Doubts Grow Over the Terms of Ukraine’s European Union Accession
Welcome to The Ukraine Compass, a weekly digest of Ukrainian commentary and analysis from across the political spectrum only for War on the Rocks members.
欢迎来到《乌克兰指南针》，这是一份专门为岩石战争成员提供的乌克兰各政治派别的评论和分析的每周摘要。
Each week, we bring you a curated selection of articles from Ukrainian media offering insight into how Ukrainians themselves debate the issues shaping their country.
每周，我们都会为您带来乌克兰媒体精选的文章，深入了解乌克兰人如何辩论塑造其国家的问题。
Western coverage often narrows the view to the battlefield — these pieces widen it, revealing the texture of daily life, politics, and public argument in a nation at war.
西方的报道常常缩小战场的视野，而这些报道则拓宽了战场的视野，揭示了一个处于战争状态的国家的日常生活、政治和公共争论的本质。
The perspectives gathered here are varied, candid, and often surprising, together forming a more complete picture of Ukraine as it really is.
这里聚集的观点多种多样、坦诚，而且往往令人惊讶，共同构成了乌克兰更完整的真实面貌。
Daily socio-political news outlet with a strong nationalistic voice“ Strategic Cannon Fodder: Russia Throws Its Missile Troops Into Meat Assaults ”
带有强烈民族主义声音的每日社会政治新闻《战略炮灰：俄罗斯投入导弹部队进行肉类袭击》
By Dmytro Snegirev/Oct.
作者：德米特罗·斯内吉列夫/十月
10, 2026 According to Ukraine’s General Staff, Russian losses hit a 2026 record of 46,230 in September, up nearly 46 percent from January, while Russia’s recruitment system replaces only 30,000–35,000 soldiers a month, mostly through rising cash bonuses.
2026年10月10日，乌克兰总参谋部称，9月份俄罗斯阵亡人数达到2026年最高纪录，达46,230人，较1月份增加近46%，而俄罗斯征兵系统每月仅替换30,000至35,000名士兵，主要是通过增加现金奖金。
Dmytro Snegirev cites Russia’s use of Strategic Missile Forces technicians and guards as assault infantry, recently spotted in Sumy region as evidence of severely depleted reserves.
德米特罗·斯内吉列夫援引俄罗斯最近在苏梅地区发现的战略导弹部队技术人员和警卫作为突击步兵的做法，作为储备严重耗尽的证据。
He expects the Kremlin to quietly expand mobilization under Putin’s still-active 2022 decree, pointing to a new Duma law raising reserve age limits by five to ten years, extending eligibility to 55 for most reservists.
他预计克里姆林宫将根据普京仍然有效的 2022 年法令悄悄扩大动员，指出新的杜马法将预备役年龄限制提高 5 至 10 岁，将大多数预备役人员的资格延长至 55 岁。
“Throwing highly skilled specialists into conventional assaults as cannon fodder is a direct result of Russia’s traditional contract recruitment system failing to keep pace with monthly battlefield losses.
“将高技能专家作为炮灰投入常规攻击是俄罗斯传统的合同招募制度无法跟上每月战场损失的直接结果。
Facing an acute manpower shortage, the Kremlin’s political and military leadership will be forced to step up a second wave of mobilization while trying to avoid drawing public attention.”
面对严重的人力短缺，克里姆林宫的政治和军事领导层将被迫加强第二波动员，同时尽量避免引起公众关注。”
By Olha Moskaliuk/Oct.
作者：Olha Moskaliuk/10 月
10, 2026 Ukraine’s mobilization debate often fixates on what the state owes its citizens.
2026 年 10 月 乌克兰的动员辩论常常聚焦于国家欠其公民什么。
Staff Sergeant of the 3rd Army Corps’ KRAKEN regiment argues it should start with what citizens owe the state: Rights are earned by fulfilling duties, and real motivation comes from self-respect, not contracts or money, he says.
美国第三军团海怪团的上士认为，应该从公民对国家的义务开始：权利是通过履行职责赢得的，真正的动力来自自尊，而不是合同或金钱，他说。
He also challenges the fear that service means certain death.
他还挑战了“服务意味着必死无疑”的恐惧。
For every combat role, his unit needs drivers, clerks, engineers, IT specialists, 3D modelers, social media managers, and recruits who work in their own field.
对于每一个战斗角色，他的部队都需要司机、文员、工程师、IT 专家、3D 建模师、社交媒体经理和在各自领域工作的新兵。
“We truly value our soldiers’ skills, and if someone wants to develop them further, we have every opportunity to help.
“我们真正重视士兵的技能，如果有人想进一步发展他们，我们有一切机会提供帮助。
Training in the Third Army Corps is a subject in itself, with a wide range of courses on offer.
第三军团的训练本身就是一门学科，提供广泛的课程。
After serving, you can leave the military as an even more qualified specialist in your field.
服役后，您可以离开军队，成为您所在领域的更合格的专家。
Joining the army doesn’t mean putting your life on hold or heading to your grave.
参军并不意味着搁置你的生活或走向坟墓。
In 2022, there was a great deal of uncertainty, and no one knew how things would turn out, but the situation is much clearer now.”
2022年，存在很大的不确定性，没有人知道事情会如何发展，但现在情况清楚多了。”
By Anatoliy Amelin/Oct.
作者：阿纳托利·阿梅林/十月
5, 2026 Ukraine shoots down over 90 percent of piston-engine Shaheds, but only 55 percent of the jet-powered drones Russia now produces at about 3,000 a month, writes Anatoliy Amelin.
阿纳托利·阿梅林 (Anatoliy Amelin) 写道，2026 年 12 月 5 日，乌克兰击落了超过 90% 的活塞发动机“沙希德”无人机，但俄罗斯目前每月生产约 3,000 架的喷气式无人机中，只有 55% 被击落。
Flying 450–500 km/h, they leave seconds to react, and current options are either scarce and costly, like Patriot missiles, or immature, like lasers.
它们的飞行速度为 450-500 公里/小时，需要几秒钟的时间做出反应，而目前的选择要么稀缺且成本高昂，如爱国者导弹，要么不成熟，如激光。
Amelin argues there is no single fix, only layered defense missing a cheap, fast layer.
阿梅林认为，没有单一的解决办法，只有分层防御缺少廉价、快速的层。
He argues Ukraine should prioritize jet interceptors under $30,000 paid per confirmed hit, secure engine supply, buy cheap missiles, expand acoustic sensors, and pilot lasers cautiously.
他认为乌克兰应该优先购买每次确认命中费用低于 30,000 美元的喷气式拦截器、确保发动机供应、购买廉价导弹、扩大声学传感器并谨慎驾驶激光。
He believes a 75 percent shootdown rate is achievable by spring.
他相信到春季可以实现 75% 的击落率。
“The bottom line remains the same: There is no silver bullet.
“底线仍然是一样的：没有灵丹妙药。
What we have is layered defense, and it is missing one crucial layer: something both cheap and fast.”
我们拥有的是分层防御，但它缺少一个关键层：既便宜又快速的东西。”
By Serhiy Sydorenko/Oct.
作者：Serhiy Sydorenko/十月
7, 2026 On Oct.
2026 年 10 月 7 日
6, the European Commission presented a cautious enlargement review after member states rejected its earlier plan for fast-tracking Ukraine’s accession.
1月6日，欧盟委员会在成员国拒绝其早先加速乌克兰入盟的计划后，提出了谨慎的扩大审查。
Rather than rewriting the rules, it proposes using existing treaty mechanisms: clauses to bypass unanimity, gradual integration into the single market, and a sectoral fuse allowing penalties for new members who backslide within 15 years.
它没有重写规则，而是建议使用现有的条约机制：绕过一致同意的条款、逐步融入单一市场，以及允许对 15 年内倒退的新成员进行惩罚的部门熔断。
Crucially, the Commission concluded the European Union can absorb new members without treaty changes.
至关重要的是，委员会得出的结论是，欧盟可以在不修改条约的情况下吸纳新成员。
However, it also proposed special limits on Ukraine’s agricultural subsidies and market access, likely to avoid blockages from France and Poland.
不过，它还对乌克兰的农业补贴和市场准入提出了特殊限制，可能以避免法国和波兰的封锁。
Kyiv rejects any permanent restrictions.
基辅拒绝任何永久性限制。
“The idea of changing the E.U.’s rules for admitting new members has been discussed since at least 2023, and Brussels acknowledges that these discussions began because of, and for the sake of, Ukraine.
“至少从 2023 年起就一直在讨论改变欧盟接纳新成员规则的想法，布鲁塞尔承认这些讨论是因为乌克兰而开始的。
After Russia’s full-scale invasion, the E.U.
俄罗斯全面入侵后，欧盟
revived enlargement, once a taboo topic, and calls to speed up the process have grown louder.
一度成为禁忌话题的东扩再度兴起，加快这一进程的呼声也越来越高。
But while E.U.
但虽然欧盟。
capitals are now ready in principle to discuss Ukraine’s accession, changing the accession rules themselves still meets resistance.”
各国首都原则上已经准备好讨论乌克兰的入盟问题，但改变入盟规则本身仍然遇到阻力。”
By Vadym Denysenko/Oct.
作者：Vadym Denysenko/10 月
7, 2026 Vadym Denysenko argues that the attack by masked men on the Latvian border is not the escalation Western media portray.
2026 年 12 月 7 日，瓦迪姆·丹尼森科 (Vadym Denysenko) 辩称，拉脱维亚边境蒙面男子的袭击事件并非西方媒体描述的升级事件。
Lukashenko has recently replaced pro-Kremlin security officials with loyalists, kept a direct channel to Washington through potash exports and prisoner releases, and courted Belarusians who increasingly value national statehood.
卢卡申科最近用效忠者取代了亲克里姆林宫的安全官员，通过钾肥出口和释放囚犯保留了与华盛顿的直接渠道，并向越来越重视国家地位的白俄罗斯人示好。
Under Russian pressure to let Belarus host hybrid attacks on the European Union, he offered Moscow a limited show of loyalty without crossing real red lines.
在俄罗斯要求白俄罗斯对欧盟发动混合攻击的压力下，他向莫斯科提供了有限的忠诚度，但没有跨越真正的红线。
The incident, he says, reflects Lukashenko balancing between Moscow and the West.
他说，这一事件反映了卢卡申科在莫斯科与西方之间的平衡。
“Taken together, this suggests the provocation on the Latvian border is not the start of a larger joint Russian-Belarusian campaign.
“总而言之，这表明拉脱维亚边境的挑衅并不是俄罗斯-白俄罗斯更大规模联合行动的开始。
For now, it looks more like Lukashenko trying to sit on two chairs: He doesn’t want to fall out with Moscow, but he is doing everything he can to avoid a more serious conflict with the United States, the E.U., and China.
目前看来，卢卡申科更像是试图坐在两把椅子上：他不想与莫斯科闹翻，但他正在尽一切努力避免与美国、欧盟和中国发生更严重的冲突。
He needed to show Moscow some loyalty, and he did, without crossing any significant red lines.”
他需要向莫斯科表现出一定的忠诚度，他做到了，而且没有跨越任何重要的红线。”
By Igor Popov/Oct.
伊戈尔·波波夫/十月。
6, 2026 Ukraine plans to cut over 4,000 vacant central government positions and about 20 percent of deputy ministers.
2026年12月6日乌克兰计划削减4000多个空缺的中央政府职位和约20%的副部长。
Igor Popov calls this broadly sensible amid a budget deficit, but warns that cuts alone won’t improve efficiency.
伊戈尔·波波夫（Igor Popov）称，在预算赤字的情况下，这总体上是明智的，但他警告称，仅靠削减并不能提高效率。
Ukraine’s civil service (about 155,000 employees) is comparable in size to E.U.
乌克兰的公务员队伍（约 155,000 名员工）的规模与欧盟相当。
norms.
规范。
Many staff serve citizens directly, and agencies keep vacancies partly to fund bonuses.
许多工作人员直接为公民服务，机构保留空缺部分是为了提供奖金。
Deputy minister counts need balance, he says.
他说，副部长计数需要平衡。
Real reform should audit functions first, then redesign structures, and only then cut staff.
真正的改革应该是先审计职能，然后重新设计架构，最后才是裁员。
The author cites DOGE as a cautionary example and Parkinson’s law on how bureaucracy grows on its own.
作者引用了 DOGE 作为一个警示性的例子，并引用了帕金森定律来说明官僚主义如何自行发展。
“Reform should start by cutting unnecessary functions, not people.
“改革应该从削减不必要的职能开始，而不是从人开始。
Every bureaucracy keeps generating new programs, procedures, registries, permits, certificates, and reporting forms, and some of them become pointless over time.
每个官僚机构都在不断制定新的计划、程序、登记册、许可证、证书和报告表格，其中一些随着时间的推移变得毫无意义。
But as long as the regulation behind them stays in force, officials are still required to carry out that work.”
但只要其背后的规定仍然有效，官员们仍然需要开展这项工作。”
By Oleksandr Sergienko/Oct., 8 2026 Russia has begun striking Kyiv’s bridges over the Dnipro, which carry about 600,000 cars daily and connect a left bank home to over a million people.
作者：Oleksandr Sergienko/2026 年 10 月 8 日 俄罗斯已开始攻击基辅第聂伯河上的桥梁，这些桥梁每天承载约 60 万辆汽车，将左岸的一个住宅连接到超过 100 万人。
The author argues the bridges, mostly designed with Cold War safety margins, can withstand drone strikes, and that the real damage comes from authorities halting traffic during alarms, which paralyzes the city and economy.
作者认为，这些桥梁的设计大多符合冷战时期的安全裕度，可以抵御无人机袭击，而真正的损害来自当局在警报期间停止交通，从而使城市和经济陷入瘫痪。
He dismisses the government’s proposals of pontoons, dams, quick-build concrete, and tunnels as slow, costly, or vulnerable.
他驳斥了政府提出的浮桥、水坝、快速建造混凝土和隧道的建议，认为这些建议缓慢、成本高昂或脆弱。
Instead, he urges anti-drone nets, smoke screens, reversible traffic lanes, and letting adults decide for themselves whether to cross during alerts.
相反，他敦促设置反无人机网、烟幕、可逆车道，并让成年人自己决定是否在警报期间穿越。
“As an organizational measure, I believe bridges should be fully open to traffic during the day regardless of the threat level, including during red alerts, and open to freight transport at night.
“作为一项组织措施，我认为无论威胁程度如何，桥梁都应该在白天完全开放交通，包括在红色警报期间，并在夜间开放货运。
Everyone can then decide for themselves whether to cross or wait until the air raid ends.
然后每个人都可以自己决定是穿越还是等到空袭结束。
Reversible traffic during the morning and evening rush hours is also worth considering, with some bridges running in one direction across all lanes and others in the opposite direction.
早晚高峰时段的可逆交通也值得考虑，一些桥梁在一个方向上穿过所有车道，而另一些则在相反方向上。
This would increase average traffic speed and reduce the chance of vehicles being hit while on the bridges.”
这将提高平均交通速度并减少车辆在桥梁上被撞的机会。”
“ Ukraine’s Answer to the AfD: How a Right-Wing Populist Movement Is Taking Shape ”
“乌克兰对选择党的回应：右翼民粹主义运动如何形成”
By Denis Popovych/Oct., 9 2026 Denis Popovych argues that a right-wing populist movement, an “Alternative for Ukraine,” is forming around parliament member Oleksiy Honcharenko, with Hanna Skorokhod and Danylo Hetmantsev as early followers.
作者：丹尼斯·波波维奇/2026 年 10 月 9 日 丹尼斯·波波维奇认为，一场右翼民粹主义运动，即“乌克兰的另类选择”，正在围绕议会议员奥列克西·洪恰连科 (Oleksiy Honcharenko) 形成，汉娜·斯科罗霍德 (Hanna Skorokhod) 和丹尼洛·赫特曼采夫 (Danylo Hetmantsev) 是早期追随者。
Honcharenko’s peace plan of negotiated small truces ignores Russia’s unwillingness to compromise, while Skorokhod’s bill to drop NATO membership from the constitution cannot win the required 300 votes.
洪恰连科通过谈判达成小规模休战的和平计划无视俄罗斯不愿妥协的态度，而斯科罗霍德从宪法中删除北约成员资格的法案也无法赢得所需的 300 票。
The author predicts this rhetoric will lead to euroscepticism.
作者预测这种言论将导致欧洲怀疑主义。
Yet the movement taps real war fatigue among soldiers, displaced people, and families abroad.
然而，这场运动却利用了士兵、流离失所者和海外家庭真正的战争疲劳感。
It will distance itself from pro-Russian positions, and the author expects it to grow quickly and win seats in future elections.
它将与亲俄立场保持距离，作者预计它会迅速成长并在未来的选举中赢得席位。
“Nobody seems to care that these MPs are themselves part of the current government.
“似乎没有人关心这些议员本身是现任政府的一部分。
Has everyone forgotten that Volodymyr Zelenskyy also promised to end the war and won the 2019 election on an anti-war platform?
大家是否都忘记了，弗拉基米尔·泽伦斯基也曾承诺结束战争，并以反战为纲领赢得了2019年大选？
Unfortunately, reality turned out differently.
不幸的是，现实却有所不同。
Or that Donald Trump promised to end the Russian-Ukrainian war in 24 hours, only to quickly run into the same harsh reality?
或者唐纳德·特朗普承诺在 24 小时内结束俄罗斯-乌克兰战争，但很快就遇到了同样严酷的现实？
People don’t like reality, but they love it when someone speaks to their sincere hopes, and whatever one’s views, every reasonable person wants the war to end.”
人们不喜欢现实，但他们喜欢有人说出他们真诚的希望，无论他们的观点如何，每个理性的人都希望战争结束。”
“ Agriculture Pays the Price: The European Union’s New Approach to Ukraine’s Accession ”
“农业付出代价：欧盟对乌克兰入盟的新态度”
By Nazar Bobitksyi/Oct.
作者：Nazar Bobitksyi/10 月
12, 2026 On October 6, the European Commission unveiled proposals to overhaul European Union enlargement with gradual integration of candidates into E.U.
2026 年 10 月 12 日 10 月 6 日，欧盟委员会公布了彻底改革欧盟东扩并逐步将候选人融入欧盟的提案。
policies and markets before membership, more qualified majority voting to limit national vetoes, and a two-way dialogue with candidates.
入会前的政策和市场、更合格的多数投票以限制国家否决权，以及与候选人的双向对话。
To win member states’ support, it offers stronger safeguards, including suspending a new member’s voting rights for up to 15 years and economic clauses to protect sensitive sectors, namely agriculture.
为了赢得成员国的支持，它提供了更强有力的保障措施，包括暂停新成员国的投票权长达15年，以及保护农业等敏感部门的经济条款。
Ukrainian agricultural experts warns these would force costly adoption of E.U.
乌克兰农业专家警告说，这将迫使采用欧盟的成本高昂。
standards without guaranteeing full market access.
标准不保证完全的市场准入。
The proposals go to E.U.
这些提案提交给了欧盟。
leaders on October 15–16, and the author urges Kyiv to define its concessions and red lines now before it’s too late.
领导人将于 10 月 15 日至 16 日举行会议，作者敦促基辅立即明确其让步和红线，以免为时已晚。
“For Ukraine’s agricultural sector, adapting to E.U.
“对于乌克兰的农业部门来说，适应欧盟。
requirements is a point of no return.
要求是一条不归路。
Once producers switch to European standards, going back to the old production model will be nearly impossible, and Ukrainian products will become less competitive in traditional markets outside the E.U..
一旦生产商转向欧洲标准，回到旧的生产模式几乎是不可能的，乌克兰产品在欧盟以外的传统市场上的竞争力将下降。
Ukraine cannot be expected to bear the full cost of European integration while being denied access to its economic benefits.”
不能指望乌克兰承担欧洲一体化的全部成本，同时又无法获得其经济利益。”
By Serhii Fursa/Sept.
作者：Serhii Fursa/九月
28, 2026 Brussels wants Ukraine to adopt every E.U.
2026 年 2 月 28 日 布鲁塞尔希望乌克兰采用所有欧盟标准
farming rule while keeping its products out of the E.U.
农业统治，同时将其产品排除在欧盟之外
market even after accession, writes Serhii Fursa.
Serhii Fursa 写道，即使在入盟后也有市场。
That’s not integration, he says: It’s protectionism dressed up as caution.
他说，这不是一体化：这是披着谨慎外衣的保护主义。
Ukrainian farmers out-harvest every E.U.
乌克兰农民的收成超过了所有欧盟国家
country in corn and grow more sunflower and soybeans than the entire bloc, and European processors already rely on these supplies.
该国的玉米产量和向日葵和大豆的种植量比整个欧盟还要多，欧洲加工商已经依赖这些供应。
The real driver, he says, is farm lobbying ahead of elections.
他说，真正的推动因素是选举前的农场游说。
Asking Ukraine to absorb costly E.U.
要求乌克兰吸收代价高昂的欧盟
standards, without subsidies and in wartime, while denying it equal access, is unfair.
没有补贴和战时的标准，同时剥夺了平等机会，是不公平的。
Temporary quotas with clear deadlines are reasonable.
有明确期限的临时配额是合理的。
Permanent restrictions would make Ukraine a second-class member, he argues.
他认为，永久限制将使乌克兰成为二等成员。
“Marchuk attributes the European Commission’s push to limit supplies to the influence of the farm lobby, noting that E.U.
“马尔丘克将欧盟委员会限制供应的努力归因于农业游说团体的影响，并指出欧盟。
political parties take up farmers’ demands, especially around elections.
政党满足农民的要求，特别是在选举方面。
Avramenko calls this protectionism, though she acknowledges that E.U.
阿夫拉门科称之为保护主义，尽管她承认欧盟。
producers see the sheer scale of Ukraine’s agro-industrial sector as a threat.
生产商将乌克兰农工业部门的庞大规模视为一种威胁。
Still, none of this explains why a member state that has adopted all the rules and meets every E.U.
尽管如此，这些都无法解释为什么一个成员国已经采用了所有规则并满足所有欧盟要求。
requirement should have restricted access to a market of supposedly equal partners.”
要求应该限制进入所谓平等合作伙伴的市场。”
By Victoria Kikhtenko/Oct.
维多利亚·基赫坚科/十月
8, 2026 Public Culture spoke with five Ukrainian theater photographers from Kyiv, Lviv, Kharkiv, and Dnipro about whether their work is promotion, reportage, or art.
2026 年 12 月 8 日，《公共文化》采访了来自基辅、利沃夫、哈尔科夫和第聂伯罗的五位乌克兰戏剧摄影师，讨论他们的作品是宣传、报告文学还是艺术。
Opinions on the genre differ.
对于该类型的看法不同。
Anastasia Mantach sees herself as framing art already created by others, while the rest consider theater photography a distinct artistic genre.
阿纳斯塔西娅·曼塔赫 (Anastasia Mantach) 将自己视为他人已经创作的框架艺术，而其他人则认为戏剧摄影是一种独特的艺术流派。
Common problems include uncredited photos, low pay, and a lack of competitions and exhibitions.
常见的问题包括照片来源不明、报酬低以及缺乏比赛和展览。
Khrystyna Korol calls for a professional community and better archiving of Ukraine’s theater history.
赫里斯蒂娜·科罗尔（Khrystyna Korol）呼吁建立专业社区并更好地归档乌克兰戏剧历史。
“We go to the theater to experience the emotions a performance evokes, so my task as a photographer is to capture moments that bring viewers closer to those emotions.
“我们去剧院是为了体验表演所唤起的情感，所以作为摄影师，我的任务就是捕捉让观众更接近这些情感的瞬间。
It means combining the perspective of an audience member with the skills of a photographer: finding a form for what you feel while watching and conveying it through composition, movement, and light.
它意味着将观众的视角与摄影师的技能相结合：找到一种适合您观看时感受到的形式，并通过构图、动作和光线来传达它。
It’s also important to feel the rhythm of the performance, because that helps you anticipate when a movement or emotion will be at its most expressive.”
感受表演的节奏也很重要，因为这可以帮助你预测动作或情感何时最能表现出来。”
Nonprofit multilingual media project with a pro-European focus on Ukrainian identity
以乌克兰身份为重点的亲欧洲非营利多语言媒体项目
By Oksana Forostyna/Oct.
作者：Oksana Forostyna/十月
9, 2026 Writer Oksana Forostyna argues that Ukraine’s wartime clarity about Russia’s evil has led its educated class into a trap of treating simplicity as a virtue and doubt as suspect.
2026 年 9 月 作家奥克萨娜·福罗斯提娜 (Oksana Forostyna) 认为，乌克兰在战时对俄罗斯邪恶的清晰认识导致其受过教育的阶层陷入了将简单视为美德、将怀疑视为可疑的陷阱。
Drawing on Józef Czapski’s Proust lectures in a Soviet POW camp as a model of resistance that refused to simplify, she warns that collective outrage now polices speech more effectively than overt censorship.
她借鉴约瑟夫·恰普斯基（Józef Czapski）在苏联战俘营中的普鲁斯特演讲作为拒绝简化的抵抗模式，警告说现在集体愤怒比公开审查更有效地监管言论。
Society has claimed individual suffering as moral authority, grown hostile to criticism, and avoided confronting Ukrainians’ own past wrongs, she says.
她说，社会将个人的苦难视为道德权威，对批评变得敌视，并避免面对乌克兰人自己过去的错误。
She urges Ukrainians to reclaim doubt and embrace complexity.
她敦促乌克兰人重新拾起怀疑并拥抱复杂性。
“When you are faced with undeniable, impenetrable darkness, it is easy to believe in the faultlessness of the innocent side.
“当你面对不可否认、无法穿透的黑暗时，你很容易相信无辜的一面是完美的。
We missed the moment when we fell into a mental trap: If there can be no doubt about the infernal nature of the aggressor, then there can be no doubt about the righteousness of those on the other side — you’re either a victim or a hero.
我们错过了陷入心理陷阱的那一刻：如果侵略者的邪恶本性不容置疑，那么对方的正义性也不容置疑——你要么是受害者，要么是英雄。
And at some point, even the very act of doubting, the very habit of doubt, became suspect.”
在某些时候，甚至连怀疑的行为、怀疑的习惯都变得可疑了。”
European integration was one of the week’s most discussed topics, particularly the reforms Ukraine’s agricultural sector will need to undergo to ascend into the European Union.
欧洲一体化是本周讨论最多的话题之一，特别是乌克兰农业部门为加入欧盟而需要进行的改革。
Many writers are skeptical that these reforms are for Ukraine’s benefit, suggesting instead that they are protective measures for other European economies likely to be outperformed by Ukraine in agriculture, especially in grain, corn, and soybeans.
许多作家对这些改革是否有利于乌克兰表示怀疑，认为这些改革是对其他欧洲经济体的保护措施，这些经济体在农业方面可能会被乌克兰超越，特别是在谷物、玉米和大豆方面。
The question this week isn’t whether European Union membership is valuable to Ukraine (the consensus is that it is), but whether Ukraine will enter the union as an equal partner or a second-class member.
本周的问题不是欧盟成员资格对乌克兰是否有价值（共识是有价值），而是乌克兰是否会作为平等伙伴或二等成员加入欧盟。
We’ve seen this concern raised frequently in defense conversations, but putting agriculture at the center of the discussion is new this week.
我们在国防对话中经常看到这种担忧，但本周将农业置于讨论的中心是新的。
Domestic political discussion was similarly lively, focused primarily on the proposed elimination of thousands of civil service positions.
国内政治讨论同样活跃，主要集中在拟议取消数千个公务员职位上。
Across outlets, writers seem to agree that the cuts will help the budget, but that cuts alone won’t make the government more efficient.
各媒体的作者似乎都同意削减将有助于预算，但单靠削减并不会让政府更有效率。
Pointing to DOGE in the early days of the second Trump administration, many frame “efficiency” as something of a buzzword.
许多人在谈到特朗普第二届政府初期的 DOGE 时，将“效率”视为一个流行词。
While authors acknowledge that a more efficient government is a worthy goal, Ukraine’s ongoing struggles with corruption make talk of “efficiency” and “budget cuts” a harder sell.
尽管作者承认建立一个更高效的政府是一个值得追求的目标，但乌克兰持续不断的反腐败斗争使得“效率”和“预算削减”的讨论变得更加困难。
Speaking of unpopular opinions, I was thrilled to read Oksana Forostyna’s thought-provoking essay on doubt as a virtue in Ukrainian society.
说到不受欢迎的观点，我很高兴读到奥克萨娜·福罗斯提娜 (Oksana Forostyna) 发人深省的文章，该文章将怀疑视为乌克兰社会的一种美德。
I’ve written about this often, as it’s one of the fundamental issues I see affecting Ukraine today.
我经常写过这个话题，因为这是我认为当今影响乌克兰的基本问题之一。
Even questioning the certainties that have taken hold in society since the full-scale invasion is controversial, so it’s refreshing to see a Ukrainian writer warn against letting that kind of thinking become the norm or the only “virtuous” position.
即使质疑自全面入侵以来社会上所存在的确定性也是有争议的，因此看到一位乌克兰作家警告不要让这种思维成为常态或唯一的“道德”立场，令人耳目一新。
Notably, her essay appeared on a nonprofit media site rather than a mainstream publication, likely because the opinion is unpopular and would draw sharp criticism.
值得注意的是，她的文章出现在非营利媒体网站而不是主流出版物上，可能是因为该观点不受欢迎并且会招致尖锐批评。
Nonetheless, it was a refreshing read that captures the complexity of human nature and identity in a way most articles I come across in Ukrainian media do not.
尽管如此，这本书还是令人耳目一新，它以我在乌克兰媒体上看到的大多数文章所没有的方式捕捉到了人性和身份的复杂性。