Harvey Milk (Wikipedia featured)

Harvey Bernard Milk (May 22, 1930 – November 27, 1978) was an American politician and the first openly gay man to be elected to public office in California, as a member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors.

哈维·伯纳德·米尔克（Harvey Bernard Milk，1930年5月22日－1978年11月27日）是一位美国政治家，也是第一位在加利福尼亚州当选公职的公开同性恋者，担任旧金山监事会成员。

Milk was born and raised in New York.

米尔克在纽约出生和长大。

He acknowledged his homosexuality in adolescence, but secretly pursued sexual relationships well into adulthood.

他在青春期时承认自己是同性恋，但在成年后一直秘密地追求性关系。

The counterculture of the 1960s caused him to shed many of his conservative views about individual freedom and sexual expression.

20 世纪 60 年代的反主流文化使他放弃了许多关于个人自由和性表达的保守观点。

Milk moved to San Francisco in 1972 and opened a camera store.

1972 年，米尔克搬到旧金山，开了一家相机店。

After holding an assortment of jobs and frequently changing addresses, he settled in the Castro, a neighborhood that was experiencing a mass immigration of gay men and lesbians.

在从事过各种各样的工作并经常更换地址后，他在卡斯特罗定居下来，这是一个正在经历大量男女同性恋移民的社区。

He ran for city supervisor in 1973, but the existing gay political establishment resisted him.

1973年，他竞选城市监督员，但现有的同性恋政治机构抵制他。

Milk's campaign was compared to theater due to his personality, earning media attention and votes, although not enough to be elected.

米尔克的竞选活动因其个性而被比作戏剧，赢得了媒体的关注和选票，尽管还不足以当选。

He campaigned again in the next two supervisor elections, dubbing himself the "Mayor of Castro Street".

他在接下来的两次主管选举中再次竞选，自称为“卡斯特罗街市长”。

The voter response caused him to also run for the California State Assembly.

选民的反应促使他也竞选加利福尼亚州议会议员。

Due to his growing popularity, he led the gay rights movement in battles against anti-gay initiatives.

由于他越来越受欢迎，他领导了同性恋权利运动，反对反同性恋倡议。

Milk was elected city supervisor in 1977 after San Francisco began to choose neighborhood representatives rather than city-wide ones.

1977 年，旧金山开始选举社区代表而不是全市代表后，米尔克被选为城市监督员。

During Milk's almost eleven months in office, he sponsored a bill banning discrimination based on sexual orientation in public accommodations, housing, and employment.

在米尔克任职近十一个月期间，他发起了一项法案，禁止在公共设施、住房和就业方面基于性取向的歧视。

The supervisors passed the bill by a vote of 11–1, and Mayor George Moscone signed it into law.

监督员以 11 比 1 的投票结果通过了该法案，市长乔治·莫斯康 (George Moscone) 签署成为法律。

On November 27, 1978, Milk and Moscone were assassinated by Dan White, a disgruntled former city supervisor who cast the sole vote against Milk's bill.

1978 年 11 月 27 日，米尔克和莫斯康被丹·怀特刺杀，丹·怀特是一名心怀不满的前市监察员，他唯一投票反对米尔克的法案。

Despite his short political career, Milk became an icon in San Francisco and a martyr in the LGBTQ community.

尽管他的政治生涯很短暂，米尔克却成为了旧金山的偶像和 LGBTQ 群体的烈士。

In 2002, Milk was called "the most famous and most significant openly LGBTQ official ever elected in the United States".

2002年，米尔克被称为“美国有史以来最著名、最重要的公开选举的LGBTQ官员”。

Anne Kronenberg, his final campaign manager, wrote of him: "What set Harvey apart from you or me was that he was a visionary.

他的最后一位竞选经理安妮·克罗伯格 (Anne Kronenberg) 如此评价他：“哈维与你我的不同之处在于，他是一位有远见的人。

He imagined a righteous world inside his head and then he set about to create it for real, for all of us." Milk was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2009.

他在脑海中想象了一个正义的世界，然后他开始为我们所有人创造一个真实的世界。”米尔克于2009年被追授总统自由勋章。

Harvey Bernard Milk was born on May 22, 1930, in Woodmere, New York, on Long Island.

哈维·伯纳德·米尔克 (Harvey Bernard Milk) 1930 年 5 月 22 日出生于纽约长岛伍德米尔。

His father is William Milk and his mother is Minerva Karns.

他的父亲是威廉·米尔克，母亲是米勒娃·卡恩斯。

He was the younger son of Litvak parents and the grandson of Morris Milk, a department store owner who helped to organize the first synagogue in the area.

他是利特瓦克父母的小儿子，也是百货公司老板莫里斯·米尔克（Morris Milk）的孙子，莫里斯·米尔克帮助组织了该地区第一座犹太教堂。

Milk was raised in a Jewish household.

牛奶是在一个犹太家庭中种植的。

His mother kept a kosher home.

他的母亲保持着洁净的家。

Although as an adult he did not consider himself a religious person, his connection to the Jewish faith profoundly shaped his worldview.

尽管成年后他并不认为自己是一个宗教人士，但他与犹太信仰的联系深刻地塑造了他的世界观。

His family experienced great discrimination for being Jewish.

他的家人因为是犹太人而遭受了极大的歧视。

His grandfather, who created the first synagogue in the town, was a Yiddish-speaking peddler who came to America from Lithuania.

他的祖父是一名从立陶宛来到美国、讲意第绪语​​的小贩，在该镇创建了第一座犹太教堂。

As a child, Milk was teased for his protruding ears, big nose, and oversized feet, and tended to grab attention as a class clown.

小时候，米尔克因突出的耳朵、大鼻子和超大的脚而受到嘲笑，并且经常以班级小丑的身份吸引注意力。

While he was in school, he played football and developed a passion for opera.

在学校期间，他踢足球并对歌剧产生了热情。

Under his name in the high school yearbook, it read, "Glimpy Milk—and they say WOMEN are never at a loss for words".

高中年鉴上他的名字下面写着：“Glimpy Milk——他们说女人永远不会不知所措”。

Milk graduated from Bay Shore High School in Bay Shore, New York, in 1947 and attended New York State College for Teachers in Albany (now the State University of New York at Albany) from 1947 to 1951, majoring in mathematics.

米尔克于1947年毕业于纽约湾岸市的湾岸高中，并于1947年至1951年就读于奥尔巴尼的纽约州立师范学院（现为纽约州立大学奥尔巴尼分校），主修数学。

He also wrote for the college newspaper.

他还为大学报纸撰稿。

One classmate remembered, "He was never thought of as a possible queer—that's what you called them then—he was a man's man".

一位同学回忆道，“他从来没有被认为是一个可能的酷儿——这就是你当时对他们的称呼——他是一个男人中的男人”。

After graduation, Milk joined the United States Navy during the Korean War.

毕业后，米尔克在朝鲜战争期间加入了美国海军。

He served aboard the submarine rescue ship USS Kittiwake (ASR-13) as a diving officer.

他曾在潜艇救援船三趾鸥号 (ASR-13) 上担任潜水官。

Milk later transferred to Naval Station, San Diego, to serve as a diving instructor.

米尔克后来调往圣地亚哥海军基地，担任潜水教练。

In 1955, he resigned from the Navy at the rank of Lieutenant (junior grade), forced to accept an "other than honorable" discharge and leave the service rather than be court-martialed because of his homosexuality.

1955年，他以中尉（初级）军衔辞去海军职务，因为同性恋被迫接受“非光荣”退伍并离开军队，而不是被送上军事法庭。

Milk's early career was marked by frequent changes; in later years he would take delight in talking about his metamorphosis from a middle-class Jewish boy.

米尔克的早期职业生涯充满了频繁的变化。在后来的岁月里，他会很高兴地谈论自己从一个中产阶级犹太男孩的转变。

He began teaching at George W.

他开始在乔治·W·布什任教。

Hewlett High School on Long Island.

长岛休利特高中。

In 1956, he met Joe Campbell at the Jacob Riis Park beach, a popular cruising location for gay men in Queens.

1956 年，他在雅各布·里斯公园海滩 (Jacob Riis Park beach) 遇见了乔·坎贝尔 (Joe Campbell)，那里是皇后区同性恋者的热门游弋地点。

Milk pursued Campbell passionately.

米尔克热情地追求坎贝尔。

Milk continued to write Campbell romantic notes and poems after they moved in together.

他们搬到一起后，米尔克继续写坎贝尔的浪漫笔记和诗歌。

Seeking a warmer climate with milder winters, Milk and Campbell left New York in 1957 and moved to Dallas; after they struggled to find employment and were disappointed with the city's social scene compared to New York, they moved back to New York.

为了寻求气候温暖、冬季温和的环境，米尔克和坎贝尔于 1957 年离开纽约，搬到了达拉斯。在他们努力寻找工作并对这座城市的社交场景与纽约相比感到失望后，他们搬回了纽约。

In New York, Milk worked as a public school teacher on Long Island and then a stock analyst in Manhattan.

在纽约，米尔克在长岛担任公立学校教师，后来在曼哈顿担任股票分析师。

In 1961, Campbell and Milk separated after almost six years.

1961 年，坎贝尔和米尔克在近六年后分居。

Milk tried to keep his early romantic life separate from his family and work.

米尔克试图将他早期的浪漫生活与家庭和工作分开。

Once again bored and single in New York, he thought of moving to Miami to marry a lesbian friend to "have a front and each would not be in the way of the other".

在纽约再次感到无聊和单身时，他想到搬到迈阿密与一位女同性恋朋友结婚，以“有一个门面，彼此都不会妨碍对方”。

However, he decided to remain in New York, where he secretly pursued gay relationships.

然而，他决定留在纽约，在那里秘密追求同性恋关系。

In 1962, Milk became involved with Craig Rodwell, who was 10 years younger.

1962年，米尔克与小10岁的克雷格·罗德威尔交往。

Though Milk courted Rodwell ardently, waking him every morning with a call and sending him notes, Milk was uncomfortable with Rodwell's involvement with the New York Mattachine Society, a gay-rights organization.

尽管米尔克热情地向罗德威尔求爱，每天早上打电话叫醒他，给他发短信，但米尔克对罗德威尔参与同性恋权利组织纽约马塔辛协会感到不安。

When Rodwell was arrested for walking in Riis Park, and charged with inciting a riot and with indecent exposure (the law required men's swimsuits to extend from above the navel to below the thigh), he spent three days in jail.

当罗德威尔因在里斯公园散步而被捕，并被指控煽动骚乱和不雅暴露（法律要求男士泳衣从肚脐以上延伸到大腿以下）时，他在监狱里呆了三天。

The relationship soon ended as Milk became alarmed at Rodwell's tendency to agitate the police.

由于米尔克对罗德威尔煽动警察的倾向感到震惊，这段关系很快就结束了。

Milk abruptly stopped working as an insurance actuary and became a researcher at the Wall Street firm Bache & Company.

米尔克突然不再担任保险精算师，转而成为华尔街公司 Bache & Company 的研究员。

He was frequently promoted despite his tendency to offend the older members of the firm by ignoring their advice and flaunting his success.

尽管他经常无视公司老员工的建议并炫耀自己的成功，从而冒犯了公司的老员工，但他还是经常得到晋升。

Although he was skilled at his job, co-workers sensed that Milk's heart was not in his work.

尽管米尔克的工作很熟练，但同事们还是感觉到米尔克的心不在他的工作上。

Before Milk's thirty-fourth birthday, he entered a romantic relationship with 17-year-old Jack Galen McKinley (b.

在米尔克 34 岁生日之前，他与 17 岁的杰克·盖伦·麦金利（Jack Galen McKinley，生于 1997 年）建立了恋爱关系。

October 18, 1946).

1946 年 10 月 18 日）。

Milk had recruited McKinley to work on conservative Republican Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign.

米尔克聘请麦金莱为保守派共和党人巴里·戈德华特 (Barry Goldwater) 1964 年的总统竞选活动工作。

McKinley was prone to depression and sometimes threatened to commit suicide if Milk did not show him enough attention.

麦金利很容易患上抑郁症，有时还威胁说，如果米尔克没有给予他足够的关注，他就会自杀。

To make a point to McKinley, Milk took him to the hospital where Milk's ex-lover, Joe Campbell, was himself recuperating from a suicide attempt after his lover Billy Sipple left him.

为了向麦金利表明自己的观点，米尔克带他去了医院，米尔克的前情人乔·坎贝尔在他的情人比利·西普尔离开他后，正在从自杀未遂中恢复过来。

Milk had remained friendly with Campbell, who had entered the avant-garde art scene in Greenwich Village, but Milk did not understand why Campbell's despondency caused him to consider committing suicide.

米尔克与已进入格林威治村前卫艺术圈的坎贝尔保持着友好关系，但米尔克不明白为什么坎贝尔的沮丧让他考虑自杀。

Since the end of World War II, the major port city of San Francisco had been home to a sizable number of gay men who had been expelled from the military and decided to stay rather than return to their hometowns and face ostracism.

自第二次世界大战结束以来，主要港口城市旧金山居住着大量被军队开除的同性恋男子，他们决定留下来，而不是返回家乡并面临排斥。

By 1969, the Kinsey Institute believed San Francisco had more gay people per capita than any other American city.

到 1969 年，金赛研究所认为旧金山的人均同性恋人数比任何其他美国城市都多。

When the National Institute of Mental Health asked the institute to survey homosexuals, the Institute chose San Francisco as its focus.

当美国国家心理健康研究所要求该研究所对同性恋者进行调查时，该研究所选择了旧金山作为重点。

Milk and McKinley were among the thousands of gay men attracted to San Francisco.

米尔克和麦金利是吸引到旧金山的数千名男同性恋者之一。

McKinley was a stage manager for Tom O'Horgan, a director who started his career in experimental theater, but soon graduated to much larger Broadway productions.

麦金利是汤姆·奥霍根（Tom O'Horgan）的舞台经理，汤姆·奥霍根是一位导演，他的职业生涯始于实验戏剧，但很快就毕业到更大型的百老汇作品。

They arrived in 1969 with the Broadway touring company of Hair.

1969年，他们随百老汇巡回演出公司Hair来到这里。

McKinley was offered a job in the New York City production of Jesus Christ Superstar, and their tempestuous relationship came to an end.

麦金利在纽约市制作的《万世巨星》中获得了一份工作，他们的紧张关系结束了。

The city appealed to Milk so much that he decided to stay, working at an investment firm.

这座城市对米尔克如此有吸引力，以至于他决定留下来，在一家投资公司工作。

In 1970, increasingly frustrated with the political climate after the U.S. invasion of Cambodia, Milk let his hair grow long.

1970 年，米尔克对美国入侵柬埔寨后的政治气候越来越感到沮丧，于是留长了头发。

When told to cut it, he refused and was fired.

当被告知要剪掉它时，他拒绝了，并被解雇了。

Milk drifted from California to Texas to New York, without a steady job or plan.

牛奶从加利福尼亚州漂流到德克萨斯州再到纽约，没有稳定的工作或计划。

In New York City he became involved with O'Horgan's theater company as a "general aide", signing on as associate producer for Lenny and for Eve Merriam's Inner City.

在纽约，他以“总助理”的身份加入了奥霍根的剧院公司，并签约担任莱尼和伊芙·梅里亚姆的《内城》的副制片人。

The time he had spent with the cast of flower children wore away much of Milk's conservatism.

与花童演员们一起度过的时光磨掉了米尔克的保守主义情绪。

A contemporary New York Times story about O'Horgan described Milk as "a sad eyed man—another aging hippie with long, long hair, wearing faded jeans and pretty beads".

《纽约时报》一篇关于奥霍根的当代报道将米尔克描述为“一个眼神悲伤的男人——另一个长着长发、穿着褪色牛仔裤和漂亮珠子的年老嬉皮士”。

Craig Rodwell read the description of the formerly uptight man and wondered if it could be the same person.

克雷格·罗德威尔（Craig Rodwell）读了对这个以前性格紧张的人的描述，想知道这是否是同一个人。

One of Milk's Wall Street friends worried that he seemed to have no plan or future, but remembered Milk's attitude: "I think he was happier than at any time I had ever seen him in his entire life." Rosa von Praunheim's documentary short film Homosexuals in New York shows Milk exuberant as a protester on Christopher Street Day 1971 in New York City.

米尔克的一位华尔街朋友担心他似乎没有计划或未来，但记得米尔克的态度：“我认为他比我一生中见过他的任何时候都快乐。”罗莎·冯·普劳恩海姆 (Rosa von Praunheim) 的纪录片短片《纽约的同性恋》展示了 1971 年纽约市克里斯托弗街日当天米尔克作为一名抗议者的热情。

Milk met Scott Smith, 18 years his junior, and began another relationship.

米尔克遇到了比他小 18 岁的斯科特·史密斯，并开始了另一段恋情。

Milk and Smith returned to San Francisco, where they lived on money they had saved.

米尔克和史密斯回到旧金山，靠积蓄生活。

In March 1973, after a roll of film Milk left at a local shop was ruined, he and Smith opened a camera store on Castro Street with their last $1,000.

1973 年 3 月，米尔克留在当地一家商店的一卷胶卷被毁了，他和史密斯用最后的 1000 美元在卡斯特罗街开了一家相机店。

In the late 1960s, the Society for Individual Rights (SIR) and the Daughters of Bilitis (DOB) began to work against police persecution of gay bars and entrapment in San Francisco.

20 世纪 60 年代末，个人权利协会 (SIR) 和比利蒂斯之女 (DOB) 开始致力于反对警察对旧金山同性恋酒吧的迫害和诱捕。

Oral sex was still a felony, and in 1970, nearly 90 people in the city were arrested for having sex in public parks at night.

口交仍然是重罪，1970年，该市有近90人因夜间在公园发生性行为而被捕。

Mayor Joseph Alioto asked the police to target the parks, hoping the decision would appeal to the Archdiocese and his Catholic supporters.

市长约瑟夫·阿里奥托要求警方以公园为目标，希望这一决定能够吸引大主教管区和他的天主教支持者。

In 1971, 2,800 gay men were arrested for public sex in San Francisco.

1971 年，旧金山有 2,800 名男同性恋因公共性行为而被捕。

By comparison, New York City recorded only 63 arrests for the same offense that year.

相比之下，纽约市当年仅因同一罪行被捕 63 人。

Any arrest for a morals charge required registration as a sex offender.

任何因道德指控而被捕的人都需要登记为性犯罪者。

Congressman Phillip Burton, Assemblyman Willie Brown, and other California politicians recognized the growing clout and organization of homosexuals in the city, and courted their votes by attending meetings of gay and lesbian organizations.

国会议员菲利普·伯顿、众议员威利·布朗和其他加州政治家认识到同性恋者在该市的影响力和组织日益增强，并通过参加同性恋组织的会议来争取他们的选票。

Brown pushed for legalization of sex between consenting adults in 1969 but failed.

1969 年，布朗推动成年人之间自愿的性行为合法化，但失败了。

SIR was also pursued by popular moderate Supervisor Dianne Feinstein in her bid to become mayor, opposing Alioto.

SIR 还受到受欢迎的温和派监督员黛安·范斯坦 (Dianne Feinstein) 的追捧，她反对阿里奥托竞选市长。

Ex-policeman Richard Hongisto worked for 10 years to change the conservative views of the San Francisco Police Department, and also actively appealed to the gay community, which responded by raising significant funds for his campaign for sheriff.

前警察理查德·洪伊斯托 (Richard Hongisto) 花了 10 年的时间来改变旧金山警察局的保守观点，并积极呼吁同性恋群体，同性恋群体对此做出了回应，为他的警长竞选筹集了大量资金。

Though Feinstein was unsuccessful, Hongisto's win in 1971 showed the political clout of the gay community.

尽管范斯坦没有成功，洪吉斯托 1971 年的胜利显示了同性恋群体的政治影响力。

SIR had become powerful enough for political maneuvering.

SIR 已经变得足够强大，可以进行政治操纵。

In 1971, SIR members Jim Foster, Rick Stokes, and Advocate publisher David B.

1971 年，SIR 成员 Jim Foster、Rick Stokes 和 Advocate 出版商 David B.

Goodstein formed the Alice B.

古德斯坦组建了 Alice B.

Toklas Memorial Democratic Club, known simply as "Alice".

托克拉斯纪念民主俱乐部，简称“爱丽丝”。

Alice befriended liberal politicians to persuade them to sponsor bills, proving successful in 1972 when Del Martin and Phyllis Lyon obtained Feinstein's support for an ordinance outlawing employment discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation.

爱丽丝与自由派政客成为朋友，说服他们支持法案，并于 1972 年取得了成功，当时德尔·马丁和菲利斯·里昂获得了范斯坦对一项禁止基于性取向的就业歧视的法令的支持。

Alice chose Stokes to run for a relatively unimportant seat on the community college board.

爱丽丝选择斯托克斯竞选社区大学董事会中一个相对不重要的席位。

Though Stokes received 45,000 votes, he was quiet and unassuming, and did not win.

尽管斯托克斯获得了45,000张选票，但他沉默寡言、谦逊，没有获胜。

Foster, however, shot to national prominence by being the first openly gay man to address a political convention.

然而，福斯特因成为第一个在政治大会上发表演讲的公开同性恋者而声名鹊起。

His speech at the 1972 Democratic National Convention ensured that his voice, according to San Francisco politicians, was the one to be heard when they wanted the opinions, and especially the votes, of the gay community.

据旧金山政界人士称，他在 1972 年民主党全国代表大会上的演讲确保了当他们想要同性恋群体的意见，尤其是选票时，他们能够听到他的声音。

Milk became more interested in political and civic matters when he was faced with civic problems and policies he disliked.

当米尔克面对他不喜欢的公民问题和政策时，他对政治和公民事务变得更感兴趣。

One day in 1973, a state bureaucrat entered Milk's shop, Castro Camera, and informed him that he owed $100 as a deposit against state sales tax.

1973 年的一天，一位州政府官员走进米尔克的 Castro Camera 商店，告诉他欠州销售税 100 美元的押金。

Milk was incredulous and traded shouts with the man about the rights of business owners; after he complained for weeks at state offices, the deposit was reduced to $30.

米尔克感到难以置信，并与该男子就企业主的权利大喊大叫。在他向州政府办公室投诉数周后，押金被减少到 30 美元。

Milk fumed about government priorities when a teacher came into his store to borrow a projector because the equipment in the schools did not function.

当一位老师因为学校的设备无法使用而来到他的商店借投影仪时，米尔克对政府的优先事项感到愤怒。

Friends also remember around the same time having to restrain him from kicking the television while Attorney General John N.

朋友们还记得，大约在同一时间，司法部长约翰·N·肯尼迪（John N.

Mitchell gave consistent "I don't recall" replies during the Watergate hearings.

米切尔在水门事件听证会上始终给出“我不记得”的回答。

Milk decided that the time had come to run for city supervisor.

米尔克决定，是时候竞选市主管了。

He said later, "I finally reached the point where I knew I had to become involved or shut up".

他后来说，“我终于达到了我知道我必须参与其中或闭嘴的地步”。

Milk received an icy reception from the gay political establishment in San Francisco.

米尔克受到旧金山同性恋政治机构的冷遇。

Jim Foster, who had by then been active in gay politics for ten years, resented that the newcomer had asked for his endorsement for a position as prestigious as city supervisor.

吉姆·福斯特当时已经活跃于同性恋政治十年，他对这位新来者要求他支持担任城市主管这样享有盛誉的职位感到不满。

Foster told Milk, "There's an old saying in the Democratic Party.

福斯特告诉米尔克，“民主党有句老话。

You don't get to dance unless you put up the chairs.

除非你把椅子摆好，否则你就不能跳舞。

I've never seen you put up the chairs." Milk was furious that Foster had snubbed him for the position, and the conversation marked the beginning of an antagonistic relationship between the "Alice" Club and Milk.

我从来没见过你把椅子摆起来。”米尔克对福斯特冷落他的职位感到愤怒，这次谈话标志着“爱丽丝”俱乐部和米尔克之间敌对关系的开始。

Some gay bar owners, still battling police harassment and unhappy with what they saw as a timid approach by Alice to established authority in the city, decided to endorse him.

一些同性恋酒吧老板仍在与警察的骚扰作斗争，并对爱丽丝在城市中建立权威的胆怯做法感到不满，因此决定支持他。

Milk had drifted through life up to this point, but he found his vocation, according to journalist Frances FitzGerald, who called him a "born politician".

到目前为止，牛奶已经度过了一生，但据记者弗朗西斯·菲茨杰拉德称，他找到了自己的职业，并称他为“天生的政治家”。

At first, his inexperience showed.

起初，他表现出缺乏经验。

He tried to do without money, support, or staff, and instead relied on his message of sound financial management, promoting individuals over large corporations and government.

他试图在没有金钱、支持或员工的情况下行事，而是依靠他的健全财务管理理念，提拔个人而非大公司和政府。

He supported the reorganization of supervisor elections from a citywide ballot to district ballots, which was intended to reduce the influence of money and give neighborhoods more control over their representatives in city government.

他支持将监督员选举从全市投票改为地区投票，目的是减少金钱的影响，并让社区对其在市政府中的代表有更多的控制权。

He also ran on a culturally liberal platform, opposing government interference in private sexual matters and favoring the legalization of marijuana.

他还以文化自由主义为竞选纲领，反对政府干预私人性事务，并支持大麻合法化。

Milk's fiery, flamboyant speeches and savvy media skills earned him a significant amount of press during the 1973 election.

米尔克热情洋溢、华丽的演讲和精明的媒体技巧为他在 1973 年大选期间赢得了大量媒体关注。

He earned 16,900 votes—sweeping the Castro District and other liberal neighborhoods and coming in 10th place out of 32 candidates.

他赢得了 16,900 张选票，横扫卡斯特罗区和其他自由派社区，在 32 名候选人中排名第 10。

Had the elections been reorganized to allow districts to elect their own supervisors, he would have won.

如果重新组织选举，允许各地区选举自己的监督员，他就会获胜。

From early in his political career, Milk displayed an affinity for building coalitions.

从政治生涯的早期开始，米尔克就表现出了建立联盟的热衷。

The Teamsters wanted to strike against beer distributors—Coors in particular—who refused to sign the union contract.

卡车司机工会想要罢工，反对拒绝签署工会合同的啤酒经销商，尤其是库尔斯啤酒经销商。

An organizer asked Milk for assistance with gay bars; in return, Milk asked the union to hire more gay drivers.

一位组织者向米尔克寻求同性恋酒吧的帮助；作为回报，米尔克要求工会雇用更多的同性恋司机。

A few days later, Milk canvassed the gay bars in and surrounding the Castro District, urging them to refuse to sell the beer.

几天后，米尔克对卡斯特罗区及其周边的同性恋酒吧进行了游说，敦促他们拒绝出售啤酒。

With the help of a coalition of Arab and Chinese grocers the Teamsters had also recruited, the boycott was successful.

在卡车司机组织也招募的阿拉伯和中国杂货商联盟的帮助下，抵制活动取得了成功。

Milk found a strong political ally in organized labor, and it was around this time that he began to style himself "The Mayor of Castro Street".

米尔克在有组织的劳工中找到了一个强大的政治盟友，大约在这个时候，他开始自称为“卡斯特罗街市长”。

As Castro Street's presence grew, so did Milk's reputation.

随着卡斯特罗街的影响力不断扩大，米尔克的声誉也随之提高。

Tom O'Horgan remarked, "Harvey spent most of his life looking for a stage.

汤姆·奥霍根说：“哈维一生的大部分时间都在寻找舞台。

On Castro Street he finally found it."

在卡斯特罗街他终于找到了。”

Tensions were growing between the older citizens of the Most Holy Redeemer Parish and the gay people who were entering the Castro District.

最神圣救世主教区的老年公民和进入卡斯特罗区的同性恋者之间的紧张关系日益加剧。

In 1973, two gay men tried to open an antique shop, but the Eureka Valley Merchants Association (EVMA) attempted to prevent them from receiving a business license.

1973年，两名同性恋男子试图开设一家古董店，但尤里卡谷商人协会（EVMA）试图阻止他们获得营业执照。

Milk and a few other gay business owners founded the Castro Village Association, with Milk as the president.

米尔克和其他一些同性恋企业主创立了卡斯特罗村协会，米尔克担任主席。

He often repeated his philosophy that gays should buy from gay businesses.

他经常重复他的理念，即同性恋者应该从同性恋企业购买东西。

Milk organized the Castro Street Fair in 1974 to attract more customers to the area.

Milk 于 1974 年举办了卡斯特罗街集市，以吸引更多顾客来到该地区。

More than 5,000 attended, and some of the EVMA members were stunned; they did more business at the Castro Street Fair than on any previous day.

超过5000人参加，一些EVMA成员都惊呆了；他们在卡斯特罗街集市上的生意比以往任何一天都多。

Although he was a newcomer to the Castro District, Milk had shown leadership in the small community.

虽然米尔克是卡斯特罗区的新人，但他在这个小社区中表现出了领导才能。

He was starting to be taken seriously as a candidate and decided to run again for supervisor in 1975.

他作为一名候选人开始受到认真对待，并决定于 1975 年再次竞选主管。

He reconsidered his approach and cut his long hair, swore off marijuana, and vowed never to visit another gay bathhouse again.

他重新考虑了自己的做法，剪掉了长发，发誓戒掉大麻，并发誓再也不会去另一家同性恋浴室。

Milk's campaigning earned the support of the teamsters, firefighters, and construction unions.

米尔克的竞选活动赢得了卡车司机、消防员和建筑工会的支持。

His store, Castro Camera, became the center of activity in the neighborhood.

他的商店 Castro Camera 成为附近的活动中心。

Milk would often pull people off the street to work his campaigns—many discovered later that they just happened to be the type of men Milk found attractive.

米尔克经常会吸引人们从街上来参加他的竞选活动——许多人后来发现，他们恰好是米尔克认为有吸引力的类型。

Milk favored support for small businesses and the growth of neighborhoods.

米尔克支持对小企业和社区发展的支持。

Since 1968, Mayor Joseph Alioto had been luring large corporations to the city despite what critics labeled "the Manhattanization of San Francisco".

自 1968 年以来，市长约瑟夫·阿利奥托 (Joseph Alioto) 一直在吸引大型企业入驻这座城市，尽管批评者称其为“旧金山的曼哈顿化”。

As blue-collar jobs were replaced by the service industry, Alioto's weakened political base allowed for new leadership to be voted into office in the city.

随着蓝领工作被服务业取代，阿里奥托政治基础的削弱使得新的领导层得以在该市当选。

In 1975, state senator George Moscone was elected mayor.

1975年，州参议员乔治·莫斯康当选市长。

Moscone had been instrumental in repealing the sodomy law earlier that year in the California State Legislature.

当年早些时候，莫斯康在加州立法机关废除鸡奸法方面发挥了重要作用。

He acknowledged Milk's influence in his election by visiting Milk's election night headquarters, thanking Milk personally, and offering him a position as a city commissioner.

他访问了米尔克的选举之夜总部，亲自感谢米尔克，并向他提供了市专员的职位，承认了米尔克对他的选举的影响。

Milk came in seventh place in the election, only one position away from earning a supervisor seat.

米尔克在选举中排名第七，距离获得主管席位仅差一位。

Despite the new leadership in the city, there were still conservative strongholds.

尽管该市出现了新的领导层，但保守派的据点仍然存在。

In one of Moscone's first acts as mayor, he appointed a police chief to the embattled San Francisco Police Department (SFPD).

莫斯康就任市长后的第一件事就是任命一名警察局长到陷入困境的旧金山警察局（SFPD）。

He chose Charles Gain, against the wishes of the SFPD.

他违背了 SFPD 的意愿，选择了查尔斯·盖恩 (Charles Gain)。

Most of the force disliked Gain for criticizing the police in the press for racial insensitivity and alcohol abuse on the job, instead of working within the command structure to change attitudes.

大多数警察不喜欢盖恩在媒体上批评警察对种族不敏感和在工作中酗酒，而不是在指挥结构中努力改变态度。

By request of the mayor, Gain made it clear that gay police officers would be welcomed in the department; this became national news.

应市长要求，盖恩明确表示该部门欢迎同性恋警察；这成了全国新闻。

Police under Gain expressed their hatred of him, and of the mayor for betraying them.

盖恩手下的警察表达了对他的仇恨，以及对背叛他们的市长的仇恨。

Milk's role as a representative of San Francisco's gay community expanded during this period.

在此期间，米尔克作为旧金山同性恋群体代表的角色不断扩大。

On September 22, 1975, President Gerald Ford, while visiting San Francisco, walked from his hotel to his car.

1975 年 9 月 22 日，杰拉尔德·福特总统在访问旧金山时，从下榻的酒店步行至汽车前。

In the crowd, Sara Jane Moore raised a gun to shoot him.

人群中，萨拉·简·摩尔举枪向他开枪。

Oliver "Bill" Sipple, a former Marine who had been walking by, grabbed her arm as the gun discharged toward the pavement.

当枪射向人行道时，路过的前海军陆战队员奥利弗·“比尔”·西普尔抓住了她的手臂。

The incident drew attention to Sipple.

这一事件引起了西普尔的注意。

On psychiatric disability leave from the military, Sipple refused to call himself a hero and did not want his sexuality disclosed.

在从军队休精神障碍假期间，西普尔拒绝称自己为英雄，也不希望自己的性取向被公开。

Milk, however, took advantage of the opportunity to illustrate his cause that the public perception of gay people would be improved if they came out of the closet.

然而，米尔克却利用这个机会来说明他的理由：如果同性恋者出柜，公众对他们的看法将会得到改善。

He told a friend: "It's too good an opportunity.

他对一位朋友说：“这是一个很好的机会。

For once we can show that gays do heroic things, not just all that ca-ca about molesting children and hanging out in bathrooms." Milk contacted a newspaper.

这一次我们可以证明同性恋者可以做出英雄的事情，而不仅仅是那些猥亵儿童和在浴室里闲逛的事情。”牛奶联系了一家报纸。

Several days later, Herb Caen, a columnist at the San Francisco Chronicle, outed Sipple as gay and exposed him as a friend of Milk.

几天后，《旧金山纪事报》的专栏作家赫伯·卡恩揭露西普尔是同性恋，并揭露他是米尔克的朋友。

The announcement was picked up by national newspapers, and Milk's name was included in many of the stories.

该公告被全国性报纸报道，米尔克的名字出现在许多报道中。

Time magazine named Milk as a leader in San Francisco's gay community.

《时代》杂志将米尔克评为旧金山同性恋社区的领导者。

Sipple was besieged by reporters, as was his family.

西普尔和他的家人都被记者包围。

His mother, a staunch Baptist in Detroit, refused to speak to him.

他的母亲是底特律一位坚定的浸信会教徒，拒绝与他说话。

Although he had been involved with the gay community for years, participating in Gay Pride events, Sipple sued the Chronicle for invasion of privacy.

尽管西普尔多年来一直参与同性恋社区，参加同性恋骄傲活动，但他还是起诉《纪事报》侵犯隐私。

President Ford sent Sipple a note of thanks for saving his life.

福特总统向西普尔写了一封感谢信，感谢他救了他的命。

Milk claimed that Sipple's sexual orientation was the reason he received only a note, rather than an invitation to the White House.

米尔克声称，西普尔的性取向是他只收到一张纸条而不是白宫邀请函的原因。

Keeping his promise to Milk, newly elected Mayor George Moscone appointed him to the Board of Permit Appeals in 1976, making him the first openly gay city commissioner in the United States.

1976 年，新当选的市长乔治·莫斯康 (George Moscone) 履行了对米尔克的承诺，任命他为许可证上诉委员会成员，使他成为美国第一位公开同性恋身份的城市专员。

Milk considered seeking a position in the California State Assembly.

米尔克考虑在加州议会寻求一个职位。

The district was weighted heavily in his favor, as much of it was based in neighborhoods surrounding Castro Street, where Milk's sympathizers voted.

该选区对他的支持很大，因为其中大部分位于卡斯特罗街周围的社区，米尔克的同情者在那里投票。

In the previous race for supervisor, Milk received more votes than the currently seated assemblyman.

在上一次的主管竞选中，米尔克获得的选票比现任议员还要多。

However, Moscone had made a deal with the assembly speaker that another candidate should run—Art Agnos.

然而，莫斯康已经与议长达成协议，由另一位候选人——阿特·阿格诺斯（Art Agnos）参选。

Furthermore, by order of the mayor, neither appointed nor elected officials were allowed to run a campaign while performing their duties.

此外，根据市长的命令，任命或民选官员均不得在履行职责时进行竞选活动。

Milk spent five weeks on the Board of Permit Appeals before Moscone was forced to fire him when he announced he would run for the California State Assembly.

米尔克在许可证上诉委员会工作了五个星期，之后莫斯康宣布将竞选加州议会议员，被迫解雇他。

Rick Stokes replaced him.

里克·斯托克斯接替了他。

Milk's firing, and the backroom deal made between Moscone, the assembly speaker, and Agnos, fueled his campaign as he took on the identity of a political underdog.

米尔克的被解雇，以及议长莫斯康和阿格诺斯之间达成的幕后交易，为他的竞选活动注入了动力，因为他以政治失败者的身份出现。

He railed that high officers in the city and state governments were against him.

他抱怨说，市政府和州政府的高级官员都反对他。

He complained that the prevailing gay political establishment, particularly the Alice B.

他抱怨说，盛行的同性恋政治机构，特别是爱丽丝·B.

Toklas Memorial Democratic Club, were shutting him out; he referred to Jim Foster and Stokes as gay "Uncle Toms".

托克拉斯纪念民主俱乐部把他拒之门外；他称吉姆·福斯特和斯托克斯为同性恋“汤姆叔叔”。

He enthusiastically embraced a local independent weekly magazine's headline: "Harvey Milk vs. The Machine".

他热情地接受了当地一家独立周刊的标题：“哈维·米尔克与机器”。

The Alice B.

爱丽丝 B.

Toklas Club made no endorsement in the primary—neither Milk nor Agnos—while other gay-aligned clubs and groups endorsed Agnos or did dual endorsements.

托克拉斯俱乐部在初选中没有为米尔克和阿格诺斯背书，而其他同性恋俱乐部和团体则为阿格诺斯背书或双重背书。

Milk's continuing campaign, run from the storefront of Castro Camera, was a study in disorganization.

米尔克在卡斯特罗相机店面开展的持续活动是对混乱的研究。

Although the older Irish grandmothers and gay men who volunteered were plentiful and happy to send out mass mailings, Milk's notes and volunteer lists were kept on scrap papers.

尽管志愿服务的年长爱尔兰祖母和男同性恋者很多并且乐于发送大量邮件，但米尔克的笔记和志愿者名单仍保留在废纸上。

Any time the campaign required funds, the money came from the cash register without any consideration for accounting.

每当竞选活动需要资金时，钱就从收银机中取出，不考虑会计。

The campaign manager's assistant was an 11-year-old neighborhood girl.

竞选经理的助理是一位 11 岁的邻居女孩。

Milk himself was hyperactive and prone to fantastic outbursts of temper, only to recover quickly and shout excitedly about something else.

米尔克本人非常活跃，容易发脾气，但很快就会恢复过来，并因其他事情而兴奋地大喊大叫。

Many of his rants were directed at his lover, Scott Smith, who was becoming disillusioned with the man who was no longer the laid-back hippie he had fallen in love with.

他的许多咆哮都是针对他的爱人斯科特史密斯的，斯科特史密斯对这个男人不再是他所爱的悠闲嬉皮士感到失望。

If the candidate was manic, he was also dedicated and filled with good humor, and he had a particular genius for getting media attention.

如果候选人很狂躁，那么他也很敬业，充满幽默感，而且他在吸引媒体关注方面有着特殊的天赋。

He spent long hours registering voters and shaking hands at bus stops and movie theater lines.

他花了很长时间在公交车站和电影院排队登记选民并握手。

He took whatever opportunity came along to promote himself.

他抓住一切机会来推销自己。

He thoroughly enjoyed campaigning, and his success was evident.

他非常喜欢竞选活动，他的成功是有目共睹的。

With the large numbers of volunteers, he had dozens at a time stand along the busy thoroughfare of Market Street as human billboards, holding "Milk for Assembly" signs while commuters drove into the heart of the city to work.

由于志愿者人数众多，他一次让数十名志愿者站在市场街繁忙的大道上，充当人体广告牌，在通​​勤者开车前往市中心上班时举着“集会牛奶”的标语。

He distributed his campaign literature anywhere he could, including one of the most influential political groups in the city, the Peoples Temple.

他在任何可能的地方分发他的竞选材料，包括该市最有影响力的政治团体之一——人民圣殿教。

Milk accepted Temple volunteers to work his phones.

米尔克接受坦普尔志愿者来操作他的手机。

On February 19, 1978, Milk wrote a letter to President Jimmy Carter defending cult leader Jim Jones as "a man of the highest character" when asked.

1978 年 2 月 19 日，米尔克写了一封信给吉米·卡特总统，当被问到时，他为邪教领袖吉姆·琼斯辩护，称其为“一位品格最高尚的人”。

Milk's relationship with the Temple was similar to that of other politicians in Northern California.

米尔克与圣殿教的关系与北加州其他政客的关系类似。

According to The San Francisco Examiner, Jones and his parishioners were a "potent political force", helping to elect Moscone (who appointed him to the Housing Authority), District Attorney Joseph Freitas, and Sheriff Richard Hongisto.

据《旧金山观察报》报道，琼斯和他的教区居民是一股“强大的政治力量”，帮助选举了莫斯康（莫斯康任命他为住房管理局成员）、地方检察官约瑟夫·弗雷塔斯和治安官理查德·洪伊斯托。

When Milk learned Jones was backing both him and Art Agnos in 1976, he told friend Michael Wong, "Well fuck him.

1976 年，当米尔克得知琼斯同时支持他和阿特·阿格诺斯时，他对朋友迈克尔·黄说：“操他吧。

I'll take his workers, but, that's the game Jim Jones plays." But to his volunteers, he said: "Make sure you're always nice to the Peoples Temple.

我会带走他的工人，但这就是吉姆·琼斯玩的游戏。”但他对志愿者说：“确保你们始终对人民圣殿教友善。

If they ask you to do something, do it, and then send them a note thanking them for asking you to do it."

如果他们要求你做某事，那就去做，然后给他们发一张便条，感谢他们要求你做这件事。”

The race was close, and Milk lost by fewer than 4,000 votes.

竞选结果很接近，米尔克以不到 4,000 票之差落败。

Agnos taught Milk a valuable lesson when he criticized Milk's campaign speeches as "a downer ...

阿格诺斯批评米尔克的竞选演讲“令人沮丧……”，给米尔克上了宝贵的一课。

You talk about how you're gonna throw the bums out, but how are you gonna fix things—other than beat me?

你说你要如何把这些流浪汉赶出去，但你要如何解决问题——除了打败我？

You shouldn't leave your audience on a down." In the wake of his loss, Milk, realizing that the Toklas Club would never support him politically, co-founded the San Francisco Gay Democratic Club.

你不应该让你的观众感到沮丧。”失败后，米尔克意识到托克拉斯俱乐部永远不会在政治上支持他，于是与他人共同创立了旧金山同性恋民主俱乐部。

The fledgling gay rights movement had yet to meet organized opposition in the US.

刚刚起步的同性恋权利运动尚未遭到美国有组织的反对。

In 1977 a few well-connected gay activists in Miami, Florida, were able to pass a civil rights ordinance that made discrimination based on sexual orientation illegal in Dade County.

1977 年，佛罗里达州迈阿密的一些人脉广泛的同性恋活动家通过了一项民权法令，规定基于性取向的歧视在戴德县为非法。

A well-organized group of conservative fundamentalist Christians responded, headed by singer Anita Bryant.

以歌手安妮塔·布莱恩特为首的一群组织严密的保守原教旨主义基督徒做出了回应。

Their campaign was titled Save Our Children, and Bryant claimed the ordinance infringed on her right to teach her children Biblical morality.

他们的活动名为“拯救我们的孩子”，布莱恩特声称该法令侵犯了她教导孩子们圣经道德的权利。

Bryant and the campaign gathered 64,000 signatures to put the issue to a county-wide vote.

布莱恩特和竞选团队收集了 64,000 个签名，将这个问题提交给全县范围的投票。

With funds raised in part by the Florida Citrus Commission, for which Bryant was the spokeswoman, they ran television advertisements that contrasted the Orange Bowl Parade with San Francisco's Gay Freedom Day Parade, stating that Dade County would be turned into a "hotbed of homosexuality" where "men ...

佛罗里达州柑橘委员会（布莱恩特是该委员会的发言人）筹集了部分资金，他们投放了电视广告，将橙碗游行与旧金山的同性恋自由日游行进行对比，称戴德县将变成“同性恋的温床”，在那里“男人......

cavort with little boys".

与小男孩嬉闹”。

Jim Foster, then the most powerful political organizer in San Francisco, went to Miami to assist gay activists there as election day neared, and a nationwide boycott of orange juice was organized.

当时旧金山最有权势的政治组织者吉姆·福斯特在选举日临近时前往迈阿密协助那里的同性恋活动人士，并组织了全国范围内抵制橙汁的活动。

The message of the Save Our Children campaign was influential, and the result was an overwhelming defeat for gay activists; in the largest turnout in any special election in the history of Dade County, 70% voted to repeal the law.

“拯救我们的孩子”运动的信息具有影响力，其结果是同性恋活动人士惨败。这是戴德县历史上参与人数最多的一次特别选举，70% 的人投票支持废除该法律。

Christian conservatives were inspired by their victory, and saw an opportunity for a new, effective political cause.

基督教保守派受到他们的胜利的鼓舞，并看到了开展新的、有效的政治事业的机会。

Gay activists were shocked to see how little support they received.

同性恋活动人士惊讶地发现他们得到的支持如此之少。

An impromptu demonstration of over 3,000 Castro residents formed the night of the Dade County ordinance vote.

戴德县法令投票当晚，3000 多名卡斯特罗居民举行了即兴示威。

Gay men and lesbians were simultaneously angry, chanting "Out of the bars and into the streets!", and elated at their passionate and powerful response.

男同性恋者和女同性恋者同时愤怒，高呼“走出酒吧，走上街头！”，并对他们热情而有力的回应感到高兴。

The San Francisco Examiner reported that members of the crowd pulled others out of bars along Castro and Polk Streets to "deafening" cheers.

《旧金山观察家报》报道称，人群中的一些人将其他人从卡斯特罗街和波尔克街沿线的酒吧中拉了出来，引发了“震耳欲聋”的欢呼声。

Milk led marchers that night on a five-mile (8-km) course through the city, constantly moving, aware that if they stopped for too long there would be a riot.

那天晚上，米尔克带领游行者沿着五英里（8 公里）的路线穿过城市，不断移动，因为他知道如果停得太久就会引发骚乱。

He declared, "This is the power of the gay community.

他宣称：“这就是同性恋群体的力量。

Anita's going to create a national gay force." Activists had little time to recover, however, as the scenario replayed itself when civil rights ordinances were overturned by voters in Saint Paul, Minnesota; Wichita, Kansas; and Eugene, Oregon, throughout 1977 and into 1978.

安妮塔将创建一支全国同性恋力量。”然而，活动人士几乎没有时间恢复过来，因为明尼苏达州圣保罗的民权法令被选民推翻，这种情况又重演了。堪萨斯州威奇托； 1977 年至 1978 年，俄勒冈州尤金。

California State Senator John Briggs saw an opportunity in the Christian fundamentalists' campaign.

加利福尼亚州参议员约翰·布里格斯在基督教原教旨主义者的竞选活动中看到了机会。

He was hoping to be elected governor of California in 1978, and was impressed with the voter turnout he saw in Miami.

1978 年，他希望当选加利福尼亚州州长，并对迈阿密的投票率印象深刻。

When Briggs returned to Sacramento, he wrote a bill that would ban gays and lesbians from teaching in public schools throughout California.

当布里格斯回到萨克拉门托时，他起草了一项法案，禁止同性恋者在加州各地的公立学校任教。

Briggs claimed in private that he had nothing against gays, telling gay journalist Randy Shilts, "It's politics.

布里格斯私下声称他并不反对同性恋，他告诉同性恋记者兰迪·希尔茨，“这就是政治。

Just politics." Random attacks on gays rose in the Castro.

只是政治。”卡斯特罗地区对同性恋者的随机袭击有所增加。

When the police response was considered inadequate, groups of gays patrolled the neighborhood themselves, on alert for attackers.

当警方的反应被认为不够充分时，一群同性恋者自己在附近巡逻，警惕袭击者。

On June 21, 1977, a gay man named Robert Hillsborough died from 15 stab wounds while his attackers gathered around him and chanted "Faggot!" Both Mayor Moscone and Hillsborough's mother blamed Anita Bryant and John Briggs.

1977 年 6 月 21 日，一名名叫罗伯特·希尔斯伯勒 (Robert Hillsborough) 的同性恋男子因 15 处刺伤而死亡，而袭击者则聚集在他周围，高呼“Faggot!”。莫斯康市长和希尔斯伯勒的母亲都指责安妮塔·布莱恩特和约翰·布里格斯。

One week prior to the incident, Briggs had held a press conference at San Francisco City Hall where he called the city a "sexual garbage heap" because of homosexuals.

事件发生前一周，布里格斯在旧金山市政厅举行新闻发布会，称这座城市因同性恋而成为“性垃圾堆”。

Weeks later, 250,000 people attended the 1977 San Francisco Gay Freedom Day Parade, the largest attendance at any Gay Pride event to that point.

几周后，25 万人参加了 1977 年旧金山同性恋自由日游行，这是迄今为止参加人数最多的同性恋骄傲活动。

In November 1976, voters in San Francisco decided to reorganize supervisor elections to choose supervisors from neighborhoods instead of voting for them in citywide ballots.

1976年11月，旧金山选民决定重新组织监督员选举，从社区中选举监督员，而不是在全市范围内投票。

Harvey Milk quickly qualified as the leading candidate in District 5, surrounding Castro Street.

哈维·米尔克很快就成为卡斯特罗街周围第五区的领先候选人。

Anita Bryant's public campaign opposing homosexuality and the multiple challenges to gay rights ordinances across the United States fueled gay politics in San Francisco.

安妮塔·布莱恩特反对同性恋的公开运动以及美国各地对同性恋权利条例的多重挑战加剧了旧金山的同性恋政治。

Seventeen candidates from the Castro District entered the next race for supervisor; more than half of them were gay.

来自卡斯特罗区的 17 名候选人参加了下一次主管竞选；其中一半以上是同性恋。

The New York Times ran an exposé on the veritable invasion of gay people into San Francisco, estimating that the city's gay population was between 100,000 and 200,000 out of a total 750,000.

《纽约时报》对旧金山名副其实的同性恋者入侵进行了报道，估计该市 75 万同性恋人口中有 10 万到 20 万之间。

The Castro Village Association had grown to 90 businesses; the local bank, formerly the smallest branch in the city, had become the largest and was forced to build a wing to accommodate its new customers.

卡斯特罗村协会已发展到拥有 90 家企业；当地银行以前是该市最小的分行，现已成为最大的分行，并被迫建造一个翼楼来容纳新客户。

Milk biographer Randy Shilts noted that his campaign was fueled by "broader historical forces".

米尔克的传记作家兰迪·希尔茨指出，他的竞选活动受到“更广泛的历史力量”的推动。

Milk's most successful opponent was the quiet and thoughtful lawyer Rick Stokes, who was backed by the Alice B.

米尔克最成功的对手是安静而深思熟虑的律师里克·斯托克斯（Rick Stokes），他得到了爱丽丝·B·米尔克（Alice B.

Toklas Memorial Democratic Club.

托克拉斯纪念民主俱乐部。

Stokes was open about his homosexuality long before Milk had come out, and had experienced more severe treatment, once hospitalized and forced to endure electroshock therapy to 'cure' him.

早在米尔克出柜之前，斯托克斯就公开了自己的同性恋身份，并经历了更严厉的治疗，曾经住院并被迫接受电击疗法来“治愈​​”他。

Milk, however, was more expressive about the role of gay people and their issues in San Francisco politics.

然而，米尔克对于同性恋者的角色及其在旧金山政治中的问题更具表现力。

Stokes was quoted saying, "I'm just a businessman who happens to be gay," and expressed the view that any normal person could also be homosexual.

斯托克斯被引述说，“我只是一个碰巧是同性恋的商人”，并表达了任何正常人也可能是同性恋的观点。

Milk's contrasting populist philosophy was relayed to The New York Times: "We don't want sympathetic liberals, we want gays to represent gays ...

米尔克对比鲜明的民粹主义哲学被转达给《纽约时报》：“我们不需要富有同情心的自由主义者，我们希望同性恋代表同性恋......

I represent the gay street people—the 14-year-old runaway from San Antonio.

我代表街头同性恋者——来自圣安东尼奥的 14 岁逃亡者。

We have to make up for hundreds of years of persecution.

我们必须弥补数百年的迫害。

We have to give hope to that poor runaway kid from San Antonio.

我们必须给那个来自圣安东尼奥的可怜的离家出走的孩子希望。

They go to the bars because churches are hostile.

他们去酒吧是因为教堂充满敌意。

They need hope!

他们需要希望！

They need a piece of the pie!"

他们需要分一杯羹！”

Other causes were also important to Milk: he promoted larger and less expensive child care facilities, free public transportation, and the development of a board of civilians to oversee the police.

其他事业对米尔克来说也很重要：他推动了更大、更便宜的儿童保育设施、免费公共交通以及建立一个监督警察的文职委员会。

He advanced important neighborhood issues at every opportunity.

他利用一切机会提出重要的邻里问题。

Milk used the same manic campaign tactics as in previous races: human billboards, hours of handshaking, and dozens of speeches calling on gay people to have hope.

米尔克使用了与之前竞选相同的疯狂竞选策略：人体广告牌、数小时的握手以及数十次呼吁同性恋者抱有希望的演讲。

This time, the San Francisco Chronicle endorsed him for supervisor.

这次，《旧金山纪事报》认可他担任主管。

On election day, November 8, 1977, he won by 30% against sixteen other candidates, and after his victory became apparent, he arrived on Castro Street on the back of his campaign manager's motorcycle—escorted by Sheriff Richard Hongisto—to what a newspaper story described as a "tumultuous and moving welcome".

1977 年 11 月 8 日选举日，他以 30% 的优势击败了其他 16 名候选人，在他的胜利显而易见后，他在警长理查德·洪伊斯托 (Richard Hongisto) 的护送下，骑着竞选经理的摩托车抵达卡斯特罗街 (Castro Street)，报纸报道称他受到了“喧闹而感人的欢迎”。

Milk had recently taken a new lover, a young man named Jack Lira, who was frequently drunk in public, and just as often escorted out of political events by Milk's aides.

米尔克最近有了一个新情人，一个名叫杰克·利拉的年轻人，他经常在公共场合喝醉，而且也经常被米尔克的助手护送出政治​​活动。

Since the race for the California State Assembly, Milk was receiving increasingly violent death threats.

自从竞选加州议会议员以来，米尔克收到的死亡威胁越来越暴力。

Concerned that his raised profile marked him as a target for assassination, he recorded on tape his thoughts, and whom he wanted to succeed him if he were killed, adding: "If a bullet should enter my brain, let that bullet destroy every closet door".

他担心自己的形象被提升为暗杀目标，因此用录音机记录了自己的想法，以及如果他被杀，他希望谁来接替他，并补充道：“如果一颗子弹进入我的大脑，就让那颗子弹摧毁每一个壁橱门”。

Milk's swearing-in made national headlines, as he became the first non-incumbent openly gay man in the United States to win an election for public office.

米尔克的宣誓就职成为全国头条新闻，因为他成为美国第一位赢得公职选举的非现任公开同性恋者。

He likened himself to pioneering African American baseball player Jackie Robinson and walked to City Hall arm in arm with Jack Lira, stating "You can stand around and throw bricks at Silly Hall or you can take it over.

他将自己比作非洲裔美国棒球先驱杰基·罗宾逊，并与杰克·利拉手挽着手走向市政厅，并表示：“你可以站在那里向愚蠢的大厅扔砖头，或者你可以接管它。

Well, here we are." The Castro District was not the only neighborhood to promote someone new to city politics.

嗯，我们到了。”卡斯特罗区并不是唯一一个提拔城市政治新手的社区。

Sworn in with Milk were also a single mother (Carol Ruth Silver), a Chinese American (Gordon Lau), and an African American woman (Ella Hill Hutch)—all firsts for the city.

与米尔克一起宣誓就职的还有一位单亲母亲（卡罗尔·鲁思·西尔弗饰）、一位华裔美国人（刘家辉饰）和一位非裔美国女性（艾拉·希尔·哈奇饰）——这对于这座城市来说都是第一次。

Dan White, a former police officer and firefighter, was also a first-time supervisor, and he spoke of how proud he was that his grandmother was able to see him sworn in.

前警察和消防员丹·怀特也是第一次担任主管，他谈到他的祖母能够见证他宣誓就职，他感到非常自豪。

Milk's energy, affinity for pranking, and unpredictability at times exasperated Board of Supervisors President Dianne Feinstein.

米尔克的精力充沛、喜欢恶作剧、不可预测，有时会激怒监事会主席黛安·范斯坦 (Dianne Feinstein)。

In his first meeting with Mayor Moscone, Milk called himself the "number one queen" and dictated to Moscone that he would have to go through Milk instead of the Alice B.

在与莫斯康市长的第一次会面中，米尔克称自己为“头号女王”，并向莫斯康指示他必须通过米尔克而不是爱丽丝 B。

Toklas Memorial Democratic Club if he wanted the city's gay votes—a quarter of San Francisco's voting population.

托克拉斯纪念民主党俱乐部，如果他想要这座城市的同性恋选票——旧金山投票人口的四分之一。

Milk also became Moscone's closest ally on the Board of Supervisors.

米尔克也成为莫斯康在监事会中最亲密的盟友。

The biggest targets of Milk's ire were large corporations and real estate developers.

米尔克愤怒的最大目标是大公司和房地产开发商。

He fumed when a parking garage was slated to take the place of homes near the downtown area, and tried to pass a commuter tax so office workers who lived outside the city and drove into work would have to pay for city services they used.

当停车场计划取代市中心附近的住宅时，他非常愤怒，并试图通过通勤税，这样住在城外开车上班的上班族就必须为他们使用的城市服务付费。

Milk was often willing to vote against Feinstein and other more tenured members of the board.

米尔克常常愿意投票反对范斯坦和其他任期较长的董事会成员。

In one controversy early in his term, Milk agreed with fellow Supervisor Dan White, whose district was located two miles south of the Castro, that a mental health facility for troubled adolescents should not be placed there.

在任期初期的一场争议中，米尔克同意同事主管丹·怀特（其所在地区位于卡斯特罗以南两英里）的观点，认为不应在那里设立针对问题青少年的心理健康设施。

After Milk learned more about the facility, he decided to switch his vote, ensuring White's loss on the issue—a particularly poignant cause that White championed while campaigning.

在米尔克了解了有关该设施的更多信息后，他决定改变投票，确保怀特在这个问题上失败——这是怀特在竞选时所倡导的一个特别令人心酸的事业。

White did not forget it.

白没有忘记。

He opposed every initiative and issue Milk supported.

他反对米尔克支持的每一项倡议和问题。

Milk began his tenure by sponsoring a civil rights bill that outlawed discrimination based on sexual orientation.

米尔克在上任之初就发起了一项民权法案，该法案禁止基于性取向的歧视。

The ordinance was called the "most stringent and encompassing in the nation", and its passing demonstrated "the growing political power of homosexuals", according to The New York Times.

据《纽约时报》报道，该法令被称为“全国最严格、最全面的法令”，它的通过表明“同性恋者的政治力量日益增强”。

Only Supervisor White voted against it; Mayor Moscone enthusiastically signed it into law with a light blue pen that Milk had given him for the occasion.

只有怀特主管投了反对票；莫斯康市长热情地用米尔克特意送给他的一支浅蓝色钢笔将其签署为法律。

Another bill Milk concentrated on was designed to solve the number one problem according to a recent citywide poll: dog excrement.

根据最近的全市民意调查，米尔克重点关注的另一项法案旨在解决头号问题：狗排泄物。

Within a month of being sworn in, he began to work on a city ordinance to require dog owners to scoop their pets' feces.

宣誓就职后一个月内，他开始制定一项城市法令，要求狗主人铲除宠物的粪便。

Dubbed the "pooper scooper law", its authorization by the Board of Supervisors was covered extensively by television and newspapers in San Francisco.

该法案被称为“铲屎官法”，由监事会授权，被旧金山的电视和报纸广泛报道。

Anne Kronenberg, Milk's campaign manager, called him "a master at figuring out what would get him covered in the newspaper".

米尔克的竞选经理安妮·克罗嫩伯格（Anne Kronenberg）称他为“一位善于思考什么能让他登上报纸的大师”。

He invited the press to Duboce Park to explain why it was necessary, and while cameras were rolling, stepped in the offending substance, seemingly by mistake.

他邀请媒体到杜博斯公园解释为什么有必要，当摄像机拍摄时，他似乎是错误地踩到了令人讨厌的物质。

His staffers knew he had been at the park for an hour before the press conference looking for the right place to walk in front of the cameras.

他的工作人员知道他在新闻发布会前已经在公园待了一个小时，寻找在镜头前行走的合适地点。

It earned him the most fan mail of his tenure in politics and went out on national news releases.

这为他赢得了从政期间最多的粉丝来信，并在全国新闻发布会上发布。

Milk had grown tired of Lira's drinking and considered breaking up with him when Lira called a few weeks later and demanded Milk come home.

米尔克厌倦了莉拉的酗酒，并考虑与他分手，几周后莉拉打电话要求米尔克回家。

When Milk arrived, he found Lira had hanged himself.

当米尔克赶到时，他发现莉拉已经上吊自杀了。

Already prone to severe depression, Lira had attempted suicide previously.

莉拉本来就患有严重抑郁症，此前曾试图自杀。

One of the notes he left for Milk indicated he was upset about the Anita Bryant and John Briggs campaigns.

他给米尔克留下的一张纸条表明，他对安妮塔·布莱恩特和约翰·布里格斯的竞选活动感到不安。

John Briggs was forced to drop out of the 1978 race for California governor, but received enthusiastic support for Proposition 6, dubbed the "Briggs Initiative".

约翰·布里格斯 (John Briggs) 被迫退出 1978 年加州州长竞选，但被称为“布里格斯倡议”的 6 号提案得到了热烈支持。

The proposed law would have made firing gay teachers—and any public school employees who supported gay rights—mandatory.

拟议的法律将强制解雇同性恋教师以及所有支持同性恋权利的公立学校员工。

Briggs' messages supporting Proposition 6 were pervasive throughout California, and Harvey Milk attended every event Briggs hosted.

布里格斯支持第 6 号提案的信息在整个加州广为流传，哈维·米尔克出席了布里格斯主办的每一次活动。

Milk campaigned against the bill throughout the state as well, and swore that if Briggs won California, he would still not win San Francisco.

米尔克也在全州范围内开展反对该法案的活动，并发誓即使布里格斯赢得了加州，他仍然不会赢得旧金山。

In their numerous debates, which toward the end had been honed to quick back-and-forth banter, Briggs maintained that homosexual teachers wanted to abuse and recruit children.

在他们无数次的辩论中，布里格斯坚持认为同性恋教师想要虐待和招收儿童，而辩论最终演变成快速的来来回回的玩笑。

Milk responded with statistics compiled by law enforcement that provided evidence that pedophiles identified primarily as heterosexual, and dismissed Briggs' assertions with one-liner jokes: "If it were true that children mimicked their teachers, you'd sure have a helluva lot more nuns running around."

米尔克以执法部门编制的统计数据作为回应，这些数据提供了恋童癖者主要被认定为异性恋的证据，并用一句俏皮话驳斥了布里格斯的说法：“如果孩子们真的模仿他们的老师，那么肯定会有更多的修女到处乱跑。”

Attendance at Gay Pride marches during the summer of 1978 in Los Angeles and San Francisco swelled.

1978 年夏天，洛杉矶和旧金山参加同性恋骄傲游行的人数激增。

An estimated 250,000 to 375,000 attended San Francisco's Gay Freedom Day Parade; newspapers claimed the higher numbers were due to John Briggs.

估计有 250,000 至 375,000 人参加了旧金山的同性恋自由日游行；报纸声称更高的数字是约翰·布里格斯造成的。

Organizers asked participants to carry signs indicating their hometowns for the cameras, to show how far people came to live in the Castro District.

组织者要求参与者在镜头前携带标有家乡的标牌，以显示人们在卡斯特罗区的居住程度。

Milk rode in an open car carrying a sign saying, "I'm from Woodmere, N.Y." He gave a version of what became his most famous speech, the "Hope Speech", that The San Francisco Examiner said "ignited the crowd":

米尔克乘坐一辆敞篷车，上面挂着一块牌子，上面写着：“我来自纽约州伍德米尔。”他发表了他最著名的演讲“希望演讲”的一个版本，《旧金山观察报》称其“点燃了人群”：

On this anniversary of Stonewall, I ask my gay sisters and brothers to make the commitment to fight.

在石墙事件周年纪念日之际，我要求我的同性恋兄弟姐妹做出战斗的承诺。

For themselves, for their freedom, for their country ...

为了他们自己，为了他们的自由，为了他们的国家......

We will not win our rights by staying quietly in our closets ...

我们不会通过安静地呆在我们的壁橱里来赢得我们的权利......

We are coming out to fight the lies, the myths, the distortions.

我们出来对抗谎言、神话和歪曲。

We are coming out to tell the truths about gays, for I am tired of the conspiracy of silence, so I'm going to talk about it.

我们出来讲述同性恋的真相，因为我厌倦了沉默的阴谋，所以我要谈论它。

And I want you to talk about it.

我想让你谈谈它。

You must come out.

你必须出来。

Come out to your parents, your relatives.

向你的父母、你的亲戚出柜。

Despite the losses in battles for gay rights across the country that year, he remained optimistic, saying, "Even if gays lose in these initiatives, people are still being educated.

尽管当年全国各地的同性恋权利斗争遭遇失败，他仍然保持乐观，他说：“即使同性恋在这些举措中失败，人们仍然受到教育。

Because of Anita Bryant and Dade County, the entire country was educated about homosexuality to a greater extent than ever before.

由于安妮塔·布莱恩特和戴德县，整个国家都比以往任何时候都受到了更多的同性恋教育。

The first step is always hostility, and after that you can sit down and talk about it."

第一步总是充满敌意，然后你们就可以坐下来谈谈。”

Citing the potential infringements on individual rights, former governor of California Ronald Reagan voiced his opposition to the proposition, as did Governor Jerry Brown and President Jimmy Carter, the latter in an afterthought following a speech he gave in Sacramento.

加州前州长罗纳德·里根以可能侵犯个人权利为由，表示反对这一提议，州长杰里·布朗和总统吉米·卡特也表示反对，后者是在萨克拉门托发表演讲后事后考虑的。

On November 7, 1978, the proposition lost by more than a million votes, astounding gay activists on election night.

1978 年 11 月 7 日，该提案以超过 100 万票之差落败，选举之夜的同性恋活动人士震惊不已。

In San Francisco, 75 percent voted against it.

在旧金山，75% 的人投了反对票。

On November 10, 1978 (10 months after he was sworn in), Dan White resigned his position on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, saying that his annual salary of $9,600 (equivalent to $47,388 in 2025) was not enough to support his family.

1978年11月10日（宣誓就职10个月后），丹·怀特辞去旧金山监事会职务，称自己9600美元的年薪（相当于2025年的47388美元）不足以养家糊口。

Within days, White requested that his resignation be withdrawn and he be reinstated, and Mayor Moscone initially agreed.

几天之内，怀特要求撤回辞职并恢复职务，莫斯康市长最初同意了。

However, further consideration—and intervention by other supervisors—convinced Moscone to appoint someone more in line with the growing ethnic diversity of White's district and the liberal leanings of the Board of Supervisors.

然而，经过进一步的考虑和其他主管的干预，莫斯康说服了任命一个更符合怀特选区日益增长的种族多样性和监事会自由主义倾向的人。

On November 18 and 19, news broke of the mass suicide of 900 members of the Peoples Temple.

11月18日至19日，传出900名人民圣殿教信徒集体自杀的消息。

The cult had relocated from San Francisco to Guyana.

该邪教已从旧金山迁至圭亚那。

California Representative Leo Ryan was in Jonestown to check on the remote community, and he was killed by gunfire at an airstrip as he tried to escape the tense situation.

加州众议员利奥·瑞安 (Leo Ryan) 前往琼斯镇视察偏远社区，在试图逃离紧张局势时在机场被枪杀。

White remarked to two aides who were working for his reinstatement, "You see that?

怀特对两名为他复职而工作的助手说道：“你看到了吗？

One day I'm on the front page and the next I'm swept right off."

有一天我登上了头版，第二天我就被扫地出门了。”

Moscone planned to announce White's replacement on November 27, 1978.

莫斯康计划于 1978 年 11 月 27 日宣布怀特的继任者。

A half hour before the press conference, White avoided metal detectors by entering City Hall through a basement window and went to Moscone's office, where witnesses heard shouting followed by gunshots.

新闻发布会前半小时，怀特通过地下室窗户进入市政厅，避开金属探测器，前往莫斯康的办公室，目击者听到喊叫声和枪声。

White shot Moscone in the shoulder and chest, then twice in the head.

怀特朝莫斯康的肩膀和胸部开了一枪，然后又朝头部开了两枪。

White then quickly walked to his former office, reloading his police-issue revolver with hollow-point bullets along the way, and intercepted Milk, asking him to step inside for a moment.

然后怀特迅速走到他以前的办公室，一路上给他的警察配发的左轮手枪重新装上空心子弹，并拦截了米尔克，要求他进去一会儿。

Dianne Feinstein heard gunshots and called police, then found Milk face down on the floor, shot five times, including twice in the head.

黛安·范斯坦听到枪声并报了警，然后发现米尔克脸朝下躺在地板上，中了五枪，其中头部中了两枪。

Soon after, she announced to the press, "Today, San Francisco has experienced a double tragedy of immense proportions.

不久之后，她向媒体宣布：“今天，旧金山经历了一场规模巨大的双重悲剧。

As President of the Board of Supervisors, it is my duty to inform you that both Mayor Moscone and Supervisor Harvey Milk have been shot and killed, and the suspect is Supervisor Dan White." Milk was 48 years old.

作为监事会主席，我有责任通知大家，莫斯康市长和监事哈维·米尔克均被枪杀，嫌疑人是监事丹·怀特。”牛奶今年48岁。

Moscone was 49.

莫斯康 49 岁。

Within an hour, White called his wife from a nearby diner; she met him at a church and was with him when he turned himself in.

一个小时内，怀特从附近的一家小餐馆给他的妻子打了电话。她在教堂遇见了他，当他自首时她就在他身边。

Many people left flowers on the steps of City Hall, and that evening 25,000 to 40,000 formed a spontaneous candlelight march from Castro Street to City Hall.

许多人在市政厅的台阶上留下了鲜花，当天晚上，25,000至40,000人自发组成了从卡斯特罗街到市政厅的烛光游行。

The next day, the bodies of Moscone and Milk were brought to the City Hall rotunda where mourners paid their respects.

第二天，莫斯康和米尔克的尸体被带到市政厅圆形大厅，哀悼者在那里吊唁。

Six thousand mourners attended a service for Mayor Moscone at St. Mary's Cathedral.

六千名哀悼者参加了在圣玛丽大教堂为莫斯康市长举行的葬礼。

Two memorials were held for Milk; a small one at Temple Emanu-El and a more boisterous one at the Opera House.

人们为米尔克举行了两次追悼会；规模较小的一场在伊曼纽尔神庙，而规模较大的一场则在歌剧院。

In the wake of the Jonestown suicides, Moscone had recently increased security at City Hall.

琼斯敦自杀事件发生后，莫斯康最近加强了市政厅的安保措施。

Cult survivors recounted drills for suicide preparations that Jones had been called "White Nights".

邪教幸存者讲述了琼斯被称为“白夜”的自杀准备演习。

Rumors about the murders of Moscone and Milk were fueled by the coincidence of Dan White's name and Jones's suicide preparations.

丹·怀特的名字和琼斯准备自杀的巧合加剧了有关莫斯康和米尔克被谋杀的谣言。

A stunned District Attorney called the assassinations so close to the news about Jonestown "incomprehensible", but denied any connection.

一位震惊的地方检察官称暗杀事件与琼斯镇的消息如此接近“令人难以理解”，但否认有任何联系。

Governor Jerry Brown ordered all flags in California to be flown at half staff, and called Milk a "hard-working and dedicated supervisor, a leader of San Francisco's gay community, who kept his promise to represent all his constituents".

州长杰里·布朗下令加州所有旗帜降半旗，并称米尔克是一位“勤奋、敬业的主管，旧金山同性恋社区的领导者，信守了代表所有选民的承诺”。

President Jimmy Carter expressed his shock at both murders and sent his condolences.

吉米·卡特总统对这两起谋杀案表示震惊并表示哀悼。

Speaker of the California Assembly Leo T.

加州议会议长 Leo T.

McCarthy called it "an insane tragedy".

麦卡锡称其为“一场疯狂的悲剧”。

"A City in Agony" topped the headlines in The San Francisco Examiner the day after the murders; inside the paper stories of the assassinations under the headline "Black Monday" were printed back to back with updates of bodies being shipped home from Guyana.

谋杀案发生后的第二天，“痛苦之城”登上了《旧金山观察家报》的头条新闻；在报纸内部，以“黑色星期一”为标题的暗杀事件与尸体从圭亚那运回国的最新情况连续印刷。

An editorial describing "A city with more sadness and despair in its heart than any city should have to bear" went on to ask how such tragedies could occur, particularly to "men of such warmth and vision and great energies".

一篇社论描述了“一座城市的悲伤和绝望比任何城市都应该承受的要多”，并接着问道，这样的悲剧是如何发生的，特别是对于“如此热情、有远见和巨大能量的人”。

Dan White was charged with two counts of murder and held without bail, eligible for the death penalty owing to the recent passage of a statewide proposition that allowed death or life in prison for the murder of a public official.

丹·怀特被指控犯有两项谋杀罪，不得保释，由于最近在全州范围内通过了一项允许谋杀公职人员的死刑或终身监禁的提案，他有资格被判处死刑。

One analysis of the months surrounding the murders called 1978 and 1979: "the most emotionally devastating years in San Francisco's fabulously spotted history".

一项对谋杀案前后几个月的分析称 1978 年和 1979 年为“旧金山历史上最具情感毁灭性的年份”。

The 32-year-old White, who had been in the Army during the Vietnam War, had run on a tough anti-crime platform in his district.

32岁的怀特曾在越南战争期间参军，他在自己的选区以强硬的反犯罪纲领竞选。

Colleagues declared him a high-achieving "all-American boy".

同事们称他为“杰出的美国男孩”。

He was to have received an award the next week for rescuing a woman and child from a 17-story burning building when he was a firefighter in 1977.

1977 年，当他还是一名消防员时，他因从一座 17 层着火的建筑中救出一名妇女和儿童而于下周获得了奖项。

Though he was the only supervisor to vote against Milk's gay rights ordinance earlier that year, he had been quoted as saying, "I respect the rights of all people, including gays".

尽管他是当年早些时候唯一投票反对米尔克同性恋权利法案的主管，但他曾表示，“我尊重所有人的权利，包括同性恋者”。

Milk and White at first got along well.

牛奶和怀特一开始相处得很好。

One of White's political aides (who was gay) remembered, "Dan had more in common with Harvey than he did with anyone else on the board".

怀特的一位政治助手（同性恋）回忆道，“丹与哈维的共同点比他与董事会其他任何人的共同点还要多”。

White had voted to support a center for gay seniors, and to honor Phyllis Lyon and Del Martin's 25th anniversary and pioneering work.

怀特投票支持建立同性恋老年人中心，并纪念菲利斯·里昂和德尔·马丁成立 25 周年及其开创性工作。

After Milk's vote for the mental health facility in White's district, however, White refused to speak with Milk and communicated with only one of Milk's aides.

然而，在米尔克投票支持怀特所在地区的精神卫生机构后，怀特拒绝与米尔克交谈，只与米尔克的一名助手进行了交流。

Other acquaintances remembered White as very intense.

其他熟人记得怀特非常热情。

"He was impulsive ...

“他很冲动……

He was an extremely competitive man, obsessively so ...

他是一个非常有竞争力的人，非常着迷......

I think he could not take defeat," San Francisco's assistant fire chief told reporters.

我认为他不能接受失败，”旧金山消防队长助理告诉记者。

White's first campaign manager quit in the middle of the campaign, and told a reporter that White was an egotist and it was clear that he was antigay, though he denied it in the press.

怀特的第一位竞选经理在竞选中期辞职，并告诉记者怀特是一个自我主义者，很明显他是反同性恋的，尽管他在媒体上否认了这一点。

White's associates and supporters described him "as a man with a pugilistic temper and an impressive capacity for nurturing a grudge".

怀特的同事和支持者形容他“是一个具有拳击脾气和令人印象深刻的怀恨在心的人”。

The aide who had handled communications between White and Milk remembered, "Talking to him, I realized that he saw Harvey Milk and George Moscone as representing all that was wrong with the world".

负责处理怀特和米尔克之间沟通的助手回忆道，“与他交谈时，我意识到他认为哈维·米尔克和乔治·莫斯康代表了世界上所有的问题”。

When Milk's friends looked in his closet for a suit for his casket, they learned how much he had been affected by the recent decrease in his income as a supervisor.

当米尔克的朋友们在他的衣柜里寻找适合他灵柩的套装时，他们了解到他最近作为主管的收入下降给他带来了多大的影响。

All of his clothes were coming apart and all of his socks had holes.

他所有的衣服都散了，所有的袜子都破了洞。

His remains were cremated and his ashes were split.

他的遗体被火化，骨灰被分开。

His closest friends scattered most of the ashes in San Francisco Bay.

他最亲密的朋友将大部分骨灰撒在旧金山湾。

Other ashes were encapsulated and buried beneath the sidewalk in front of 575 Castro Street, where Castro Camera had been located.

其他骨灰被封装起来并埋在卡斯特罗街 575 号前面的人行道下，卡斯特罗相机就在那里。

There is a memorial to Milk at the Neptune Society Columbarium, ground floor, San Francisco, California.

加利福尼亚州旧金山海王星协会骨灰安置所底层有一座米尔克的纪念碑。

Harry Britt, one of four people Milk listed on his tape as an acceptable replacement should he be assassinated, was chosen to fill that position by the city's acting mayor, Dianne Feinstein.

哈里·布里特是米尔克在录音带中列出的四人之一，如果他被暗杀，可以接替他，他被该市代理市长黛安·范斯坦选来填补这一职位。

Dan White's arrest and trial caused a sensation and illustrated severe tensions between the liberal population and the city police.

丹·怀特的被捕和审判引起了轰动，并说明了自由派民众与城市警察之间的严重紧张关系。

The San Francisco Police were mostly working-class Irish descendants who intensely disliked the growing gay immigration as well as the liberal direction of the city government.

旧金山警察大多是工人阶级的爱尔兰后裔，他们非常不喜欢日益增长的同性恋移民以及市政府的自由主义方向。

After White turned himself in and confessed, he sat in his cell while his former colleagues on the police force told Harvey Milk jokes; police openly wore "Free Dan White" T-shirts in the days after the murder.

怀特自首并招供后，他坐在牢房里，而他在警察部队的前同事则给哈维·米尔克讲笑话。谋杀案发生后几天，警察公开穿着“释放丹·怀特”的T恤。

An undersheriff for San Francisco later stated: "The more I observed what went on at the jail, the more I began to stop seeing what Dan White did as the act of an individual and began to see it as a political act in a political movement." White showed no remorse for his actions, and exhibited vulnerability only during an eight-minute call to his mother from jail.

旧金山的一名副警长后来表示：“我对监狱里发生的事情观察得越多，我就越开始不再将丹·怀特的所作所为视为个人行为，而是开始将其视为政治运动中的政治行为。”怀特对自己的行为没有表现出任何悔意，只有在从监狱里给母亲打了八分钟的电话时才表现出脆弱。

The jury for White's trial consisted of white middle-class San Franciscans who were mostly Catholic; gays and ethnic minorities were excused from the jury pool.

审判怀特的陪审团由旧金山中产阶级白人组成，他们大多是天主教徒。同性恋者和少数族裔被排除在陪审团之外。

Some of the members of the jury cried when they heard White's tearful recorded confession, at the end of which the interrogator thanked White for his honesty.

当听到怀特泪流满面的认罪录音时，一些陪审团成员哭了，最后审讯者感谢怀特的诚实。

White's defense attorney, Doug Schmidt, argued that his client was not responsible for his actions; Schmidt used the legal defense known as diminished capacity: "Good people, fine people, with fine backgrounds, simply don't kill people in cold blood." Schmidt tried to prove that White's anguished mental state was a result of manipulation by the politicos in City Hall who had consistently disappointed and confounded him, finally promising to give his job back only to refuse him again.

怀特的辩护律师道格·施密特（Doug Schmidt）辩称，他的当事人不对他的行为负责；施密特使用了被称为能力减弱的法律辩护：“好人，优秀的人，有良好背景的人，只是不会冷血地杀人。”施密特试图证明怀特痛苦的精神状态是市政厅政客操纵的结果，这些政客一直让他失望和困惑，最终承诺恢复他的工作，但又再次拒绝了他。

Schmidt said that White's mental deterioration was demonstrated and exacerbated by his junk food binge the night before the murders, since he was usually known to have been health-food conscious.

施密特说，怀特在谋杀案发生前一天晚上暴饮暴食垃圾食品，这表明并加剧了怀特的精神恶化，因为众所周知，他通常很注重健康食品。

Area newspapers quickly dubbed it the Twinkie defense.

地区报纸很快将其称为“Twinkie 防御”。

White was acquitted of the first-degree murder charge on May 21, 1979, but found guilty of voluntary manslaughter of both victims, and he was sentenced to serve seven and two-thirds years.

1979 年 5 月 21 日，怀特被判一级谋杀罪名不成立，但被判犯有故意杀人罪，并被判处七又三分之二年徒刑。

With the sentence reduced for time served and good behavior, he would be released in five.

由于服刑时间和表现良好而减刑，他将在五年内被释放。

He cried when he heard the verdict.

当他听到判决结果时，他哭了。

Acting Mayor Feinstein, Supervisor Carol Ruth Silver, and Milk's successor Harry Britt condemned the jury's decision.

代理市长范斯坦、主管卡罗尔·露丝·西尔弗和米尔克的继任者哈里·布里特谴责了陪审团的决定。

When the verdict was announced over the police radio, someone sang "Danny Boy" on the police band.

当警察广播宣布判决时，警察乐队里有人唱起了《丹尼男孩》。

A surge of people from the Castro District walked again to City Hall, chanting "Avenge Harvey Milk" and "He got away with murder".

来自卡斯特罗区的大批民众再次步行前往市政厅，高呼“为哈维·米尔克报仇”和“他逃脱了谋杀”。

Pandemonium rapidly escalated as rocks were hurled at the front doors of the building.

当人们向建筑物的前门投掷石块时，混乱迅速升级。

Milk's friends and aides tried to stop the destruction, but the mob of more than 3,000 ignored them and lit police cars on fire.

米尔克的朋友和助手试图阻止破坏，但 3000 多名暴徒无视他们，并点燃了警车。

They shoved a burning newspaper dispenser through the broken doors of City Hall, then cheered as the flames grew.

他们把一个燃烧的报刊机推进市政厅破碎的门，然后随着火焰的蔓延而欢呼。

One of the rioters responded to a reporter's question about why they were destroying parts of the city: "Just tell people that we ate too many Twinkies.

一名暴徒回答了记者关于他们为什么要摧毁城市部分地区的问题：“告诉人们我们吃了太多夹心饼干。

That's why this is happening." The chief of police ordered the police not to retaliate, but to hold their ground.

这就是为什么会发生这种情况。”警察局长命令警察不要报复，而是坚守阵地。

Later that evening, several police cruisers filled with officers wearing riot gear arrived at the Elephant Walk Bar on Castro Street.

当天晚上晚些时候，几辆载满穿着防暴装备的警察的警车抵达卡斯特罗街的大象步行酒吧。

Harvey Milk's protégé Cleve Jones and a reporter for the San Francisco Chronicle, Warren Hinckle, watched as officers stormed into the bar and began to beat patrons at random.

哈维·米尔克的门徒克莱夫·琼斯和《旧金山纪事报》记者沃伦·辛克尔目睹警察冲进酒吧并开始随意殴打顾客。

After a 15-minute melee, they left the bar and struck out at people walking along the street.

经过15分钟的混战后，他们离开酒吧，开始殴打沿街行走的行人。

After the verdict, District Attorney Joseph Freitas faced a furious gay community to explain what had gone wrong.

判决后，地区检察官约瑟夫·弗雷塔斯（Joseph Freitas）面对愤怒的同性恋群体，要求解释问题所在。

The prosecutor admitted to feeling sorry for White before the trial, and neglected to ask the interrogator who had recorded White's confession (and who was a childhood friend of White's and his police softball team coach) about his biases and the support White received from the police because, he said, he did not want to embarrass the detective in front of his family in court.

检察官承认在审判前对怀特感到难过，并且没有询问记录怀特认罪的审讯员（怀特的儿时朋友和他的警察垒球队教练）关于他的偏见和怀特从警方获得的支持，他说，因为他不想让侦探在法庭上的家人面前感到尴尬。

Nor did Freitas question White's frame of mind or lack of a history of mental illness, or bring into evidence city politics, suggesting that revenge may have been a motive.

弗雷塔斯也没有质疑怀特的心态或缺乏精神疾病史，也没有提出城市政治的证据，表明复仇可能是其动机。

Supervisor Carol Ruth Silver testified on the last day of the trial that White and Milk were not friendly, yet she had contacted the prosecutor and insisted on testifying.

主管卡罗尔·露丝·西尔弗在审判的最后一天作证说，怀特和米尔克并不友好，但她已经联系了检察官并坚持作证。

It was the only testimony the jury heard about their strained relationship.

这是陪审团听到的关于他们紧张关系的唯一证词。

Freitas blamed the jury, who he claimed had been "taken in by the whole emotional aspect of [the] trial".

弗雷塔斯指责陪审团，他声称陪审团“被审判的整个情感方面所蒙蔽”。

The murders of Milk and Moscone and White's trial changed city politics and the California legal system.

米尔克和莫斯康的谋杀案以及怀特的审判改变了城市政治和加州的法律体系。

In 1980, San Francisco ended district supervisor elections, fearing that a Board of Supervisors so divisive would be harmful to the city and that they had been a factor in the assassinations.

1980年，旧金山终止了地区监事选举，担心如此分裂的监事会对这座城市有害，而且他们也是暗杀事件的一个因素。

A grassroots neighborhood effort to restore district elections in the mid-1990s proved successful, and the city returned to neighborhood representatives in 2000.

20世纪90年代中期，基层社区为恢复地区选举所做的努力被证明是成功的，该市于2000年恢复了社区代表制。

As a result of Dan White's trial, California voters changed the law to reduce the likelihood of acquittals of accused who knew what they were doing but claimed their capacity was impaired.

由于丹·怀特的审判，加州选民修改了法律，以降低那些知道自己在做什么但声称自己的能力受到损害的被告无罪释放的可能性。

Diminished capacity was abolished as a defense to a charge, but courts allowed evidence of it when deciding whether to incarcerate, commit, or otherwise punish a convicted defendant.

削弱行为能力作为对指控的辩护被废除，但法院在决定是否监禁、监禁或以其他方式惩罚已定罪的被告时允许使用削弱行为能力的证据。

The "Twinkie defense" has entered American mythology, popularly described as a case where a murderer escapes justice because he binged on junk food, simplifying White's lack of political savvy, his relationships with George Moscone and Harvey Milk, and what San Francisco Chronicle columnist Herb Caen described as his "dislike of homosexuals".

“Twinkie辩护”已经进入了美国神话，普遍被描述为一名杀人犯因狂吃垃圾食品而逃脱法律制裁的案件，简化了怀特缺乏政治头脑、他与乔治·莫斯康和哈维·米尔克的关系，以及《旧金山纪事报》专栏作家赫伯·卡恩所描述的“他对同性恋的厌恶”。

Dan White served just over five years for the double homicide of Moscone and Milk; he was released from prison on January 7, 1984.

丹·怀特 (Dan White) 因莫斯康 (Moscone) 和米尔克 (Milk) 双重杀人案而被判入狱五年多。 1984年1月7日出狱。

On October 21, 1985, White was found dead in a running car in his wife's garage, having committed suicide by carbon monoxide poisoning.

1985年10月21日，怀特被发现死于妻子车库内一辆行驶中的汽车中，他是一氧化碳中毒自杀的。

He was 39 years old.

他今年 39 岁。

His defense attorney told reporters that he had been despondent over the loss of his family and the situation he had caused, adding, "This was a sick man."

他的辩护律师告诉记者，他对失去家人和他造成的情况感到沮丧，并补充说，“这是一个病人。”

Milk's political career centered on making government responsive to individuals, gay liberation, and the importance of neighborhoods to the city.

米尔克的政治生涯集中于让政府对个人、同性恋解放以及社区对城市的重要性做出回应。

At the onset of each campaign, an issue was added to Milk's public political philosophy.

在每次竞选开始时，米尔克的公共政治哲学中都会添加一个问题。

His 1973 campaign focused on the first point, that as a small business owner in San Francisco—a city dominated by large corporations that had been courted by municipal government—his interests were being overlooked because he was not represented by a large financial institution.

他 1973 年的竞选活动重点关注第一点，即作为旧金山（这座城市由大公司主导并受到市政府青睐的城市）的一名小企业主，他的利益被忽视，因为他没有得到大型金融机构的代表。

Although he did not hide the fact that he was gay, it did not become an issue until his race for the California State Assembly in 1976.

尽管他没有隐瞒自己是同性恋的事实，但直到1976年他竞选加利福尼亚州议会议员时，这个问题才成为一个问题。

It was brought to the fore in the supervisor race against Rick Stokes, as it was an extension of his ideas of individual freedom.

它在与里克·斯托克斯的主管竞赛中脱颖而出，因为它是他个人自由思想的延伸。

Milk strongly believed that neighborhoods promoted unity and a small-town experience, and that the Castro should provide services to all its residents.

米尔克坚信，社区可以促进团结和小镇体验，卡斯特罗应该为所有居民提供服务。

He opposed the closing of an elementary school; while most gay people in the Castro did not have children, Milk saw his neighborhood having the potential to welcome everyone.

他反对关闭一所小学；虽然卡斯特罗区的大多数同性恋者没有孩子，但米尔克认为他的社区有潜力欢迎所有人。

He told his aides to concentrate on fixing potholes and boasted that 50 new stop signs had been installed in District 5.

他告诉他的助手集中精力修复坑洼，并夸口说已经在第五区安装了 50 个新的停车标志。

Responding to city residents' largest complaint about living in San Francisco—dog feces—Milk made it a priority to enact the ordinance requiring dog owners to take care of their pets' droppings.

为了回应城市居民对旧金山生活最大的抱怨——狗粪便——米尔克将颁布一项法令，要求狗主人处理宠物的粪便作为首要任务。

Randy Shilts noted, "some would claim Harvey was a socialist or various other sorts of ideologues, but, in reality, Harvey's political philosophy was never more complicated than the issue of dogshit; government should solve people's basic problems."

兰迪·希尔茨指出，“有些人会声称哈维是社会主义者或其他各种理论家，但实际上，哈维的政治哲学从来没有比狗屎问题更复杂的；政府应该解决人民的基本问题。”

Karen Foss, a communications professor at the University of New Mexico, attributes Milk's impact on San Francisco politics to the fact that he was unlike anyone else who had held public office in the city.

新墨西哥大学传播学教授凯伦·福斯 (Karen Foss) 将米尔克对旧金山政治的影响归因于他与该市其他担任过公职的人不同的事实。

She writes, "Milk happened to be a highly energetic, charismatic figure with a love of theatrics and nothing to lose ...

她写道：“米尔克恰好是一个精力充沛、魅力非凡的人物，热爱戏剧，而且没有什么可失去的......

Using laughter, reversal, transcendence, and his insider/outsider status, Milk helped create a climate in which dialogue on issues became possible.

米尔克利用笑声、逆转、超越以及他的内部/外部身份，帮助创造了一种使问题对话成为可能的氛围。

He also provided a means to integrate the disparate voices of his various constituencies." Milk had been a rousing speaker since he began campaigning in 1973, and his oratory skills only improved after he became City Supervisor.

他还提供了一种整合不同选民的不同声音的方法。”自 1973 年开始竞选以来，米尔克一直是一位鼓舞人心的演说家，他的演讲技巧在担任市监察员后才有所提高。

His most famous talking points became known as the "Hope Speech", which became a staple throughout his political career.

他最著名的谈话要点被称为“希望演讲”，成为他整个政治生涯的主要内容。

It opened with a play on the accusation that gay people recruit impressionable youth into their numbers: "My name is Harvey Milk—and I want to recruit you." A version of the Hope Speech that he gave near the end of his life was considered by his friends and aides to be the best, and the closing the most effective:

它开场就指责同性恋者招募易受影响的年轻人加入他们的队伍：“我的名字是哈维·米尔克——我想招募你。”他在生命即将结束时发表的希望演讲的一个版本被他的朋友和助手认为是最好的，也是最有效的结束语：

And the young gay people in the Altoona, Pennsylvanias and the Richmond, Minnesotas who are coming out and hear Anita Bryant in television and her story.

宾夕法尼亚州阿尔图纳和明尼苏达州里士满的年轻同性恋者也出来在电视上听到安妮塔·布莱恩特和她的故事。

The only thing they have to look forward to is hope.

他们唯一值得期待的就是希望。

And you have to give them hope.

你必须给他们希望。

Hope for a better world, hope for a better tomorrow, hope for a better place to come to if the pressures at home are too great.

希望有一个更美好的世界，希望有一个更好的明天，如果家里压力太大，希望有一个更好的地方。

Hope that all will be all right.

希望一切都会好起来。

Without hope, not only gays, but the blacks, the seniors, the handicapped, the us'es, the us'es will give up.

如果没有希望，不仅是同性恋，黑人、老年人、残疾人、美国人民也会放弃。

And if you help elect to the central committee and other offices, more gay people, that gives a green light to all who feel disenfranchised, a green light to move forward.

如果你帮助选举更多的同性恋者进入中央委员会和其他办公室，那就为所有感到被剥夺公民权的人开了绿灯，为前进开了绿灯。

It means hope to a nation that has given up, because if a gay person makes it, the doors are open to everyone.

对于一个已经放弃的国家来说，这意味着希望，因为如果一个同性恋者成功了，大门就会向所有人敞开。

In the last year of his life, Milk emphasized that gay people should be more visible to help to end the discrimination and violence against them.

在他生命的最后一年，米尔克强调同性恋者应该更加引人注目，以帮助结束针对他们的歧视和暴力。

Although Milk had not come out to his mother before her death many years before, in his final statement during his taped prediction of his assassination, he urged others to do so:

尽管米尔克在母亲去世前很多年都没有向她吐露心声，但在他对自己被暗杀的录音预测中的最后声明中，他敦促其他人也这样做：

I cannot prevent anyone from getting angry, or mad, or frustrated.

我无法阻止任何人生气、生气或沮丧。

I can only hope that they'll turn that anger and frustration and madness into something positive, so that two, three, four, five hundred will step forward, so the gay doctors will come out, the gay lawyers, the gay judges, gay bankers, gay architects ...

我只能希望他们能把愤怒、沮丧和疯狂转化为积极的东西，让二、三、四、五百人挺身而出，同性恋医生、同性恋律师、同性恋法官、同性恋银行家、同性恋建筑师……

I hope that every professional gay will say 'enough', come forward and tell everybody, wear a sign, let the world know.

我希望每一个职业同性恋者都会说“够了”，站出来告诉大家，戴上标志，让全世界都知道。

Maybe that will help.

也许这会有所帮助。

However, Milk's assassination has become entwined with his political efficacy, partly because he was killed at the zenith of his popularity.

然而，米尔克的遇刺已经与他的政治效能紧密相连，部分原因是他在人气巅峰时被杀。

Historian Neil Miller writes, "No contemporary American gay leader has yet to achieve in life the stature Milk found in death." His legacy has become ambiguous; Randy Shilts concludes his biography writing that Milk's success, murder, and the inevitable injustice of White's verdict represented the experience of all gays.

历史学家尼尔·米勒写道：“当代美国同性恋领袖在生前还没有达到米尔克死后的高度。”他的遗产已经变得模糊不清。兰迪·希尔茨在他的传记中总结道，米尔克的成功、谋杀以及怀特判决不可避免的不公正代表了所有同性恋的经历。

Milk's life was "a metaphor for the homosexual experience in America".

米尔克的一生是“美国同性恋经历的隐喻”。

According to Frances FitzGerald, Milk's legend has been unable to be sustained as no one appeared able to take his place in the years after his death: "The Castro saw him as a martyr but understood his martyrdom as an end rather than a beginning.

根据弗朗西斯·菲茨杰拉德的说法，米尔克的传奇已经无法延续，因为在他死后的几年里似乎没有人能够取代他的位置：“卡斯特罗把他视为烈士，但理解他的殉难是一个结束而不是一个开始。

He had died, and with him a great deal of the Castro's optimism, idealism, and ambition seemed to die as well.

他死了，卡斯特罗的大部分乐观主义、理想主义和野心似乎也随之消亡。

The Castro could find no one to take his place in its affections, and possibly wanted no one." On the 20th anniversary of Milk's death, historian John D'Emilio said, "The legacy that I think he would want to be remembered for is the imperative to live one's life at all times with integrity." For a political career so short, Cleve Jones attributes more to his assassination than his life: "His murder and the response to it made permanent and unquestionable the full participation of gay and lesbian people in the political process."

卡斯特罗找不到任何人可以代替他的感情，而且可能也不想要任何人。”在米尔克去世 20 周年之际，历史学家约翰·德埃米利奥 (John D'Emilio) 表示：“我认为他希望人们记住的遗产是始终诚信地生活。”对于如此短暂的政治生涯，克利夫·琼斯将更多的原因归咎于他的暗杀，而不是他的生命：“他的谋杀以及对此的反应使同性恋者永久且毫无疑问地全面参与政治进程。”

The City of San Francisco has paid tribute to Milk by naming several locations after him.

旧金山市以米尔克的名字命名了多个地点，以向他致敬。

Where Market and Castro streets intersect in San Francisco flies an enormous Gay Pride flag, situated in Harvey Milk Plaza.

旧金山市场街和卡斯特罗街交汇处的哈维米尔克广场悬挂着一面巨大的同性恋骄傲旗帜。

The San Francisco Gay Democratic Club changed its name to the Harvey Milk Memorial Gay Democratic Club in 1978 (it is currently named the Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club) and boasts that it is the largest Democratic organization in San Francisco.

旧金山同性恋民主俱乐部于1978年更名为哈维米尔克纪念同性恋民主俱乐部（现名为哈维米尔克LGBTQ民主俱乐部），并号称是旧金山最大的民主党组织。

In April 2018, the San Francisco Board of Supervisors and mayor Mark Farrell approved and signed legislation renaming Terminal 1 at San Francisco International Airport after Milk, and planned to install artwork memorializing him.

2018年4月，旧金山监事会和市长马克·法雷尔批准并签署了立法，将旧金山国际机场1号航站楼以米尔克的名字重新命名，并计划安装艺术品纪念他。

This followed a previous attempt to rename the entire airport after him, which was turned down.

此前曾试图以他的名字重新命名整个机场，但遭到拒绝。

Officially opening on July 23, 2019, Harvey Milk Terminal 1 is the world's first airport terminal named after a leader of the LGBTQ community.

哈维米尔克 1 号航站楼于 2019 年 7 月 23 日正式开放，是世界上第一个以 LGBTQ 群体领袖命名的机场航站楼。

In New York City, Harvey Milk High School is a school program for at-risk youth that concentrates on the needs of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender students and operates out of the Hetrick-Martin Institute.

在纽约市，哈维·米尔克高中 (Harvey Milk High School) 是一个针对高危青少年的学校项目，专注于同性恋、双性恋和变性学生的需求，并在赫特里克·马丁学院 (Hetrick-Martin Institute) 下运作。

In July 2016, U.S. Secretary of the Navy Ray Mabus advised Congress that he intended to name the second ship of the Military Sealift Command's John Lewis-class oilers USNS Harvey Milk (T-AO-206) (June 2025 renamed, USNS Oscar V.

2016 年 7 月，美国海军部长雷·马布斯告知国会，他打算将军事海运司令部约翰·刘易斯级加油船的第二艘船命名为 USNS Harvey Milk (T-AO-206)（2025 年 6 月更名为 USNS Oscar V.

Peterson (T-AO-206) after, Oscar V.

彼得森 (T-AO-206) 之后，奥斯卡 V.

Peterson).

彼得森）。

Milk served in the U.S. Navy during the Korean War aboard the submarine rescue ship USS Kittiwake (ASR-13) and held the rank of lieutenant (junior grade) at the time that he was forced to accept an "other than honorable" discharge rather than face a court martial for his homosexuality.

米尔克在朝鲜战争期间曾在美国海军的潜艇救援舰三趾鸥号 (ASR-13) 上服役，当时他的军衔是中尉（初级），但他被迫接受“非光荣”退伍，而不是因为同性恋而面临军事法庭。

The ship was officially named at a ceremony in San Francisco on August 16, 2016, generating some controversy considering Milk's antiwar stance later in his life.

这艘船于 2016 年 8 月 16 日在旧金山举行的仪式上正式命名，考虑到米尔克晚年的反战立场，这引起了一些争议。

In November 2021, the ship was launched.

2021年11月，该船下水。

However, in June 2025, US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth ordered that Milk's name be removed from the ship.

然而，2025 年 6 月，美国国防部长皮特·赫格斯下令将米尔克的名字从船上删除。

A defense official indicated that the announcement was intentionally timed to take place during Pride Month.

一名国防官员表示，这一宣布是有意安排在骄傲月期间进行的。

The vessel was renamed USNS Oscar V.

该船被更名为美国海军奥斯卡五号号（USNS Oscar V）。

Peterson for a Medal of Honor recipient.

彼得森荣誉勋章获得者。

In response to a grassroots effort, in June 2018 the city council of Portland, Oregon, voted to rename a thirteen-block southwestern section of Stark Street to Harvey Milk Street.

为了响应基层的努力，俄勒冈州波特兰市议会于 2018 年 6 月投票决定将斯塔克街西南段的 13 个街区重新命名为哈维·米尔克街。

The mayor, Ted Wheeler, declared that it "sends a signal that we are an open and a welcoming and an inclusive community".

市长特德·惠勒宣称，它“发出了一个信号，表明我们是一个开放、热情和包容的社区”。

In 1982, freelance reporter Randy Shilts completed his first book: a biography of Milk, titled The Mayor of Castro Street.

1982 年，自由记者兰迪·希尔茨完成了他的第一本书：米尔克的传记，题为《卡斯特罗街市长》。

Shilts wrote the book while unable to find a steady job as an openly gay reporter.

希尔茨作为一名出柜的同性恋记者，在无法找到稳定工作的情况下写了这本书。

The Times of Harvey Milk, a documentary film based on the book's material, won the 1984 Academy Award for Documentary Feature.

根据该书材料拍摄的纪录片《哈维·米尔克时代》荣获 1984 年奥斯卡最佳纪录片奖。

Director Rob Epstein spoke later about why he chose the subject of Milk's life: "At the time, for those of us who lived in San Francisco, it felt like it was life changing, that all the eyes of the world were upon us, but in fact most of the world outside of San Francisco had no idea.

导演罗布·爱泼斯坦后来谈到为什么选择米尔克的生活为主题：“当时，对于我们这些住在旧金山的人来说，感觉就像生活正在改变，全世界的目光都在注视着我们，但事实上旧金山以外的世界大多数人都不知道。

It was just a really brief, provincial, localized current events story that the mayor and a city council member in San Francisco were killed.

这只是一个非常简短的、省级的、地方性的时事报道，旧金山市长和市议会成员被杀。

It didn't have much reverberation." Milk was also the subject of Helene Meyers work, "Got Jewish Milk: Screening Epstein and Van Sant for Intersectional Film History", which explored the contemporary depiction of Milk and his "Jewishness".

它没有引起太大的反响。”米尔克也是海伦·迈耶斯作品《获得犹太米尔克：为跨界电影史筛选爱泼斯坦和范桑特》的主题，该作品探讨了米尔克及其“犹太身份”的当代描述。

Milk's life has been the subject of a musical theater production; an eponymous opera; a cantata; a children's picture book; a French-language historical novel for young-adult readers; and the biopic Milk, released in 2008 after 15 years in the making.

米尔克的一生曾是一部音乐剧的主题。同名歌剧；清唱剧；一本儿童图画书；面向年轻成人读者的法语历史小说；以及经过 15 年制作后于 2008 年上映的传记片《牛奶》。

The film was directed by Gus Van Sant and starred Sean Penn as Milk and Josh Brolin as Dan White, and won two Academy Awards for Best Original Screenplay and Best Actor.

该片由格斯·范·桑特执导，西恩·潘饰演米尔克，乔什·布洛林饰演丹·怀特，并获得两项奥斯卡最佳原创剧本奖和最佳男主角奖。

It took eight weeks to film, and often used extras who had been present at the actual events for large crowd scenes, including a scene depicting Milk's "Hope Speech" at the 1978 Gay Freedom Day Parade.

该片的拍摄时间为八周，并且经常使用在实际活动中出现的群众演员来拍摄大型人群场景，其中包括描绘米尔克在 1978 年同性恋自由日游行中的“希望演讲”的场景。

Milk was included in the "Time 100 Heroes and Icons of the 20th Century" as "a symbol of what gays can accomplish and the dangers they face in doing so".

米尔克被列入“时代周刊20世纪100位英雄和偶像”，作为“同性恋所能取得的成就以及他们在这样做时面临的危险的象征”。

Despite his antics and publicity stunts, according to writer John Cloud, "none understood how his public role could affect private lives better than Milk ...

尽管他的滑稽动作和宣传噱头，根据作家约翰·克劳德的说法，“没有人比米尔克更好地理解他的公共角色如何影响私人生活......

[he] knew that the root cause of the gay predicament was invisibility".

[他]知道同性恋困境的根本原因是隐形”。

The Advocate listed Milk third in their "40 Heroes" of the 20th century issue, quoting Dianne Feinstein: "His homosexuality gave him an insight into the scars which all oppressed people wear.

《倡导者》将米尔克列为 20 世纪“40 位英雄”中的第三位，并引用黛安娜·范斯坦的话：“他的同性恋让他洞察到所有受压迫者身上的伤疤。

He believed that no sacrifice was too great a price to pay for the cause of human rights."

他相信，为了人权事业，任何牺牲都不算太大。”

In August 2009, President Barack Obama posthumously awarded Milk the Presidential Medal of Freedom for his contribution to the gay rights movement stating "he fought discrimination with visionary courage and conviction".

2009年8月，巴拉克·奥巴马总统追授米尔克总统自由勋章，以表彰他对同性恋权利运动的贡献，称“他以富有远见的勇气和信念与歧视作斗争”。

Milk's nephew Stuart accepted for his uncle.

米尔克的侄子斯图尔特代表他的叔叔接受了这一请求。

Shortly after, Stuart co-founded the Harvey Milk Foundation with Anne Kronenberg with the support of Desmond Tutu, co-recipient of 2009 Presidential Medal of Freedom and was a member of the Foundation's advisory board.

不久之后，斯图尔特在 2009 年总统自由勋章共同获得者、基金会顾问委员会成员德斯蒙德·图图的支持下，与安妮·克罗伯格 (Anne Kronenberg) 共同创立了哈维·米尔克基金会 (Harvey Milk Foundation)。

Later in the year, California governor Arnold Schwarzenegger designated May 22 as Harvey Milk Day and inducted Milk in the California Hall of Fame.

同年晚些时候，加州州长阿诺·施瓦辛格将 5 月 22 日定为哈维·米尔克日，并将米尔克纳入加州名人堂。

Since 2003, the story of Harvey Milk has been featured in three exhibitions created by the GLBT Historical Society, a San Francisco–based museum, archives, and research center, to which the estate of Scott Smith donated Milk's personal belongings that were preserved after his death.

自 2003 年以来，哈维·米尔克 (Harvey Milk) 的故事在 GLBT 历史协会 (GLBT 历史协会) 举办的三场展览中得到专题报道，该协会是一家位于旧金山的博物馆、档案馆和研究中心，斯科特·史密斯 (Scott Smith) 的遗产管理机构向该协会捐赠了米尔克死后保存下来的个人物品。

On May 22, 2014, the United States Postal Service issued a postage stamp honoring Harvey Milk, the first openly LGBTQ political official to receive this honor.

2014 年 5 月 22 日，美国邮政局发行了一枚邮票，纪念哈维·米尔克 (Harvey Milk)，他是第一位公开获得此荣誉的 LGBTQ 政治官员。

The stamp features a photo taken in front of Milk's Castro Camera store and was unveiled on what would have been his 84th birthday.

该邮票上有一张在米尔克的卡斯特罗相机店前拍摄的照片，并在他 84 岁生日时揭晓。

Harry Britt summarized Milk's impact the evening Milk was shot in 1978: "No matter what the world has taught us about ourselves, we can be beautiful and we can get our thing together ...

哈利·布里特 (Harry Britt) 在 1978 年《米尔克》拍摄的那晚总结了《米尔克》的影响：“无论世界如何教导我们自己，我们都可以变得美丽，我们可以把自己的事情整合起来......

Harvey was a prophet ...

哈维是一位预言家...

he lived by a vision ...

他靠愿景生活......

Something very special is going to happen in this city and it will have Harvey Milk's name on it."

这座城市将会发生一些非常特别的事情，而且上面会有哈维·米尔克的名字。”

In 2010, radio producer JD Doyle aired the two-hour Harvey Milk Music on his Queer Music Heritage radio program.

2010 年，广播制作人 JD Doyle 在他的酷儿音乐遗产广播节目中播放了两小时的哈维·米尔克音乐。

The mission of the broadcast was to gather music about and inspired by the Harvey Milk story.

该广播的使命是收集有关哈维·米尔克故事并受其启发的音乐。

That broadcast and playlist of songs is archived online.

歌曲的广播和播放列表在线存档。

Milk was inducted in 2012 into the Legacy Walk, an outdoor public display in Chicago which celebrates LGBTQ history and people.

Milk 于 2012 年入选 Legacy Walk，这是芝加哥的一个户外公共展览，旨在庆祝 LGBTQ 历史和人民。

He was named one of the inaugural fifty American "pioneers, trailblazers, and heroes" inducted on the National LGBTQ Wall of Honor within the Stonewall National Monument (SNM) in New York City's Stonewall Inn.

他被任命为纽约市石墙旅馆石墙国家纪念碑 (SNM) 内的全国 LGBTQ 荣誉墙上的首届 50 名美国“先驱、开拓者和英雄”之一。

Paris named a square Place Harvey-Milk in Le Marais in 2019.

2019 年，巴黎将玛莱区 (Le Marais) 的一个广场命名为哈维米尔克广场 (Place Harvey-Milk)。

Harvey did not consider himself a very religious man in his adulthood.

哈维成年后并不认为自己是一个非常虔诚的人。

He once described himself as not being "theologically oriented".

他曾形容自己不“以神学为导向”。

However, his Jewish upbringing in Woodemere Long Island, New York, affected his values throughout his life.

然而，他在纽约伍德米尔长岛的犹太成长影响了他一生的价值观。

Milk identified himself as, "A jew from New York."  In speeches, he would frequently use the Holocaust as a metaphor for what could happen.

米尔克自称“来自纽约的犹太人”。  在演讲中，他经常用大屠杀来比喻可能发生的事情。

Being Jewish affected his moral agenda.

作为犹太人影响了他的道德议程。

For Milk, Jews could not allow for the discrimination of other groups since Jews could always be persecuted next, "Jews know they can't allow other groups to suffer discrimination if for no other reason than we might be on the list someday".

对于米尔克来说，犹太人不能允许其他群体受到歧视，因为犹太人总是可能接下来受到迫害，“犹太人知道他们不能允许其他群体遭受歧视，如果没有其他原因，而我们有一天可能会被列入名单”。

Being Jewish was something that continued to be part of his worldview.

作为犹太人仍然是他世界观的一部分。

Harvey learned about the idea of Tikkun Olam from Judaism.

哈维从犹太教中了解到蒂昆·奥拉姆的想法。

This is a fundamental idea in the faith, focusing on the goal of repairing the world.

这是信仰的基本理念，聚焦于修复世界的目标。

During his life, he was known to prepare Jewish foods for breakfast to serve to his partners, as well as make jokes in his grandfather's Yiddish accent.

在他的一生中，人们都知道他会为他的伴侣准备犹太早餐食物，并用他祖父的意第绪语口音开玩笑。

"When in the company of his Jewish friends, Harvey relished the talk of Yiddishkayt".

“当哈维和他的犹太朋友在一起时，他很喜欢伊迪什凯特的谈话”。

At the end of his life, Milk had a funeral at the San Francisco War Memorial Opera House and a lesser-known, more intimate funeral beforehand at the Temple Emanu-El, also in San Francisco.

在他生命的尽头，米尔克在旧金山战争纪念歌剧院举行了葬礼，并在同样位于旧金山的伊曼纽尔神庙举行了一场不太为人所知、更为亲密的葬礼。

LGBTQ culture in San Francisco

旧金山的 LGBTQ 文化

LGBTQ movements

LGBTQ 运动

List of assassinated American politicians

被暗杀的美国政要名单

List of civil rights leaders

民权领袖名单

Kathy Kozachenko

凯西·科扎琴科

Carter, David (2004).

卡特、大卫 (2004)。

Stonewall: The Riots that Sparked the Gay Revolution, St. Martin's Press.

《石墙：引发同性恋革命的骚乱》，圣马丁出版社。

ISBN 0312342691.

国际标准书号 0312342691。

OCLC 865096291

OCLC 865096291

Clendinen, Dudley, and Nagourney, Adam (1999).

克伦迪宁、达德利和纳古尼、亚当 (1999)。

Out for Good: The Struggle to Build a Gay Rights Movement in America, Simon & Schuster.

永远向善：在美国建立同性恋权利运动的斗争，西蒙与舒斯特。

ISBN 0684810913.

国际标准书号 0684810913。

OCLC 946579946

OCLC 946579946

de Jim, Strange (2003).

德吉姆，《奇怪的》（2003）。

San Francisco's Castro, Arcadia Publishing.

旧金山的卡斯特罗，阿卡迪亚出版社。

ISBN 978-0738528663.

ISBN 978-0738528663。

OCLC 1176178319

OCLC 1176178319

Duberman, Martin (1999).

马丁·杜伯曼（1999）。

Left Out: the Politics of Exclusion: Essays, 1964–1999, Basic Books.

被遗漏：排斥的政治：散文，1964-1999，基础书籍。

ISBN 0465017444.

国际标准书号 0465017444。

OCLC 51871732

OCLC 51871732

Harvey Milk: Messenger of Hope (2020).

哈维·米尔克：希望使者 (2020)。

SFO Museum.

SFO 博物馆。

Hinckle, Warren (1985).

沃伦·欣克尔 (1985)。

Gayslayer!

同性恋杀手！

The Story of How Dan White Killed Harvey Milk and George Moscone & Got Away With Murder, Silver Dollar Books.

《丹·怀特如何杀死哈维·米尔克和乔治·莫斯康并逍遥法外》，银元图书。

ISBN 0933839014.

国际标准书号 0933839014。

OCLC 652202654

OCLC 652202654

Leyland, Winston, ed (2002).

利兰，温斯顿，编辑（2002）。

Out In the Castro: Desire, Promise, Activism, Leyland Publications.

《走出卡斯特罗：欲望、承诺、行动主义》，利兰出版社。

ISBN 978-0943595870.

ISBN 978-0943595870。

OCLC 682374266

OCLC 682374266

Marcus, Eric (2002).

马库斯，埃里克（2002）。

Making Gay History, HarperCollins Publishers.

创造同性恋历史，哈珀柯林斯出版社。

ISBN 0060933917.

国际标准书号 0060933917。

OCLC 173503711

OCLC 173503711

Miller, Neil (1994) Out of the Past: Gay and Lesbian History from 1869 to the Present, Vintage Books.

Miller, Neil (1994) 《走出过去：从 1869 年至今的同性恋历史》，复古书籍。

ISBN 0679749888.

国际标准书号 0679749888。

OCLC 654712107

OCLC 654712107

Shilts, Randy (1982).

兰迪·希尔茨 (1982)。

The Mayor of Castro Street: The Life and Times of Harvey Milk, St. Martin's Press.

《卡斯特罗街市长：哈维·米尔克的一生和时代》，圣马丁出版社。

ISBN 0312523300.

国际标准书号 0312523300。

OCLC 1285784510

OCLC 1285784510

Smith, Raymond, Haider-Markel, Donald, eds., (2002).

雷蒙德·史密斯、唐纳德·海德尔·马克尔编辑，（2002 年）。

Gay and Lesbian Americans and Political Participation, ABC-CLIO.

美国同性恋者和政治参与，ABC-CLIO。

ISBN 1576072568.

国际标准书号 1576072568。

OCLC 1056097931

OCLC 1056097931

Weiss, Mike (2010).

迈克·韦斯 (2010)。

Double Play: The Hidden Passions Behind the Double Assassination of George Moscone and Harvey Milk, Vince Emery Productions.

双重游戏：乔治·莫斯康和哈维·米尔克双重刺杀背后隐藏的激情，文斯·埃默里制作公司。

ISBN 978-0982565056.

ISBN 978-0982565056。

OCLC 655662629

OCLC 655662629

Faderman, Lillian (2018).

莉莲·费德曼 (2018)。

Harvey Milk: His Lives and Death.

哈维·米尔克：他的生与死。

New Haven: Yale University Press.

纽黑文：耶鲁大学出版社。

ISBN 978-0300235272.

ISBN 978-0300235272。

Jones, Cleve, with Dawson, Jeff (2000).

克利夫·琼斯和杰夫·道森 (2000)。

Stitching a Revolution: The Making of an Activist.

缝合一场革命：积极分子的成长。

ISBN 0062516426

国际标准书号 0062516426

Milk, Harvey (2012).

米尔克，哈维（2012）。

The Harvey Milk Interviews: In His Own Words.

哈维·米尔克访谈：用他自己的话说。

Vince Emery Productions.

文斯·埃默里制作公司。

ISBN 978-0972589888.

ISBN 978-0972589888。

Milk, Harvey (2013).

米尔克，哈维（2013）。

An Archive of Hope: Harvey Milk's Speeches and Writings.

希望档案：哈维·米尔克的演讲和著作。

University of California Press.

加州大学出版社。

ISBN 978-0520275485.

ISBN 978-0520275485。

Meason, Christopher, ed (2009).

克里斯托弗·梅森编辑 (2009)。

Milk: A Pictorial History of Harvey Milk, NewMarket Press.

米尔克：哈维·米尔克的图画史，纽马克特出版社。

ISBN 978-1557048295

国际标准书号 978-1557048295

Harvey Milk Foundation

哈维米尔克基金会

Works by or about Harvey Milk at the Internet Archive

互联网档案馆中哈维·米尔克的作品或关于他的作品

Harvey Milk Archives — Scott Smith Collection, 1930–1995, held at the San Francisco Public Library, James C.

哈维·米尔克档案 — 斯科特·史密斯收藏，1930-1995 年，保存于旧金山公共图书馆，James C.

Hormel LGBTQIA Center.

荷美尔 LGBTQIA 中心。

Harvey Milk at IMDb

哈维·米尔克在 IMDb 上的资料（英文）