The 1937 Attack on the USS Panay
Although the attack on the USS Panay did not ignite a war between the United States and Japan, it marked a turning point in their relationship.
尽管班乃号遭到袭击并没有引发美日之间的战争，但这标志着两国关系的转折点。
Top Photo: View of the coffin of an American sailor killed in the Japanese bombing of USS Panay on December 12, 1937, being hoisted aboard the Asiatic fleet flagship, USS Augusta (CA-31), Shanghai, China, December 17, 1937.
上图：1937 年 12 月 12 日，一名在日本轰炸班乃号航空母舰中丧生的美国水手的棺材，被吊在亚洲舰队旗舰奥古斯塔号航空母舰 (CA-31) 上，中国上海，1937 年 12 月 17 日。
Naval History and Heritage Command
海军历史与遗产司令部
On August 30, 1937, Secretary of State Cordell Hull sent a message to Joseph Grew, the US ambassador to Japan.
1937 年 8 月 30 日，国务卿科德尔·赫尔致函美国驻日本大使约瑟夫·格鲁。
American diplomats in Nanking, China, warned that Japan’s intensifying war in China endangered American military personnel and civilians in that unstable country: “Sooner or later,” they predicted, “some incident is going to happen resulting in the death or injury to American citizens going about their legitimate occupations within the interior of China where such dangers should not exist.” 1 Hull urged Ambassador Grew to convey the US government’s concerns to Japanese leaders.
驻中国南京的美国外交官警告说，日本在中国愈演愈烈的战争危及了这个不稳定国家的美国军事人员和平民：他们预测，“迟早会发生一些事件，导致在中国内地从事合法工作的美国公民伤亡，而这种危险本不应该存在。” 1 赫尔敦促格鲁大使向日本领导人转达美国政府的关切。
After meeting with Japanese Foreign Minister Koki Hirota the following day, Grew told his superiors in Washington that he “felt a daily dread that some serious incident might occur in China arising out of the indiscriminate bombing operations of the Japanese forces which might result in the injury or death of American citizens.” Such an incident, Grew observed, “would exert a most unfortunate effect on Japanese–American relations because it could not fail to enflame public opinion in the United States.” According to Grew, Hirota tried to reassure the Americans that Japanese forces only attacked military targets but also warned that “sometimes the bombs failed to reach their precise objectives and accidents happened.” 2
第二天与日本外务大臣广田宏基会面后，格鲁告诉他在华盛顿的上级，他“每天都担心日本军队的狂轰滥炸可能会在中国发生一些严重事件，导致美国公民受伤或死亡”。格鲁观察到，这样的事件“将对日美关系产生最不幸的影响，因为它必然会激怒美国的公众舆论。”据格鲁称，广田试图向美国人保证，日本军队只攻击军事目标，但他也警告说，“有时炸弹未能达到其精确目标，从而发生事故。” 2
Just over three months later, Grew’s fears became reality when Japanese aircraft attacked and sank the USS Panay , an American gunboat from the Yangtze Patrol squadron.
仅仅三个多月后，当日本飞机袭击并击沉美国长江巡逻中队的班乃号炮艇时，格鲁的担忧变成了现实。
The events leading up to this attack illustrate the long and complicated relationship between the United States and China since the 19th century and rising tensions between America and Japan in the years before the outbreak of World War II.
导致这次袭击的事件说明了自 19 世纪以来美国和中国之间长期而复杂的关系，以及第二次世界大战爆发前几年美国和日本之间日益紧张的关系。
In the early 20th century, Americans felt a deep attachment to China.
20世纪初，美国人对中国怀有深厚的感情。
From diplomats and soldiers to missionaries and businessmen, many Americans had close ties to the country.
从外交官和士兵到传教士和商人，许多美国人与这个国家有着密切的联系。
In the words of historian Gordon Chang, many Americans “believed that China’s destiny lay very much in the hands of America.
用历史学家张家辉的话来说，许多美国人“相信中国的命运很大程度上掌握在美国手中。
It was America’s destiny, many believed, to be China’s friend, protector, benefactor, and savior.” 3 Policymakers saw America’s role as guaranteeing China’s sovereignty and maintaining an “open door” for the United States and others to trade with China.
许多人相信，美国的命运是成为中国的朋友、保护者、恩人和救世主。” 3 政策制定者认为，美国的角色是保障中国的主权，并为美国和其他国家与中国的贸易保持“开放的大门”。
With thousands of Americans and foreign nationals living in and traveling around China, the United States stationed hundreds of military personnel around the country to provide security and ensure that US interests were protected.
由于数以千计的美国人和外国人在中国生活和旅行，美国在中国各地驻扎了数百名军事人员，以提供安全保障并确保美国利益受到保护。
An important contingent of those forces was the Yangtze Patrol, a squadron of gunboats operating along the Yangtze River, the longest river in Asia and the third-longest in the world.
这些部队中的一个重要分队是长江巡逻队，这是一支在亚洲最长、世界第三长的河流长江上行动的炮艇中队。
Known informally as YangPat, the unit’s roots stretched back to the mid-19th century, but the Yangtze Patrol was formally established in 1919 as part of the US Navy’s Asiatic Fleet.
该部队的非正式名称为“YangPat”，其历史可以追溯到 19 世纪中叶，但长江巡逻队于 1919 年正式成立，隶属于美国海军亚洲舰队。
In 1928, the Yangtze Patrol received six new gunboats, including the USS Panay .
1928年，长江巡逻队接收了六艘新炮舰，其中包括班乃号。
Built in the Kiangnan Shipyard in Shanghai, each flat-bottomed boat was lightly armed and carried a standard crew of at least 50 officers and enlisted sailors.
每艘平底船均在上海江南造船厂建造，配备轻武器，并搭载至少 50 名军官和士兵的标准船员。
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YangPat’s duty station was far from the United States and more glamorous assignments aboard larger ships, but many Navy officers and enlisted men were eager to join the squadron.
杨帕特的工作地点远离美国，在大型舰艇上执行更光鲜亮丽的任务，但许多海军军官和士兵都渴望加入这个中队。
Their small salaries went further in China than in the United States, and for much of its existence, duty in China had been a relatively safe assignment.
他们在中国的工资比在美国低得多，而且在中国存在的大部分时间里，在中国工作一直是一项相对安全的任务。
As journalist Hamilton Darby Perry put it, a transfer to the Yangtze Patrol was “largely sought after, hard to come by, [and] not easily chucked away.” 5
正如记者汉密尔顿·达比·佩里 (Hamilton Darby Perry) 所说，调到长江巡逻队“在很大程度上受到追捧，很难获得，[并且]不容易被放弃。” 5
Yet by the late 1930s, China was becoming increasingly dangerous for American military personnel.
然而到了 20 世纪 30 年代末，中国对美国军事人员来说变得越来越危险。
Aiming to become a major Asian land power and to seize vital natural resources for its growing economy and empire, Japan launched a new phase of its expansionist war in China in July 1937.
为了成为亚洲主要陆地强国，并为其不断发展的经济和帝国攫取重要的自然资源，日本于 1937 年 7 月在中国发动了新阶段的扩张主义战争。
After putting up stiff resistance for several weeks, Chinese forces withdrew from Shanghai, and the city fell in late October.
经过数周的顽强抵抗后，中国军队从上海撤出，该城于十月下旬陷落。
Given the deteriorating security situation, the American embassy in China advised all citizens to leave the capital Nanking.
鉴于安全局势不断恶化，美国驻华大使馆建议所有公民离开首都南京。
As Japanese forces advanced, the Nationalist Chinese government under Chiang Kai-shek fled the city.
随着日军的推进，蒋介石领导的国民党政府逃离了这座城市。
Throughout December 1937 and January 1938, Japanese troops committed massive atrocities against Chinese civilians.
1937年12月至1938年1月，日军对中国平民实施了大规模暴行。
By the end of 1937, the Japanese had 16 divisions and more than 600,000 troops in China but still struggled to achieve a decisive victory over Chinese forces.
1937年底，日军在中国拥有16个师团、60万余兵力，但仍难以取得对中国军队的决定性胜利。
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View of the Nanking waterfront on December 12, 1937, taken from the USS Panay .
1937 年 12 月 12 日，从班乃号航空母舰上拍摄的南京海滨景观。
Naval History and Heritage Command
海军历史与遗产司令部
Early on the morning of December 12, 1937, the Panay was anchored 15 miles up the Yangtze River from Nanking.
1937 年 12 月 12 日清晨，班乃号在距离南京长江上游 15 英里处停泊。
Her orders were to safeguard Americans and other foreign nationals, including diplomats and several journalists, who recently fled violence in the city.
她的命令是保护最近逃离该市暴力事件的美国人和其他外国人，包括外交官和几名记者。
The Panay was also escorting three oil tankers from the Standard Oil Company , Mei Ping, Mei Hsia, and Mei An .
班乃号还为标准石油公司的三艘油轮“梅平号”、“梅霞号”和“梅安号”护航。
According to an official report by the ship’s captain, Commander J.J.
根据该船船长 J.J. 的一份正式报告。
Hughes, the Panay displayed several large US flags to convey to any observer that this was an American ship.
休斯说，班乃号展示了几面巨大的美国国旗，向任何观察者传达这是一艘美国船。
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Around 8:14 a.m., artillery shells fell several hundred yards off the Panay’s starboard beam, and Hughes ordered his crew to move the ship to a safer location approximately 13 miles farther upriver from their previous position.
上午 8 点 14 分左右，炮弹从班乃号右舷横梁数百码处落下，休斯命令船员将船转移到距离先前位置更上游约 13 英里的安全地点。
An American diplomat aboard the Panay , George Atcheson, sent a message to the US ambassador in China asking him to inform Japanese authorities about the Panay’s change of position.
班乃号上的美国外交官乔治·艾奇森向美国驻华大使致函，要求他将班乃号立场的改变通知日本当局。
8 He and the other Americans hoped that if the Japanese knew their position and intentions, they would be safe.
8 他和其他美国人希望，如果日本人知道他们的立场和意图，他们就会安全。
However, it is unlikely that this information ever made it to local Japanese military commanders.
然而，这些信息不太可能传达给当地的日本军事指挥官。
Less than two hours later at around 9:40 a.m., Japanese soldiers boarded the Panay and demanded to know her mission.
不到两个小时后，上午 9 点 40 分左右，日本士兵登上了班乃号，要求了解她的任务。
Hughes explained to the Japanese commanding officer that the Panay was a neutral vessel evacuating foreigners and escorting American-flagged ships.
休斯向日本指挥官解释说，班乃号是一艘中立船只，负责撤离外国人并护送悬挂美国国旗的船只。
Satisfied, the soldiers returned to shore and the Panay continued her mission, but this would not be the last encounter the Panay had that day with Japanese military forces.
士兵们心满意足地返回岸边，班乃号继续执行任务，但这并不是班乃号当天与日本军队的最后一次遭遇。
Later that afternoon, at around 1:27 p.m., lookouts aboard the Panay spotted several aircraft; moments later, a bomb hit the American vessel.
当天下午晚些时候，大约下午 1 点 27 分，班乃号上的瞭望员发现了几架飞机；不久之后，一枚炸弹击中了美国船只。
The explosion destroyed the Panay’s main 3-inch gun in the bow and badly damaged the pilot house and radio equipment.
爆炸摧毁了班乃号船首的 3 英寸主炮，并严重损坏了驾驶室和无线电设备。
It also wounded Hughes, but he remained in command and ordered his crew to return fire and assess the damage.
休斯也受伤了，但他仍继续指挥并命令他的船员还击并评估损失。
View of attacking Japanese plane off the port bow, on the Yangtze River between Nanking and Wuhu, China, on 12 December 1937, Naval History and Heritage Command
1937 年 12 月 12 日，海军历史与遗产司令部在中国南京和芜湖之间的长江上看到从左舷船头攻击日本飞机的景象
From the beginning, there was no doubt that it was Japanese aircraft attacking the Panay .
从一开始，毫无疑问是日本飞机在攻击班乃号。
The attacking force included medium bombers, flying at more than 10,000 feet, and dive bombers, who came in at a much lower level.
攻击力量包括飞行高度超过 10,000 英尺的中型轰炸机和飞行高度低得多的俯冲轰炸机。
While it was the dive bombers who were first spotted by the American lookouts, it was bombs from higher up that first struck the Panay .
虽然美国瞭望台首先发现的是俯冲轰炸机，但首先袭击班乃河的是来自高处的炸弹。
One of the Japanese pilots who took part in the attack on the Panay was Masatake Okumiya.
奥宫正武是参与袭击班乃号的日本飞行员之一。
Unlike many of his contemporaries, Okumiya survived World War II, and after the war he provided a detailed description of the attack on the Panay from the Japanese perspective.
与许多同时代人不同，奥宫在第二次世界大战中幸存下来，战后他从日本的角度详细描述了班乃河遭到的袭击。
In his account, which was published in the US Navy journal Proceedings , he revealed that his unit, the Imperial Japanese Navy’s 2nd Combined Air Group, arrived in China just eight days before the attack.
他在美国海军杂志《会议记录》上发表的报道中透露，他的部队——日本帝国海军第二联合航空大队——在袭击发生前八天抵达中国。
Reports of boats carrying Chinese troops up the Yangtze reached the pilots’ base at Changchow, where rumors were already circulating among the excited pilots that a successful attack would earn them a unit citation.
有关载有中国军队沿长江而上的船只的报道传到了位于常州的飞行员基地，那里兴奋的飞行员中已经流传着这样的谣言：一次成功的攻击将为他们赢得部队嘉奖。
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Okumiya recalled that, despite a standing order not to strike boats on the Yangtze for fear of striking a neutral foreign vessel, they were ordered to attack a group of boats on December 12, which they believed were merchant vessels carrying Chinese soldiers.
奥宫回忆说，尽管有一项长期命令，不得攻击长江上的船只，因为担心会攻击中立的外国船只，但他们还是在 12 月 12 日被命令攻击一群船只，他们认为这些船只是载有中国士兵的商船。
Okumiya recalled that “having complete faith in [Japanese] Army intelligence, and seeing small boats plying between the ships and a dock, I was convinced that these vessels were loaded with enemy troops and pointed them out to the other pilots of my squadron who seemed to go wild with joy.” 10
奥宫回忆说，“我完全相信（日本）陆军的情报，看到小船在船只和码头之间来回穿梭，我确信这些船只上载着敌军，并将它们指给我中队的其他飞行员看，他们似乎欣喜若狂。” 10
Gunners firing back at attacking Japanese planes, December 12, 1937, on the Yangtze River between Nanking and Wuhu, China.
1937 年 12 月 12 日，中国南京和芜湖之间的长江上，炮手向攻击的日本飞机进行还击。
USN, Naval History and Heritage Command
USN，海军历史和遗产司令部
Altogether, the attacks on the Panay lasted around an hour, during which her crew tried to contain the damage and treat the wounded.
班乃号的袭击总共持续了大约一个小时，在此期间，班乃号船员试图控制损失并治疗伤员。
Several sailors fired back ineffectively at the attacking Japanese planes with the Panay’s Lewis machine guns.
几名水手用帕奈刘易斯机枪向攻击的日本飞机进行了无效的还击。
Amid all this activity, American correspondent Norman Alley filmed the attack on a hand-held camera.
在所有这些活动中，美国记者诺曼·艾利用手持摄像机拍摄了这次袭击。
As he recalled years later in his memoir, he kept filming because “it was a welcome something to divert my constant thought of a sudden obliteration of all of us.” 11 When the attack was over, Alley’s film was rushed back to the United States, where it was shown to senior American government officials and later the American public.
正如他多年后在回忆录中回忆的那样，他继续拍摄是因为“这是一件值得欢迎的事情，可以转移我对我们所有人突然消失的持续思考。” 11 袭击结束后，艾利的影片被赶回美国，向美国政府高级官员放映，后来又向美国公众放映。
At around 2:00 p.m., the wounded Commander Hughes gave the order to abandon ship.
下午2:00左右，受伤的休斯舰长下令弃船。
While still under attack, the crew of the Panay used their two small boats to ferry passengers and crew off the ship, starting with the seriously wounded.
在仍然受到攻击的情况下，班乃号的船员们用两艘小船将乘客和船员从船上运送出来，首先是重伤员。
By 4:00 p.m., the Panay was almost fully submerged.
到下午 4:00，班乃河几乎完全被淹没。
Crew members of the USS Panay abandoning ship after being bombed by Japanese planes on December 12, 1937.
1937 年 12 月 12 日，班乃号航空母舰的船员在遭到日本飞机轰炸后弃船。
Naval History and Heritage Command
海军历史与遗产司令部
Once ashore, American sailors and their passengers treated the wounded and sought shelter.
上岸后，美国水手和乘客开始救治伤员并寻求庇护。
Because of his wounds, Hughes turned to several of his passengers for assistance: diplomat George Atcheson and US Army Captain Frank Roberts, an American military attaché in China.
由于受伤，休斯向几位乘客寻求帮助：外交官乔治·艾奇森和美国陆军上尉、美国驻华武官弗兰克·罗伯茨。
Together, Acheson and Roberts, who both spoke Chinese, sought help from a nearby village and arranged transportation for the Panay’s crew and passengers to and from the village of Hanshan.
艾奇逊和罗伯茨都会说中文，他们一起向附近的一个村庄寻求帮助，并为班乃号的船员和乘客安排了往返含山村的交通。
On the night of December 14, two days after the attack, the survivors were picked up by the Panay’s sistership, USS Oahu , and a British vessel, HMS Ladybird .
12 月 14 日晚，也就是袭击事件发生两天后，幸存者被班乃号的姊妹舰瓦胡岛号和英国舰艇瓢虫号救起。
In all, the Japanese attack killed two sailors, an Italian journalist, and wounded over 30 American sailors.
日本的袭击总共造成两名水手、一名意大利记者死亡，并造成 30 多名美国水手受伤。
View of the USS Panay sinking in the Yangtze River between Nanking and Wuhu, China, after being bombed by Japanese planes on December 12, 1937.
1937 年 12 月 12 日，班乃号航空母舰在中国南京和芜湖之间的长江中遭日本飞机轰炸后沉没的景象。
Naval History and Heritage Command
海军历史与遗产司令部
As the survivors of the Panay were being rescued, Japanese violence against Chinese civilians continued in Nanking.
当班乃号的幸存者被营救时，日本人在南京继续对中国平民实施暴力。
On December 18, less a week after the attack on the Panay , reporter F.
12 月 18 日，班乃河袭击事件发生不到一周后，记者 F.
Tillman Durdin wrote in The New York Times that “wholesale looting, the violation of women, the murder of civilians, the eviction of Chinse from their homes, mass executions of war prisoners and the impressing of able-bodied men turned Nanking into a city of terror.” 12 Less than a month later, Life magazine published graphic photographs of Japanese atrocities in Nanking, which the magazine called “quite possibly the worst holocaust in modern history.” 13
蒂尔曼·杜丁（Tillman Durdin）在《纽约时报》上写道，“大规模抢劫、侵犯妇女、谋杀平民、将中国人逐出家园、大规模处决战俘以及对身体健全的男人留下深刻印象，使南京变成了一座恐怖之城。” 12 不到一个月后，《生活》杂志发表了日本在南京暴行的图片，该杂志称其“很可能是现代历史上最严重的大屠杀”。 13
Realizing the enormity of what happened, senior Japanese government officials immediately met with their American counterparts to apologize for the attack on the Panay .
日本政府高级官员意识到事件的严重性，立即会见美国官员，就班乃河袭击事件道歉。
In Tokyo, Foreign Minister Hirota went personally to Ambassador Grew’s residence to convey the Japanese government’s “profound apology” for what happened to the Panay and tell the American ambassador, “I cannot possibly express how badly we feel about this.” 14 Recalling the attack more than 15 years later, Okumiya, the pilot, wrote that the Panay attack was “solely the result of a terrible mistake.” 15
在东京，广田外相亲自前往格鲁大使官邸，转达日本政府对班乃号事件的“深切歉意”，并告诉美国大使，“我无法表达我们对此的感受有多么糟糕”。 14 15 年多后，飞行员奥宫回忆起那次袭击，他写道，班乃岛的袭击“完全是一个可怕错误的结果”。 15
American officials received the Japanese apologies before they fully understood what had happened to the Panay .
美国官员在充分了解班乃号发生的情况之前就收到了日本的道歉。
In the US government’s first official response to the Panay attack, Secretary of State Hull said that the United States was “deeply shocked” by the attack, and that it expected Japan to apologize, compensate the US for the loss of the Panay , its crew, and its passengers, and take steps to ensure that such an attack never happened again.
美国国务卿赫尔在美国政府对班乃号袭击事件的首次正式回应中表示，美国对此次袭击事件“深感震惊”，希望日本道歉，赔偿美国班乃号及其船员和乘客的损失，并采取措施确保此类袭击不再发生。
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Officials in President Franklin D.
富兰克林·D·总统的官员
Roosevelt’s administration were not the only ones alarmed by the attack on the Panay .
罗斯福政府并不是唯一对班乃河袭击感到震惊的政府。
So too were Americans wary of greater US military involvement overseas who sought to limit the president’s authority to conduct foreign policy.
美国人也对美国加大海外军事介入持谨慎态度，因为美国试图限制总统执行外交政策的权力。
On December 16, 1937, just four days after the attack, more than 200 members of the House of Representatives voted to advance the Ludlow Resolution.
1937 年 12 月 16 日，即袭击事件发生仅四天后，200 多名众议院议员投票通过了勒德洛决议。
Named for Indiana Congressman Louis Ludlow, the proposed Constitutional amendment would require the president to put any proposed declaration of war to a vote by the American electorate, “except in the event of an invasion of the United States or its territorial possessions and attack upon its citizens residing therein.” 17 The resolution failed when it came up for a vote in the House in early 1938, but it was a reminder of how strong anti-interventionist sentiment was in the United States in the late 1930s.
拟议的宪法修正案以印第安纳州国会议员路易斯·勒德洛的名字命名，要求总统将任何宣战提议提交美国选民投票表决，“除非发生入侵美国或其领土并攻击居住在其中的公民的情况”。 17 该决议于 1938 年初提交众议院投票时未能通过，但它提醒我们 1930 年代末美国的反干涉主义情绪是多么强烈。
Ordinary Japanese citizens also reached out to the Americans to apologize for the attack on the Panay .
日本普通民众也向美国人就班乃河袭击事件道歉。
Some even sent sums of money that they hoped would be sent to the families of the victims aboard the Panay .
有些人甚至寄来了一些钱，希望能送给班乃号上遇难者的家人。
As Ambassador Grew recorded in his diary on December 20, 1937, “we have been deluged by delegations, visitors, letters, and contributions of money—people from all walks of life, from high officials, doctors, professors, business men down to school children, trying to express their shame, apologies, and regrets for the action of their own Navy.” 18 Grew saw these gestures as evidence that there were “two Japans,” one the official government that was increasingly hostile to the United States, and the other the people of Japan, who wanted peace.
正如格鲁大使在 1937 年 12 月 20 日的日记中所记录的那样，“我们被代表团、访客、信件和捐款淹没——来自各行各业的人们，从高级官员、医生、教授、商人到学生，试图表达他们对自己海军的行为的羞耻、道歉和遗憾。” 18 格鲁认为这些姿态证明存在“两个日本”，一个是对美国日益敌视的官方政府，另一个是渴望和平的日本人民。
19
19
The attack on the Panay sank an American warship and killed or wounded dozens of US sailors, but the incident did not bring the United States and Japan to the brink of war.
班乃号袭击事件击沉了一艘美国军舰，造成数十名美国水手死伤，但这一事件并没有让美日两国陷入战争边缘。
Since the attack took place deep inside Chinese territory at a time when the US was still dealing with the Great Depression, the Roosevelt administration had few good military options available, and the American people had little appetite for a confrontation with Japan.
由于袭击发生在中国境内深处，当时美国仍在应对大萧条，罗斯福政府几乎没有什么好的军事选择，美国人民也没有兴趣与日本对抗。
With the Japanese apology and promises of restitution in hand, President Roosevelt chose not to take any further steps to punish Japan.
在日本道歉并承诺赔偿的情况下，罗斯福总统选择不再采取任何进一步措施来惩罚日本。
20 After months of talks, US officials informed the Japanese that the US was prepared to accept approximately $2.2 million as compensation for Japan’s actions.
20 经过几个月的谈判，美国官员告知日本，美国准备接受约 220 万美元作为日本行为的补偿。
21 In April 1938, the Japanese government officially delivered a check to the American embassy for that amount.
21 1938 年 4 月，日本政府正式向美国大使馆交付了一张这笔金额的支票。
22
22
Although the attack on the Panay did not ignite a war between the United States and Japan, it marked a turning point in their relationship.
尽管班乃河袭击事件并未引发美日之间的战争，但却标志着两国关系的转折点。
In attacking an American-flagged ship during its military operations in China, the Japanese signaled a greater willingness to take risks as they pursued their geopolitical objectives in China.
日本在中国的军事行动中袭击了一艘悬挂美国国旗的船只，这表明日本在追求中国地缘政治目标时更愿意承担风险。
As historian Dorothy Borg wrote, “in most other respects the situation in the Far East grew worse, if anything, after the settlement had been concluded.” 23
正如历史学家多萝西·博格（Dorothy Borg）所写，“在和解协议达成后，远东的局势在大多数其他方面都变得更糟了。” 23
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Radio Bulletin: Report of Commander J.J.
无线电通报：J.J. 指挥官的报告
Hughes, US Navy, to the Secretary of the Navy, December 27, 1937.
休斯，美国海军，1937 年 12 月 27 日致海军部长。
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Ten Years in Japan: A Contemporary Record Drawn from the Diaries and Private and Official Papers of Joseph C.
日本十年：约瑟夫·C. 日记、私人和官方文件中的当代记录
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卷。 33，第 2 号（2001 年夏季）。
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Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, 1932-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 154-155.
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The Ambassador in Japan (Grew) to the Secretary of State, April 22, 1938, FRUS, Japan, 1931-1941, Volume I (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1943).
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Dorothy Borg, The United States and the Far Eastern Crisis of 1933-1938: From the Manchurian Incident Through the Initial Stage of the Undeclared Sino-Japanese War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964), 504.
多萝西·博格，《1933-1938 年美国与远东危机：从满洲事件到未宣战的中日战争的初始阶段》（马萨诸塞州剑桥：哈佛大学出版社，1964 年），504。
Sean Scanlon is a World War II Military Historian at the Jenny Craig Institute for the Study of War and Democracy.
肖恩·斯坎伦 (Sean Scanlon) 是珍妮·克雷格战争与民主研究所的二战军事历史学家。
The All-American Girls Professional Baseball League served as inspiration for young women across the country and opened the door further for women’s professional sports.
全美女子职业棒球联盟为全国年轻女性提供了灵感，并进一步为女子职业运动打开了大门。
Joseph R.
约瑟夫·R。
Beyrle's experience captures the initiative demanded of airborne soldiers, the brutality endured by prisoners of war, and the unlikely battlefield cooperation between American and Soviet soldiers during the final months of the war.
拜尔的经历体现了空降兵所需要的主动性、战俘所遭受的残酷以及战争最后几个月美国和苏联士兵之间不太可能的战场合作。
In the letter, Major Richard “Dick” Winters responded to Stephen Ambrose's request for his thoughts on the strain of command, the problems he faced during the war, and the living conditions his soldiers endured.
在信中，理查德·“迪克”·温特斯少校回应了斯蒂芬·安布罗斯关于他对指挥压力、他在战争期间面临的问题以及他的士兵所忍受的生活条件的看法的请求。
What emerged was also a concise explanation of Winters’s leadership philosophy.
随之而来的是对温特斯领导哲学的简洁解释。
At The National WWII Museum, remembering the anniversary of September 11 means remembering all those who perished that day and recognizing the many different stories they carried with them.
在国家二战博物馆，纪念 9 月 11 日的周年纪念意味着纪念那天所有遇难的人，并认识到他们所承载的许多不同的故事。
During World War II, ship names often referenced earlier eras of American history.
第二次世界大战期间，舰艇名称经常引用美国历史的早期时期。
Today, the US Navy continues its efforts to memorialize the country’s origins by upholding naming traditions that hark back more than 160 years.
如今，美国海军继续努力维护 160 多年前的命名传统，以纪念国家的起源。
Initially, hell ships moved Allied POWs to areas where their labor was needed, such as the Japanese main islands and other recently conquered regions, but later, they also moved prisoners to prevent them from being liberated by advancing Allied forces.
最初，地狱船将盟军战俘转移到需要他们劳动力的地区，例如日本主岛和其他最近征服的地区，但后来，它们也转移囚犯，以防止他们被前进的盟军解放。
A product of post Great War naval treaties and launched amid rising global tensions, the USS New Orleans forged a bond with its namesake city in the years before World War II
新奥尔良号航空母舰是一战后海军条约的产物，在全球紧张局势不断升级的情况下下水，在第二次世界大战前的几年里与同名城市建立了联系
945 Magazine Street, New Orleans, LA 70130 info@nationalww2museum.org 504-528-1944
945 Magazine Street, 新奥尔良, LA 70130 info@nationalww2museum.org 504-528-1944