Why the Week’s Most Important Story Went Unwritten

Welcome to The Ukraine Compass , a weekly digest of Ukrainian commentary and analysis from across the political spectrum, only for War on the Rocks members.

欢迎来到《乌克兰指南针》，这是乌克兰各政治派别的评论和分析的每周摘要，仅供“岩石战争”成员使用。

Each Monday, we bring you a curated selection of articles from Ukrainian media offering insight into how Ukrainians themselves debate the issues shaping their country.

每个星期一，我们都会为您带来乌克兰媒体精选的文章，深入了解乌克兰人如何辩论塑造其国家的问题。

American coverage often narrows the view to the battlefield — these pieces widen it, revealing the texture of daily life, politics, and public argument in a nation at war.

美国的报道往往会缩小战场的视野，而这些报道则拓宽了战场的视野，揭示了一个处于战争状态的国家的日常生活、政治和公共争论的本质。

The perspectives gathered here are varied, candid, and often surprising, together forming a more complete picture of Ukraine as it really is.

这里聚集的观点多种多样、坦诚，而且往往令人惊讶，共同构成了乌克兰更完整的真实面貌。

By Oleg Sarkits/Sept.

作者：奥列格·萨基茨/九月

22, 2026 Repeated strikes on Russian refineries highlight Ukraine’s growing long-range capabilities amid talk of a sectoral energy truce, writes Oleg Sarkits.

2026 年 2 月 22 日，奥列格·萨尔基茨 (Oleg Sarkits) 写道，在部门能源休战的讨论中，对俄罗斯炼油厂的多次袭击凸显了乌克兰不断增强的远程能力。

Russia’s power system, dominated by thermal generation, is resilient nationally but vulnerable to concentrated regional deficits, especially during peak demand, he explains.

他解释说，以火力发电为主的俄罗斯电力系统在全国范围内具有弹性，但容易受到集中地区赤字的影响，尤其是在需求高峰期间。

He argues that the real economic damage comes from disrupting supply continuity to defense plants, refineries, and electrified railways, not from destroyed megawatts.

他认为，真正的经济损失来自国防工厂、炼油厂和电气化铁路的供应连续性中断，而不是兆瓦电力被毁。

With refining down sharply, fuel export bans, a widening budget deficit, and stagnant industry, Russia has little room to absorb shocks, writes Sarkits.

萨尔基茨写道，由于炼油业务大幅缩减、燃料出口禁令、预算赤字扩大以及工业停滞，俄罗斯几乎没有空间来吸收冲击。

“Ukraine’s long-range capabilities have already reshaped the geography of the war.

“乌克兰的远程能力已经重塑了战争的地理格局。

Distance no longer protects much of Russia’s industrial and energy infrastructure.

距离不再能保护俄罗斯的大部分工业和能源基础设施。

The economic value of these capabilities lies not in trying to switch off Russia, but in creating local power shortages precisely where electricity drives military production, fuel refining, transport, and budget revenue.”

这些能力的经济价值不在于试图切断俄罗斯的电源，而在于造成当地电力短缺，而电力正是在电力驱动军事生产、燃料精炼、运输和预算收入的地方。”

Oleksandr Kovalenko says Russia’s new strikes on Kyiv data centers have little military value but serve five aims: disrupting information flows, undermining air-raid warnings to increase casualties and public anger, targeting military information technology infrastructure, destabilizing the economy and governance, and physically destroying buildings hosting many companies.

奥列克桑德·科瓦连科表示，俄罗斯对基辅数据中心的新袭击几乎没有军事价值，但有五个目的：扰乱信息流、破坏空袭警报以增加伤亡和公众愤怒、瞄准军事信息技术基础设施、破坏经济和治理稳定以及物理摧毁许多公司所在的建筑物。

Because one data center can serve banks, telecoms, and hundreds of organizations, a single strike can cause disproportionate damage, he explains.

他解释说，由于一个数据中心可以为银行、电信和数百个组织提供服务，因此一次攻击可能会造成不成比例的损失。

He notes Russian attacks have become more selective and professional in 2026, and criticizes Ukraine for lacking medium- and long-term threat planning, leaving it repeatedly unprepared for foreseeable attacks.

他指出，2026 年俄罗斯的攻击变得更加有选择性和专业性，并批评乌克兰缺乏中长期威胁规划，导致其对可预见的攻击一再措手不及。

“A modern data center is more than just a server; it can carry the services of dozens or even hundreds of organizations.

“现代数据中心不仅仅是一台服务器，它可以承载数十个甚至数百个组织的服务。

A single strike can therefore disrupt banking, retail, telecommunications and other services.

因此，一次罢工就可能扰乱银行、零售、电信和其他服务。

Overall, such attacks have minimal military significance.

总体而言，此类袭击的军事意义微乎其微。

But viewed through the logic of a war of attrition against the deep rear, aimed at disrupting digital infrastructure, communications and daily life to raise the overall cost of the war for Ukraine, they make sense.”

但从针对后方深处的消耗战的逻辑来看，这些消耗战旨在破坏数字基础设施、通信和日常生活，以提高乌克兰战争的总体成本，这是有道理的。”

Czech goalkeeper Dominik Hašek has become hockey’s most persistent pro-Ukrainian voice since Russia’s 2022 invasion.

自 2022 年俄罗斯入侵以来，捷克门将多米尼克·哈塞克 (Dominik Hašek) 已成为曲棍球界最坚定的支持乌克兰的声音。

He has pressed the National Hockey League and International Olympic Committee to sideline Russian athletes, visited war-torn Ukrainian cities, and challenged the argument that sports fall outside politics.

他向国家冰球联盟和国际奥委会施压，要求他们排除俄罗斯运动员的影响，访问饱受战争蹂躏的乌克兰城市，并对体育不属于政治的论点提出质疑。

Alexander Ovechkin’s recent appearance in a United Russia campaign video with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov reinforced his point.

亚历山大·奥维奇金最近与俄罗斯外交部长谢尔盖·拉夫罗夫一起出现在统一俄罗斯党竞选视频中，强化了他的观点。

The article argues that Hašek’s independence makes him more persuasive than Ukrainian ambassadors, and that Ukraine should support such foreign advocates without formally co-opting them, building a network of independent voices that could potentially change public perception.

文章认为，哈谢克的独立性使他比乌克兰大使更有说服力，乌克兰应该支持这些外国倡导者，而不是正式拉拢他们，建立一个可能改变公众看法的独立声音网络。

“Ukraine did not make Dominik Hašek its advocate; he chose that role himself.

“乌克兰并没有指定多米尼克·哈塞克为自己的拥护者；他自己选择了这个角色。

That is the main lesson of his story.

这是他的故事的主要教训。

We must learn to recognize those who already speak up for us, support them, and let them remain independent.”

我们必须学会认可那些已经为我们发声的人，支持他们，并让他们保持独立。”

“ Trump, Putin, and Xi at the Same Table: The Kremlin Is Preparing The Most Dangerous Scenario for Ukraine ”

《特朗普、普京、习近平同桌：克里姆林宫正在为乌克兰准备最危险的局面》

By Vadym Denysenko/Sept.

作者：Vadym Denysenko/九月

25, 2026 Vadym Denysenko argues that after a friendly but unproductive Trump–Xi meeting, Russian diplomacy will push for a Trump–Putin–Xi summit at December’s G20, a highly negative scenario for Ukraine.

2026 年 2 月 25 日，瓦迪姆·德尼森科 (Vadym Denysenko) 认为，在友好但没有成果的特朗普与习近平会晤之后，俄罗斯外交将推动在 12 月的 G20 峰会上举行特朗普、普京、习近平峰会，这对乌克兰来说是一个非常负面的局面。

Trump avoided asking Xi for help reopening the Strait of Hormuz, and Beijing is content to wait, as Washington will increasingly depend on Chinese rare earths, the author writes.

作者写道，特朗普避免向习近平寻求帮助重新开放霍尔木兹海峡，而北京则满足于等待，因为华盛顿将越来越依赖中国稀土。

Ukraine was barely mentioned, and the author criticizes Kyiv’s inconsistent messaging on China.

乌克兰几乎没有被提及，作者批评基辅在中国问题上前后矛盾的信息。

A Trump–Putin–Zelensky meeting looks unrealistic, but Denysenko believes Moscow envisions a three-power summit akin to the 1943 Tehran Conference, offering concessions to American and Chinese business to get them on Russia’s side during negotiations.

特朗普、普京、泽伦斯基的会晤看起来不现实，但丹尼森科认为，莫斯科设想举行类似于 1943 年德黑兰会议的三国峰会，向美国和中国企业做出让步，让他们在谈判中站在俄罗斯一边。

“As expected, Ukraine was mentioned only in passing during the talks.

“正如预期的那样，乌克兰只是在会谈中被顺便提及。

More broadly, Ukrainian foreign policy is raising many unanswered questions.

更广泛地说，乌克兰的外交政策引发了许多悬而未决的问题。

How can Kyiv ask Trump to urge China’s leader to pressure Russia, and on the same day tell the Wall Street Journal about Chinese drones being tested in Ukraine?

基辅怎么能要求特朗普敦促中国领导人向俄罗斯施压，并在同一天向《华尔街日报》透露中国无人机在乌克兰进行测试的消息呢？

It feels as though the right hand doesn’t know what the left is doing.”

感觉好像右手不知道左手在做什么。”

By Oleksandr Banchuk/Sept.

作者：Oleksandr Banchuk/九月

23, 2026 Ukraine signed the Council of Europe’s Luxembourg Convention on protecting the legal profession in March 2026, but ratification raises concerns.

2026 年 2 月 23 日乌克兰于 2026 年 3 月签署了欧洲委员会关于保护法律职业的卢森堡公约，但批准引发了担忧。

The treaty allows almost no reservations and creates GRAVO, an expert monitoring body whose findings could conflict with binding European Court of Human Rights rulings.

该条约几乎不允许任何保留，并设立了专家监督机构 GRAVO，其调查结果可能与具有约束力的欧洲人权法院的裁决相冲突。

Implementation would require major legal changes internally, including granting GRAVO access to criminal case materials, which Ukrainian law restricts, and guaranteeing travel for experts barred from leaving under martial law.

实施过程中需要对内部法律进行重大修改，包括授予 GRAVO 访问乌克兰法律限制的刑事案件材料的权限，以及保障因戒严而被禁止出境的专家的旅行。

Oleksandr Banchuk warns that an unreformed National Bar Association could trigger a flood of complaints, branding Ukraine a rights violator and hindering its E.U.

亚历山大·班楚克 (Oleksandr Banchuk) 警告说，未经改革的国家律师协会可能会引发大量投诉，将乌克兰视为人权侵犯者，并阻碍其欧盟的发展。

path, so risks must be weighed before blind adoption.

路径，因此在盲目采用之前必须权衡风险。

“Implementing certain provisions of the Convention will require significant changes to national legislation.

“实施《公约》的某些条款需要对国家立法进行重大修改。

For example, paralegals would need the right to confidential communication with clients, a right currently reserved for lawyers in Ukraine.

例如，律师助理需要与客户进行保密沟通的权利，这一权利目前为乌克兰律师保留。

The National Bar Association would also have to be consulted on any proposed amendments to relevant legislation or its application, even though the association itself requires substantial reform on Ukraine’s path to E.U.

国家律师协会还必须就相关立法或其应用的任何拟议修正案进行咨询，尽管该协会本身要求对乌克兰加入欧盟的道路进行实质性改革。

membership.”

会员资格。”

By Victor Moroz/Sept.

作者：维克多·莫罗兹/九月

27, 2026 Victor Moroz criticizes President Volodymyr Zelensky’s recent admission in New York during the U.N.

2026 年 2 月 27 日维克托·莫罗兹批评总统弗拉基米尔·泽伦斯基最近在联合国会议期间在纽约的承认

General Assembly, that he has made many mistakes and hopes to walk safely through Kyiv after his presidency.

大会认为他犯了很多错误，希望在担任总统后能够平安走过基辅。

The columnist argues Zelensky should have considered his responsibility before taking office, blaming him directly for the war’s devastating human and material costs.

这位专栏作家认为，泽连斯基在上任之前应该考虑自己的责任，并直接将战争造成的毁灭性人力和物力损失归咎于他。

The author doubts he will repeat the confession to Ukrainians and accuses the government of underfunding domestic long-range missiles and air defense systems in favor of heavily promoted interceptor drones.

作者怀疑他是否会向乌克兰人重复这样的坦白，并指责政府为国内远程导弹和防空系统提供的资金不足，转而大力推广拦截无人机。

The piece ends by suggesting Ukrainians bear responsibility for their choice of leadership and should correct that mistake as soon as they are able.

文章最后建议乌克兰人对自己选择的领导层负有责任，并应尽快纠正这一错误。

“I suspect his confessions in New York during the U.N.

“我怀疑他在联合国期间在纽约的供词。

General Assembly were made almost by accident, under the mysterious influence of American democracy’s atmosphere.

大会的召开几乎是偶然的，是在美国民主氛围的神秘影响下召开的。

I doubt President Zelensky will repeat them to a broad Ukrainian audience, especially as he returns to a country battered daily by Russian drones and missiles, yet one that, oddly enough, still believes in him and expects, if not a miracle, then real action.”

我怀疑泽伦斯基总统是否会向广大乌克兰民众重复这些话，尤其是当他回到一个每天都遭受俄罗斯无人机和导弹袭击的国家时，但奇怪的是，乌克兰仍然相信他，并期待着即使不是奇迹，也会有真正的行动。”

By Vitaliy Shapran/Sept.

维塔利·沙普兰 / 九月

22, 2026 Economist Vitaliy Shapran rejects apocalyptic views of Ukraine’s draft budget, noting it will change in parliament and that there is still time to fix it.

2026 年 2 月 22 日，经济学家维塔利·沙普兰 (Vitaliy Shapran) 拒绝接受乌克兰预算草案的世界末日观点，指出议会将对其进行修改，而且仍有时间进行修复。

He proposes five solutions: redirecting funds from discredited sectors like the judiciary and prosecution to the military, including higher pay for non-combat positions; cutting non-essential wartime spending; using the National Bank’s non-emission tools; investigating Russian money laundering through Ukrainian banks from 2000 to 2022, which could yield tens of billions of dollars; and reinvigorating work with Western donors, since Russian aggression now threatens security of Europe and its allies, not just Ukraine’s.

他提出了五种解决方案：将资金从司法和检察等信誉不佳的部门转移到军队，包括提高非战斗职位的工资；削减非必要的战时开支；使用国家银行的非排放工具；调查2000年至2022年间俄罗斯通过乌克兰银行进行的洗钱活动，可能获利数百亿美元；并重振与西方捐助者的合作，因为俄罗斯的侵略现在威胁到欧洲及其盟国的安全，而不仅仅是乌克兰的安全。

“Another potential source of revenue is launching an investigation into the laundering of Russian money through Ukrainian banks between 2000 and 2022.

“另一个潜在的收入来源是对 2000 年至 2022 年间通过乌克兰银行洗钱俄罗斯资金的情况展开调查。

It would be a long-term effort, but it could bring Ukraine tens of billions of dollars.”

这将是一项长期的努力，但可以为乌克兰带来数百亿美元的收入。”

By Oleksandr Chupak/Sept.

作者：Oleksandr Chupak/九月

22, 2026 Ukrainian businesses are increasingly building their own shelters as Russian attacks intensify and the state’s shelter supply falls short.

2026 年 2 月 22 日，随着俄罗斯袭击加剧以及该州避难所供应不足，乌克兰企业越来越多地建造自己的避难所。

Kyiv has added only four new shelters since 2022 and just announced plans for 50 mobile shelters, far too few for a city of three million, argues Oleksandr Chupak.

Oleksandr Chupak 认为，自 2022 年以来，基辅仅新增了 4 个避难所，并且刚刚宣布了建造 50 个移动避难所的计划，这对于一个拥有 300 万人口的城市来说太少了。

Private initiatives have proven effective: Rozetka’s shelter in Brovary saved 92 employees during an August 5 missile attack, while Nova Poshta built 580 capsule-style shelters on-site at its facilities.

事实证明，私人举措是有效的：Rozetka 在布罗瓦里的避难所在 8 月 5 日的导弹袭击中拯救了 92 名员工，而 Nova Poshta 在其设施内现场建造了 580 个胶囊式避难所。

Gas station operators have also installed shelters used by staff, customers and nearby residents.

加油站运营商还安装了供员工、顾客和附近居民使用的避难所。

The author argues that close cooperation with business is the best way to expand overall civil protection and keep Ukrainian businesses afloat.

作者认为，与企业的密切合作是扩大整体民事保护和维持乌克兰企业生存的最佳方式。

“Ukrainian businesses have already built up extensive experience in constructing shelters.

“乌克兰企业已经在建造避难所方面积累了丰富的经验。

Importantly, entrepreneurs don’t limit themselves to imperfect building standards but design shelters to protect people as effectively as possible and meet their needs while inside.

重要的是，企业家不会将自己局限于不完美的建筑标准，而是设计庇护所以尽可能有效地保护人们并满足他们在里面的需求。

The best way to improve the shelter system, adapt it to wartime realities and protect as many people as possible is through close cooperation with business.”

改善庇护所系统、使其适应战时现实并保护尽可能多的人的最佳方法是与企业密切合作。”

Mykola Knyazhytskyi says the state’s “Tysiachovesna” program to fund Ukrainian cultural products is a sound idea but raises concerns about how it is implemented.

米科拉·克尼亚日茨基 (Mykola Knyazhytskyi) 表示，国家资助乌克兰文化产品的“Tysiachovesna”计划是一个好主意，但引发了人们对其实施方式的担忧。

Speaking at a round table with the culture minister, the parliamentary humanitarian committee, and community representatives, he noted it is too early to judge the program’s results but questioned the transparency and fairness of funding.

他在与文化部长、议会人道主义委员会和社区代表举行的圆桌会议上发表讲话时指出，现在判断该计划的结果还为时过早，但对资金的透明度和公平性提出质疑。

He highlighted million-hryvnia organizational costs for rent, translation and marketing, competition rules and expert conflicts of interest.

他强调了租金、翻译和营销、竞争规则和专家利益冲突等方面的百万格里夫纳组织成本。

He argues funds should be distributed by specialized cultural institutions, with Tysiachovesna showcasing the results, so state support strengthens existing institutions rather than creating a parallel system.

他认为资金应该由专门的文化机构分配，并由 Tysiachovesna 展示结果，因此国家的支持可以加强现有机构，而不是创建一个平行的系统。

“My position is simple: cultural funding should be distributed by specialized institutions created specifically for this purpose.

“我的立场很简单：文化资金应该由专门为此目的设立的专门机构分配。

They have the experience, clear rules, and a proper separation between experts and funding recipients.”

他们拥有丰富的经验、明确的规则，并且专家和资金接受者之间有适当的分离。”

“ Language, Memory, Death, and God in the New Poetry Collection of Serhii Zhadan ”

“谢尔希·扎丹新诗集中的语言、记忆、死亡和上帝”

By Anatoliy Denysenko/Sept.

作者：Anatoliy Denysenko/九月

25, 2026 This review examines Serhii Zhadan’s September 2026 collection Hymns of Baroque Wars, published by Meridian Czernowitz and combining poetry, prose, and the author’s own drawings.

2026 年 2 月 25 日这篇评论考察了 Serhii Zhadan 于 2026 年 9 月出版的诗集《巴洛克战争赞美诗》，该诗集由 Meridian Czernowitz 出版，结合了诗歌、散文和作者自己的绘画。

Zhadan, a writer, musician, and, since 2024, a soldier in the Khartiia brigade, explores children growing up amid war, home and memory as the foundation of identity, and death as something every Ukrainian confronts daily.

Zhadan 是一位作家、音乐家，自 2024 年起成为 Khartiia 旅的一名士兵，他探讨了在战争中成长的儿童、作为身份基础的家庭和记忆，以及每个乌克兰人每天都要面对的死亡。

He reflects on language as the medium through which life can be lived and understood, on evil’s seductive impunity, and on a God who suffers alongside people rather than saving them.

他反思了语言作为生活和理解生活的媒介，反思了邪恶诱人的有罪不罚，以及与人们一起受苦而不是拯救他们的上帝。

The reviewer calls the collection modern, prophetic and deeply unsettling.

评论家称该系列作品现代、有预见性且令人深感不安。

“Zhadan portrays God as the One who simply sees everything differently and speaks of it in another way.

“扎丹将上帝描绘成一位以不同的方式看待一切事物并以另一种方式谈论它的人。

For the poet, the sky is a verb in the past tense, and God is a shadow cast by a person, while humanity itself is a center of sadness.

对于诗人来说，天空是过去时的动词，上帝是人投下的影子，而人类本身就是悲伤的中心。

Not believing in God is the same as not believing in yourself, a form of self-denial, and God can only be sought within what you see.

不信神就等于不信自己，是一种自我否定，只能在自己所见的事物中寻求神。

God and language are connected, since God is the reverse side of language, and God disappears when humanity disappears.

上帝和语言是相连的，因为上帝是语言的反面，当人类消失时上帝也随之消失。

God is a reminder you project into the world as you live your life.

上帝是你在生活时投射到世界上的一个提醒。

The poet offers no gratitude or indulgence to the Almighty, and no one calls on Him to talk anymore.”

诗人对全能者没有表示任何感激或宽容，也没有人再呼唤他说话。”

If it feels like every other commentary you read these days is about AI and the impact such advanced technology will have on every aspect of our world, you’re certainly not alone, and it’s certainly not just an American phenomenon.

如果你觉得这些天你读到的所有其他评论都是关于人工智能以及这种先进技术将对我们世界各个方面产生的影响，那么你肯定并不孤单，而且这当然不仅仅是美国现象。

Ukrainian writers have been addressing how AI will change Ukrainian business, education, and culture for months now, but this week’s Russian strikes on Kyiv data centers pushed the conversation into strategic territory.

几个月来，乌克兰作家一直在讨论人工智能将如何改变乌克兰的商业、教育和文化，但本周俄罗斯对基辅数据中心的袭击将话题推向了战略领域。

An emerging trend among Ukrainian military analysts, at least those who publish in the reputable outlets we cite in this newsletter, is the view that Russian strikes increasingly offer little military benefit.

乌克兰军事分析家（至少是在我们在本通讯中引用的知名媒体上发表文章的分析家）的一个新趋势是，俄罗斯的袭击几乎没有带来任何军事好处。

Instead, they are aimed at degrading civilian morale and quality of life, with the aim of making the cost of continuing the war on its current trajectory too high for Ukraine.

相反，它们的目的是降低平民士气和生活质量，目的是让乌克兰继续按照目前的轨迹进行战争的成本过高。

Targeting one of Kyiv’s largest data centers, which provides many everyday digital services to the region beyond storing AI data, fits within that strategy.

以基辅最大的数据中心之一为目标，该数据中心除了存储人工智能数据之外，还为该地区提供许多日常数字服务，符合这一战略。

Every country in the world is surely taking note of just how increasingly central technology is to a society, and how striking the nucleus of that technological function is a surefire way to inflict damage on a population.

世界上每个国家肯定都注意到技术对社会的重要性越来越重要，而打击技术功能的核心必然会给人们造成损害。

While another commentary on data centers and AI isn’t surprising, especially with AI as a global hot-button topic at the Trump-Xi summit, what was surprising was what went missing from Ukrainian op-eds this week: anything on the conditions in Oleshky, the Russian-occupied city where only around 2,000 civilians remain.

虽然关于数据中心和人工智能的另一篇评论并不令人意外，尤其是在人工智能成为特习峰会上的全球热点话题的情况下，但令人惊讶的是本周乌克兰的专栏文章中遗漏了一些内容：关于奥列什基的情况的任何内容，这座被俄罗斯占领的城市只剩下大约 2000 名平民。

I’d encourage everyone to take a moment to read the coverage of what’s happening there right now.

我鼓励大家花点时间阅读有关目前正在发生的事情的报道。

It’s hard to stomach, but it reminds us that war is nothing if not cruel and unfair.

这很难让人接受，但它提醒我们，战争如果不是残酷和不公平的话，就没什么意义了。

It is strategy and negotiations, yes, but it is fundamentally death.

是的，这是战略和谈判，但从根本上来说，这就是死亡。

After more than four years of full-scale war, when the momentum of outright shock or anger has dulled for many, talking about what’s happening in Oleshky offers those of us in the West a healthy dose of reality.

经过四年多的全面战争，当许多人的彻底震惊或愤怒的势头已经减弱时，谈论奥列什基发生的事情为我们这些西方人提供了健康的现实。

It gives us a chance to assign real meaning to the words “I support Ukraine.” You can point to a picture of Oleshky and say, “I support these innocent people who did not ask for this.”

它让我们有机会赋予“我支持乌克兰”这句话真正的含义。你可以指着奥列什基的照片说：“我支持这些无辜的人，他们没有要求这样做。”

The lack of commentary on Oleshky in Ukrainian media is interesting, but I wonder if it’s partly because, well, what else is there to say?

乌克兰媒体缺乏对奥列什基的评论很有趣，但我想知道这是否部分是因为，好吧，还有什么可说的？

There’s no diplomatic angle to spin on starving children.

没有外交角度可以帮助饥饿的儿童。

There’s no original way to label Russian soldiers as perpetrators of violence.

没有一种独特的方法可以将俄罗斯士兵标记为暴力肇事者。

So really, what is there to say, other than that the war needs to end?

那么，除了战争需要结束之外，还有什么可说的呢？

The very absence of these articles points to exhaustion, something we’ve seen surface again and again across topics, authors, and outlets.

这些文章的缺失就意味着疲惫，这是我们在主题、作者和媒体中一次又一次看到的。

Ukrainians are tired, but that isn’t stopping the conversation on other important topics, like adapting the legal system to align with European Union frameworks, how parliament can redistribute the budget to better serve Ukraine’s current needs, and thoughtful reviews of modern Ukrainian poetry.

乌克兰人很累，但这并没有停止关于其他重要话题的对话，比如调整法律体系以符合欧盟框架、议会如何重新分配预算以更好地满足乌克兰当前的需求，以及对现代乌克兰诗歌的深思熟虑的评论。

I’ve had a favorite word in my own life recently: resilience.

最近我自己的生活中最喜欢一个词：韧性。

It’s become my favorite partly because I see it everywhere, every day, when I read Ukrainian media.

它成为我的最爱，部分原因是当我每天阅读乌克兰媒体时，我到处都能看到它。

We shouldn’t read Ukrainians’ silence on this tragedy as apathy or neglect, but as an active, ongoing act of resilience.

我们不应将乌克兰人对这场悲剧的沉默视为冷漠或忽视，而应将其视为一种积极、持续的韧性行为。

By continuing to write about issues that could shape Ukraine’s future, not just its present, these writers are saying, “The war continues, but so must we.”

通过继续撰写可能塑造乌克兰未来而不仅仅是现在的问题，这些作家表示，“战争仍在继续，但我们也必须如此。”