的梅里达出发，执行一项任务，试图让佩滕中部仍然信奉异教的伊察和平皈依基督教。
Bartolomé de Fuensalida and Juan de Orbita were accompanied by some Christianised Maya.
巴托洛梅·德·富恩萨利达和胡安·德·奥尔比塔由一些基督教化的玛雅人陪同。
Andrés Carrillo de Pernía, a Criollo who was the alcalde of Bacalar (a colonial official), joined the party at Bacalar and escorted them upriver as far as Tipuj, returning to Bacalar once he was certain of the friars receiving a good welcome there.
克里奥洛人安德烈斯·卡里略·德·佩尼亚 (Andrés Carrillo de Pernía) 是巴卡拉尔 (Bacalar) 的镇长（殖民官员），他在巴卡拉尔加入了队伍，并护送他们逆流而上直至蒂普伊 (Tipuj)，一旦他确定修士们在那里受到热烈欢迎，他就返回巴卡拉尔。
After an arduous six-month journey the travellers were well received by the current Kan Ekʼ.
经过六个月的艰苦旅程，旅行者们受到了现任 Kan Ek' 的热情接待。
They stayed at Nojpetén for some days in an attempt to evangelise the Itza, but the Aj Kan Ekʼ refused to renounce his Maya religion, although he showed interest in the masses held by the Catholic missionaries.
他们在诺杰佩滕待了几天，试图向伊察传福音，但阿吉·坎·埃克拒绝放弃他的玛雅宗教，尽管他对天主教传教士所拥有的群众表现出兴趣。
Kan Ekʼ informed them that according to ancient Itza prophecy it was not yet time for them to convert.
坎·艾克 (Kan Ek') 告诉他们，根据古老的伊察预言，现在还不是他们皈依的时候。
In the time since Cortés had visited Nojpetén, the Itza had made a statue of the deified horse.
自从科尔特斯访问诺伊佩滕以来，伊察人就制作了一尊神马雕像。
Juan de Orbita was outraged when he saw the idol and he immediately smashed it into pieces.
胡安·德·奥尔比塔（Juan de Orbita）看到神像后非常愤怒，立即将其砸成碎片。
Fuensalida was able to save the lives of the visitors from the infuriated natives by means of a particularly eloquent sermon that resulted in them being forgiven.
富恩萨利达通过一次特别雄辩的布道，从愤怒的当地人手中拯救了游客的生命，并最终获得了宽恕。
Attempts to convert the Itza failed, and the friars left Nojpetén on friendly terms with Kan Ekʼ.
改变伊察人信仰的尝试失败了，修士们离开诺杰佩滕并与坎·埃克保持友好关系。
The friars returned in 1619, arriving in October and staying for eighteen days.
修士们于 1619 年返回，并于 10 月抵达并停留了十八天。
Again Kan Ekʼ welcomed them in a friendly manner, but this time the Maya priesthood were hostile and jealous of the missionaries' influence upon the king.
坎埃克再次以友好的方式欢迎他们，但这一次玛雅祭司对传教士对国王的影响充满敌意和嫉妒。
They persuaded Kan Ek's wife to convince him to expel the unwelcome visitors.
他们说服坎·艾克的妻子说服他驱逐不速之客。
The missionaries' lodgings were surrounded by armed warriors, and the friars and their accompanying servants were escorted to a waiting canoe and instructed to leave and never return.
传教士的住所被武装战士包围，修道士和他们的随行仆人被护送到一艘等待的独木舟上，并被指示离开并不再返回。
Juan de Orbita attempted to resist and was rendered unconscious by an Itza warrior.
胡安·德·奥尔比塔试图反抗，但被一名伊察武士打昏了。
The missionaries were expelled without food or water but survived the journey back to Mérida.
传教士在没有食物和水的情况下被驱逐，但在返回梅里达的途中幸存下来。
Before the early 17th century, the western Petén had been heavily populated by Chʼol and Chʼoltiʼ Maya and was an important trade route for the Itza.
17 世纪初之前，佩滕西部地区居住着大量 Ch'ol 和 Ch'olti' 玛雅人，是伊察人的重要贸易路线。
By the mid-17th century, these populations had been devastated by war, disease and the enforced movement of the inhabitants into colonial settlements, negating the economic importance of the region for the Itza.
到 17 世纪中叶，这些人口已因战争、疾病和居民被迫迁移到殖民定居点而遭受重创，从而否定了该地区对伊察的经济重要性。
At the same time the Kejache were becoming important intermediaries between the Itza and Yucatán.
与此同时，克贾什人也成为伊察人和尤卡坦人之间的重要中介。
The Putun Acalan subgroup of the Kejache had previously traded directly with the Itza but had been relocated by the Spanish.
Kejache 的 Putun Acalan 分支此前曾直接与 Itza 进行贸易，但已被西班牙人迁移。
The remaining Kejache, devastated by disease and subject to the intense attentions of Spanish missionaries, were no longer able to supply the Itza directly and became middlemen instead.
剩下的克雅切人饱受疾病摧残，又受到西班牙传教士的密切关注，不再能够直接向伊察供货，而是成为了中间商。
In March 1622, governor of Yucatán Diego de Cardenas ordered captain Francisco de Mirones Lezcano to launch an assault upon the Itza; he set out from Yucatán with 20 Spanish soldiers and 80 Mayas from Yucatán.
1622 年 3 月，尤卡坦州总督迭戈·德·卡德纳斯命令弗朗西斯科·德·米罗内斯·莱兹卡诺船长向伊察号发起进攻；他与 20 名西班牙士兵和 80 名尤卡坦玛雅人一起从尤卡坦出发。
His expedition was later joined by Franciscan friar Diego Delgado.
后来方济各会修道士迭戈·德尔加多也加入了他的探险队。
The expedition first camped at IxPimienta; in May they moved to Sakalum, southwest of Bacalar, where there was a lengthy delay while they waited for reinforcements.
探险队首先在伊克斯皮米恩塔 (IxPimienta) 扎营。 5月，他们转移到巴卡拉尔西南部的萨卡卢姆，在那里等待援军，耽搁了很长时间。
En route to Nojpetén, Delgado believed that the soldiers' treatment of the Maya was excessively cruel, and he left the expedition to make his own way to Nojpetén with eighty Christianised Maya from Tipuj in Belize.
在前往诺伊佩滕的途中，德尔加多认为士兵们对待玛雅人的方式过于残忍，于是他离开了探险队，与八十名来自伯利兹蒂普伊的基督教玛雅人一起前往诺伊佩滕。
In the meantime the Itza had learnt of the approaching military expedition and had become hardened against further Spanish missionary attempts.
与此同时，伊察人得知了即将到来的军事远征，并对西班牙进一步的传教企图变得强硬起来。
When Mirones learnt of Delgado's departure, he sent 13 soldiers to persuade him to return or continue as his escort should he refuse.
当米罗内斯得知德尔加多离开的消息后，他派出 13 名士兵劝说他返回，如果他拒绝，则继续担任他的护卫。
The soldiers caught up with him just before Tipuj, but he was determined to reach Nojpetén.
士兵们在蒂普杰之前追上了他，但他决心到达诺伊佩滕。
From Tipuj, Delgado sent a messenger to Kan Ekʼ, asking permission to travel to Nojpetén; the Itza king replied with a promise of safe passage for the missionary and his companions.
德尔加多从蒂普杰派遣一名信使前往坎·埃克 (Kan Ek’)，请求允许前往诺伊佩滕 (Nojpetén)。伊察国王做出回应，承诺为传教士及其同伴安全通行。
The party was initially received in peace at the Itza capital, but as soon as the Spanish soldiers let their guard down, the Itza seized and bound the new arrivals.
最初，这群人在伊察首都受到和平接待，但西班牙士兵一放松警惕，伊察人就抓住并捆绑了新来的人。
The soldiers were sacrificed to the Maya gods, with their hearts cut from their chests and their heads impaled on stakes around the town.
这些士兵被献祭给玛雅诸神，他们的心脏被从胸口切下，他们的头被钉在城镇周围的木桩上。
After the sacrifice of the Spanish soldiers, the Itza took Delgado, cut his heart out and dismembered him; they displayed his head on a stake with the others.
西班牙士兵牺牲后，伊察人抓住了德尔加多，挖出了他的心脏并肢解了他。他们把他的头和其他人一起放在木桩上。
The fate of the leader of Delgado's Maya companions was no better.
德尔加多的玛雅同伴领袖的命运也好不到哪儿去。
With no word from Delgado's escort, Mirones sent two Spanish soldiers with Bernardino Ek, a Maya scout, to learn their fate.
由于德尔加多的护卫队没有任何消息，米罗内斯派了两名西班牙士兵和玛雅侦察兵贝尔纳迪诺·埃克一起去了解他们的命运。
When they arrived upon the shore of Lake Petén Itzá, the Itza took them across to their island capital and imprisoned them.
当他们抵达佩滕伊察湖岸时，伊察人将他们带到了岛屿首府并监禁了他们。
They escaped to a canoe by the lakeshore but the two Spanish, slowed by their bonds, were soon recaptured.
他们逃到湖边的一艘独木舟上，但这两个西班牙人因为被束缚而放慢了速度，很快就被抓回来了。
Ek escaped and returned to Mirones with the news.
埃克逃脱并带着消息返回米罗内斯。
Soon afterwards, on 27 January 1624, an Itza war party led by AjKʼin Pʼol caught Mirones and his soldiers off guard and unarmed in the church at Sakalum and slaughtered them.
此后不久，即 1624 年 1 月 27 日，由 AjK´in P'ol 领导的伊察战队在萨卡勒姆的教堂里袭击了米罗内斯和他手无寸铁的士兵，并将他们屠杀。
Spanish reinforcements led by Juan Bernardo Casanova arrived too late; the Spanish soldiers had been sacrificed, hanged and beheaded, with their corpses burned and impaled on stakes at the entrance to the village; Mirones and the Franciscan priest had been bound to the church posts and then sacrificed with their hearts cut out.
胡安·贝尔纳多·卡萨诺瓦 (Juan Bernardo Casanova) 率领的西班牙增援部队抵达时为时已晚；西班牙士兵被牺牲、绞死和斩首，他们的尸体被烧毁并钉在村庄入口处的木桩上；米罗内斯和方济各会牧师被绑在教堂的柱子上，然后被挖出心脏献祭。
A number of local Maya men and women had also been hanged but not decapitated, and the attackers had burned the town.
一些当地的玛雅男女也被绞死，但没有被斩首，袭击者还烧毁了这座城镇。
Following these massacres, Spanish garrisons were stationed in several towns in southern Yucatán, and rewards were offered for the whereabouts of AjKʼin Pʼol.
这些屠杀之后，西班牙驻军驻扎在尤卡坦州南部的几个城镇，并悬赏寻找阿吉金·波尔的下落。
The Maya governor of Oxkutzcab, Fernando Kamal, set out with 150 Maya archers to track the warleader down; they succeeded in capturing the Itza captain and his followers, together with silverware from the looted Sakalum church and items belonging to Mirones.
奥克斯库茨卡布的玛雅总督费尔南多·卡迈勒 (Fernando Kamal) 率领 150 名玛雅弓箭手出发追捕这位战争领袖；他们成功俘获了伊察船长和他的追随者，以及被洗劫的萨卡卢姆教堂的银器和属于米罗内斯的物品。
The prisoners were taken back to the Spanish captain Antonio Méndez de Canzo, interrogated under torture, tried, and condemned to be hanged, drawn and quartered.
囚犯们被带回西班牙船长安东尼奥·门德斯·德坎佐那里，受到酷刑审问、审判，最后被判处绞刑、绞刑和分尸。
They were decapitated, and the heads were displayed in the plazas of towns throughout the colonial Partido de la Sierra in what is now Mexico's Yucatán state.
他们被斩首，头颅被展示在殖民时期的拉塞拉党（即现在的墨西哥尤卡坦州）的城镇广场上。
These events ended all Spanish attempts to contact the Itza until 1695.
这些事件结束了西班牙人与伊察人联系的所有尝试，直至 1695 年。
In the 1640s internal strife in Spain distracted the government from attempts to conquer unknown lands; the Spanish Crown lacked the time, money or interest in such colonial adventures for the next four decades.
1640 年代，西班牙的内乱分散了政府对征服未知土地的注意力。在接下来的四十年里，西班牙王室缺乏时间、金钱或兴趣进行此类殖民冒险。
In 1692 Basque nobleman Martín de Ursúa y Arizmendi proposed to the Spanish king the construction of a road from Mérida southwards to link with the Guatemalan colony, in the process "reducing" any independent native populations into colonial congregaciones; this was part of a greater plan to subjugate the Lakandon and Manche Chʼol of southern Petén and the upper reaches of the Usumacinta River.
1692年，巴斯克贵族Martín de Ursúa y Arizmendi向西班牙国王提议修建一条从梅里达向南连接危地马拉殖民地的道路，在此过程中将任何独立的土著人口“减少”为殖民地聚集地；这是征服佩滕南部的拉坎东河和曼什乔尔河以及乌苏马辛塔河上游的更大计划的一部分。
The original plan was for the province of Yucatán to build the northern section and for Guatemala to build the southern portion, with both meeting somewhere in Chʼol territory; the plan was later modified to pass further east, through the kingdom of the Itza.
最初的计划是由尤卡坦省建设北部部分，危地马拉建设南部部分，两者在 Ch'ol 领土的某处交汇；该计划后来被修改为进一步向东，穿过伊察王国。
In December 1695 the Spanish colonial authorities in Mérida received a diplomatic visit sent by the Aj Kan Ekʼ.
1695 年 12 月，梅里达的西班牙殖民当局接待了 Aj Kan Ek' 派来的外交访问。
The diplomatic contact had been negotiated by Spanish captain Francisco Hariza y Arruyo, alcalde of Bacalar-at-Chunjujubʼ.
外交接触是由西班牙船长弗朗西斯科·哈里扎·阿鲁约（Bacalar-at-Chunjujub' 的镇长）进行谈判的。
Hariza had sent a Christian Maya ambassador to Nojpetén from Tipuj in April 1695, who arrived around the same time that the Itza were preparing to defend themselves against a Spanish party entering from Guatemala; nonetheless the emissary was received in peace and despatched back to Hariza with promises of submission to Spain.
1695 年 4 月，哈里扎派了一名基督教玛雅大使从蒂普杰前往诺伊佩滕，大约在同一时间，伊察人正准备防御从危地马拉入侵的西班牙军队。尽管如此，这位使者还是受到了和平的接待，并被送回哈里萨，并承诺向西班牙屈服。
In August Hariza travelled to Mérida in the company of a group of seven Tipuj natives offering submission to Spain.
八月，哈里扎在七名提普杰当地人的陪伴下前往梅里达，向西班牙屈服。
Four members of this party were not from Tipuj at all, but were Itza diplomats sent incognito from Yalain to discuss possible peaceful contacts with the colonial authorities.
该党的四名成员根本不是蒂普杰人，而是从亚兰派来隐姓埋名的伊察外交官，讨论与殖民当局进行和平接触的可能性。
The leader of the Itza delegation was AjChan, a nephew of the Itza king.
伊察代表团的团长是伊察国王的侄子阿吉昌。
When friar Avendaño was in Mérida in September 1695 between attempts to reach Nojpetén, he met with the Itza–Yalain delegation and was able to give an account of them when he travelled through Yalain after visiting Nojpetén in January 1696.
1695 年 9 月，当阿文达尼奥修士在梅里达试图到达诺伊佩滕时，他会见了伊察-雅兰代表团，并在 1696 年 1 月访问诺伊佩滕后途经雅兰时向他们做了汇报。
AjChan and his companions returned to Nojpetén in November but did not stay long before leaving for Mérida again.
AjChan 和他的同伴于 11 月返回 Nojpetén，但没停留多久就再次前往梅里达。
In December, Kan Ekʼ despatched AjChan to negotiate peace with Spain, with three Itza companions.
12 月，坎·埃克 (Kan Ek’) 派遣阿吉昌 (AjChan) 与伊察 (Itza) 的三名同伴一起与西班牙进行和平谈判。
They were accompanied to Mérida by a small number of Mopans from the Tipuj region.
少数来自蒂普伊地区的莫潘人陪同他们前往梅里达。
AjChan, through family ties and marriage, had a key role as a middleman between the Itza, Yalain and Kowoj; he also had family ties with the semi-Christianised Maya at Tipuj, and his mother was from Chichen Itza in the northern Yucatán.
AjChan 通过家庭关系和婚姻，在 Itza、Yalain 和 Kowoj 之间发挥着关键的中间人作用。他还与蒂普杰的半基督教化玛雅人有家庭联系，他的母亲来自尤卡坦半岛北部的奇琴伊察。
His marriage to a Kowoj woman had been an attempt, ultimately unsuccessful, to defuse Itza–Kowoj hostility.
他与一位科沃吉女性的婚姻是为了化解伊察-科沃吉人的敌意，但最终没有成功。
Kan Ekʼ sent AjChan to Mérida with a message of peaceful submission to the Spanish Empire in an attempt to solidify his own position as sole ruler of the Itza, even if this meant sacrificing Itza independence from Spain.
坎·埃克派遣阿杰昌前往梅里达，传达和平服从西班牙帝国的信息，试图巩固自己作为伊察唯一统治者的地位，即使这意味着牺牲伊察从西班牙的独立。
The Itza king's uncle and the Kowoj were fundamentally opposed to any negotiations with the Spanish and viewed AjChan's embassy as treachery.
伊察国王的叔叔和科沃吉人从根本上反对与西班牙人进行任何谈判，并认为阿吉昌的大使馆是背叛。
The Spanish were unaware of the tensions between different Maya factions in central Petén, which by now had escalated into a state of inter-Maya warfare.
西班牙人并没有意识到佩滕中部不同玛雅派系之间的紧张关系，现在已经升级为玛雅内部战争的状态。
AjChan was baptised as Martín Francisco on 31 December 1695, with Martín de Ursúa, governor of Yucatán, acting as his godfather.
1695 年 12 月 31 日，阿吉昌受洗命名为马丁·弗朗西斯科 (Martín Francisco)，尤卡坦州州长马丁·德·乌尔苏阿 (Martín de Ursúa) 担任他的教父。
The arrival of AjChan and his subsequent baptism was an important diplomatic coup for Ursúa, who used the visit for his own political advancement, promoting the embassy as the peaceful final submission of the Itza kingdom to the Spanish Crown.
阿吉昌的到来以及他随后的洗礼对乌尔苏阿来说是一次重要的外交政变，他利用这次访问来谋求自己的政治进步，宣传使馆的建立是伊察王国最终和平屈服于西班牙王室的结果。
This formal submission of the Itza kingdom to Spain was a critical turning point, since from a Spanish legal viewpoint the Itza were now subjects and the royal prohibition on military conquest could be sidestepped.
伊察王国正式向西班牙屈服是一个关键的转折点，因为从西班牙法律的角度来看，伊察现在是臣民，可以绕过皇家禁止军事征服的禁令。
AjChan left Mérida with his companions and a Spanish escort in the middle of January 1696 and arrived back at Tipuj around the end of the month.
1696 年 1 月中旬，AjChan 与同伴和一名西班牙护卫离开梅里达，并于月底左右返回蒂普杰。
After a few days at Tipuj he learnt of violent events unfolding around Lake Petén Itzá including the battle at Chʼichʼ and the subsequent killing of two Franciscans.
在蒂普杰几天后，他了解到佩滕伊察湖周围发生的暴力事件，包括奇奇战役以及随后两名方济会士被杀。
Fearing the response of his Spanish escort, he abandoned them and fled back to Yalain.
由于担心西班牙护卫的反应，他抛弃了他们并逃回亚兰。
The governor of Yucatán, Martín de Ursúa y Arizmendi, began to build the road from Campeche south towards Petén.
尤卡坦州州长马丁·德·乌尔苏阿·阿里兹门迪开始修建从坎佩切州南部通往佩滕的道路。
At the beginning of March 1695, Ursúa ordered captain Alonso García de Paredes to explore this road; García led a group of 50 Spanish soldiers, accompanied by native guides, muleteers and labourers.
1695年3月初，乌尔苏亚命令船长阿隆索·加西亚·德·帕雷德斯探索这条道路；加西亚率领着 50 名西班牙士兵，随行的还有当地向导、骡夫和劳工。
García had previous experience from military expeditions around Sajkabʼchen (near modern Xcabacab in southern Campeche state) The expedition advanced some way south of Sajkabʼchen into Kejache territory, which began at Chunpich, about 5 kilometres (3.1 mi) north of the modern border between Mexico and Guatemala.
加西亚之前曾在萨伊卡布兴（坎佩切州南部，靠近现代 Xcabacab）周围进行军事远征，这次远征从萨伊卡布兴向南推进了一段距离，进入了科贾切地区，其起点位于现代墨西哥和危地马拉之间边界以北约 5 公里（3.1 英里）处的春皮奇。
He rounded up some natives to be moved into colonial settlements, but met with armed Kejache resistance.
他围捕了一些当地人，准备将其转移到殖民地定居点，但遭到了克贾什人的武装抵抗。
A skirmish ensued at a Kejache village, resulting in the deaths of eight Kejache warriors.
Kejache 村庄随后发生小冲突，导致 8 名 Kejache 战士死亡。
Prisoners taken during the skirmish informed García that many independent Maya lived in the area, both Kejache and others.
小冲突中被俘的囚犯告诉加西亚，许多独立的玛雅人居住在该地区，包括克贾什和其他玛雅人。
García decided to retreat around the middle of April, probably to escort captured Kejache back to Sajkabʼchen to be put to work on García's encomienda.
加西亚决定在四月中旬左右撤退，可能是为了护送被俘的克贾切返回萨伊卡布兴，以便执行加西亚的任务。
Captain García reported back to Ursúa on 21 April 1695.
1695 年 4 月 21 日，加西亚船长向乌苏阿报告。
In March 1695, captain Juan Díaz de Velasco set out from Cahabón in Alta Verapaz with 70 Spanish soldiers, accompanied by a large number of Maya archers from Verapaz, and native muleteers; four Dominican friars led by Criollo friar Agustín Cano accompanied the expedition.
1695年3月，胡安·迪亚斯·德·贝拉斯科上尉率领70名西班牙士兵从上韦拉帕斯的卡哈邦出发，身边还有大批来自韦拉帕斯的玛雅弓箭手和当地骡夫；由克里奥尔修士奥古斯丁·卡诺率领的四名多米尼加修士陪同这次探险。
Theoretically the Spanish soldiers were provided solely as an escort for the Dominicans.
理论上，西班牙士兵只是为了护送多米尼加人而提供的。
The Guatemalan expedition, under orders of President Jacinto de Barrios Leal, were secretly trying to reach the Itzas before Martín de Ursúa could reach them from Yucatán; the existence of the expedition was carefully concealed during all communications between Guatemala and the governor of Yucatán.
危地马拉探险队在总统哈辛托·德·巴里奥斯·莱尔的命令下，秘密地试图在马丁·德·乌尔苏阿从尤卡坦州到达伊察斯之前到达他们。在危地马拉和尤卡坦州州长之间的所有通信中，探险队的存在都被小心地隐瞒了。
It formed a part of a three-pronged attack against the independent inhabitants of Petén and neighbouring Chiapas; the other two expeditions were launched against the Lakandon.
它是针对佩滕和邻近恰帕斯州独立居民的三管齐下攻击的一部分；另外两次远征是针对拉坎顿人发起的。
The expedition proceeded northwards through Chʼol territory and into Mopan territory; there they camped at Mopan town (modern San Luis).
探险队向北穿过 Ch'ol 地区，进入 Mopan 地区。他们在磨盘镇（今圣路易斯）扎营。
Due to their fear of their warlike Itza neighbours, both the Chʼol and the Mopans claimed not to know of any paths to Lake Petén Itzá.
由于害怕好战的伊察邻居，乔尔人和莫潘人都声称不知道通往佩滕伊察湖的任何道路。
The Spanish were held up at Mopan for several days by supply problems and desertions among their native carriers.
由于补给问题和本国航母开小差，西班牙人在莫潘滞留了数天。
The Dominicans took advantage of the delay to proselytise the Mopans and Cano wrote that he had converted four caciques (native chiefs) there, although Taxim Chan, king of the Mopans, had fled with many of the local inhabitants.
多米尼加人利用延误的时间向莫潘人传教，卡诺写道，他已经改变了那里四位酋长（当地酋长）的信仰，尽管莫潘人的国王塔克辛·陈（Taxim Chan）已经与许多当地居民一起逃走了。
Cano believed that the Mopans were ruled by the king of the Itzas.
卡诺相信莫潘人是由伊察斯国王统治的。
The Spanish believed that by pressing ahead to Lake Petén Itzá they would link up with a simultaneous expedition headed by President Barrios himself, unaware that Barrios had not reached the region.
西班牙人相信，通过向佩滕伊察湖推进，他们将与巴里奥斯总统本人率领的同时期探险队会合，但他们不知道巴里奥斯尚未到达该地区。
Díaz de Velasco sent out a scouting party of 50 musketeers accompanied by native archers on 6 April.
4 月 6 日，迪亚兹·德·贝拉斯科派出了一支由 50 名火枪手组成的侦察队，并由当地弓箭手陪同。
They soon found evidence of recent Itza camps in the area, estimated to be a month old.
他们很快就在该地区发现了伊察营地的证据，估计已有一个月了。
The scouts found a clear road heading north to the Itza kingdom, and the army set off along it.
斥候们发现了一条向北通往伊察王国的畅通道路，军队就沿着它出发了。
The main force camped about ten leagues (26 miles or 42 km) south of the lake, while a smaller scouting party was sent off ahead; this consisted of two Spanish soldiers, two archers and two muleteers from Verapaz, with two Chʼol-speaking native interpreters.
主力部队在湖以南约十里格（26英里或42公里）处扎营，而一支较小的侦察队则被派往前方；其中包括两名西班牙士兵、两名弓箭手和两名来自维拉帕斯的骡夫，以及两名讲 Ch'ol 语的母语翻译。
The scouting party advanced to the savannah just to the south of Lake Petén Itzá, where they encountered about 30 Itza hunters armed with spears, shields and bows, accompanied by hunting dogs.
侦察队前进到佩滕伊察湖以南的大草原，在那里他们遇到了大约30名手持长矛、盾牌和弓箭的伊察猎人，并有猎犬陪伴。
The hunters drew their weapons and prepared to fight, but the Mopan interpreter was instructed to explain that the Spanish party were traders who came in peace, accompanied by missionaries.
猎人们拔出武器准备战斗，但磨盘翻译奉命解释说，西班牙人是和平而来的商人，有传教士陪同。
The Spanish began to suspect that the interpreter was plotting against them with the Itza hunters, and one of the Verapaz archers dragged him out from among the hunters.
西班牙人开始怀疑翻译正与伊察猎人密谋对付他们，一名维拉帕斯弓箭手将他从猎人中拖了出来。
The encounter degenerated into a scuffle, and the Itzas once again drew weapons.
这场遭遇演变成一场混战，伊察家族再次拔出了武器。
The Spanish fired their muskets, fatally wounding two hunters, and a Verapaz Indian charged the Itzas with a machete.
西班牙人开火，打死两名猎人，一名维拉帕斯印第安人用砍刀冲向伊察人。
The hunters fled, leaving the scouting party in possession of the food and arrows at the hunting camp.
猎人逃跑了，把食物和箭留在了侦察队的狩猎营地。
Five days after this skirmish, Antonio Machuca led a party of 12 musketeers, 25 archers and 13 muleteers to try to find President Barrios, to scout a river route to the lake and to capture another interpreter, the previous one no longer being trusted.
这场小冲突发生五天后，安东尼奥·马丘卡 (Antonio Machuca) 率领一支由 12 名火枪手、25 名弓箭手和 13 名骡夫组成的小队试图找到巴里奥斯总统，探查通往该湖的河道，并抓获另一名翻译，而之前的翻译已不再被信任。
The main party arrived on the savannah near the lake.
一行人抵达了靠近湖边的大草原。
The following night one of the advance party came back into camp with an Itza prisoner, captured after a fierce struggle with the scouts.
第二天晚上，一支先遣队带着一名伊察俘虏返回营地，这名俘虏是在与侦察兵激烈搏斗后被俘的。
Interrogation of the prisoner revealed that he was from a high-ranking Itza lineage, and that he had been sent out to find the Spanish party and to see if they came as traders or invaders.
对这名囚犯的审讯显示，他来自伊察的高级血统，他被派去寻找西班牙人，看看他们是作为商人还是入侵者而来。
The rest of Machuca's scouting party soon returned to the main camp, reporting that they had camped four leagues (approximately 10.4 miles or 16.7 km) from the lake, where they encountered another hunting party of about "a dozen" Itzas.
马丘卡侦察队的其他成员很快返回了大本营，报告说他们已经在距湖四里格（约 10.4 英里或 16.7 公里）的地方扎营，在那里他们遇到了另一支由大约“十几个”伊察人组成的狩猎队。
The Spanish tried to use their interpreter to talk to them but the Itzas responded with a volley of arrows.
西班牙人试图使用翻译与他们交谈，但伊察人以齐射回应。
The Spanish musketeers tried to respond with musketfire, but found their gunpowder too wet to fire properly.
西班牙火枪手试图用火枪还击，但发现火药太湿而无法正常射击。
The Itza warriors charged upon them with spears, axes and machetes, and the ensuing hand-to-hand battle lasted an hour, during which six of the Itzas were killed; the rest finally retreated.
伊察战士用长矛、斧头和砍刀向他们发起冲锋，随后的肉搏战持续了一个小时，其中六名伊察人被杀。其余人终于退去。
Thanks to their padded cotton armour, the Spanish party received no injuries from the skirmish.
多亏了他们的棉质盔甲，西班牙方在这场小冲突中没有受伤。
The Spanish pursued the fleeing Itzas and another fierce skirmish ensued, lasting another hour during which most of the remaining Itzas were killed.
西班牙人追击逃跑的伊萨人，随后又发生了另一场激烈的小冲突，又持续了一个小时，在此期间，大多数剩余的伊萨人被杀。
Three Itzas escaped, and their leader was rendered unconscious with machete blows to the head; he was taken prisoner and later made a full recovery.
三名伊察逃脱了，他们的首领被砍刀砍到头部失去知觉。他被俘虏，后来完全康复。
Machuca's party reached the lakeshore and could see Nojpetén across the water, but saw such a large force of Itzas that they retreated south, back to the main camp.
马丘卡的队伍到达了湖岸，可以看到水对岸的诺伊佩滕，但看到了如此庞大的伊萨斯军队，他们向南撤退，回到了大本营。
An Itza account of this encounter reached the colonial authorities in Yucatán via Tipuj.
伊察对这次遭遇的描述通过蒂普杰传到了尤卡坦州的殖民当局。
The Itza reported that the Guatemalan party approached on horseback to within sight of Nojpetén, and about thirty curious Itzas gathered to talk to the intruders, whereupon they were attacked by the Spanish, resulting in the deaths of thirty Itzas, the capture of one and yet more wounded.
据《伊察》报道，危地马拉队伍骑马接近诺伊佩滕的视野范围内，大约三十名好奇的伊察聚集在一起与入侵者交谈，随后他们遭到西班牙人的袭击，导致三十名伊察死亡，一人被俘，还有更多人受伤。
A Christian Maya emissary from Bacalar-at-Chunjujubʼ, Yucatán, was in Nojpetén around this time, and reported that the Itza gathered 3,000–4,000 warriors ready to repulse Díaz de Velasco's party.
大约此时，来自尤卡坦州巴卡拉尔春朱朱布 (Bacalar-at-Chunjujub') 的基督教玛雅使者在诺伊佩滕 (Nojpetén)，并报告说，伊察 (Itza) 集结了 3,000-4,000 名战士，准备击退迪亚兹·德·贝拉斯科 (Díaz de Velasco) 的队伍。
On 24 April, the first prisoner escaped from the main camp; the same day that the injured second prisoner was taken in by Machuca and his men.
4 月 24 日，第一名囚犯逃离主营；同一天，第二名受伤的囚犯被马丘卡和他的手下收留。
Interrogation of the new prisoner, who turned out to be an Itza nobleman, revealed that the Itza kingdom was in a state of high alert to repel the Spanish.
对新囚犯的审讯结果显示，这名囚犯是伊察贵族，伊察王国正处于高度戒备状态，以击退西班牙人。
Friar Cano met with his fellow Dominicans to discuss what should be done, having had information from both Machuca and his prisoner that the Itza were ready for war.
卡诺修士从马丘卡和他的囚犯那里得到了伊察人已做好战争准备的信息，会见了他的多米尼加同胞，讨论了应该做什么。
The Dominicans were highly critical of the Spanish soldiers' readiness to open fire on poorly armed natives who offered no real threat to them, and suspected that President Barrios was nowhere near the lake; furthermore the Spanish were beginning to succumb to sickness, and the Verapaz Indian recruits were deserting daily.
多米尼加人对西班牙士兵随时准备向武装简陋的当地人开火表示高度批评，因为他们对他们没有真正的威胁，并怀疑巴里奥斯总统根本不在湖边。此外，西班牙人开始病倒，维拉帕斯印第安人的新兵每天都在开小差。
Díaz agreed with the Dominicans; two muleteers had already died from sickness, and he recognised that the size of his expedition was not sufficient for a full confrontation with the Itza nation.
迪亚斯同意多米尼加人的观点。两名骡夫已经病死，他认识到自己的远征规模不足以与伊察民族全面对抗。
The expedition almost immediately withdrew back to Cahabón.
探险队几乎立即撤回卡哈邦。
The new prisoner, AjKʼixaw was later taken back to Santiago de los Caballeros de Guatemala, where the Dominicans questioned him in detail.
新囚犯 AjK´ixaw 后来被带回危地马拉圣地亚哥，多米尼加人在那里对他进行了详细审讯。
In Guatemala AjKʼixaw learnt Spanish and returned to Petén in 1696 as a guide and interpreter for another expedition, before turning on his captors.
在危地马拉，AjK´ixaw 学习了西班牙语，并于 1696 年返回佩滕，担任另一次探险队的向导和翻译，然后开始攻击绑架者。
After the Spanish retreated to Guatemala, rumours ran rife among the Itza and Kowoj that they would return to engage in wholesale slaughter of the Maya population; large tracts of territory were abandoned in response, including many towns in an area stretching from Lake Petén Itzá eastwards to Tipuj and southwards to Mopán.
西班牙人撤退到危地马拉后，伊察人和科沃伊人之间盛传他们将返回对玛雅人进行大规模屠杀。作为回应，大片领土被放弃，包括从佩滕伊察湖向东延伸到蒂普杰，向南延伸到莫潘的地区的许多城镇。
When captain García de Paredes unexpectedly returned to Campeche in early May 1695, governor Martín de Ursúa was already preparing reinforcements for his expedition.
1695 年 5 月上旬，当加西亚·德·帕雷德斯船长意外返回坎佩切时，总督马丁·德·乌尔苏阿已经在为他的探险队准备增援。
With García's arrival, he was immediately allocated the extra soldiers.
加西亚到来后，他立即被分配了额外的士兵。
On 11 May Ursúa ordered García to begin a second expedition southwards and was allotted 100 salaried Maya to accompany him.
5 月 11 日，乌尔苏亚命令加西亚开始第二次向南探险，并分配了 100 名受薪玛雅人随行。
These workers were to be paid three pesos per month and received a suspension of their obligations to supply encomienda work and tribute.
这些工人每月将获得三比索的工资，并暂停提供受赠工作和贡品的义务。
García paid for additional Spanish soldiers from his own funds, as did José Fernández de Estenos, a Campeche resident who was to serve as second-in-command.
加西亚用自己的资金支付了额外的西班牙士兵费用，担任第二把手的坎佩切居民何塞·费尔南德斯·德埃斯特诺斯也是如此。
The final force numbered 115 Spanish soldiers and 150 Maya musketeers, plus Maya labourers and muleteers; the final tally was more than 400 people, which was regarded as a considerable army in the impoverished Yucatán province.
最后的部队有 115 名西班牙士兵和 150 名玛雅火枪手，以及玛雅劳工和骡夫；最终统计的人数有四百多人，这在贫困的尤卡坦省已经算是一支相当可观的军队了。
Ursúa also ordered two companies of Maya musketeers from Tekʼax and Oxkʼutzkabʼ to join the expedition at Bʼolonchʼen Kawich, some 60 kilometres (37 mi) southeast of the city of Campeche.
乌尔苏阿还命令来自特克克斯和奥克斯库茨卡布的两个玛雅火枪手连前往位于坎佩切市东南约 60 公里（37 英里）处的博洛钦卡维奇参加探险。
Bonifacio Us was captain of the Tekʼax company; Diego Uk was that of the Oxkʼutzkabʼ company.
博尼法西奥·乌斯 (Bonifacio Us) 是 Tek´ax 公司的队长； Diego Uk 是 Oxk'utzkab' 公司的公司。
Marcos Pot was overall "cacique captain" of these two Maya companies; all three officers were Maya.
马科斯·波特是这两家玛雅公司的总体“酋长”。所有三名军官都是玛雅人。
A Maya company from Sajkabʼchen served as elite musketeers charged with rounding up forest Maya into the reducciones; this company was excused from heavy labour duties.
来自萨伊卡布兴的一支玛雅连队担任精锐火枪手，负责将森林玛雅人围捕进reducciones；这家公司被免除繁重的劳动义务。
Non-Maya soldiers were a mix of Spanish, mestizos (mixed race Spanish and native) and mulattos (mixed race Spanish and black).
非玛雅士兵是西班牙人、混血儿（西班牙人和本土人的混血）和黑白混血儿（西班牙人和黑人的混血）的混合体。
On 18 May Ursúa requested three missionaries to support the expedition from the Franciscan provincial superior, friar Antonio de Silva; by 30 May three friars were ready to join the Spanish force, accompanied by a lay brother who had not yet taken vows.
5 月 18 日，乌尔苏亚向方济会省长安东尼奥·德席尔瓦修士请求三名传教士支持这次远征； 5 月 30 日，三名修道士准备加入西班牙军队，陪同的还有一名尚未宣誓的修士。
In addition, Silva sent another group of Franciscans led by friar Andrés de Avendaño, who was accompanied by another friar and a lay brother.
此外，席尔瓦还派出了另一批由安德烈斯·德·阿文达尼奥修士率领的方济各会修士，陪同人员还有另一位修士和一位平信徒弟兄。
This second group was only to remain with García while convenient for them to do so, and were to continue onwards independently to Nojpetén to make contact with the Itzas, with the tacit approval of Ursúa.
第二组只是在方便的时候留在加西亚身边，并在乌尔苏阿的默许下继续独立前往诺伊佩滕与伊察人接触。
In fact Avendaño and his party left Mérida on 2 June, a week before the party assigned to García.
事实上，阿文达尼奥和他的队伍于 6 月 2 日离开梅里达，比该队伍被派往加西亚的时间早一周。
On 23 June Ursúa received a message informing him of the occupation of Sakbʼajlan (Dolores del Lakandon) by Guatemalan troops.
6 月 23 日，乌尔苏亚收到一条消息，通知他危地马拉军队占领了萨克巴吉兰 (Dolores del Lakandon)。
By this time García was at Tzuktokʼ, near the Kejache border.
此时，加西亚已抵达靠近克贾什边境的 Tzuktok'。
Although Ursúa's purported plan, as authorised by the Spanish crown, was to build a road uniting Yucatán with Guatemala, he now realised that he was in a race to conquer the Itza kingdom; President Barrios of Guatemala had reached Sakbʼajlan and was returning to Santiago to prepare another expedition, and Guatemalan soldiers had already reached the lakeshore of Petén Itzá.
尽管乌尔苏阿声称得到西班牙王室授权的计划是修建一条连接尤卡坦州和危地马拉的道路，但他现在意识到自己正在竞相征服伊察王国；危地马拉总统巴里奥斯已抵达萨克拜兰，正返回圣地亚哥准备另一次远征，危地马拉士兵也已抵达佩滕伊察湖岸。
Any linking road to Dolores del Lakandon would have passed through sparsely inhabited territory; instead the Yucatecan surveyor plotted a route due south directly to the lake where it could connect with the south road via Cahabón in Verapaz.
任何通往多洛雷斯·德尔·拉坎东的道路都必须经过人烟稀少的地区；相反，尤卡坦测量员绘制了一条向南直接通往湖泊的路线，可以通过维拉帕斯的卡哈邦与南路连接。
This route would leave Dolores del Lakandon and the Lakandon Chʼol isolated to the west.
这条路线将使多洛雷斯·德尔·拉坎东 (Dolores del Lakandon) 和拉坎东·乔尔 (Lakandon Ch'ol) 孤立在西边。
Ursúa issued new orders to García dissimulating his desire to conquer the Itza.
乌尔苏亚向加西亚发出了新命令，掩饰了他征服伊察的愿望。
His letter ordered García to link up with President Barrios at Dolores del Lakandon, and gave him a precise route that would take him instead to the lake.
他的信命令加西亚在多洛雷斯德尔拉坎东与巴里奥斯总统会合，并给了他一条精确的路线，将他带到湖边。
A short time after receiving these orders, García ordered the construction of a fort at Chuntuki, some 25 leagues (approximately 65 miles or 105 km) north of Lake Petén Itzá.
收到这些命令后不久，加西亚下令在佩滕伊察湖以北约 25 里格（约 65 英里或 105 公里）的春图基建造一座堡垒。
This would serve as the main military base for the Camino Real ("Royal Road") project; the supply base was at Kawich, under the command of Juan del Castillo y Arrué.
这将作为 Camino Real（“皇家大道”）项目的主要军事基地；补给基地位于卡威奇，由胡安·德尔·卡斯蒂略·阿鲁埃指挥。
On 27 July Ursúa authorised the creation of three new militia companies of 25 men apiece to reinforce García.
7 月 27 日，乌尔苏阿授权成立三个新的民兵连，每连 25 人，以增援加西亚。
Two were Spanish companies and one was a mixed-race company consisting of mestizos and pardos.
两家是西班牙公司，一家是由混血人和帕尔多人组成的混血公司。
The Sajkabʼchen company of native musketeers pushed ahead with the road builders from Tzuktzokʼ to the first Kejache town at Chunpich, which the Kejache had fled, leaving behind a substantial amount of food.
由当地火枪手组成的 Sajkab´chen 连队与修路者一起从 Tzuktzok’ 推进到位于 Chunpich 的第一个 Kejache 城镇，Kejache 人逃离了这里，留下了大量食物。
The company's officers sent for reinforcements from García at Tzuktokʼ but before any could arrive some 25 Kejache returned to Chunpich with baskets to collect their abandoned food.
该连的军官派人从位于 Tzuktok' 的 García 那里寻求增援，但在援军到达之前，大约 25 名 Kejache 人带着篮子返回了 Chunpich，以收集他们遗弃的食物。
The nervous Sajkabʼchen sentries feared that the residents were returning en masse and discharged their muskets at them, with both groups then retreating.
紧张的萨伊卡布兴哨兵担心居民会大批返回，于是向他们开枪，两队人马随后撤退。
The musketeer company then arrived to reinforce their sentries and charged into battle against approaching Kejache archers.
随后，火枪连前来增援哨兵，并与逼近的克贾切弓箭手展开战斗。
Several musketeers were injured in the ensuing skirmish, and the Kejache retreated along a forest path without injury, mocking the invaders.
在随后的小冲突中，几名火枪手受伤，克贾切人沿着一条森林小路撤退，没有受伤，嘲笑入侵者。
The Sajkabʼchen company followed the path and found two more deserted settlements with large amounts of abandoned food.
Sajkab´chen 公司沿着小路前进，发现了另外两个废弃的定居点，里面有大量被遗弃的食物。
They seized the food and retreated back along the path.
他们抓起食物，沿着小路撤退。
Around 3 August García moved his entire army forward to Chunpich, and by October Spanish soldiers had established themselves near the source of the San Pedro River.
8 月 3 日左右，加西亚将他的整个军队移至春比奇，到 10 月，西班牙士兵已在圣佩德罗河源头附近扎营。
By November Tzuktokʼ was garrisoned with 86 soldiers and more at Chuntuki; in that month García once again returned to Campeche.
到了 11 月，Tzuktok' 在 Chuntuki 驻扎了 86 名士兵；同月，加西亚再次返回坎佩切。
By December 1695 Ursúa was under pressure to complete the conquest of the Itza, and he approved the despatch of reinforcements along the Camino Real to join the main garrison.
1695 年 12 月，乌尔苏阿面临着完成征服伊察河的压力，他批准沿卡米诺雷亚尔河派遣增援部队加入主力驻军。
The reinforcements included 150 Spanish and pardo soldiers and 100 Maya soldiers, together with labourers and muleteers.
增援部队包括 150 名西班牙和帕尔多士兵和 100 名玛雅士兵，以及劳工和骡夫。
An advance group of 150 mixed Maya and non-Maya soldiers met up with García at Campeche and proceeded southwards along the Camino Real towards the San Pedro River.
由 150 名玛雅和非玛雅士兵组成的先遣队在坎佩切与加西亚会合，然后沿着卡米诺雷亚尔河向南前往圣佩德罗河。
The rest of the reinforcements did not leave Campeche until March 1696.
其余增援部队直到 1696 年 3 月才离开坎佩切。
In May 1695 Antonio de Silva had appointed two groups of Franciscans to head for Petén; the first group was to join up with García's military expedition.
1695 年 5 月，安东尼奥·德席尔瓦任命两批方济各会人士前往佩滕；第一组是加入加西亚的军事远征。
The second group was to head for Lake Petén Itza independently.
第二组则独立前往佩滕伊察湖。
This second group was headed by friar Andrés de Avendaño.
第二组由修道士安德烈斯·德·阿文达诺 (Andrés de Avendaño) 领导。
Avendaño was accompanied by friar Antonio Pérez de San Román, lay brother Alonso de Vargas and six Maya Christians recruited from Mérida and towns en route to Campeche.
阿文达尼奥的陪同人员包括修道士安东尼奥·佩雷斯·德·圣罗曼、平信徒阿隆索·德·巴尔加斯以及从梅里达和城镇招募的六名玛雅基督徒，他们正在前往坎佩切的途中。
This latter group left Mérida on 2 June 1695 and made its way to Juan del Castillo y Arrué's supply base at Kawich, set up to support García's military expedition.
后者于 1695 年 6 月 2 日离开梅里达，前往胡安·德尔·卡斯蒂略·阿鲁埃位于卡维奇的补给基地，该基地是为支持加西亚的军事远征而设立的。
On 24 June Avendaño's party left Kawich and set off across sparsely inhabited territory.
6 月 24 日，阿文达尼奥一行人离开卡威奇，出发穿越人烟稀少的地区。
On 29 June they arrived at an abandoned Maya temple, which he referred to by the name Nojku, meaning "Big Temple".
6 月 29 日，他们到达一座废弃的玛雅寺庙，他称其为 Nojku，意思是“大寺庙”。
The Spanish had already passed through and had broken many "idols" but the friars climbed the temple and managed to find about 50 additional ceremonial sculptures, which they destroyed; they also placed a cross inside.
西班牙人已经通过并打碎了许多“神像”，但修士们爬上寺庙并设法找到了大约 50 个额外的仪式雕塑，并将其摧毁；他们还在里面放了一个十字架。
The other group of friars, on their way to join García, passed through Nojku a few days later and found that local Maya had already placed new offerings within.
几天后，另一群修道士在前往加西亚的途中经过诺伊库，发现当地的玛雅人已经在里面放置了新的供品。
Avendaño's group continued southwards and found increasing signs of habitation and arrived at the military camp of captain José Fernández de Estenos at the deserted Maya town of Nojtʼubʼ, which had been cleared by the Spanish under García some sixteen years previously.
阿文达尼奥的队伍继续向南前进，发现了越来越多的居住迹象，并到达了何塞·费尔南德斯·德埃斯特诺斯上尉位于废弃玛雅城镇诺伊图布的军营，该城镇大约十六年前已被加西亚领导的西班牙人清理干净。
Avendaño continued south along the course of the new road, finding increasing evidence of Spanish military activity, with the rounding up of local inhabitants and raiding of fields and orchards for provisions by Spanish troops.
阿文达尼奥沿着新道路继续向南，发现了越来越多的西班牙军事活动的证据，西班牙军队围捕当地居民并袭击田地和果园以获取补给。
The Franciscans overtook García at Bʼukʼte, about 12 kilometres (7.5 mi) before Tzuktokʼ.
方济各会在距祖克托克约 12 公里（7.5 英里）的布克特追上了加西亚。
Avendaño's party arrived at Tzuktokʼ, near the Kejache border, by 10 July and left two weeks later, around the same time that García arrived there with his captives rounded up at Bʼukʼte for forced labour.
阿文达尼奥一行人于 7 月 10 日抵达靠近克亚什边境的 Tzuktok'，并于两周后离开，大约在同一时间，加西亚抵达那里，他的俘虏被围捕到 B'uk'te 进行强迫劳动。
Before leaving, the Franciscans protested to García and his officers about the poor treatment of the local inhabitants; the officers promised better treatment of the Maya in future.
离开之前，方济各会向加西亚和他的官员抗议当地居民的恶劣待遇；官员们承诺将来会更好地对待玛雅人。
On 3 August García advanced to Chunpich but tried to persuade Avendaño to stay behind to minister to the prisoners from Bʼukʼte.
8 月 3 日，加西亚前往春比奇，但试图说服阿文达尼奥留下来照顾布克特的囚犯。
Avendaño instead split his group and left in secret with just four Christian Maya companions, seeking the Chunpich Kejache that had attacked one of García's advance companies and had now retreated into the forest.
阿文达尼奥却分开了他的队伍，只带着四名基督教玛雅同伴秘密离开，去寻找袭击了加西亚的一个先遣连、现在已经撤退到森林里的春皮奇·克贾切。
He was unable to find the Kejache but did manage to get information regarding a path that led southwards to the Itza kingdom.
他无法找到克贾什，但确实获得了有关向南通往伊察王国的道路的信息。
He met four exhausted Sajkabʼchen musketeers who were carrying a letter addressed to him from captain Fernández de Estenos.
他遇到了四名疲惫不堪的萨伊卡布兴火枪手，他们手里拿着一封费尔南德斯·德埃斯特诺斯上尉写给他的信。
This letter explained that further south there were various deserted Maya towns with only rotten maize abandoned by their occupiers.
这封信解释说，更南边有许多废弃的玛雅城镇，只有占领者遗弃的腐烂的玉米。
Avendaño returned to Tzuktokʼ and reconsidered his plans; the Franciscans were short of supplies, and the forcefully congregated Maya that they were charged with converting were disappearing back into the forest daily.
阿文达尼奥回到了祖克托克并重新考虑了他的计划。方济各会的物资短缺，而他们负责皈依的强行聚集的玛雅人每天都消失在森林中。
Additionally, the Spanish officers ignored the concerns of the friars and García was abducting local Maya women and children to be taken back to his encomienda for forced labour.
此外，西班牙官员无视修士们的担忧，加西亚绑架了当地的玛雅妇女和儿童，并将其带回他的领地进行强迫劳动。
The Franciscans set upon a different, ultimately unsuccessful, plan; they would follow the road back north to Jopʼelchʼen near Campeche city and attempt to reach the Itza via Tipuj.
方济各会制定了一个不同的计划，但最终没有成功。他们将沿着公路向北返回坎佩切市附近的约佩尔琴 (Jop'elch'en)，并尝试通过蒂普伊 (Tipuj) 到达伊察 (Itza)。
This route was blocked when the secular clergy prevented the Franciscans from attempting it.
当世俗神职人员阻止方济各会尝试时，这条路线被封锁。
Antonio de Silva ordered Avendaño to return to Mérida, and he arrived there on 17 September 1695.
安东尼奥·德席尔瓦命令阿文达尼奥返回梅里达，他于 1695 年 9 月 17 日抵达那里。
The other group of Franciscans, led by Juan de San Buenaventura Chávez, continued following the roadbuilders into Kejache territory, through IxBʼam, Bʼatkabʼ and Chuntuki (modern Chuntunqui near Carmelita, Petén).
由胡安·德·圣·布埃纳文图拉·查韦斯 (Juan de San Buenaventura Chávez) 领导的另一支方济会会士继续跟随修路者进入克贾什 (Kejache) 地区，途径伊克斯巴姆 (IxB´am)、巴特卡布 (B´atkab) 和春图基 (Chuntuki)（位于佩滕卡梅利塔 (Carmelita) 附近的现代春图基 (Chuntunqui)）。
Juan de San Buenaventura's small group of Franciscans had arrived in Chuntuki on 30 August 1695, and found that the army had opened the road southwards for another seventeen leagues (approximately 44.2 miles or 71.1 km), almost halfway to Lake Petén Itzá, but returned to Chuntuki due to the seasonal rains.
胡安·德·圣·布埃纳文图拉的方济各会小队于1695年8月30日抵达春图基，发现军队已向南开辟了另外十七里格（约44.2英里或71.1公里）的道路，几乎到达佩滕伊察湖的一半，但由于季节性降雨而返回春图基。
San Buenaventura was accompanied by friar Joseph de Jesús María, lay friar Tomás de Alcoser and lay brother Lucas de San Francisco.
圣布埃纳文图拉由修士约瑟夫·德·赫苏斯·玛丽亚、平信徒托马斯·德·阿尔科瑟和平信徒兄弟卢卡斯·德·旧金山陪同。
With Avendaño's return to Mérida, provincial superior Antonio de Silva despatched two additional friars to join San Buenaventura's group: Diego de Echevarría and Diego de Salas.
随着阿文达尼奥返回梅里达，省长安东尼奥·德席尔瓦又派遣了两名修道士加入圣布埃纳文图拉的团体：迭戈·德·埃切瓦里亚和迭戈·德·萨拉斯。
One of these was to convert the Kejache in Tzuktokʼ, and the other was to do the same at Chuntuki.
其中之一是在 Tzuktok' 皈依 Kejache，另一个是在 Chuntuki 做同样的事情。
Although initially reluctant to permit the group to continue into Itza territory, by late October García de Paredes had relented and acquiesced to de Silva's instructions for San Buenaventura and his original companions to continue to Nojpetén, although it appears that this never happened.
尽管一开始不愿意允许这群人继续进入伊察领土，但到十月下旬，加西亚·德帕雷德斯态度软化并默许了德席尔瓦的指示，让圣布埃纳文图拉和他原来的同伴继续前往诺伊佩滕，尽管这似乎从未发生过。
On 24 October San Buenaventura wrote to the provincial superior reporting that the warlike Kejache were now pacified and that they had told him that the Itza were ready to receive the Spanish in friendship.
10 月 24 日，圣布埃纳文图拉写信给省上级，报告说好战的克贾什现已平息，他们告诉他，伊察人已准备好友好地接待西班牙人。
On that day 62 Kejache men had voluntarily come to Chuntuki from Pakʼekʼem, where another 300 Kejache resided.
那天，62 名 Kejache 男子自愿从 Pak'ek´em 来到 Chuntuki，另外还有 300 名 Kejache 人居住在那里。
San Buenaventura sent lay brother Lucas de San Francisco to convince them to relocate to the Chuntuki mission.
圣布埃纳文图拉派遣平信徒弟兄卢卡斯·德·旧金山说服他们搬到春图基传教区。
Lucas de San Francisco destroyed the idols in Pakʼekʼem but the inhabitants were not brought to the mission because of worries about feeding the new arrivals.
卢卡斯·德·旧金山 (Lucas de San Francisco) 摧毁了帕克凯姆 (Pak'ek´em) 的神像，但由于担心新来者的饮食问题，居民没有被带去执行任务。
Instead, in early November 1695, friar Tomás de Alcoser and brother Lucas de San Francisco were sent to establish a mission at Pakʼekʼem, where they were well received by the cacique and his pagan priest.
相反，1695 年 11 月初，修道士托马斯·德·阿尔科塞尔 (Tomás de Alcoser) 和兄弟卢卡斯·德·旧金山 (Lucas de San Francisco) 被派往帕克凯姆 (Pak´ek´em) 建立传教团，在那里受到酋长和他的异教牧师的热情接待。
Pakʼekʼem was sufficiently far from the new Spanish road that it was free from military interference, and the friars oversaw the building of a church in what was the largest mission town in Kejache territory.
帕克凯姆 (Pak´ek´em) 距离西班牙新公路足够远，因此不受军事干扰，修道士们在克贾切 (Kejache) 地区最大的传教城镇负责监督一座教堂的建设。
A second church was built at Bʼatkabʼ to attend to over 100 Kʼejache refugees who had been gathered there under the stewardship of friar Diego de Echevarría; a further church was established at Tzuktokʼ, overseen by Diego de Salas.
第二座教堂建于巴特卡卜，收容 100 多名 K'ejache 难民，他们在迭戈·德·埃切瓦里亚 (Diego de Echevarría) 修士的管理下聚集在那里；另一座教堂在 Tzuktok' 建立，由迭戈·德·萨拉斯 (Diego de Salas) 监督。
Franciscan Andrés de Avendaño left Mérida on 13 December 1695, and arrived in Nojpetén around 14 January 1696; he followed the new road as far as possible then continued towards Nojpetén with local Maya guides.
方济会安德烈斯·德·阿文达诺于 1695 年 12 月 13 日离开梅里达，并于 1696 年 1 月 14 日左右抵达诺伊佩滕；他尽可能地沿着新路走，然后在当地玛雅向导的带领下继续前往Nojpetén。
He was accompanied by friars Antonio Pérez de San Román, Joseph de Jesús María and Diego de Echevarría, and by lay brother Lucas de San Francisco; some of these he collected on his journey south along the Camino Real.
陪同他的有修道士安东尼奥·佩雷斯·德·圣罗曼、约瑟夫·德·赫苏斯·玛丽亚和迭戈·德·埃切瓦里亚，以及平信徒卢卡斯·德·旧金山。其中一些是他在沿着卡米诺雷亚尔河向南旅行时收集的。
On 5 January they caught up with and passed the main contingent of the army at Bʼatkabʼ, continuing to Chuntuki.
1 月 5 日，他们在巴特卡卜 (B'atkab) 追上了并超过了军队的主力部队，继续前往春图基。
From Chuntuki they followed an Indian trail that led them past the source of the San Pedro River and across steep karst hills to a watering hole by some ruins, which was recorded as Tanxulukmul by Avendaño.
从春图基出发，他们沿着一条印第安人的小道前进，穿过圣佩德罗河的源头，穿过陡峭的喀斯特山丘，来到一些废墟旁的一个水坑，阿文达诺将其记录为 Tanxulukmul。
From Tanxulukmul they followed the small Acté River to a Chakʼan Itza town called Saklemakal.
他们从 Tanxulukmul 出发，沿着小 Acté 河前往 Chak'an Itza 小镇 Saklemakal。
They arrived at the western end of Lake Petén Itzá to an enthusiastic welcome by the local Itza.
他们抵达佩滕伊察湖西端，受到当地伊察人的热烈欢迎。
Unknown to the Franciscans, the northern Chakʼan Itza province of the Itza kingdom was allied with the Kowoj and was at war with the Itza king.
方济会教徒不知道的是，伊察王国的北部查坎伊察省与科沃吉结盟，并与伊察国王交战。
The Chakʼan Itzas carried off most of the gifts that the Spanish party had brought for the Itza king, in an effort to hinder friendly relations developing.
查坎·伊察人抢走了西班牙人为伊察国王带来的大部分礼物，以阻止友好关系的发展。
The following day, the current Aj Kan Ekʼ travelled across the lake with eighty canoes to greet the visitors at the Chakʼan Itza port town of Nich, on the west shore of Lake Petén Itza.
第二天，现任的 Aj Kan Ek' 带着 80 艘独木舟穿越湖泊，在佩滕伊察湖西岸的查坎伊察 (Chak'an Itza) 港口小镇尼奇 (Nich) 迎接游客。
The Franciscans returned to Nojpetén with Kan Ekʼ and baptised over 300 Itza children over the following four days.
方济会会士与 Kan Ek' 一起返回诺伊佩滕，并在接下来的四天内为 300 多名伊察儿童施洗。
Avendaño tried to convince Kan Ekʼ to convert to Christianity and surrender to the Spanish crown, without success.
阿文达尼奥试图说服坎·埃克皈依基督教并向西班牙王室投降，但没有成功。
The Franciscan friar tried to convince the Itza king that the Kʼatun 8 Ajaw, a twenty-year Maya calendrical cycle beginning in 1696 or 1697, was the right time for the Itza to finally embrace Christianity and to accept the king of Spain as overlord.
方济会修道士试图说服伊察国王，K'atun 8 Ajaw（从 1696 或 1697 年开始的二十年玛雅历法周期）是伊察最终接受基督教并接受西班牙国王作为霸主的最佳时机。
The king of the Itza, like his forebear, cited Itza prophecy and said the time was not yet right.
伊察国王和他的祖先一样引用了伊察预言并表示时机尚未成熟。
He asked the Spanish to return in four months, at which time the Itza would convert and swear fealty to the King of Spain.
他要求西班牙人在四个月内返回，届时伊察人将皈依西班牙并宣誓效忠西班牙国王。
On 19 January AjKowoj, the king of the Kowoj, arrived at Nojpetén and spoke with Avendaño, arguing against the acceptance of Christianity and Spanish rule.
1 月 19 日，Kowoj 国王 AjKowoj 抵达 Nojpetén 并与 Avendaño 交谈，反对接受基督教和西班牙统治。
The discussions between Avendaño, Kan Ekʼ and AjKowoj exposed deep divisions among the Itza – and the apparent treachery of the Itza king in offering his kingdom to the Spanish undermined Kan Ek's power over his own people.
阿文达尼奥、坎·埃克和阿吉科沃伊之间的讨论暴露了伊察人之间的深刻分歧，而伊察国王将自己的王国献给西班牙人的明显背叛削弱了坎·埃克对其人民的权力。
Kan Ekʼ learnt of a plot by the Kowoj and their Chakʼan Itza allies to ambush and kill the Franciscans, and the Itza king advised them to return to Mérida via Tipuj.
坎·埃克 (Kan Ek') 得知科沃吉 (Kowoj) 及其查坎·伊察 (Chak´an Itza) 盟友伏击并杀害方济各会的阴谋，伊察 (Itza) 国王建议他们经蒂普伊 (Tipuj) 返回梅里达 (Mérida)。
The Itza king's efforts to save his Spanish guests effectively ended his power to rule; from that point on anti-Spanish sentiment governed Itza responses to the Spanish.
伊察国王拯救他的西班牙客人的努力实际上结束了他的统治权。从那时起，反西班牙情绪就主导了伊察对西班牙人的反应。
The Franciscans were guided to Yalain where they were well received but while they were there the Yalain heard rumours of battle and a Spanish advance towards Lake Petén Itzá.
方济会士被引导到雅兰，在那里他们受到了热烈的欢迎，但当他们在那里时，雅兰听到了战斗的谣言，以及西班牙人向佩滕伊察湖推进的谣言。
The Franciscans were shown a path that led to Tipuj but their Yalain guides soon abandoned them.
方济各会修士被指示了一条通往蒂普杰的道路，但他们的雅兰向导很快就抛弃了他们。
The Spanish friars became lost and suffered great hardships, including the death of one of Avendaño's companions, but after a month wandering in the forest found their way back to Chuntuki and from there made their way back to Mérida.
西班牙修道士迷路了，遭受了巨大的苦难，包括阿文达尼奥的一位同伴的死亡，但在森林中徘徊一个月后，他们找到了回到春图基的路，并从那里回到了梅里达。
Kan Ekʼ had sent emissaries to Mérida in December 1695 to inform Martín de Ursúa that the Itza would peacefully submit to Spanish rule.
1695 年 12 月，坎·埃克 (Kan Ek´) 派出使者前往梅里达，通知马丁·德·乌尔苏阿，伊察将和平服从西班牙统治。
By mid-January captain García de Paredes had advanced from Bʼatkabʼ to the advance portion of the Camino Real at Chuntuki.
到一月中旬，队长加西亚·德·帕雷德斯已经从巴特卡布推进到位于春图基的卡米诺雷亚尔的先头部分。
By now he only had 90 soldiers plus labourers and porters, with many of his soldiers deserting as the force advanced towards Lake Petén Itzá; they were further delayed by the necessity of building an oar-powered longboat (or piragua) to cross the San Pedro River.
到目前为止，他只有 90 名士兵，外加劳工和搬运工，当部队向佩滕伊察湖推进时，他的许多士兵都开小差了。由于需要建造一艘桨驱动的长船（或皮拉瓜）来穿越圣佩德罗河，他们的计划进一步被推迟。
Soon after Avendaño's flight eastward from Nojpetén, a group of 60 Maya warriors entered Chuntuki in full warpaint and bearing weapons; they claimed to have been sent by Avendaño to collect religious regalia and another friar.
阿文达尼奥从诺伊佩滕向东逃亡后不久，一支由 60 名玛雅战士组成的队伍进入了春图基，他们全副武装，携带武器。他们声称是阿文达尼奥派来收集宗教神器和另一位修道士的。
This was not the case, and they were almost certainly a scouting party sent by the Kowoj and their Chakʼan Itza allies to see what progress the Spanish army was making along the road.
事实并非如此，他们几乎可以肯定是科沃伊人和查坎伊察盟友派出的侦察队，目的是观察西班牙军队沿路的进展情况。
They spoke with García and then rapidly departed without taking any of the items that they had supposedly been sent to collect.
他们与加西亚交谈后迅速离开，没有带走任何他们本应派去收集的物品。
García despatched two Kejache scouts to the lakeshore to discover Avendaño's whereabouts; at the same time Avendaño's Kejache guides were returning to Chuntuki from Nojpetén with news of Avendaño's flight.
加西亚派遣了两名科贾什侦察兵前往湖岸寻找阿文达尼奥的下落；与此同时，Avendaño 的 Kejache 导游带着 Avendaño 飞行的消息从 Nojpetén 返回 Chuntuki。
The Itzas at the lake handed over an open letter written by Avendaño before his departure from Nojpetén as a token of friendship between the Itza and the Spanish.
湖边的伊察人转交了阿文达尼奥在离开诺伊佩滕之前写的一封公开信，作为伊察人与西班牙人之间友谊的象征。
Friar Juan de San Buenaventura was enthused by the letter and wished to travel on to Nojpetén himself.
胡安·德·圣布埃纳文图拉修士对这封信很感兴趣，并希望亲自前往诺伊佩滕。
García sent captain Pedro de Zubiaur, his senior officer, on towards the lake.
加西亚派他的高级军官佩德罗·德·祖比亚尔上尉前往湖边。
He arrived at Lake Petén Itza with 60 musketeers, friar San Buenaventura and another Franciscan and allied Yucatec Maya warriors.
他与 60 名火枪手、圣布埃纳文图拉修士以及另一名方济各会和尤卡坦玛雅盟友战士一起抵达佩滕伊察湖。
They were also accompanied by about 40 Maya porters.
陪同他们的还有大约 40 名玛雅搬运工。
On 2 February the expedition was approached by two Itza warriors who told them of a recent battle between a Guatemalan expedition and the Itza; these two Itzas guided the party to a nearby Itza settlement, and the letter from Avendaño was shown to captain Zubiaur, convincing him that he could advance safely.
2 月 2 日，两名伊察武士走近探险队，告诉他们最近危地马拉探险队与伊察人之间发生的一场战斗；这两名伊察引导队伍前往附近的伊察定居点，阿文达尼奥的信被展示给祖比亚尔队长，让他相信自己可以安全前进。
The port town of Chʼichʼ was abandoned but a large number of canoes approached, judged to be as many as 300 by the Spanish captain, bearing perhaps 2,000 Itza warriors.
港口城镇奇奇 (Ch'ich') 被遗弃，但大量独木舟驶近，西班牙船长估计多达 300 艘独木舟，载有大约 2,000 名伊察武士。
The warriors began to mingle freely with the Spanish party and began to load the Spanish supplies into the canoes with a promise of transporting the expedition across to Nojpetén, with one soldier in each canoe.
战士们开始与西班牙队伍自由地混在一起，并开始将西班牙补给品装入独木舟，并承诺将远征队运送到诺伊佩滕，每艘独木舟上载一名士兵。
The Franciscans readily boarded the canoes, with two soldiers as an escort.
方济各会士在两名士兵的护送下欣然登上了独木舟。
A scuffle then broke out; a dozen more of the Spanish party were forced into canoes, and two porters were beaten to death.
随后爆发了一场混战。另有十几名西班牙人被强迫登上独木舟，两名搬运工被殴打致死。
One of the captured Spanish soldiers was immediately decapitated.
一名被俘的西班牙士兵立即被斩首。
At this point the Spanish soldiers opened fire with their muskets, and the Itza retreated across the lake with their prisoners.
这时，西班牙士兵用步枪开火，伊察人带着俘虏撤退到湖对岸。
The Spanish party retreated from the lake shore and regrouped on open ground where they were surrounded by about 2,000 Itza warriors who attempted to disarm them; the Itzas managed to seize another Spaniard and immediately struck off his head.
西班牙军队从湖岸撤退，并在空地上重新集结，他们被大约 2,000 名伊察武士包围，试图解除他们的武装；伊察斯人设法抓住了另一名西班牙人，并立即砍下了他的头。
At this point about 10,000 Itza archers appeared from canoes concealed among the lakeside mangroves, and Zubiaur ordered his men to fire a volley that killed between 30 and 40 Itzas.
此时，大约 10,000 名伊察弓箭手从隐藏在湖边红树林中的独木舟中出现，祖比亚乌尔命令他的部下齐射，杀死了 30 到 40 名伊察弓箭手。
Realising that they were hopelessly outnumbered, the Spanish retreated towards Chuntuki, abandoning their captured companions to their fate.
意识到自己寡不敌众，西班牙人向春图基撤退，抛弃了被俘的同伴，听天由命。
A Christian Maya musketeer and six other Indians fled at the start of the battle and took news to García that the entire expedition had been slaughtered; Zubiaur and the survivors of his expedition marched back into the base camp at Chuntuki two days later.
一名基督教玛雅火枪手和另外六名印第安人在战斗开始时逃跑，并向加西亚报告了整个探险队已被屠杀的消息。两天后，祖比亚尔和他的探险队幸存者回到了春图基的大本营。
Ursúa later reported that the Spanish prisoners were taken back to Nojpetén where they were all killed; this was also confirmed by AjChan at a later date.
乌尔苏阿后来报告称，西班牙囚犯被带回诺伊佩滕，并在那里全部被杀。 AjChan 后来也证实了这一点。
The bones of the dead were said to have been found by the Spanish after the final assault on Nojpetén in 1697; AjKʼin Kan Ekʼ, the Itza high priest, later reported that he had bound San Buenaventura and his companion into cross shapes and cut out their hearts.
据说，西班牙人在 1697 年对诺伊佩滕进行最后一次进攻后发现了死者的骨头；伊察大祭司 AjK'in Kan Ek' 后来报告说，他将圣布埃纳文图拉和他的同伴绑成十字形，并挖出了他们的心脏。
This turn of events convinced Martín de Ursúa that Kan Ekʼ would not surrender peacefully, and he began to organise an all-out assault on Nojpetén.
这一事态的转变让马丁·德·乌尔苏阿确信坎·埃克不会和平投降，他开始组织对诺伊佩滕的全面进攻。
The enlistment of previously authorised reinforcements was now urgent, but was hindered when 70 of 100 soldiers mutinied and never reached García's camp.
现在，征募先前授权的增援部队已迫在眉睫，但由于 100 名士兵中有 70 名发生叛变，最终未能到达加西亚的营地，这一工作受到了阻碍。
Work on the road was redoubled and about a month after the battle at Chʼichʼ the Spanish arrived at the lakeshore, now supported by artillery.
道路工程加倍进行，奇希战役后大约一个月，西班牙人在炮兵支援下抵达湖岸。
Again a large number of canoes gathered, and the nervous Spanish soldiers opened fire with cannons and muskets; no casualties were reported among the Itza, who retreated and raised a white flag from a safe distance.
大批独木舟再次聚集，紧张的西班牙士兵用大炮和步枪开火；伊察人没有伤亡，他们撤退并在安全距离外举起了白旗。
The Guatemalan authorities were unaware of ongoing contacts between the colonial authorities in Yucatán and the Itza.
危地马拉当局并不知道尤卡坦和伊察殖民当局之间正在进行接触。
In the second half of 1695 President Barrios began planning another expedition against the Itza from Verapaz, following harsh criticism of Juan Díaz de Velasco's retreat from near Lake Petén Itzá in April of that year.
1695 年下半年，胡安·迪亚斯·德·贝拉斯科 (Juan Díaz de Velasco) 在当年 4 月从佩滕伊察湖附近撤退遭到严厉批评后，巴里奥斯总统开始计划从维拉帕斯再次远征伊察。
Barrios died in November, and oidor José de Escals became acting head of the Guatemalan colonial administration.
巴里奥斯于 11 月去世，奥多尔·何塞·德·埃斯卡尔斯成为危地马拉殖民政府代理首脑。
He appointed oidor Bartolomé de Amésqueta to lead the next expedition against the Itza.
他任命奥多尔·巴托洛梅·德·阿梅斯克塔领导下一次对伊察的远征。
Amésqueta marched his men through torrential rain from Cahabón to Mopán, arriving on 25 February 1696; the Guatemalans were still unaware of the clashes between García's forces and the Itza.
阿梅斯奎塔率领部下冒着倾盆大雨从卡哈邦前往莫潘，于 1696 年 2 月 25 日抵达。危地马拉人仍然不知道加西亚军队与伊察人之间的冲突。
Amésqueta's expedition was suffering from shortages of native labour and supplies.
阿梅斯奎塔的探险队正遭受当地劳动力和物资短缺的困扰。
Twenty-five of his 150 men were sick, and his advance stalled as the force rested up at Mopán.
他的 150 名士兵中有 25 人生病了，当部队在莫潘休整时，他的前进陷入了停滞。
Captain Díaz de Velasco volunteered to lead a party of 25 men ahead to the lake; he was accompanied by Dominican friars Cristóbal de Prada and Jacinto de Vargas.
迪亚兹·德·贝拉斯科 (Díaz de Velasco) 船长自愿带领一支 25 人的队伍前往湖边；陪同他的还有多米尼加修道士克里斯托瓦尔·德·普拉达 (Cristóbal de Prada) 和哈辛托·德·巴尔加斯 (Jacinto de Vargas)。
He was also accompanied by AjKʼixaw, the Itza nobleman who had been taken prisoner on Díaz's previous expedition, who served as a trusted guide, scout and translator.
陪同他的还有伊察贵族阿吉克索 (AjK´ixaw)，他在迪亚兹之前的探险中被俘，担任值得信赖的向导、侦察员和翻译。
They set out from Mopán on 7 March and left some sick soldiers with some supplies after five days, they then caught up with an advance party of roadbuilders and their military escort at Río Chakal.
他们于 3 月 7 日从莫潘出发，五天后给一些生病的士兵留下了一些补给品，然后在里奥查卡尔 (Río Chakal) 追上了修路工人及其军事护送队的先遣队。
The two forces combined, giving Díaz a force of 49 soldiers and 34 porters and archers from Verapaz.
两支部队合并后，迪亚斯的部队由 49 名士兵和 34 名来自维拉帕斯的搬运工和弓箭手组成。
Once they arrived at IxBʼol, near the shore of Lake Petén Itzá, AjKʼixaw was sent ahead as an emissary to Nojpetén.
当他们到达靠近佩滕伊察湖岸的伊克斯布尔时，阿基克索就被派往诺伊佩滕作为特使。
Back in Mopán, Amésqueta had received additional supplies and decided to catch up with his advance party.
回到莫潘后，阿梅斯克塔收到了额外的补给，并决定赶上他的先遣队。
He left Mopán on 10 March 1696 with friar Agustín Cano and about 10 soldiers.
1696 年 3 月 10 日，他与修士奥古斯丁·卡诺 (Agustín Cano) 和大约 10 名士兵离开莫潘。
He arrived at Chakal a week later but there was still no word from Díaz or AjKʼixaw.
一周后，他抵达查卡尔，但迪亚兹或阿基克索仍然没有任何消息。
On 20 March Amésqueta left Chakal with 36 men and four days' supplies to find Díaz's party, whom he assumed would be nearby.
3 月 20 日，阿梅斯奎塔带着 36 名士兵和四天的补给品离开查卡尔，前往寻找迪亚兹的队伍，他认为迪亚兹的队伍就在附近。
After two days travelling in intense heat they met up with some Verapaz porters that Díaz had left behind.
在酷暑中旅行了两天后，他们遇到了迪亚斯留下的一些维拉帕斯搬运工。
They followed Díaz's trail to the shore of Lake Petén Itzá near to the Itza capital.
他们沿着迪亚兹的踪迹来到了伊察首府附近的佩滕伊察湖岸边。
As they scouted along the south shore they were shadowed by about 30 Itza canoes, and more Itzas approached by land but kept a safe distance.
当他们沿着南海岸侦察时，大约 30 艘伊察独木舟尾随着他们，更多的伊察独木舟从陆地接近，但保持着安全距离。
There were plentiful signs that Díaz's party had passed that way, and Amésqueta assumed that they had crossed to Nojpetén.
有大量迹象表明迪亚兹的队伍已经经过那条路，阿梅斯克塔认为他们已经越过诺伊佩滕。
He wrote a letter to Díaz, which was passed to an Itza onlooker who indicated he would deliver it.
他给迪亚兹写了一封信，这封信被传递给伊察的一位旁观者，旁观者表示他会送信。
Various Itzas now approached the party, including a nobleman who exchanged gifts with Amésqueta.
现在，各种各样的伊萨斯都接近了队伍，其中包括一位与阿梅斯克塔交换礼物的贵族。
During various attempts at communication to verify Díaz's whereabouts the Itza became agitated and responded angrily, although no-one in the Spanish party could understand the Itza language.
在多次尝试沟通以核实迪亚斯的下落期间，伊察人变得焦躁并做出愤怒的回应，尽管西班牙党内没有人能听懂伊察语。
The Itzas indicated that the Spanish should proceed to the lakeshore along a narrow path and embark in the small canoes that were stationed nearby.
伊察斯夫妇表示，西班牙人应该沿着一条狭窄的小路前往湖岸，并登上驻扎在附近的小独木舟。
One of Amésqueta's officers recognised an Indian among the Itzas as a Mopan who had served as a soldier in Díaz's first expedition and thought that the Mopan was trying to tell him not to trust the Itzas.
阿梅斯奎塔的一名军官认出伊察斯人中的一名印第安人是莫潘人，曾在迪亚斯第一次远征中担任士兵，并认为莫潘人试图告诉他不要相信伊察斯人。
Amésqueta was extremely suspicious of the small canoes being supplied, knowing that the Itza had 30-man canoes; he was also aware that tricking enemies into small canoes was a favoured tactic among the lowland Maya to separate and kill Spanish intruders.
Amésqueta 对所提供的小型独木舟极为怀疑，因为他知道 Itza 拥有 30 人的独木舟；他还意识到，将敌人诱骗到小独木舟上是低地玛雅人最喜欢的一种策略，用来分隔和杀死西班牙入侵者。
He suspected that AjKʼixaw had betrayed them and that this was precisely what had happened to Díaz and his men.
他怀疑 AjK´ixaw 背叛了他们，而这正是发生在迪亚兹和他的部下身上的事情。
As nightfall approached, low on rations, in a vulnerable location and with no sign of Díaz and his men, Amésqueta retreated from the lakeshore and his men took up positions on a small hill nearby.
夜幕降临时，阿梅斯奎塔在一个脆弱的地点，口粮不足，没有迪亚兹和他的部下的踪影，从湖岸撤退，他的部下在附近的一座小山上占据了阵地。
In the early hours of the morning he ordered a retreat by moonlight, using just a few torches.
凌晨时分，他只用了几把火把，就下令在月光下撤退。
They arrived back at Chakal on 25 March and from there retreated to San Pedro Mártir on 9 April, beset by worsening conditions, a hurricane, sickness and rumours of enemies.
他们于 3 月 25 日返回查卡尔，并于 4 月 9 日从那里撤退到圣佩德罗马蒂尔，受到不断恶化的局势、飓风、疾病和敌人谣言的困扰。
The battered expedition set up a base camp nine leagues (approximately 23.4 miles or 37.7 km) north of Mopan.
遭受重创的探险队在磨盘以北九里（约23.4英里或37.7公里）处建立了大本营。
Writing after the fall of Nojpetén, friar Cano described the ultimate fate of Díaz de Velasco and his companions; he claimed to have received the information from interviews with the soldiers from Yucatán who had stormed the Itza capital and from Chʼol witnesses, although there were no Chʼol at Nojpetén.
诺伊佩滕陷落后，卡诺修道士描述了迪亚兹·德·贝拉斯科和他的同伴的最终命运；他声称，他是通过采访袭击伊察首都的尤卡坦州士兵和 Ch'ol 目击者获得这些信息的，尽管 Nojpetén 并没有 Ch'ol。
Díaz's party arrived at the lakeshore and were told by local Itza that Franciscan friars were at Nojpetén.
迪亚兹一行人抵达湖岸，当地人伊察告诉方济会修道士在诺伊佩滕。
They were wary at first and asked for proof, upon which an Itza messenger brought them a rosary as a token.
他们一开始很谨慎，要求提供证据，伊察的使者给了他们一串念珠作为信物。
Looking across the lake they saw men dressed as friars calling to them to come across, these were Itza dressed in the habits of the two Franciscans who had recently been killed at the island.
望向湖对岸，他们看到一些穿着修道士的人在呼唤他们过去，这些人是伊察，穿着最近在岛上被杀的两名方济各会修士的服装。
Díaz and his companions then boarded the Itza canoes, leaving thirty Maya porters with their mules and supplies.
迪亚斯和他的同伴随后登上了伊察独木舟，留下了三十名玛雅搬运工带着骡子和补给品。
Once on the lake the Itza overturned some of the canoes and killed some of Díaz's men; others were wounded and dragged ashore to be killed.
伊察号一到达湖上就掀翻了一些独木舟并杀死了迪亚斯的一些人。其他人受伤并被拖上岸杀害。
Díaz, the Dominicans and two other men were in a large canoe that was not overturned and were taken to Nojpetén where a fierce struggle ensued as Díaz attempted to defend himself with his sword, killing several Itzas.
迪亚兹、多米尼加人和另外两名男子乘坐一艘没有翻倒的大独木舟，被带到诺伊佩滕，在那里发生了激烈的斗争，迪亚兹试图用剑自卫，杀死了几名伊萨人。
The two other men were immediately killed while the friars were beaten and tied to X-shaped crosses before having their hearts cut out.
另外两名男子立即被杀，而修道士则遭到殴打，并被绑在X形十字架上，然后被挖出心脏。
Across the lake, the Itza attacked the porters guarding the expedition supplies and killed all of them.
湖对岸，伊察人袭击了看守远征物资的搬运工，并将他们全部杀死。
The Itza killed a total of 87 expedition members, including 50 soldiers, two Dominicans and about 35 Maya helpers.
伊察人总共杀死了 87 名探险队成员，其中包括 50 名士兵、两名多米尼加人和约 35 名玛雅帮手。
The remains of the small group that were killed on Nojpetén were later retrieved by the Spanish after the fall of the city and were taken back to Santiago de los Caballeros de Guatemala for burial.
在诺伊佩滕被杀的一小群人的遗体后来在该城陷落后被西班牙人取回，并带回危地马拉圣地亚哥埋葬。
Over the following weeks scouts were sent out to try to make contact with local Mopan and Chʼol communities, including Chok Ajaw, AjMay, IxBʼol and Manche without success – most of the natives had fled, leaving the forest deserted.
在接下来的几周里，侦察员被派去尝试与当地的 Mopan 和 Ch'ol 社区取得联系，包括 Chok Ajaw、AjMay、IxB'ol 和 Manche，但没有成功——大多数当地人都逃走了，森林里一片荒芜。
At San Pedro Mártir he received news of AjChan's embassy to Mérida in December 1695 and the formal surrender of the Itza to Spanish authority.
1695 年 12 月，他在圣佩德罗马蒂尔收到了 AjChan 大使馆前往梅里达以及伊察正式向西班牙当局投降的消息。
Unable to reconcile the news with the loss of his men at Lake Petén Itzá, and with appalling conditions in San Pedro Mártir, Amésqueta abandoned the unfinished fort.
阿梅斯克塔无法将这个消息与佩滕伊察湖的阵亡和圣佩德罗马蒂尔的可怕状况相协调，因此放弃了这座未完工的堡垒。
Friar Cano recommended to the new Guatemalan president that the Chʼol be moved to Verapaz where they could be properly administered.
卡诺修士向危地马拉新任总统建议将 Ch'ol 迁往维拉帕斯，在那里可以对他们进行妥善管理。
As a result of the failed expedition, Cano's recommendation was accepted, the fort was dismantled and any Maya that could be captured across a wide swathe of southern Petén was forcibly relocated to Belén near Rabinal in Verapaz.
由于远征失败，卡诺的建议被接受，堡垒被拆除，所有能够在佩滕南部大片地区捕获的玛雅人都被强行转移到维拉帕斯拉比纳尔附近的贝伦。
This way this relocation was conducted was brutal and ruthless and was condemned by several high-ranking colonial officials, including oidor José de Escals and even by Amésqueta.
这种搬迁方式是残酷无情的，受到了包括奥多尔·何塞·德·埃斯卡尔斯在内的几位殖民地高级官员的谴责，甚至还受到了阿梅斯奎塔的谴责。
The Itzas' continued resistance had become a major embarrassment for the Spanish colonial authorities, and soldiers were dispatched from Campeche to take Nojpetén once and for all.
伊察斯人的持续抵抗成为西班牙殖民当局的一大尴尬，坎佩切派出士兵一劳永逸地占领了诺伊佩滕。
The final assault was made possible by the gradual opening of the road from Mérida to Petén; by December 1696 this road had reached the lake shore although it was unfinished and still almost impassable in places.
随着从梅里达到佩滕的道路逐渐开通，最后的进攻成为可能。到 1696 年 12 月，这条路已经到达湖岸，尽管它尚未完工，而且有些地方仍然几乎无法通行。
By this time the deep divisions between the political leaders of the Itza were such that a unified defence of the Itza kingdom had become impossible.
此时，伊察政治领导人之间的分歧已经如此严重，统一保卫伊察王国已变得不可能。
In late December 1696 the Chakʼan Itza attacked the large Kejache mission town of Pakʼekʼem; they abducted almost all the inhabitants and burned the church.
1696 年 12 月下旬，查坎伊察 (Chak'an Itza) 袭击了克贾切 (Kejache) 的大型传教城镇帕克'ek'em；他们绑架了几乎所有居民并烧毁了教堂。
The demoralised Spanish garrison at Chuntuki buried their weapons and ammunition and retreated five leagues (approximately 13 miles or 21 km) back towards Campeche.
士气低落的春图基驻军埋藏了武器和弹药，并向坎佩切撤退了 5 里格（约 13 英里或 21 公里）。
From late December 1696 to the middle of January 1697 Ursúa sent parties of soldiers and workmen along the road towards the lake; the first group was commanded by Pedro de Zubiaur and had instructions to begin building a galeota, a large oar-powered warship.
从 1696 年 12 月下旬到 1697 年 1 月中旬，乌尔苏阿派遣了几队士兵和工人沿着通往湖边的道路；第一组由佩德罗·德祖比亚尔指挥，并接到指示开始建造一艘大型桨动力战舰加莱奥塔号。
This group was followed by reinforcements bringing supplies, including light and heavy weapons, gunpowder and food.
紧随其后的是增援部队，他们带来了补给，包括轻型和重型武器、火药和食物。
On 23 January Ursúa left Campeche with more soldiers and muleteers, bringing the total number of soldiers arriving as reinforcements to 130.
1 月 23 日，乌尔苏亚带着更多士兵和骡夫离开坎佩切，使作为增援部队抵达的士兵总数达到 130 人。
The Spanish fortified their positions at Chʼichʼ and deployed heavy artillery for its defence.
西班牙人在奇奇加固了阵地，并部署了重型火炮进行防御。
Martín de Ursúa y Arizmendi arrived on the western shore of lake Petén Itzá with his soldiers on 26 February 1697, and once there built the heavily armed galeota attack boat, which was assembled at Chʼichʼ over a space of 12 days in early March.
1697 年 2 月 26 日，马丁·德·乌尔苏阿·阿里兹曼迪 (Martín de Ursúa y Arizmendi) 率领士兵抵达佩滕伊察湖 (Petén Itzá) 西岸，并在那里建造了全副武装的加莱奥塔 (galeota) 攻击艇，并于 3 月初用 12 天的时间在奇希 (Ch'ich') 组装完毕。
The galeota had a keel of 30 cubits or 14.4 metres (47 ft); it had 12 oars on each side and a rudder with an iron screw.
Galeota 的龙骨长 30 肘节或 14.4 米（47 英尺）；它每侧有 12 个桨，还有一个带有铁螺丝的舵。
The galeota carried 114 men and at least five artillery pieces, including a pieza (light cannon) and four pedreros (mortars).
加莱奥塔号载有 114 名士兵和至少五门火炮，其中包括一门 pieza（轻型加农炮）和四门 pedreros（迫击炮）。
The piragua longboat used to cross the San Pedro River was also transported to the lake to be used in the attack on the Itza capital; this boat had 6 oars and a rudder.
用于渡过圣佩德罗河的皮拉瓜长艇也被运到湖中，用于进攻伊察首都；这艘船有 6 个桨和一个舵。
From 28 February onwards the Spanish expedition was repeatedly approached by hostile Itzas, who sometimes shot arrows in the direction of the intruders but inflicted no casualties.
从 2 月 28 日起，西班牙探险队多次遭到敌对的伊察斯的逼近，伊察斯有时向入侵者的方向射箭，但没有造成人员伤亡。
At the same time, small groups of curious Itzas mingled freely with the Spanish and received trinkets from them such as belts, necklaces and earrings.
与此同时，一小群好奇的伊察人自由地与西班牙人交往，并从他们那里收到腰带、项链和耳环等小饰品。
On 10 March, Itza and Yalain emissaries arrived at Chʼichʼ to negotiate with Ursúa.
3 月 10 日，伊察和亚兰的使者抵达奇伊奇与乌尔苏阿进行谈判。
First came AjChan who had already met him in Mérida; he was followed by Chamach Xulu, the ruler of the Yalain.
首先是 AjChan，他已经在梅里达见过他了。其后是雅苻王朝的统治者察玛须禄。
Kan Ekʼ then sent a canoe with a white flag raised bearing emissaries, including the Itza high priest, who offered peaceful surrender.
坎·埃克随后派遣了一艘举着白旗的独木舟，载着使者，其中包括提出和平投降的伊察大祭司。
Ursúa received the embassy in peace and invited Kan Ekʼ to visit his encampment three days later.
乌尔苏阿和平地接待了使馆，并邀请坎·艾克三天后参观他的营地。
On the appointed day Kan Ekʼ failed to arrive; instead Maya warriors massed both along the shore and in canoes upon the lake.
在指定的日子，坎·埃克 (Kan Ek’) 未能到达；相反，玛雅战士聚集在岸边和湖上的独木舟上。
Ursúa decided that any further attempts at peaceful incorporation of the Itza into the Spanish Empire were pointless, and a waterbourne assault was launched upon Kan Ek's capital on the morning of 13 March.
乌尔苏阿认为，任何将伊察和平并入西班牙帝国的进一步尝试都是毫无意义的，于是于 3 月 13 日上午对坎埃克首都发动了水路攻击。
The encampment at Chʼichʼ was left defended by 25 Spanish soldiers, three Maya musketeers and several artillery pieces.
奇奇 (Ch'ich') 营地由 25 名西班牙士兵、三名玛雅火枪手和几门火炮负责防守。
Ursúa boarded the galeota with 108 soldiers, two secular priests, five personal servants, the baptised Itza emissary AjChan and his brother-in-law and an Itza prisoner from Nojpetén.
乌尔苏阿与 108 名士兵、两名世俗牧师、五名私人仆人、受过洗礼的伊察使者 AjChan 和他的姐夫以及一名来自诺伊佩滕的伊察囚犯一起登上了加莱奥塔。
The attack boat was rowed east from Chʼichʼ towards the Itza capital; halfway across the lake it encountered a large fleet of canoes spread in an arc across the approach to Nojpetén, covering about 600 metres (2,000 ft) from one shore to another – Ursúa simply gave the order to row through them.
攻击船从奇希奇向东划向伊察首都；在湖的中间，它遇到了一大群独木舟，呈弧形分布在诺伊佩滕的入口处，从一个海岸到另一个海岸大约有 600 米（2,000 英尺）——乌尔苏亚只是下令划船穿过它们。
A large number of defenders had gathered along the shore of Nojpetén and on the roofs of the city.
大批守军聚集在诺伊佩滕沿岸和城市屋顶上。
As the galeota approached, more canoes put out from the shore and the Spanish were surrounded.
当加莱奥塔接近时，更多的独木舟从岸边驶出，西班牙人被包围了。
Once they had surrounded the galeota, Itza archers began to shoot at the invaders.
一旦他们包围了加莱奥塔，伊察弓箭手就开始向入侵者射击。
Ursúa gave orders to his men not to fire but arrows wounded several soldiers; one of the wounded soldiers discharged his musket and at that point the officers lost control of their men.
乌尔苏亚命令他的部下不要开枪，但箭射伤了几名士兵；一名受伤士兵开枪了，此时军官们失去了对士兵的控制。
The defending Itza soon fled from the withering Spanish gunfire.
防守的伊察很快就逃离了西班牙人的猛烈炮火。
The city fell after a brief but bloody battle in which many Itza warriors died; the Spanish suffered only minor casualties.
经过一场短暂但血腥的战斗，许多伊察战士阵亡，这座城市陷落。西班牙人只遭受了轻微伤亡。
The Spanish bombardment caused heavy loss of life on the island; the surviving Itza abandoned their capital and swam across to the mainland with many dying in the water.
西班牙的轰炸造成岛上人员伤亡惨重；幸存的伊察人放弃了首都，游到大陆，许多人死在水中。
After the battle the surviving defenders melted away into the forests, leaving the Spanish to occupy an abandoned Maya town.
战斗结束后，幸存的守军消失在森林中，西班牙人占领了一座废弃的玛雅城镇。
Martín de Ursúa planted his standard upon the highest point of the island and renamed Nojpetén as Nuestra Señora de los Remedios y San Pablo, Laguna del Itza ("Our Lady of Remedy and Saint Paul, Lake of the Itza").
马丁·德·乌尔苏阿 (Martín de Ursúa) 将他的旗帜竖立在岛上的最高点，并将 Nojpetén 重新命名为 Nuestra Señora de los Remedios y San Pablo, Laguna del Itza（“我们的补救女神和圣保罗，伊察湖”）。
The Itza nobility fled, dispersing to Maya settlements throughout Petén; in response the Spanish scoured the region with search parties.
伊察贵族逃亡，分散到佩滕各地的玛雅定居点。作为回应，西班牙人派出搜查队对该地区进行了搜查。
Kan Ekʼ was soon captured with help from the Yalain Maya ruler Chamach Xulu; The Kowoj king (Aj Kowoj) was also soon captured, together with other Maya nobles and their families.
坎埃克很快在雅兰玛雅统治者查马奇·徐鲁 (Chamach Xulu) 的帮助下被抓获。科沃吉国王（Aj Kowoj）以及其他玛雅贵族及其家人也很快被俘虏。
With the defeat of the Itza, the last independent and unconquered native kingdom in the Americas fell to the European colonisers.
随着伊察人的失败，美洲最后一个独立且未被征服的本土王国落入欧洲殖民者手中。
Martín de Ursúa had little interest in administering the newly conquered territory and delegated its control to military officers who he did very little to support, either militarily or financially.
马丁·德·乌尔苏阿对管理新征服的领土兴趣不大，并将其控制权委托给了军官，他几乎没有在军事上或财政上为他们提供支持。
With Nojpetén safely in the hands of the Spanish, Ursúa returned to Mérida, leaving Kan Ekʼ and other high-ranking members of his family as prisoners of the Spanish garrison at Nuestra Señora de los Remedios y San Pablo, isolated among the hostile Itza and Kowoj who still dominated the mainland.
随着诺伊佩滕安全落入西班牙人手中，乌尔苏亚返回梅里达，留下坎·埃克和他的其他高级家庭成员，成为西班牙驻军在雷梅迪奥斯和圣巴勃罗的西班牙驻军的囚犯，他们被孤立在仍然统治着大陆的敌对伊察和科沃伊之中。
The garrison was reinforced in 1699 by a military expedition from Santiago de los Caballeros de Guatemala, accompanied by mixed-race ladino civilians who came to found their own town around the military camp.
1699 年，一支来自危地马拉圣地亚哥的军事远征队增援了驻军，随行的还有混血拉迪诺平民，他们来到军营周围建立了自己的城镇。
The settlers brought disease with them, which killed many soldiers and colonists and swept through the indigenous population.
定居者带来了疾病，导致许多士兵和殖民者死亡，并席卷了土著居民。
The Guatemalans stayed just three months before returning to Santiago de los Caballeros de Guatemala, taking the captive Itza king with them, together with his son and two of his cousins.
危地马拉人只停留了三个月，就返回了危地马拉的圣地亚哥，并带走了被俘的伊察国王、他的儿子和他的两个堂兄弟。
The cousins died on the long journey to Santiago; Ajaw Kan Ekʼ and his son spent the rest of their lives under house arrest in the colonial capital.
表兄弟在前往圣地亚哥的长途旅行中去世了。 Ajaw Kan Ek' 和他的儿子在殖民地首都软禁中度过了余生。
When the Spanish conquered the Petén lakes in 1697, the Yalain were initially cooperative and assisted in the capture of the king of the Itza.
1697 年西班牙人征服佩滕湖时，雅兰人最初很合作并协助抓获了伊察国王。
At this time Yalain was ruled by Chamach Xulu.
此时雅兰的统治者是查马赫·徐鲁（Chamach Xulu）。
The Yalain leadership encouraged Christian conversion as a means of maintaining peace with the occupying Spanish forces.
亚兰领导层鼓励皈依基督教，以此作为与西班牙占领军维持和平的手段。
As time went on, Yalain cooperation with the Spanish appears to have decreased.
随着时间的推移，亚兰与西班牙人的合作似乎有所减少。
Soon after the conquest, the Yalain fled their settlements to avoid foraging Spanish parties that were abducting Maya women for "service" at their barracks.
征服后不久，雅兰人逃离了他们的定居点，以避免寻找在他们的军营中绑架玛雅妇女“服务”的西班牙人。
At this time, such was the hostility that was felt towards the occupying forces that the inhabitants of the Yalain settlements preferred to burn their fields and break all their pottery rather than leave anything for the Spanish.
此时，雅兰定居点的居民对占领军怀有如此大的敌意，他们宁愿烧毁他们的田地，打碎他们所有的陶器，也不愿给西班牙人留下任何东西。
The Yalain capital is recorded as having been burned in 1698.
据记载，雅兰首都于 1698 年被烧毁。
In the late 17th century, the small population of Chʼol Maya in southern Petén and Belize was forcibly removed to Alta Verapaz, where the people were absorbed into the Qʼeqchiʼ population.
17 世纪末，佩滕和伯利兹南部的少数 Ch'ol 玛雅人被强行迁移到上韦拉帕斯，在那里，这些人被吸收到 Q'eqchi' 人口中。
After the conquest, the colonial administration of Petén was divided between the ecclesiastical authorities in Yucatán and secular administration as part of the Captaincy General of Guatemala.
征服之后，佩滕的殖民管理分为尤卡坦州的教会当局和作为危地马拉都督一部分的世俗管理机构。
There was never a strong Spanish presence in the area, which remained remote, although the Spanish built a fortress-prison, the Castillo de Arismendi; it was finished in 1700.
尽管西班牙人建造了一座堡垒监狱阿里斯门迪城堡，但该地区从来没有强大的西班牙人存在，该地区仍然偏远。它于1700年完工。
The distance from Nuestra Señora de los Remedios y San Pablo (formerly Nojpetén) to Mérida, combined with the difficult terrain and the hostility of the natives led to the road from Yucatán falling into a state of disrepair.
从 Nuestra Señora de los Remedios y San Pablo（以前的 Nojpetén）到梅里达的距离，再加上崎岖的地形和当地人的敌意，导致从尤卡坦州出发的道路年久失修。
In 1701 Ursúa y Arezmendi realised that the road was in such a poor state that the Spanish garrison could not be supplied from Yucatán.
1701 年，乌尔苏阿·阿雷兹门迪 (Ursúa y Arezmendi) 意识到道路状况非常糟糕，无法从尤卡坦州向西班牙驻军提供补给。
He wrote to the King of Spain, requesting that Petén be transferred from the jurisdiction of Yucatán to the Audiencia Real of Guatemala.
他写信给西班牙国王，要求将佩滕从尤卡坦州管辖权转移到危地马拉皇家法庭。
In 1703 Ursúa's petition was granted, with the condition that the ecclesiastical authority over Petén would pass to the Dominican Order.
1703年，乌尔苏亚的请愿获得批准，条件是佩滕的教会权力应移交给多明我会。
Between 1703 and 1753, reducciones were established at San José and San Andrés on Lake Petén Itzá, Santa Ana just south of the lake, and at San Luis, Santo Toribio and Dolores in the south (not to be confused with Dolores del Lakandon).
1703 年至 1753 年间，在佩滕伊察湖畔的圣何塞和圣安德烈斯、湖以南的圣安娜以及南部的圣路易斯、圣托里比奥和多洛雷斯（不要与多洛雷斯·德尔·拉坎东混淆）建立了 reducciones。
Each of these mission towns had its own minister who answered to the vicario general with the Spanish garrison at Nuestra Señora de los Remedios y San Pablo.
每个传教城镇都有自己的部长，负责向位于 Nuestra Señora de los Remedios y San Pablo 的西班牙驻军的维卡里奥将军负责。
In the first decades of the 18th century, churches were built in five colonial towns: Dolores, Remedios, San Andrés, San José and Santo Toribio.
在 18 世纪的最初几十年，教堂在五个殖民城镇建造：多洛雷斯、雷梅迪奥斯、圣安德烈斯、圣何塞和圣托里比奥。
The church in Dolores was built in 1708; the construction was probably overseen by Juan Antonio Ruiz y Bustamante.
多洛雷斯教堂建于 1708 年；该建筑可能是由胡安·安东尼奥·鲁伊斯·布斯塔曼特 (Juan Antonio Ruiz y Bustamante) 监督的。
In 1699 there were nine priests in Petén but thereafter there was usually a shortage of clergy in colonial Petén.
1699年，佩滕有九名神父，但此后殖民地佩滕经常出现神职人员短缺的情况。
In spite of the objections of the Dominicans who had been working in southern Petén, the Franciscans continued to provide clergy from Yucatán, and it was the Franciscans who oversaw the spiritual welfare of Petén during the colonial period.
尽管一直在佩滕南部工作的多米尼加人反对，方济各会继续从尤卡坦州提供神职人员，在殖民时期正是方济各会监督了佩滕的精神福利。
AjTut was one of the lords of the northern Chakʼan Itza province of the conquered Itza kingdom; friar Avendaño had met him during his expedition to Nojpetén.
阿吉图特是被征服的伊察王国查坎伊察北部省份的领主之一。阿文达尼奥修道士在诺伊佩滕探险期间遇见了他。
After the conquest he relocated from the north shore of Lake Petén Itzá to Mompana, a region lying between Lake Yaxha and the Classic period ruins of Tikal.
征服之后，他从佩滕伊察湖北岸搬迁到位于亚克萨湖和蒂卡尔古典时期遗址之间的蒙帕纳地区。
For some years after the conquest he established the Mompana region as a refuge from the Spanish and engaged in internecine war against the surviving Kowoj to the south.
征服之后的几年里，他将蒙帕纳地区建立为躲避西班牙人的避难所，并与南部幸存的科沃吉人进行了自相残杀的战争。
At the time of the fall of Nojpetén, there are estimated to have been 60,000 Maya living around Lake Petén Itzá, including a large number of refugees from other areas.
在诺伊佩滕陷落时，估计有6万玛雅人居住在佩滕伊察湖周围，其中包括大量来自其他地区的难民。
It is estimated that 88% of them died during the first ten years of colonial rule owing to a combination of disease and war.
据估计，其中 88% 在殖民统治的头十年因疾病和战争而死亡。
Although disease was responsible for the majority of deaths, Spanish expeditions and internecine warfare between indigenous groups also played their part.
尽管疾病是造成大部分死亡的原因，但西班牙远征和土著群体之间的自相残杀也起了一定作用。
Catholic priests from Yucatán founded several mission towns around Lake Petén Itzá in 1702–1703.
1702 年至 1703 年，来自尤卡坦州的天主教神父在佩滕伊察湖周围建立了几个传教城镇。
The first towns to be concentrated into colonial reducciones were Ixtutz, which became the new town of San José, and neighbouring San Andrés, both on the north shore of Lake Petén Itzá.
第一批集中进行殖民改造的城镇是伊克图茨（Ixtutz），它成为圣何塞的新城镇，以及邻近的圣安德烈斯（San Andrés），两者都位于佩滕伊察湖北岸。
They were first subjugated by one of Ursúa's officers, Cristobal de Sologaistoa, before being passed into the care of the Dominican friars for the Christian conversion of the inhabitants.
他们首先被乌苏亚的一名军官克里斯托瓦尔·德·索洛加斯托亚 (Cristobal de Sologaistoa) 征服，然后被转交给多米尼加修道士照顾，以帮助居民皈依基督教。
Surviving Itza and Kowoj were resettled in the new colonial towns by a mixture of persuasion and force.
通过劝说和武力，幸存的伊察和科沃伊被重新安置在新的殖民城镇。
Kowoj and Itza leaders in these mission towns rebelled against their Spanish overlords in 1704 and almost retook Nojpetén, but although well-planned, the rebellion was quickly crushed.
1704 年，这些传教城镇的科沃伊 (Kowoj) 和伊察 (Itza) 领导人反抗西班牙领主，几乎夺回了诺伊佩滕 (Nojpetén)，但尽管计划周密，叛乱很快就被镇压了。
Its leaders were executed, and most of the mission towns were abandoned; by 1708 only about 6,000 Maya remained in central Petén.
其领导人被处决，大部分传教城镇被遗弃。到 1708 年，佩滕中部只剩下约 6,000 名玛雅人。
The reductions failed in large part because the missionaries charged with converting the inhabitants could not speak the Itza language.
削减行动失败很大程度上是因为负责改变居民信仰的传教士不会说伊察语。
Martín de Ursúa used his conquest of the Itza as a stepping stone to achieving the coveted post of Governor-General of the Philippines, which he took up in 1709.
马丁·德·乌尔苏阿 (Martín de Ursúa) 以征服伊察为跳板，于 1709 年担任菲律宾总督。
European-introduced diseases devastated the native population of Petén, with the effects of disease compounded by the psychological impact of defeat.
欧洲传入的疾病摧毁了佩滕的当地居民，疾病的影响加上失败的心理影响。
The population around Lake Petén Itzá numbered between 20,000 and 40,000 in 1697.
1697 年，佩滕伊察湖周围的人口数量在 20,000 至 40,000 人之间。
By 1714, a census recorded just over 3,000 individuals in Spanish Petén, including non-Indians.
到 1714 年，一项人口普查显示，西班牙佩滕人仅有 3,000 多人，其中包括非印第安人。
This number would not have included the so-called "wild" Maya living in the forest far from Spanish administration and control.
这个数字不包括居住在远离西班牙管理和控制的森林中的所谓“野生”玛雅人。
By 1700 the new colonial capital of Petén was mainly inhabited by colonists, soldiers and convicts.
到 1700 年，新的殖民首都佩滕主要居住着殖民者、士兵和囚犯。
During the second half of the 18th century, adult male Indians were heavily taxed, often being forced into debt peonage.
18 世纪下半叶，成年男性印第安人被课以重税，常常被迫负债累累。
Western Petén and neighbouring Chiapas remained sparsely populated, and the Maya inhabitants avoided contact with the Spanish.
佩滕西部和邻近的恰帕斯州仍然人烟稀少，玛雅居民避免与西班牙人接触。
San José, on the northwest shore of lake Petén Itzá, is the home of the last surviving speakers of the Itza language.
圣何塞位于佩滕伊察湖的西北岸，是最后幸存的伊察语使用者的家乡。
The surname Kowoj still survives, but the Kowoj and Itza have fully merged and no longer exist as separate ethnicities.
科沃吉（Kowoj）姓氏仍然存在，但科沃吉（Kowoj）和伊察（Itza）已经完全融合，不再作为单独的种族存在。
In modern times there is a history of conflict between San José (the former Itza town of Chakokʼot) and neighbouring San Andrés (the former Kowoj-allied town of Chakʼan), and this mutual hostility probably represents ancient hostility between the Itza and the Kowoj.
现代，圣何塞（前伊察城镇查科科特）和邻近的圣安德烈斯（前科沃吉人结盟城镇查坎）之间有过冲突历史，这种相互敌对可能代表了伊察人和科沃吉人之间古老的敌意。
Hernán Cortés described his expedition to Honduras in the fifth letter of his Cartas de Relación, in which he details his crossing of what is now Guatemala's Petén Department.
埃尔南·科尔特斯在《关系宪章》的第五封信中描述了他对洪都拉斯的探险，其中详细描述了他穿越现在危地马拉佩滕省的情况。
Bernal Díaz del Castillo accompanied Cortés on the expedition to Honduras.
贝尔纳尔·迪亚斯·德尔·卡斯蒂略陪同科尔特斯远征洪都拉斯。
He wrote a lengthy account of the conquest of Mexico and neighbouring regions, the Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España ("True History of the Conquest of New Spain").
他写了一篇关于征服墨西哥和邻近地区的长篇记述，《征服新西班牙的真实历史》（Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España）。
His account was finished around 1568, some 40 years after the campaigns it describes; it includes his own description of the expedition.
他的叙述于 1568 年左右完成，距其所描述的战役大约 40 年。其中包括他自己对这次探险的描述。
In 1688 colonial historian Diego López de Cogolludo detailed the expeditions of the Spanish missionaries Bartolomé de Fuensalida and Juan de Orbita in 1618 and 1619 in his Los trés siglos de la dominación española en Yucatán o sea historia de esta provincia ("The three centuries of Spanish domination in Yucatán, or the history of this province"); he based it upon Fuensalida's report, which is now lost.
1688 年，殖民历史学家迭戈·洛佩斯·德·科戈鲁多 (Diego López de Cogolludo) 在他的《Los trés siglos de la dominación española en Yucatán o sea historia de esta provincia》（“西班牙在尤卡坦州的三个世纪统治，或该省的历史”）中详细描述了西班牙传教士巴托洛梅·德·富恩萨利达和胡安·德·奥尔比塔在 1618 年和 1619 年的探险活动；他是根据富恩萨利达的报告编写的，该报告现已丢失。
Franciscan friar Andrés Avendaño y Loyola recorded his own account of his late 17th century journeys to Nojpetén, written in 1696 and entitled Relación de las entradas que hize a la conversión de los gentiles Ytzaex ("Account of the expeditions that I made to convert the Itza heathens").
方济各会修道士安德烈斯·阿文达尼奥·洛约拉 (Andrés Avendaño y Loyola) 记录了自己 17 世纪末前往诺伊佩滕 (Nojpetén) 的旅程，写于 1696 年，题为《Relación de las entradas que hize a la conversión de los gentiles Ytzaex》（“我为改变伊察异教徒信仰而进行的远征记”）。
When the Spanish finally conquered Petén in 1697 they produced a vast quantity of documentation.
当西班牙人于 1697 年最终征服佩滕时，他们制作了大量文献。
Juan de Villagutierre Soto-Mayor was a Spanish colonial official who first held the post of relator of the Royal Chancery of Valladolid and later as that of the Council of the Indies.
胡安·德·比利亚古铁雷·索托·马约尔 (Juan de Villagutierre Soto-Mayor) 是一位西班牙殖民官员，最初担任巴利亚多利德皇家大法官办公室的联络员，后来担任印度议会的联络员。
As such he had access to the large amount of colonial documents stored in the General Archive of the Indies.
因此，他可以访问印度总档案馆中存储的大量殖民地文件。
From these he produced his Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza, reduccion, y progressos de la de el Lacandon, y otras naciones de indios barbaros, de la mediacion de el Reyno de Guatimala, a las provincias del Yucatan en la América Septentrional ("History of the Conquest of the Province of the Itza, reduction, and advances in that of the Lakandon, and other nations of barbarous indians, and the intervention of the Kingdom of Guatemala, and the provinces of Yucatan in Northern America").
由此，他创作了《Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza, reduccion, y Progressos de la de el Lacandon, y otras naciones de indios barbaros, de la mediacion de el Reyno de Guatimala, a las provincias del Yucatan en la América Septentrional》（“征服伊察省的历史、简化和进展”）。拉坎东人和其他野蛮印第安人民族的统治，以及危地马拉王国和北美尤卡坦各省的干预”）。
This was first published in Madrid in 1701 and detailed the history of Petén from 1525 through to 1699.
该书于 1701 年首次在马德里出版，详细介绍了佩滕从 1525 年至 1699 年的历史。
Ursúa referred to the western port town of Chʼichʼ as Nich.
Ursúa 将西部港口城镇 Ch'ich' 称为 Nich。
The modern name for a point on the south side of the bay is Punta Nijtún, which is probably derived from the colonial Yucatec nix tun, meaning stone ramp.
海湾南侧的一个点的现代名称是 Punta Nijtún，它可能源自殖民时期的尤卡坦克尼克斯 tun，意思是石头坡道。
Archaeologists carried out excavations at the lake shore at Punta Nijtún and discovered a stone ramp there, which was probably built by Ursúa's troops to launch his galeota.
考古学家在 Punta Nijtún 的湖岸进行了挖掘，并在那里发现了一个石头坡道，这可能是乌苏阿的军队为了发射他的加莱奥塔而建造的。
History of Guatemala
危地马拉的历史
Flores Island, Guatemala
危地马拉弗洛雷斯岛