The Story of the Great War, Volume 1

第一次世界大战的故事，第一卷

1916 · Churchill, Miller, Reynolds (eds.) | Gutenberg (public domain) · 原文

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THE STORY OF THE GREAT WAR

伟大战争的故事

History of the European War from Official Sources

官方资料中的欧洲战争历史

Complete Historical Records of Events to Date, Illustrated with Drawings, Maps, and Photographs

迄今为止事件的完整历史记录，配有图画、地图和照片

Prefaced by

序言为

What the War Means to America Major General Leonard Wood, U.S.A.

战争对美国意味着什么美国少将伦纳德·伍德

Naval Lessons of the War Rear Admiral Austin M.

战争中的海军教训奥斯汀·M·少将

Knight, U.S.N.

奈特，美国海军

The World's War Frederick Palmer

世界大战弗雷德里克·帕尔默

Theatres of the War's Campaigns Frank H.

战争战役的战区 Frank H.

Simonds

西蒙兹

The War Correspondent Arthur Ruhl

战地记者阿瑟·鲁尔

Edited by

编辑者

Francis J.

弗朗西斯·J.

Reynolds Former Reference Librarian of Congress

雷诺兹前国会参考图书馆馆长

Allen L.

艾伦·L。

Churchill Associate Editor, The New International Encyclopedia

丘吉尔副主编，新国际百科全书

Francis Trevelyan Miller Editor in Chieft, Photographic History of the Civil War

弗朗西斯·特里维廉·米勒 (Francis Trevelyan Miller) 《内战摄影史》主编

P。

F。

Collier & Son Company New York

Collier & Son 公司纽约

[Illustration: _King George V of Britain and King Albert of Belgium inspecting Belgian troops.

[插图：_英国国王乔治五世和比利时国王阿尔伯特检阅比利时军队。

The youth is the Prince of Wales, and beside him is Major General Pertab Singh of the Indian army._]

青年是威尔士亲王，他身边是印度军队的佩塔布·辛格少将。_】

THE STORY OF THE GREAT WAR

伟大战争的故事

Introductions Special Articles Causes of War Diplomatic and State Papers

介绍特别文章战争起因外交和国家文件

[Illustration: Editor's logo.]

[插图：编辑徽标。]

VOLUME I

第一卷

P · F · Collier & Son · New York

P · F · 科利尔父子公司 · 纽约

F。

Collier & Son

科利尔父子公司

CONTENTS

内容

Page

页面

WHAT THE WAR MEANS TO AMERICA.

战争对美国意味着什么。

_By Major General Leonard Wood, U.

_作者：美国伦纳德·伍德少将

S。

A._ 9

答._ 9

NAVAL LESSONS OF THE WAR.

战争的海军教训。

_By Rear Admiral Austin M.

_作者：奥斯汀·M.少将

Knight, U.

奈特，U.

S。

N._ 17

THE WORLDS WAR.

世界大战。

_By Frederick Palmer_ 31

_弗雷德里克·帕尔默_ 31

THE THEATRES OF THE WAR'S CAMPAIGNS.

战争的战场。

_By F.

_F.

Simonds_ 83

西蒙兹_83

THE WAR CORRESPONDENT.

战地记者。

_By Arthur Ruhl_ 113

_阿瑟·鲁尔著_ 113

PART I.--INDIRECT CAUSES OF THE WAR--POLITICAL AND DIPLOMATIC HISTORY OF EUROPE FROM 1866 TO 1914, WITH A CHAPTER ON THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF JAPAN

第一部分--战争的间接原因--1866年至1914年欧洲政治和外交史，其中一章介绍日本的历史发展

CHAPTER

章节

我。

Germany 126

德国 126

II.

二.

Austria-Hungary 142

奥匈帝国142

III.

三．

Russia 148

俄罗斯 148

IV.

四．

France 159

法国 159

五、

England 172

英格兰 172

VI.

六．

Italy 188

意大利 188

VII.

七．

Belgium 197

比利时 197

VIII.

八．

Japan 200

日本200

IX.

九．

The Neutral States--Portugal and Spain 203

中立国——葡萄牙和西班牙 203

Sweden, Norway, Holland, Luxemburg 208

瑞典、挪威、荷兰、卢森堡 208

XI.

十一.

Summary of Political History 212

政治史概要212

PART II.--THE BALKANS

第二部分--巴尔干半岛

XII.

十二．

The Balkan Peoples 215

巴尔干人民 215

XIII.

十三．

Bulgaria 224

保加利亚224

XIV.

十四。

War with Serbia 230

与塞尔维亚的战争 230

XV.

十五。

Work of Stambuloff 234

斯坦布洛夫的作品 234

XVI.

十六．

Attempts at Reform in Macedonia 238

马其顿的改革尝试 238

XVII.

十七．

Crisis in Turkey 244

土耳其危机 244

XVIII.

十八。

Formation of the Balkan League 248

巴尔干联盟的成立 248

XIX.

十九。

First and Second Balkan Wars 252

第一次和第二次巴尔干战争 252

PART III.--DIRECT CAUSES OF THE WAR

第三部分——战争的直接原因

XX.

XX。

Assassination of Franz Ferdinand--Austria's Ultimatum 258

刺杀斐迪南——奥地利的最后通牒258

XXI.

二十一．

Serbia's Reply 265

塞尔维亚的答复265

XXII.

第二十二．

Diplomatic Exchanges 270

外交交往270

XXIII.

第二十三．

Preparation for War 279

战争准备279

XXIV.

第二十四。

Territorial and Geographical Comparisons 286

领土和地理比较 286

XXV.

二十五．

Assembling of the German Armies 292

德国军队集结292

XXVI.

二十六．

French Mobilization 297

法国总动员297

XXVII.

二十七．

Britain--Russia--Austria 304

英国--俄罗斯--奥地利 304

PART IV.--DIPLOMATIC PAPERS RELATING TO THE ORIGIN OF THE WAR, COLLATED FROM THE OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

第四部分——根据官方文件整理的有关战争起源的外交文件

List of Official Documents 313

官方文件清单 313

List of Sovereigns and Diplomats 315

君主和外交官名单 315

Important Dates Preceding the War 325

战前的重要日期 325

Warnings of Hostile Intentions 328

敌意警告 328

Report of M.

M 的报告

Cambon in 1913 335

康朋，1913 年 335

The Assassination of the Austrian Archduke 341

刺杀奥地利大公 341

Attempts at Mediation 356

尝试调解 356

The Austro-hungarian Note to Serbia 362

奥匈帝国给塞尔维亚的照会 362

Text of the Note 366

注释366的正文

Controversy Over Time Limit 369

时限争议 369

Chronological Arrangement of Dates 370

日期的时间顺序排列 370

Serbia's Reply to the Austro-Hungarian Note 394

塞尔维亚对奥匈394号照会的答复

Beginning of Mobilization 401

动员开始401

Kaiser and Czar Exchange Telegrams 438

凯撒和沙皇交换电报 438

Henry of Prussia and George V 451

普鲁士亨利和乔治五世 451

Sir Edward Grey Refuses Terms of Neutrality 455

爱德华·格雷爵士拒绝中立条款 455

Further Exchanges Between William and Nicholas 461

威廉和尼古拉斯之间的进一步交流 461

Russia Explains Her Efforts for Peace 482

俄罗斯解释其和平努力 482

German Declaration of Intentions Toward Belgium 487

德国对比利时的意向声明 487

Serbia's Position Explained 488

塞尔维亚的立场解释 488

Von Bethmann-Hollweg Explains Germany's Position in The Reichstag 498

冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格解释德国在德国国会大厦的立场 498

Sir Edward Goschen's Interview with Von Jagow 502

爱德华·戈申爵士对冯·贾戈的采访 502

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

插图清单

King George and King Albert Inspecting Belgian Troops _Frontispiece_

乔治国王和阿尔伯特国王检阅比利时军队_Frontispiece_

Opposite Page

对页

George V, King of Great Britain and Emperor of India 46

乔治五世，英国国王和印度皇帝 46

M。

Raymond Poincaré, President of France 78

雷蒙·庞加莱，法国总统 78

Nicholas II, Emperor of All the Russias 142

尼古拉二世，全俄罗斯皇帝 142

Wilhelm II, German Emperor and King of Prussia 206

威廉二世，德国皇帝和普鲁士国王 206

Franz Josef I, Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary 270

弗朗茨·约瑟夫一世，奥地利皇帝兼匈牙利国王 270

Albert I, King of Belgium 318

阿尔贝一世，比利时国王 318

King Peter of Serbia 382

塞尔维亚国王彼得 382

Vittorio Emanuele III, King of Italy 446

维托里奥·埃马努埃莱三世，意大利国王 446

LIST OF MAPS

地图列表

Page

页面

Conflicting Interests of the Great Powers in Europe, Africa and Asia (_Colored Map_) _Front Insert_

欧洲、非洲和亚洲大国的利益冲突（_彩色地图_）_正面插入_

Europe in Twelfth Century, Historical Map 137

十二世纪的欧洲，历史地图 137

Europe in 1648-1789, Historical Map 150

1648-1789 年的欧洲，历史地图 150

Europe in 1793-1815, Historical Map 193

1793-1815 年的欧洲，历史地图 193

Balkan States Before the First Balkan War 217

第一次巴尔干战争前的巴尔干国家 217

Balkans After the Second Balkan War 254

第二次巴尔干战争后的巴尔干 254

Austria, 1815-1914 264

奥地利，1815-1914 年 264

Poland and Its Divisions from 1772-1914 277

1772-1914 年间的波兰及其分区 277

Armies of the Contesting Nations 293

竞争国家的军队 293

Navies of the Contesting Nations 298

参赛国海军 298

German-French Frontier, Fortresses of 303

德法边境，303要塞

German Confederation of 1815 307

1815 年德意志联邦 307

German-Belgian Frontier, Strategic Railroads on 311

德国-比利时边境，311 战略铁路

[Illustration: The Conflicting Interests of the Great Powers in Europe and Neighboring African and Asiatic Territories before the Outbreak of the War.]

[插图：战争爆发前欧洲及邻近非洲和亚洲领土上大国的利益冲突。]

WHAT THE WAR MEANS TO AMERICA

战争对美国意味着什么

By MAJOR GENERAL LEONARD WOOD, U.

作者：美国伦纳德·伍德少将

S。

"Go yourselves, every man of you, and stand in the ranks and either a victory beyond all victories in its glory awaits you, or falling you shall fall greatly, and worthy of your past."--DEMOSTHENES TO THE ATHENIANS.

“你们每个人，走吧，站在队伍中，要么一场超越一切荣耀的胜利等待着你们，要么倒下，你们将彻底倒下，无愧于你们的过去。”——德摩斯梯尼致雅典人。

What lesson will America draw from the present Great War?

美国将从当前的第一次世界大战中吸取什么教训？

Must she see the heads of her own children at the foot of the guillotine to realize that it will cut, or will she accept the evidence of the thousands which have lain there before?

她是否必须看到自己孩子的头颅被放在断头台下才能意识到它会被砍断，或者她会接受之前躺在那里的数千个证据吗？

Will she heed the lesson of all time, that national unpreparedness means national downfall, or will she profit from the experience and misfortunes of others and take those needed measures of preparedness which prudence and wisdom dictate.

她会吸取历史教训，即国家准备不足意味着国家垮台，还是会从其他人的经验和不幸中获益，并采取审慎和智慧所要求的必要准备措施。

In a word, will she draw any valuable lessons from the Great War?

总之，她会从这场大战中吸取什么宝贵的教训吗？

This is the question which is so often asked.

这是经常被问到的问题。

As yet there is no answer.

目前还没有答案。

It is the question uppermost in the minds of all those who are intelligently interested in our country's welfare and safety.

这是所有关心我国福祉和安全的人们最关心的问题。

It is the question which vitally concerns all of us, as it concerns the defense and possibly the very existence of our nation.

这是一个与我们所有人息息相关的问题，因为它关系到我们国家的国防，甚至可能关系到我们国家的生存。

The answer must be "Preparedness." If we are to live, preparedness to oppose the force of wrong with the strength of right.

答案一定是“准备”。如果我们要生存，就要准备好用正确的力量来对抗错误的力量。

Will it be?

会吗？

That's the question!

这就是问题所在！

Or will America drift on blind to the lessons of the world tragedy, heedless of consequences, concerned with the accumulation of wealth, satiated with a sense of moral worth which the world does not so fully recognize, planning to capture the commerce of the warring nations, and expecting at the same time to retain their friendship and regard.

或者美国会无视世界悲剧的教训，不顾后果，关心财富的积累，满足于世界不完全认可的道德价值感，计划夺取交战国家的商业，同时期望保留他们的友谊和尊重。

Let us hope that, in the light of what is, and as a preparation against what may be, the answer will be characteristic of a great people, peaceful but prudent and foreseeing; that it will be thorough, carefully thought-out preparedness; preparedness against war.

让我们希望，根据现实情况，并为可能发生的情况做好准备，答案将是一个伟大人民所特有的，和平但审慎和有预见性；这将是彻底的、经过深思熟虑的准备；战争准备。

A preparedness which if it is to be lasting and secure must be founded upon the moral organization of our people; an organization which will create and keep alive in the heart of every citizen a sense not only of obligation for service to the nation in time of war or trouble, but also of obligation to so prepare himself as to render this service effective.

如果准备工作要持久、可靠，就必须建立在我们人民的道德组织之上；这个组织将在每个公民的心中建立并保持一种意识，不仅有在战争或困难时期为国家服务的义务感，而且有义务做好准备，使这种服务有效。

An organization which will recognize that the basic principle upon which a free democracy or representative government rests, and must rest, if they are to survive the day of stress and trouble, is, that with manhood suffrage goes manhood obligation for service, not necessarily with arms in hand, but for service somewhere in that great complex mass which constitutes the organization of a nation's might and resources for defense; organization which will make us think in terms of the nation and not those of city, State, or personal interest; organization which will result in all performing service for the nation with singleness of purpose in a common cause--preparedness for defense: preparedness to discharge our plain duty whatever it may be.

一个组织将认识到，自由民主或代议制政府要想在压力和麻烦的日子里生存下去，就必须依赖和必须依赖的基本原则是，随着男子气概的选举权，男子气概有义务服役，不一定是手持武器，而是在构成国家力量和国防资源的庞大复杂群众中的某个地方服役；使我们从国家而非城市、州或个人利益的角度思考的组织；这个组织将导致所有为国家服务的人都为了一个共同的事业而同心协力——做好防御准备：做好准备履行我们的明确职责，无论它是什么。

Such service will make for national solidarity, the doing away with petty distinctions of class and creed, and fuse the various elements of this people into one homogeneous mass of real Americans, and leave us a better and a stronger people.

这样的服务将促进民族团结，消除阶级和信仰的细微差别，并将这个人民的各种元素融合成一个真正的美国人的同质群体，让我们成为一个更好、更强大的人民。

Once such a moral organization is accomplished, the remaining organization will be simple.

一旦这样的道德组织完成了，剩下的组织就简单了。

This will include an organization of transportation, on land and sea, and of communications.

这将包括陆地和海上运输以及通讯的组织。

An organization of the nation's industrial resources so that the energy of its great manufacturing plants may be promptly turned into making what they can best make to supply the military needs of the nation.

国家工业资源的组织，以便其大型制造工厂的能量可以迅速转化为生产它们最能生产的产品来满足国家的军事需求。

By military needs we mean all the complex requirements of a nation engaged in war, requirements which are, many of them, requirements of peace as well as of war.

我们所说的军事需求是指一个参与战争的国家的所有复杂需求，其中许多需求既是和平的需求，也是战争的需求。

It will also include a thorough organization of the country's chemical resources and the development thereof, so that we may be as little dependent as possible upon materials from oversea.

它还将包括彻底组织国家的化学资源及其开发，以便我们尽可能减少对海外材料的依赖。

At present many important and essential elements come from oversea nations and would not be available in case of loss of sea control.

目前许多重要和必需的要素来自海外，一旦失去制海权就无法获得。

We must devise substitutes or find means of making these things.

我们必须设计替代品或找到制造这些东西的方法。

Chemistry is one of the great weapons of modern war.

化学是现代战争的重要武器之一。

There must also be organization which will provide a regular army organized on sound lines, supplied with ample reserves of men and material; an army adequate to the peace needs of the nation, which means, among other things, the secure garrisoning of our oversea possessions, including the Philippines and the Hawaiian Islands.

还必须有一个组织，能够提供一支组织严密、兵力充足、物资储备充足的正规军；一支足以满足国家和平需要的军队，这意味着，除其他外，安全驻守我们的海外领地，包括菲律宾和夏威夷群岛。

These latter are the key to the Pacific, and one of the main defenses of the Pacific Coast and of the Panama Canal.

后者是太平洋的关键，也是太平洋海岸和巴拿马运河的主要防御之一。

Whoever holds these islands will dominate the trade routes of the Pacific, and in a large measure the Pacific itself.

谁占领了这些岛屿，谁就将主宰太平洋的贸易路线，并在很大程度上主宰太平洋本身。

The regular army should also be sufficient for the secure holding and safeguarding of the Panama Canal, an instrument of war of the greatest importance, so long as it is in our control, greatly increasing the value of our navy, and an implement of commerce of tremendous value, a possession so valuable and of such vital importance to us that we cannot allow it to lie outside our secure grasp.

正规军还应该足以安全地控制和保卫巴拿马运河，只要它在我们的控制之下，它就是最重要的战争工具，大大增加我们海军的价值，并且是具有巨大价值的商业工具，对我们来说如此宝贵和至关重要的财产，我们不能让它脱离我们的安全掌握。

It must also be adequate to provide garrisons in Porto Rico and Alaska, and at the same time maintain in the continental United States a force of coast artillery sufficient to furnish the necessary manning details for our seacoast defenses, and a mobile force complete in every detail and adequate in time of war to meet the first shock of an invasion and sufficient in time of peace to meet the various demands made upon it for home service, such as troops for home emergencies or disorders, troops for the necessary training of the National Militia, also sufficient officers and noncommissioned officers for duty at schools, colleges, military training camps and in various other capacities.

它还必须足以在波多黎各和阿拉斯加提供驻军，同时在美国本土维持一支海岸炮兵部队，足以为我们的海岸防御提供必要的人员配置，以及一支机动部队，细节齐全，在战时足以应对入侵的第一波冲击，在和平时期足以满足对国内服务的各种要求，例如用于国内紧急情况或骚乱的部队，用于国家必要训练的部队民兵，还有足够的军官和士官在学校、学院、军事训练营和其他各种岗位上执勤。

It must be also strong enough to provide a strong expeditionary force, such as we sent to Cuba in 1898, without interfering with its regular duties.

它还必须足够强大，能够提供一支强大的远征军，就像我们 1898 年向古巴派遣的那样，同时又不干扰其正常职责。

The necessity of building and maintaining an adequate navy, well balanced, thoroughly equipped and maintained at the highest standard of efficiency and ready always for immediate service, with necessary adjuncts afloat and ashore, is also one of the clear lessons of the war; others are the establishment of ammunition plants at points sufficiently remote from the seacoast, and so placed as to render their capture and destruction improbable in case of sudden invasion; the provision of an adequate reserve corps of 50,000 officers, a number sufficient for one and one-half million of citizen soldiers; officers well trained and ready for immediate service; the provision of adequate supplies and reserve supplies of artillery, arms, and ammunition of all types for these troops.

建立和维持一支足够的海军的必要性也是战争的明显教训之一，该海军必须平衡良好、装备精良、保持最高效率标准、随时准备立即服役，并在海上和岸上配备必要的辅助人员；其他措施是在距海岸足够远的地点建立弹药工厂，其位置应使其在突然入侵时不可能被占领和摧毁；提供一支由50,000名军官组成的充足后备部队，这个数字足以容纳五十万公民士兵；官员训练有素，随时准备好立即服役；为这些部队提供充足的补给和各类火炮、武器和弹药的储备补给。

We must also build up a system under which officers and men for our citizen soldiery can be trained with the minimum of interference with their educational or industrial careers, under conditions which will permit the accomplishment of their training during the period of youth, and once this is accomplished will permit their return to their normal occupations with the minimum of delay.

我们还必须建立一种制度，使我们的公民士兵的训练能够在不干扰其教育或工业生涯的情况下，在允许他们在青年时期完成训练的条件下进行，一旦完成，将允许他们尽快返回正常职业。

The lesson which we should draw from the Great War is that nothing should be left to chance or to the promise of others, or to the fair-weather relations of to-day; that we should be as well prepared, and as well organized on land as Switzerland, a nation without a trace of militarism, and yet so thoroughly prepared and so thoroughly ready and able to defend herself that to-day her territory is inviolate, although she is surrounded by warring nations.

我们应该从第一次世界大战中汲取的教训是，任何事情都不应依赖偶然或他人的承诺，也不应依赖当今的酒肉关系。我们应该像瑞士一样在陆地上做好充分的准备和良好的组织，瑞士是一个没有任何军国主义痕迹的国家，但又要做好充分的准备，做好充分的准备并能够保卫自己，以至于今天她的领土不受侵犯，尽管她周围都是交战国家。

Belgium to-day is an illustration of what may be expected from lack of adequate preparedness.

今天的比利时就是一个例子，说明了由于缺乏充分的准备而可能出现的后果。

The great outstanding lesson of the war is that we must not trust to righteousness and fair dealing alone; we must be prepared to play our part, and while loving justice and dealing fairly with others, we must be always ready to do our full duty, and to defend our country with force if need be.

这场战争给我们留下的最重要的教训是，我们不能仅仅依靠正义和公平对待；我们必须准备好发挥自己的作用，在热爱正义、公平对待他人的同时，我们必须时刻准备好履行我们的全部职责，并在必要时用武力保卫我们的国家。

If we do not, we shall always be helpless and at the mercy of our enemies.

如果我们不这样做，我们将永远无助并受敌人摆布。

We can be strong, yet tolerant, just, yet prepared to defend ourselves against aggression.

我们可以坚强，但宽容，公正，但准备好抵御侵略。

Another lesson is that our military establishment on land and sea should not be dependent upon a system of militia and volunteers.

另一个教训是，我们的陆地和海上军事建设不应依赖于民兵和志愿军体系。

These will not be found adequate under the conditions of modern war, and above all we should appreciate the fact that our military system must be founded upon _equality of service, rich and poor alike_.

这些在现代战争条件下是不够的，最重要的是，我们应该认识到这样一个事实：我们的军事制度必须建立在“服务平等，无论贫富”的基础上。

We must while extending equality of privilege to all, including the thousands who are coming to us every day, insist upon equality of obligation by all.

我们必须在向所有人（包括每天来到我们这里的成千上万的人）提供平等特权的同时，坚持所有人都承担平等的义务。

With the privileges of citizenship must go the obligations and responsibilities not only in peace but also in war.

在享有公民特权的同时，也必须承担义务和责任，不仅在和平时期，而且在战争时期。

We should take heed of the lessons of the past, and remember that the volunteer system has always failed us in our wars.

我们应该吸取过去的教训，记住志愿军制度在我们的战争中一直让我们失望。

Such experience as we have had in war in recent years has in no way prepared us for a war with a first-class nation prepared for war.

我们这些年的战争经验根本没有准备好与一个有战争准备的一流国家进行战争。

We have never engaged in such a war unaided.

我们从来没有在没有援助的情况下参与过这样的战争。

This experience is one which is still before us.

这种经历仍然摆在我们面前。

We should look upon service for the nation in the same way as we look upon the payment of taxes, or the compliance with the thousand and one laws and regulations which govern our everyday life.

我们应该像看待纳税或遵守管辖我们日常生活的一千零一条法律法规一样看待为国家服务。

Relatively few people would voluntarily pay taxes even though they knew the money was to go to the best of purposes.

相对较少的人会自愿纳税，即使他们知道这些钱是用于最好的目的。

They pay taxes because the law requires it.

他们纳税是因为法律要求这样做。

The people as a whole cannot be expected, nor can we with safety trust to their performing their military duties effectively, unless some general system of equal service for all who are physically fit, is prescribed, some system which will insure preparation in advance of war, some system which will _bear upon all alike_.

除非规定某种为所有身体健康的人提供平等服务的一般制度，某种确保战前准备的制度，某种对所有人都适用的制度，否则我们不能指望全体人民，也不能安全地相信他们有效地履行军事职责。

The volunteer spirit is superb, but the volunteer system is not a dependable system to which to trust the life and security of the people, especially in these days when the highest degree of organization marks all nations with whom we may possibly have some day differences which will result in the use of force.

志愿精神是伟大的，但志愿系统并不是一个可以信任人民生命和安全的可靠系统，特别是在当今，最高程度的组织标志着所有国家，我们可能与这些国家发生一些分歧，从而导致使用武力。

The militia, willing as it is, cannot be depended upon as a reliable military asset.

尽管民兵是自愿的，但不能将其视为可靠的军事资产。

Its very method of control makes it an undependable force, and at times unavailable.

它的控制方法本身就使其成为一种不可靠的力量，有时甚至无法利用。

The men and officers are not at fault; they have done all that could be expected under a system which renders efficiency almost impossible of attainment.

士兵和军官并没有过错；他们已经完成了在几乎不可能实现效率的制度下所能期望的一切。

The militia must be absolutely and completely transferred to Federal control; it must cease to be a State and become a Federal force, without any relationship whatever with the State.

民兵必须绝对、完全地移交给联邦控制；它必须不再是一个州，而是成为一支联邦力量，与州没有任何关系。

The militia must have thoroughly trained reserves sufficient in number to bring it promptly to war strength.

民兵必须拥有经过严格训练、数量充足的后备力量，以便能够迅速达到战争实力。

The infantry of the National Guard, as in the regular army, is maintained on a peace footing at rather less than half its maximum strength.

国民警卫队的步兵与正规军一样，以不到其最大兵力的一半维持和平状态。

For a number of years we have been confronted by conditions which may involve the use of a considerable force of troops, a force exceeding the regular army and perhaps even the regular army in conjunction with the militia.

多年来，我们一直面临着可能需要使用相当大的兵力的情况，其兵力超过正规军，甚至可能超过正规军与民兵的结合。

This means that a thousand or more men would have to be added to each regular and National Guard infantry regiment to bring it to full strength.

这意味着每个正规步兵团和国民警卫队步兵团都必须增加一千名或更多人员才能使其充实。

In the National Guard only a small proportion of the men have had long service and thorough training, and if brought to full strength through the injection of a thousand practically untrained men it would mean these regiments would go to the front with not over 30 per cent of well-trained men.

在国民警卫队中，只有一小部分人接受过长期服役和全面训练，如果通过注入1000名几乎未经训练的人员来充实兵力，这将意味着这些团将在训练有素的人员不超过30%的情况下奔赴前线。

In other words, they would be military assemblages of well-meaning, but undisciplined and untrained individuals, and unless we are to repeat the experiences of '98 it will be necessary to hold them for several months in camp and put them through a course of the most intensive training.

换句话说，他们将是由善意但无纪律和未经训练的个人组成的军事组合，除非我们要重复98年的经历，否则有必要将他们在营地里关押几个月，并让他们接受最密集的训练。

It is probable that if they are called it will be under an emergency which will not permit such training, and we shall see again the scenes of '98, untrained, willing boys, imperfectly equipped under inexperienced officers, rushed to the front, willing but a more or less useless sacrifice.

如果他们被召唤，很可能会处于不允许进行此类训练的紧急情况下，我们将再次看到98年的场景，未经训练的自愿男孩，在缺乏经验的军官的带领下装备不完善，冲到前线，愿意但或多或少是无用的牺牲。

Another great lesson should be to heed no longer those false prophets who have been proclaiming that the day of strife has passed, and that everything is to be settled by arbitration; prophets of the class who obstructed preparation in England, who decried universal military training, and all but delivered her into the hands of her enemies.

另一个重要的教训应该是，不要再留意那些一直宣称冲突的日子已经过去、一切都将通过仲裁解决的假先知；阶级的先知们阻碍了英国的准备工作，谴责了全民军事训练，几乎把她送到了敌人的手中。

"Our culture must, therefore, not omit the arming of the man.

“因此，我们的文化不能忽视男人的武装。

Let him hear in season that he is born into a state of war, and that the commonwealth and his own well-being require that he should not go dancing in the weeds of peace; but warned, self-collected, and neither defying nor dreading the thunder; let him take both reputation and life in his hands, and with perfect urbanity dare the gibbet and the mob by the absolute truth of his speech and rectitude of his behavior."--EMERSON.

让他适时听到，他生来就处于战争状态，国家和他自己的福祉要求他不应该在和平的杂草中跳舞；但他却警告自己，镇定自若，既不反抗也不畏惧雷霆。让他把名誉和生命都掌握在自己手中，以完美的彬彬有礼，用他言论的绝对真实性和行为的正直来挑战绞刑架和暴徒。”——爱默生。

NAVAL LESSONS OF THE WAR

战争的海军教训

By REAR ADMIRAL AUSTIN M.

作者：海军少将奥斯汀·M.

KNIGHT, U.

奈特，U.

S。

N。

Although the greatest war in history is not yet at an end, and none of us can even guess when the end will come, it is possible to draw certain very important conclusions from the developments to date, especially in so far as these developments are concerned with war upon the sea.

尽管历史上最伟大的战争尚未结束，我们甚至无法猜测结束何时到来，但从迄今为止的事态发展中可以得出某些非常重要的结论，特别是就这些事态发展与海上战争有关而言。

The great sea fight for which the world has looked since its two greatest naval powers went to war against each other has not taken place.

自从两个最大的海军强国交战以来，世界所期待的大海战并没有发生。

It may never take place, although both sides profess that they are eager for it.

尽管双方都声称渴望这一点，但它可能永远不会发生。

And until it does take place, the final word will not be spoken as to the relations between guns and armor, between battleships and battle cruisers, or between either of these types of "capital" ships on the one hand, and the destroyer and submarine on the other.

在它真正发生之前，关于火炮和装甲之间、战列舰和战列巡洋舰之间、或者这些类型的“主力”舰艇与驱逐舰和潜艇之间的关系，不会有最终定论。

The submarine has proven its power, it is true, and against the battleship; but always where the element of _surprise_ has entered into its attack in quite a different fashion from that which is inherent in its always mysterious and stealthy nature.

潜艇已经证明了它的威力，这是真的，而且可以对抗战列舰；但总是充满惊喜的元素以一种与它总是神秘和隐秘的本质所固有的方式完全不同的方式进入它的攻击。

The battle cruiser has shown the value of speed and long-range guns combined, but in a comparatively restricted field.

战列巡洋舰展示了速度和远程火炮相结合的价值，但范围相对有限。

The destroyer has played a part in coast patrol and has doubtless accounted for a number of submarines; but in its proper sphere of activity it has accomplished nothing.

这艘驱逐舰参与了海岸巡逻，无疑还击落了多艘潜艇；但在其适当的活动范围内，它却一事无成。

And the wonderful achievements of the airship have been practically confined to operations on land.

而飞艇的辉煌成就实际上仅限于陆地上的作战。

We have waited vainly and shall continue so to wait for the one supreme lesson which the war has been expected to yield, unless it chance that on some day to be forever memorable in the annals of the world there shall sweep out upon the stormy waters of the North Sea two fleets complete in every type of craft that human ingenuity has thus far contrived, to engage in a struggle to the death--a struggle by which the issue of the war may be decided in an hour, and in a fashion incomparably more dramatic than anything which the warfare on land, with all its horrors, has presented or by any possibility can present.

我们一直在徒劳地等待，并将继续等待这场战争所带来的一个最重要的教训，除非有机会在世界史册上永远铭记的某一天，两支舰队将在北海的波涛汹涌的水域上横扫，两支舰队配备了迄今为止人类聪明才智设计出的各种类型的船只，进行一场殊死的斗争——一场可以在一个小时内以无与伦比的方式决定战争问题的斗争比陆地上的战争及其所有的恐怖所呈现的或以任何可能性呈现的任何事情都更具戏剧性。

Pending this one great lesson, what is it that the war has taught?

在这一重大教训之前，战争给我们带来了什么教训？

First of all, it has taught once more the old, old lesson that has been taught by practically every war in which sea power has been a factor, that where this element is a factor, it is a factor of decisive importance.

首先，它再次教导了几乎每一次涉及海权的战争所教导的古老教训，即只要这一因素成为一个因素，它就是一个决定性的重要因素。

The British navy may not win the war for England, but it is every day more apparent that if the British navy did not exist, or if it dominated the sea less decisively than it does, the cause for which England stands would be a lost cause.

英国海军可能无法为英国赢得战争，但日益明显的是，如果英国海军不存在，或者如果它对海洋的统治力不如现在那么决定性，那么英国所代表的事业将是一场失败的事业。

And the extraordinary feature of the situation is that the navy is accomplishing its mission by merely existing.

这种情况的非凡之处在于，海军仅仅通过存在来完成其使命。

Thus far the "Grand Fleet" has not struck a blow.

到目前为止，“大舰队”还没有发起攻击。

From its position on the English coast it looks across to the mouth of the Kiel Canal, and--waits!

从它在英国海岸的位置，它可以看到基尔运河的河口，然后——等待！

Its patrols are always on guard, the coasts which it defends are never threatened, and the commerce which trusts to its protection comes and goes with practically no thought of danger.

它的巡逻队始终处于戒备状态，它所保卫的海岸从未受到威胁，而信赖其保护的商业来来去去几乎没有想到危险。

For several months during the submarine campaign against commerce, something like one-half of one per cent of the merchant vessels bound to and from the ports of England were sunk.

在潜艇打击商业活动的几个月里，进出英国港口的商船约有二分之一被击沉。

But no industry was crippled for a moment, and neither the necessities nor the luxuries of life were appreciably curtailed.

但没有任何一个行业受到暂时的瘫痪，生活必需品和奢侈品都没有明显减少。

Even at the height of the submarine operations, great transports loaded with troops crossed the English Channel freely, and out of a million and a half of soldiers so transported not a single one was lost.

即使在潜艇作战最激烈的时候，满载部队的大型运输船也能自由地穿越英吉利海峡，在如此运输的一百万士兵中，没有一个人损失。

It is safe to say that in any three months since the war began the British navy has repaid the cost of its maintenance for a century in pounds, shillings, and pence; and in the sense of security which its existence and efficiency have imparted to the English people, the return upon the investment has been beyond all calculation.

可以肯定地说，自战争开始以来的任何三个月里，英国海军都以英镑、先令和便士偿还了一个世纪的维护费用；它的存在和效率给英国人民带来了安全感，投资回报是无法估量的。

The first and greatest lesson of the war, then, is this--that the value of an effective navy, when the time comes for it to manifest its effectiveness, is out of all proportion to the sums, vast though these may be, that it has cost; that if it overmatches the opposing navy decisively enough, the country behind it may rest secure and serenely indifferent to the thought of invasion or even of attack, so far as its sea frontier is concerned; and that the navy--still assuming it to be of commanding strength--may accomplish its whole mission of defense without ever being called upon to strike a blow.

那么，这场战争的第一个也是最重要的教训就是——一支有效的海军，当它展现其有效性的时候，它的价值与它所花费的金额（尽管可能是巨大的）完全不成比例；如果它足够果断地战胜对方海军，那么就其海上边界而言，其背后的国家可能会安然无恙，对入侵甚至攻击的想法漠不关心；海军——仍然认为自己拥有压倒性的力量——可以完成其全部防御任务，而无需被要求进行打击。

It can hardly be necessary to point out the fact that this lesson may be read in terms of "preparedness." The British navy was prepared when the war began; the British army was not.

几乎没有必要指出这一教训可以从“准备”的角度来理解。战争开始时，英国海军已做好准备。英国军队则不然。

The German army was prepared; the German navy was not--in the sense of being large enough for its mission.

德国军队已做好准备；德国海军的规模不足以完成其使命。

With these facts in mind, we have only to look at the contrast between the progress of the war on land and that on the sea to read the whole lesson of preparedness in a form so concrete that it is hard to understand how any observer can fail to grasp its full significance.

考虑到这些事实，我们只需对比陆地战争和海上战争的进展，就能以如此具体的形式解读整个准备的教训，以至于很难理解任何观察者为何无法理解其全部意义。

Among the minor lessons of the war, it will probably appear to most laymen that the unforeseen effectiveness of the submarine is the most significant.

在这场战争的次要教训中，对于大多数外行人来说，潜艇的不可预见的效力可能是最重要的。

In a way this is true; but the significance of the lesson may be dangerously exaggerated unless we recognize the part contributed to the early successes of the submarine by the element of surprise to which allusion has already been made.

从某种程度上来说，这是真的。但是，除非我们认识到前面提到的出其不意的因素对潜艇早期成功的贡献，否则这一教训的重要性可能被危险地夸大了。

When the war began, the submarine was an untried and an almost unknown weapon, and the British navy was rather contemptuous of it, or at least indifferent toward it.

战争开始时，潜艇是一种未经尝试、几乎不为人所知的武器，英国海军对它相当轻视，或者至少是漠不关心。

Its dramatic appearance in the North Sea at early dawn of a misty September morning was as great a surprise to the three British cruisers which it sank in rapid succession as the story of the disaster was to the world at large.

九月雾蒙蒙的清晨，它在北海的戏剧性出现让三艘被它迅速击沉的英国巡洋舰感到惊讶，就像这场灾难的故事让全世界震惊一样。

The fact that the cruisers by their carelessness invited the fate which came to them does not, of course, deprive the incident of significance.

当然，巡洋舰由于粗心大意而招致了同样的命运，但这并不能剥夺这一事件的意义。

But after all, the world has never doubted that a submarine could sink a ship that practically insisted upon being sunk.

但毕竟，世界从未怀疑过潜艇能够击沉一艘几乎坚持要击沉的船只。

As a result of this experience, British men-of-war operating thereafter in what they considered submarine territory, took reasonable precautions; and in such waters no other important successes have been scored against them.

由于这次经历，英国战舰此后在他们认为的潜艇区域内行动，采取了合理的预防措施。在这些水域中，他们没有取得任何其他重要的胜利。

But neither to them nor, probably, to anyone else except their adversaries, did it occur that a submarine could make its way from the North Sea to the Dardanelles.

但无论是对他们，还是对除了他们的对手之外的任何人来说，都没有想到一艘潜艇可以从北海前往达达尼尔海峡。

And so it came about that when one of them appeared there, it found conditions again ideal for surprise, and taking advantage of these conditions delivered its attack and scored a success as striking as the earlier one in its own home waters.

结果，当其中一只出现在那里时，它再次发现了理想的出其不意的条件，并利用这些条件进行了攻击，并取得了与先前在自己的家乡水域进行的攻击一样惊人的成功。

The activities of submarines against merchant shipping we need not discuss here.

我们无需在此讨论潜艇针对商船的活动。

The only lesson they hold for us, from the point of view of naval warfare, is the lesson that for them, as for all other activities of the submarine, there is an answer.

从海战的角度来看，他们给我们带来的唯一教训是，对于他们来说，就像潜艇的所有其他活动一样，有一个答案。

The answer was not ready when the war began, but it was not long delayed.

战争开始时答案还没有准备好，但也没有耽搁太久。

We are apt to think of the submarine as if it always operated under water, and completely under water.

我们很容易认为潜艇总是在水下运行，而且是完全在水下运行。

But when it is completely under water, it is completely blind and as helpless as other blind things are.

但当它完全在水下时，它就完全失明了，就像其他盲目的东西一样无助。

To see objects at a distance, it must be on the surface, and to see them even close at hand it must at least expose its periscope.

要看到远处的物体，它必须在表面上，而要看到近处的物体，它至少必须暴露潜望镜。

Having definitely located an object within easy range, it may wholly submerge and deliver its torpedo without seeing the target.

当确定在容易到达的范围内找到目标后，它可能会完全淹没并发射鱼雷而看不到目标。

But the chance of a hit under these conditions is remote.

但在这种情况下，命中的可能性很小。

Normally the submarine remains on the surface until it sights an enemy.

通常情况下，潜艇会停留在水面上，直到发现敌人。

Having approached as close as seems practicable without danger of being seen itself, it submerges, _except for the periscope_, and approaches within range, directing its course and its aim, _by sight_--not by some occult instinct such as is often attributed to it.

在尽可能接近且不存在被看见的危险的情况下，它会潜入水中（除了潜望镜），并接近范围内，通过视觉来引导其路线和目标，而不是通过通常归因于它的某种神秘本能。

When within a zone where imminent danger threatens, it may remain wholly submerged for a long period of time, but when so submerged, it is not in any degree a threat to other craft.

当处于迫在眉睫的危险威胁的区域内时，它可能会在很长一段时间内保持完全淹没，但当如此淹没时，它不会对其他飞行器造成任何程度的威胁。

In other words, the submarine is dangerous only when it can see.

换句话说，潜艇只有在能看见的时候才是危险的。

And when it can see, it can be seen--not easily perhaps, but certainly by an observer reasonably close at hand and on the lookout.

当它能看见的时候，它就可以被看见——也许不容易，但肯定可以被一个近在咫尺、警惕的观察者看见。

It is especially liable to detection from an airship.

它特别容易被飞艇探测到。

Moreover, the noise of its propellers can be heard at a considerable distance, and a very sensitive microphone has been developed as a submarine detector.

此外，其螺旋桨的噪音可以在相当远的距离听到，并且已经开发了非常灵敏的麦克风作为潜艇探测器。

The waters about Great Britain are now patrolled by hundreds of small, fast craft--destroyers, trawlers, motor boats--always on the lookout for a periscope or other indication of the proximity of a submarine.

现在，英国周边海域有数百艘小型快速船只巡逻，包括驱逐舰、拖网渔船、摩托艇，它们总是在寻找潜望镜或其他表明潜艇接近的迹象。

If one is actually seen, its capture or destruction follows as a matter of course.

如果真的被看见了，那么捕获或摧毁它就理所当然了。

If the presence of one is indicated by the microphone or other evidence, such as oil floating on the water, or bubbles rising to the surface, nets are lowered and the water dragged for miles around.

如果麦克风或其他证据表明有鱼存在，例如水面上漂浮着油，或者气泡上升到水面，就会放下网，将水拖到周围数英里。

It is not known how many submarines have been destroyed by these tactics, but the number is unquestionably large.

目前尚不清楚有多少艘潜艇被这些战术摧毁，但数量无疑是巨大的。

Thus the submarine is being robbed of much of its mystery and much of its terror, and while it remains, and will always remain, a danger, the lesson of the war is that it must take its place beside other dangers with which modern war is filled, as something to be respected and feared, but not as having rendered the battleship and battle cruiser obsolete.

因此，潜艇的大部分神秘感和恐惧感被剥夺了，虽然它仍然是并将永远是一种危险，但战争的教训是，它必须与现代战争充满的其他危险一起取代它，成为值得尊重和恐惧的东西，但不能让战列舰和战列巡洋舰变得过时。

Another lesson of the war has resulted from the fact that practically all of the important operations on the British side have been conducted by battle cruisers, not by battleships.

战争的另一个教训是，英国方面几乎所有重要行动都是由战列巡洋舰而不是战列舰进行的。

It is not to be understood from this that the battleship has been discredited, for such is not the case.

由此看来，这并不能理解为这艘战列舰已经名誉扫地，因为事实并非如此。

The fleet to which reference has already been made as holding the gates of the North Sea and "containing" the German fleet behind the fortifications of Helgoland is made up principally of battleships, and it is largely because they have been engaged in this important duty that the few opportunities which the war has offered for active service have fallen to the lot of battle cruisers.

前面提到的守住北海大门并在黑尔戈兰岛防御工事后面“遏制”德国舰队的舰队主要由战列舰组成，主要是因为它们承担了这项重要职责，战争中为数不多的现役机会就落到了战列巡洋舰身上。

But there are other reasons for this which spring from the nature of the battle cruiser itself and inhere in the difference between this type and the battleship.

但造成这种情况的还有其他原因，这些原因源于战列巡洋舰本身的性质以及该类型与战列舰之间的区别。

In size the types are practically identical, and in power of armament the difference is not great.

从尺寸上看，这些类型实际上是相同的，而在武器威力上差异并不大。

But the battle cruiser sacrifices much of the armor by which the battleship is weighted down, and purchases by this sacrifice a great increase in speed.

但是战列巡洋舰牺牲了大部分减轻战列舰重量的装甲，并通过这种牺牲换取了速度的大幅提升。

The typical battleship of to-day has some 14 inches of armor on the side; the battle cruiser, from 5 to 9 inches.

当今典型的战列舰侧面有大约 14 英寸的装甲；战列巡洋舰，从5英寸到9英寸。

The battleship has 22 knots speed, the battle cruiser 32 knots.

战列舰航速22节，战列巡洋舰航速32节。

There has been much discussion as to the relative merits of the two types, and conservative officers have been slow to accept the battle cruiser.

关于这两种类型的相对优点已经有很多讨论，保守派军官对战列巡洋舰的接受速度很慢。

The war has shown the necessity for both types, and no better illustration of their relative merits could be wished than that which is afforded by the spectacle of the battleships engaged in what is practically a blockade of the German fleet, while the battle cruisers have swept the German raiders, the _Scharnhorst_, _Gneisenau_, and their consorts, from the distant seas which were the chosen field of their operations.

战争已经表明了这两种类型的必要性，最能说明它们相对优点的莫过于战列舰参与实际上封锁德国舰队的景象，而战列巡洋舰则从其选定的作战区域的遥远海域横扫了德国袭击者沙恩霍斯特号、格奈森瑙号及其副舰。

Following the destruction of Admiral Cradock's little squadron by the faster and more heavily armed _Scharnhorst_ and _Gneisenau_, the British admiralty dispatched a squadron of battle cruisers to run down the German ships, and in the battle off the Falkland Islands the history of Coronel was repeated with a change of sides, the fast and heavily armed battle cruisers under Admiral Sturdee making short work of the German ships, which they overmatched in speed and range as decisively as the Germans had overmatched the ships of Admiral Cradock's squadron at Coronel.

在克拉多克海军上将的小分舰队被速度更快、武器更重的沙恩霍斯特号和格奈森瑙号摧毁后，英国海军部派遣了一个战列巡洋舰中队去追击德国舰艇，在福克兰群岛附近的海战中，科罗内尔的历史以换边的方式重演，斯特迪海军上将率领的快速、全副武装的战列巡洋舰很快就击败了德国舰艇，它们在速度和速度上都超过了德国舰艇。航程的决定性程度就像德国人击败了克拉多克海军上将在科罗内尔的中队的舰艇一样。

In each case victory went to the ships of high speed and long-range guns, and these two are the determining characteristics of the battle cruiser.

在每种情况下，胜利都属于高速和远程火炮的舰艇，而这两个是战列巡洋舰的决定性特征。

In the action of January 25, 1915, in the North Sea, the same characteristics won again.

1915年1月25日，在北海的行动中，同样的特点再次获胜。

Battle cruisers were engaged on both sides, but the side which had the advantage in speed and range won the fight.

双方战列巡洋舰交战，但在速度和航程上占据优势的一方赢得了战斗。

Thus the battle cruiser had justified itself, and its justification is one of the striking lessons of the war.

因此，战列巡洋舰已经证明了自己的合理性，而它的合理性是这场战争的显着教训之一。

We may believe that the lesson will be emphasized if the time ever comes when this type finds the opportunity to display its adaptability for work in certain other fields for which it was originally designed--in scouting operations, for example, and in flanking movements in connection with a fleet engagement.

我们可能相信，如果有一天这种类型有机会在其最初设计的某些其他领域（例如侦察行动以及与舰队交战有关的侧翼运动）中展示其适应性，那么这一教训将会得到强调。

It does not appear that aeroplanes were used for scouting in any of the operations in the open sea--either as preliminary to the battle off Coronel and the Falklands, or in the search for raiders like the _Emden_ and the _Karlsruhe_.

飞机似乎并没有被用来在公海的任何行动中进行侦察——无论是作为科罗内尔和福克兰群岛海战的准备，还是在搜寻像埃姆登号和卡尔斯鲁厄号这样的袭击者。

They have been used, however, in the waters about the British Islands, and with such marked success as to leave no doubt that they would have been of great value in search operations on a larger scale.

然而，它们已在不列颠群岛附近的水域使用，并取得了如此显着的成功，毫无疑问它们在更大规模的搜索行动中具有巨大的价值。

They were used also for directing the fire of ships on the fortifications at the Dardanelles, and the results indicate that they have an important field of usefulness for directing the fire of one ship or fleet against another.

它们还被用来引导达达尼尔海峡防御工事上的船只火力，结果表明它们在引导一艘船或舰队的火力打击另一艘船或舰队方面具有重要的用途。

It is to be expected that from this time forward, vessels fitted for carrying and launching both air and water planes will accompany fleets, and it is impossible to think of a scout to be designed after the lessons of this war, which will not carry several of them.

预计从现在开始，用于运载和发射空中和水上飞机的船只将伴随舰队，并且不可能考虑在吸取这场战争的教训后设计出不会携带其中几架侦察机的侦察机。

As the scouts are the eyes of the fleet, so the aeroplanes will be the eyes of the scouts, extending the scouting range by several hundred miles and making secrecy of operations at sea almost as impossible as they have already made it on land.

由于侦察兵是舰队的眼睛，因此飞机也将成为侦察兵的眼睛，将侦察范围扩大数百英里，使海上行动的保密性几乎与陆地上的行动一样不可能。

Allusion has already been made to the use of aeroplanes--flying not more than a few hundred feet above the water--for locating submarines; and it is not difficult to understand how effective a waterplane would be for destroying a periscope, or even a submarine itself--this last, perhaps, by dropping a bomb.

已经提到使用飞机（飞行高度不超过水面几百英尺）来定位潜艇；不难理解水上飞机对于摧毁潜望镜，甚至潜艇本身的效果有多大——最后一次，也许是通过投掷炸弹来摧毁。

The lesson of the torpedo is connected with that of the submarine, but has many features which are individual to itself.

鱼雷的教训与潜艇的教训有关，但也有许多独特的特征。

It is known that within a very few years past the range and accuracy of the torpedo have greatly increased, but there is little evidence connecting these features with the performance of torpedoes in the present war.

众所周知，在过去的几年内，鱼雷的射程和精度大大提高，但几乎没有证据将这些特征与鱼雷在当前战争中的性能联系起来。

So far as known, the submarines have done most of their effective work at short ranges where hits were to be expected.

就目前所知，潜艇的大部分有效工作都是在预计会受到打击的短距离内完成的。

And no one will ever know how many shots have missed.

没有人会知道有多少次投篮未命中。

The great outstanding lesson thus far is the extraordinary destructiveness of the torpedoes that have found their mark.

迄今为止最重要的教训是发现目标的鱼雷具有非凡的破坏力。

It would never have been believed two years ago that ships like the _Cressy_, _Aboukir_, and _Hogue_ would turn turtle a few minutes after a single blow from a torpedo.

两年前，人们根本不相信像“克雷西”号、“阿布基尔”号和“霍格”号这样的舰艇会在受到鱼雷一次攻击后几分钟内就彻底转变。

Still less would it have seemed possible to sink a _Lusitania_ in fifteen minutes.

十五分钟内击沉卢西塔尼亚号似乎更不可能。

A torpedo might, of course, produce an extraordinary effect if it chanced to strike a boiler compartment or a magazine.

当然，如果鱼雷碰巧击中锅炉舱或弹匣，可能会产生非凡的效果。

But it does not appear that this happened in any one of the many disasters in question.

但在所讨论的众多灾难中，似乎没有发生过这种情况。

It has been said that the German torpedoes carry an exceptionally heavy explosive charge, the extra weight having been gained by a sacrifice in speed and range.

据说，德国鱼雷携带着异常沉重的炸药，额外的重量是通过牺牲速度和射程而获得的。

This may in part explain their effectiveness, but when all allowance is made for what we know or guess along this and similar lines, the fact remains that the torpedo has shown itself a weapon of vastly greater destructive power than the world has heretofore attributed to it.

这可能部分解释了它们的有效性，但当考虑到我们所知道或猜测的情况以及类似的情况时，事实仍然是，鱼雷已经证明自己是一种比世界迄今为止所认为的破坏力大得多的武器。

The story of the Dardanelles campaign has illustrated again the futility of attacking land fortifications by battleships.

达达尼尔海峡战役的故事再次说明了战列舰攻击陆地防御工事是徒劳的。

Attacks of this kind have never succeeded, and the temptation is strong to accept the theory that in planning these operations the British anticipated little or no resistance from those in command of the forts.

此类攻击从未成功，人们很容易接受这样一种理论：在计划这些行动时，英国人预计要塞指挥者很少或根本没有抵抗。

It was conceivable that the forts could be passed--as were those at New Orleans and Mobile Bay by Farragut--but not that they could be reduced by the gun fire of ships.

可以想象，这些堡垒可以被通过——就像新奥尔良和法拉格特附近莫比尔湾的那些堡垒一样——但它们不能被船只的炮火摧毁。

Information is lacking as to the damage actually done.

缺乏关于实际造成的损害的信息。

It was probably greater than the defenders have admitted; but it evidently fell far short of silencing the forts.

这可能比捍卫者所承认的要大；但它显然远远没有让堡垒安静下来。

If the world needed a new demonstration of the power of forts to stand out against ships, we may put this down as one more lesson of the war.

如果世界需要重新展示堡垒的威力以对抗船只，我们可以将其视为战争的又一个教训。

An important revelation of the war is the smoothness and rapidity with which large bodies of troops, with all their impedimenta--horses, artillery, etc.--have been transported by water.

这场战争的一个重要启示是，大量部队及其所有障碍物——马匹、大炮等——通过水路运输的顺利和迅速。

This has, of course, been possible only for Great Britain and her allies, and for them only because they have held unchallenged the command of the sea.

当然，这只有英国及其盟国才有可能实现，而且只是因为它们拥有不受挑战的制海权。

It is thus, first of all, a confirmation of the lesson with which this paper opened--the lesson that command of the sea is a factor of the very first importance in any war in which it is a factor at all.

因此，首先，它证实了本文开头的教训——制海权在任何战争中都是最重要的因素。

It is secondarily a lesson in the ease with which a nation which has command of the sea can, in these days of large fast steamers, transport its military forces in practically unlimited numbers to any distance that may be desired.

其次，这是一个教训，说明一个拥有制海权的国家可以轻松地利用大型快速轮船将其军队几乎无限数量地运送到任何可能需要的距离。

It is thus an answer to the protestations of those who insist that the United States is secured against the danger of invasion by the thousands of miles of water which separate its coasts from those of possible enemies; for it demonstrates what has, from the day of the first Atlantic crossing by a steamship, become more and more notably a fact--that the oceans which separate frontiers for certain purposes, connect them for other purposes and especially for purposes of transit and transportation.

因此，它是对那些坚持认为美国的海岸与潜在敌人的海岸相隔数千英里的水域确保美国免受入侵危险的人的回应。因为它证明了自第一次轮船横渡大西洋之日起，一个事实就变得越来越引人注目：海洋出于某些目的而分隔边界，又出于其他目的，特别是为了过境和运输的目的而将边界连接起来。

The term "Ocean Highway" is no mere figure of speech.

“海洋公路”一词不仅仅是一种比喻。

The millions of troops that have passed by water from England into France have made the passage with infinitely less difficulty than has been connected with the further passage by land to the fighting lines; and the hundreds of thousands from England, France, India, and Australia, which have assembled in the Near East could not have covered the distances that they have covered, if they had moved by land, in ten times the number of days they have occupied in moving by sea.

数以百万计的军队从英国经水路进入法国，与进一步经陆路前往战线相比，其难度要小得多。来自英国、法国、印度和澳大利亚的数十万人聚集在近东，如果他们通过陆路移动，他们不可能在十倍于海上移动的天数内走完他们所走过的距离。

The sea being clear of enemy ships, the route from Liverpool to the Dardanelles has been a lane for an easy and pleasant promenade.

海上没有敌舰，从利物浦到达达尼尔海峡的路线一直是一条轻松愉快的海滨长廊。

With the Atlantic and Pacific controlled by the fleets of nations at war with us, their waters would invite, rather than impede, the movement of an army to our shores.

由于大西洋和太平洋由与我们交战的国家的舰队控制，它们的水域将邀请而不是阻碍军队向我们的海岸移动。

It would be difficult to exaggerate the significance of this lesson for the United States.

这一教训对美国的意义怎么强调都不为过。

A rather grewsome lesson, but one which cannot be ignored, is that in a naval battle, there are, at the end, neither "wounded", "missing", nor "prisoners" to be reported.

一个相当有成长性但又不可忽视的教训是，在一场海战中，最终既没有“受伤”、“失踪”，也没有“俘虏”需要报告。

A ship defeated is, and will be, in a great majority of cases, a ship sunk; and sinking, she will sink with all on board.

在大多数情况下，一艘被击败的船是并且将会是一艘沉没的船；沉没，她和船上的所有人都会一起沉没。

Some few exceptions there may be, but the rule can hardly fail to be as thus stated.

可能会有一些例外，但规则不可能不如此规定。

One of the first things that a ship does in preparing for battle is to get rid of her boats; and, as both her companions and her opponents are sure to do the same, her crew can neither help themselves nor look for help from friends or enemies.

一艘船在准备战斗时首先要做的事情之一就是摆脱她的船只。而且，由于她的同伴和对手肯定会这样做，她的船员既不能自救，也不能向朋友或敌人寻求帮助。

The _Good Hope_ and the _Monmouth_ went down in the battle off Coronel leaving not a single survivor to tell the story of their destruction.

好望号和蒙茅斯号在科罗内尔附近的战斗中沉没，没有一个幸存者能够讲述他们被毁的故事。

Following the battle off the Falkland Islands, the British picked up a few survivors from the German ships, but not enough to contradict the rule.

福克兰群岛附近的战斗结束后，英国人从德国船只上救出了一些幸存者，但不足以违反这一规则。

In the running engagement in the North Sea on January 25, 1915, the _Blücher_ went down with 650 out of 900 of her crew.

在 1915 年 1 月 25 日北海的战斗中，布吕歇尔号 900 名船员中有 650 人沉没。

Scarcely a man was saved from the _Cressy_, the _Aboukir_, or the _Hogue_.

几乎没有人从_Cressy_、_Aboukir_或_Hogue_中获救。

And so the story runs, and so it must always run when modern ships fight in earnest.

故事就是如此，当现代舰船认真战斗时，它也必须始终如此。

One of the most striking features of the engagements up to the present time is the range at which they have been fought.

迄今为止，交战最显着的特征之一是交战的范围。

A few years ago 10,000 yards was considered the extreme range at which ships would open fire.

几年前，10,000 码被认为是船只开火的极限射程。

The ranges used in the Russo-Japanese War varied from 3,000 to 8,000 yards, and the battle off Tsushima was decided at less than 6,000 yards.

日俄战争中使用的射程从3000码到8000码不等，对马岛海战则在不到6000码的范围内决胜负。

In the present war the ranges have been nearly three times as great as these.

在当前的战争中，射程几乎是这些的三倍。

In the battle off Coronel, the _Good Hope_ was sunk at 12,000 yards, the _Monmouth_ at a little less.

在科罗内尔附近的海战中，好望号在 12,000 码处被击沉，蒙茅斯号则稍低一些。

In the battle off the Falkland Islands, both sides opened fire at 17,000 yards, and the German ships were sunk at approximately 16,000 yards.

福克兰群岛海战中，双方在17000码处开火，德舰在约16000码处被击沉。

The running fight in the North Sea opened at 18,000 yards, and the _Blücher_ was sunk at 15,000 yards.

北海的跑战在 18,000 码处展开，布吕歇尔号在 15,000 码处被击沉。

This extraordinary increase in the fighting range corresponds in a measure to an increase in accuracy of fire, but it corresponds also to a new recognition of the enormous advantage which may result from a fortunate hit early in the action.

战斗范围的显着增加在一定程度上对应于射击精度的提高，但也对应于对行动早期幸运命中可能带来的巨大优势的新认识。

The theoretical advantage which should result from this has been confirmed by practical experience, and it may be regarded as certain that battle ranges hereafter will conform more nearly to those off Coronel than to those of Tsushima.

由此产生的理论上的优势已经被实践经验所证实，并且可以肯定的是，今后的战斗范围将更接近于科罗内尔附近的范围，而不是符合对马岛的范围。

To summarize: The great outstanding naval lesson of the war is this: That a nation whose navy commands the sea can rest secure, so far as its sea frontier is concerned, from the fear of invasion or of serious attack; that, further, its command of the sea insures to its commerce the freedom of the sea; and that, finally, this freedom extends equally to its armed forces, to which the highways of the sea are opened wide, affording a possibility of offense at distant points which is denied to the forces of the enemy.

总而言之，这场战争给海军带来的重大教训是：一个拥有海军制海权的国家，就其海上边界而言，可以放心，免受入侵或严重攻击的恐惧；此外，它对海洋的控制确保了其海上贸易的自由；最后，这种自由同样适用于其武装部队，海上高速公路向其敞开，提供了从远方进攻的可能性，而这是敌军所无法企及的。

Perhaps the lesson second in importance is that, owing to the rapid march of invention in these days of progress, it is to be expected that every war which comes suddenly upon the world will come with certain elements of surprise, some of them startling in their power and effectiveness, some of them giving promise of much and accomplishing comparatively little.

也许第二个重要的教训是，由于在当今进步的时代，发明的快速发展，可以预见，世界上突然发生的每一场战争都会带来某些令人惊讶的因素，其中一些战争的力量和有效性令人震惊，其中一些承诺很多，但取得的成果却相对较少。

However surprising and however effective the best of these may be, they will fall short of revolutionizing warfare, but they may profoundly modify it; and the nation which has them ready for use in the beginning will gain an initial advantage which may go far toward determining the issue of the war.

无论其中最好的方法多么令人惊讶和有效，它们都达不到彻底改变战争的程度，但它们可能会深刻地改变战争；一开始就准备好使用它们的国家将获得初步优势，这可能会大大有助于决定战争问题。

Lessons of more limited significance have to do with the effectiveness of the submarine and the unexpected radius of action of which it has shown itself capable; the amazing destructive power of the torpedo; the value of the battle cruiser, both for the defense of a coast from raiding expeditions, and for operations in distant seas where speed is needed to bring an enemy to action, and heavy guns to insure his destruction; the difficulty of reducing shore fortifications by fire from ships; the necessity of aeroplanes for scouting at sea, and the modifications in naval strategy and tactics which will result from their general adoption.

意义更为有限的教训与潜艇的有效性及其所表现出的意想不到的行动半径有关。鱼雷惊人的破坏力；战列巡洋舰的价值，既可以用于防御海岸免受袭击，也可以用于远海作战，在远海作战时需要速度来使敌人采取行动，并需要重型火炮来确保消灭敌人；通过船舶火力削弱海岸防御工事的难度；飞机在海上侦察的必要性，以及由于飞机的普遍采用而导致的海军战略和战术的变化。

After many months of sparring between the British and German naval forces in the North Sea, an important engagement took place on May 31, 1916, between the two main fleets.

英国和德国海军在北海激战数月后，1916 年 5 月 31 日，两支主力舰队之间发生了一场重要交战。

Exactly what forces were engaged will probably not be known until the end of the war, and it is certain that we must wait long for definitely reliable reports as to the losses on the two sides.

到底是哪些部队参与了战斗，可能要到战争结束才能知道，而且可以肯定的是，我们必须等待很长时间才能得到关于双方损失的绝对可靠的报告。

It is already clear, however, that the encounter has added little to our knowledge of naval warfare.

然而，很明显，这次遭遇并没有增加我们对海战的了解。

British battle cruisers engaged German battleships at close range and were badly punished.

英国战列巡洋舰与德国战列舰近距离交战，并受到严重惩罚。

In this there was nothing new or instructive.

这并没有什么新的或有启发性的。

Nor has anything new or instructive developed from what is thus far known of other phases of the battle.

从迄今为止已知的战斗其他阶段的情况来看，也没有发展出任何新的或有启发性的东西。

Indeed the one and only striking feature of the battle appears to be the fact that everything occurred practically as it might have been expected to occur.

事实上，这场战斗唯一的显着特征似乎是这样一个事实：一切都按照预期发生。

Neither submarines nor destroyers, neither Zeppelins nor aeroplanes provided any startling features.

无论是潜艇还是驱逐舰，齐柏林飞艇还是飞机都没有提供任何令人震惊的功能。

The only lesson thus far apparent is the old one that while dash and audacity have their place in warfare, they need the directing and steadying hand of judgment and of skill.

迄今为止唯一明显的教训是老教训：虽然冲刺和大胆在战争中占有一席之地，但它们需要判断力和技巧的指导和稳定之手。

THE WORLD'S WAR

世界大战

By FREDERICK PALMER

弗雷德里克·帕尔默

INITIAL STRATEGY

初步策略

In innumerable volumes future generations will learn the details of this war: and the discussions among delving historians will never end.

后人将在无数卷书中了解这场战争的细节：历史学家之间的讨论永远不会结束。

For our time a simpler task is the service set for us.

对于我们这个时代来说，一个更简单的任务是为我们设置服务。

We require a record of the essential facts of the struggle arranged with a sense of historical perspective.

我们需要以历史的视角来记录斗争的基本事实。

For forty years the great nations of Europe had had universal service.

四十年来，欧洲的伟大国家都享有普遍服务。

Every able-bodied youth, unless his government chose to excuse him, became a soldier.

每个身体健全的年轻人，除非政府选择原谅他，否则都会成为一名士兵。

For forty years the diplomatists had held the balance of power so delicately poised that the mighty armed forces all kept to their own sides of their frontiers.

四十年来，外交官们一直微妙地保持着力量的平衡，以至于强大的武装部队都只守在自己的边境一侧。

It was in the era of modern invention and man's mastery of material power that these great armies were formed and trained for the war that was to test their steel.

正是在现代发明和人类掌握物质力量的时代，这些伟大的军队才被组建和训练，以迎接考验其钢铁力量的战争。

Where Napoleon marched a hundred thousand men along parallel roads, the modern general sends his millions on railroad trains.

拿破仑让十万人沿着平行的道路行进，而现代将军则让他的数百万人乘坐火车。

The problem for each nation when war came was to concentrate with a greater rapidity than its adversary its enormous masses of men and guns against the enemy; and success in this was not due as in former days to speed of foot over good highways such as the Romans and Napoleon built, but to organized railroad and automobile transport or rather the prompt employment of all the industrial resources of the nation for war alone.

当战争爆发时，每个国家面临的问题是比对手更快地集中大量人员和枪支对抗敌人；这方面的成功并不像以前那样依赖于罗马人和拿破仑修建的良好公路的速度，而是依赖于有组织的铁路和汽车运输，或者更确切地说，是迅速将国家所有工业资源用于战争。

Out of the conflicting reports day by day emerge to the observer as he reviews the progress of the war, with the map before him, plans of campaign as simple in their broad lines as in Cæsar's or Alexander's day.

当观察者在面前的地图回顾战争进展时，日复一日地从相互矛盾的报告中浮现出来，战役计划的大纲简单，就像凯撒或亚历山大时代一样。

Generals fighting with a million or two million men under their command have held to the same principles as if they had only ten or fifteen thousand.

统率一百万、两百万士兵作战的将军，所坚持的原则与他们只有一万五千人作战时所遵循的原则是一样的。

All schools of successful warfare have believed in the offensive; in quick decisive blows which take the enemy by surprise and find him unready if possible.

所有成功战争学派都相信进攻。快速、决定性的打击，让敌人措手不及，如果可能的话，会让他们措手不及。

They hold that the army in rest must always be beaten by the army which takes the initiative.

他们认为，静止的军队一定会被主动的军队击败。

This partly explains the frequent small actions indicated by the reports of trenches taken in assault along the western front, while the lines occupied by the armies did not radically change.

这在一定程度上解释了有关沿西线进攻时挖壕沟的报道所表明的频繁的小规模行动，而军队占领的防线却没有发生根本性的改变。

Such actions are the natural expression by any spirited force of its sense of initiative.

这些行动是任何有活力的力量主动意识的自然表现。

Unless you sometimes take some of the enemy's trenches, he will be taking yours.

除非你有时占领敌人的一些战壕，否则他也会占领你的。

By striking him in one section you may prevent him from striking you in another.

通过在一个部分打击他，您可以防止他在另一部分打击您。

Von Moltke and the other great German generals were only following in the footsteps of Napoleon when they taught that the offensive should be the first thought of every soldier.

冯·毛奇和其他伟大的德国将军只是在追随拿破仑的脚步，他们教导说进攻应该是每个士兵的首要想法。

The offensive naturally seeks to flank its adversary.

进攻自然是寻求从侧翼包抄对手。

Lieutenant General Winfield Scott once stated that if two lines of men, without any officers, were placed in a field, one line would inevitably try to get around the end of the other.

温菲尔德·斯科特中将曾经说过，如果在没有任何军官的情况下将两排士兵放置在一块场地上，其中一排将不可避免地试图绕过另一排的末端。

The immensity of the forces, the power and precision of modern armies in defense has lengthened the battle fronts from a mile or a mile and a half in Napoleon's time to hundreds of miles.

现代军队的兵力规模、防御能力和精确度使战线从拿破仑时代的一英里或一英里半延长到数百英里。

It is an old rule, that you cannot break through a battle front, which means that you are thrusting in a wedge which will draw fire on both sides.

这是一条古老的规则，你无法突破战线，这意味着你正在插入一个楔子，这会引起双方的火力。

Pickett tried to break a battle front at Gettysburg.

皮克特试图打破葛底斯堡的战线。

A frontal attack which was no less pitiful in its results was that of the Federals at Fredericksburg.

联邦军在弗雷德里克斯堡发起的正面进攻，其结果也同样悲惨。

Grant's hammering tactics against Lee succeeded only by the flanking operations of superior numbers.

格兰特对李的重击战术只有通过优势兵力的侧翼行动才能成功。

Strategically, the situation of the Central Powers was extremely strong.

从战略上来说，同盟国的形势极其强大。

Aside from the fact that their preparedness in numbers of trained men, in arms and material, is too well known for mention here, their excellent network of railways enabled them to make rapid concentration.

除了他们在武器和物资方面的训练有素的人员数量方面的准备，这是众所周知的，这里不予提及，他们良好的铁路网络使他们能够迅速集中。

They had what is known as the interior line, which gave Meade his advantage at Gettysburg.

他们拥有所谓的内线，这给了米德在葛底斯堡的优势。

Whether the interior line is three miles or a thousand miles long does not affect the principle involved.

无论内线长三英里还是一千英里，都不影响所涉及的原理。

Interior lines mean quick transportation of reserves from point to point in concentration.

内部线路意味着储备物从一个集中点到另一个集中点的快速运输。

It does not matter whether their numbers are hundreds or hundreds of thousands; the advantage is intrinsically the same.

不管他们的数量是几百还是几十万，都一样。优点本质上是一样的。

Joffre had probably fifteen hundred thousand on the interior line of the Marne.

霞飞在马恩河内线大约有十五十万人。

Meade had seventy thousand at Gettysburg.

米德在葛底斯堡有七万人。

In keeping with all great plans that of the Central Powers was extremely simple.

为了与所有伟大的计划保持一致，同盟国的计划极其简单。

Austria was to look after Russia.

奥地利要照顾俄罗斯。

She could mobilize more rapidly than Russia, and her army was counted upon to take the offensive into Russia and deliver a hard blow before the Russian was ready to receive her.

她的动员速度比俄罗斯更快，她的军队被指望在俄罗斯人准备好迎接她之前向俄罗斯发起进攻并给予沉重打击。

Indeed, the Austrian was to attempt in the east what the German attempted in the west.

事实上，奥地利人将在东方尝试德国人在西方所做的尝试。

The German army was confident that in any event the slowness of Russian mobilization would give it time for its daring venture in the west.

德国军队相信，无论如何，俄罗斯动员的缓慢将给它在西方大胆冒险的时间。

As the French, too, had excellent railroad systems, they also would mobilize rapidly.

由于法国人也拥有优秀的铁路系统，他们也会迅速动员起来。

The full strength of the German army, therefore, was thrown against the French and the little Belgian army of eighty thousand ill trained and equipped men in the first month of the war.

因此，在战争的第一个月里，德国军队的全部力量都投入到了法国军队和由八万名训练有素、装备不佳的比利时小军队中。

By using their interior lines, striking first in the west and then in the east, the Germans were warranted on paper in counting on successes that might have ended the war within the first four or five months.

通过利用内线，先向西进攻，然后向东进攻，德国人在纸面上有理由指望在最初的四五个月内结束战争。

The frontier of France from Switzerland to Luxemburg, when manned by the large numbers of the French army, became a battle front.

从瑞士到卢森堡的法国边境，在大量法国军队驻守的情况下，成为了战线。

There was no room for a flanking operation.

没有进行侧翼行动的空间。

German ambition for a decisive and prompt victory over the French army must have room for a turning movement.

德国想要迅速决定性地战胜法军的野心必须有扭转的空间。

The Germans made the invasion of Belgium a military necessity for their purpose, which was the destruction of the French army.

德国人将入侵比利时作为其目的的军事必要条件，即摧毁法国军队。

They had built the great 17-inch mortars for smashing the Belgian fortresses in order to open the gate for the flood which was to sweep southward to Paris.

他们建造了巨大的17英寸迫击炮，用于摧毁比利时的堡垒，为向南席卷巴黎的洪水打开大门。

These guns were less practicable for field work or even for trench work, being best against cities and stationary guns in forts.

这些火炮不太适合野外工作，甚至用于战壕工作，最适合对付城市和堡垒中的固定火炮。

Thus the German plan of campaign was fully developed the second day of the war.

这样，德军的作战计划在战争第二天就已完全制定。

It was no longer a secret to the general public, let alone to the French staff, which recognized that it had to deal with this effort of the German wing to come through Belgium.

这对公众来说不再是秘密，更不用说对法国工作人员来说了，他们认识到必须应对德国翼通过比利时的努力。

A French movement into Alsace failed.

法国进攻阿尔萨斯的行动失败了。

The public reason given for this was that it was a political demonstration in raising the Tricolor over the "lost provinces" dear to the heart of every Frenchman.

对此的公开理由是，这是一次政治示威，目的是在每个法国人都珍视的“失落的省份”上举起三色旗。

Another--a military reason--which would seem a more obvious one to the soldier, was a counteroffensive to draw off the force of the German offensive at Liege and Namur, hoping thus, at least, while Liege and Namur were holding the German right in position, to force the German left to the bank of the Rhine.

另一个——军事原因——对士兵来说似乎更明显，是一场反攻，以吸引德军在列日和那慕尔的进攻力量，希望这样，至少在列日和那慕尔控制德军右翼阵地时，迫使德军左翼逼近莱茵河岸。

If you will look at the map you will see that this strategy becomes transparently intelligible.

如果您查看地图，您会发现该策略变得清晰易懂。

Thus early in August the French were trying to turn the German left, and the Germans were preparing to turn the French left.

因此，八月初，法国人试图将德国人转向左翼，而德国人也准备将法国人转向左翼。

Had the Belgians had anything like an adequate army, had it been skillfully handled; had the fortress of Namur held ten days as many thought it would, the German right might have been held long enough to prevent the Germans forcing a battle on the Marne.

比利时人是否拥有一支足够的军队，是否巧妙地处理了这支军队？如果那慕尔要塞像许多人想象的那样坚守十天，德国右翼可能会坚守足够长的时间来阻止德国人在马恩河上发动战斗。

By the third week of August, however, the Germans had won their first point.

然而，到了八月的第三周，德国队赢得了他们的第一分。

They had broken through Namur, so incapably defended.

他们已经突破了防守无力的那慕尔。

They had broken the French left, put the British to flight, compelling the withdrawal of the French from German Lorraine, and now the war in the west was being waged entirely on French soil.

他们击溃了法国人的左翼，驱散了英国人，迫使法国人从德属洛林撤军，现在西部的战争完全在法国领土上进行。

Technically and strategically the French had been outdone by superior numbers and the incapable defense of Namur, but no decisive battle had been fought.

在技术和战略上，法军因人数优势和那慕尔的无力防御而落后，但没有进行决定性的战斗。

Indeed in a maneuver for positions, the Germans had won.

事实上，在争夺阵地的演习中，德国人取得了胜利。

The test was to come on the Marne.

考验将在马恩河上进行。

Had France been beaten there, she would have been beaten for good.

如果法国在那里被击败，她将永远被击败。

Her army would have been so badly shattered that the Germans would then have been able to have thrown such preponderance of force, in conjunction with the Austrians, against the Russians that Warsaw (and perhaps Petrograd) must have fallen in the first year rather than in the second of the campaign.

她的军队将遭到如此严重的打击，以至于德国人将能够与奥地利人联合起来，对俄罗斯人投入如此大的兵力优势，以至于华沙（也许还有彼得格勒）必定在战役的第一年而不是第二年就陷落了。

It would not be going too far to call the Marne the greatest battle in all history, both because of the numbers engaged and the result.

无论是从参战人数还是结果来看，称马恩河战役为历史上最伟大的战役并不过分。

Barring a later successful German offensive it decided the fate of France and very likely the fate of the war.

除非德国后来发动成功的进攻，否则它决定了法国的命运，很可能也决定了战争的命运。

All the trench fighting that followed, after all, only nailed down as it were the results of the Marne.

毕竟，随后发生的所有堑壕战都是马恩河战役的结果。

The general public taking its news from the daily press, thinks of the Marne as having been waged mostly in the neighborhood of Paris.

公众从每日媒体上获取新闻，认为马恩河战役主要发生在巴黎附近。

It also wonders why the Germans did not go into Paris when they were so near.

人们还想知道为什么德国人在距离巴黎这么近的时候不进入巴黎。

Any entrance into Paris was of secondary and of superficial consideration.

任何进入巴黎的考虑都是次要的、肤浅的。

The object of an army is to beat an enemy's army.

军队的目标是击败敌人的军队。

Had the German army beaten the French on the Marne, then it had plenty of time for its entry into Paris.

如果德军在马恩河击败了法军，那么它就有充足的时间进入巴黎。

If it lost the battle, it could not have held Paris.

如果它输掉了这场战斗，它就无法守住巴黎。

The fate of Paris was no less decided in eastern France than on the banks of the Marne.

巴黎的命运在法国东部的决定不亚于在马恩河畔的决定。

Far and away from a spectacular point of view, the most interesting portion of that decisive conflict was among the hills and valleys and woods of Lorraine, where over a front of eighty miles the Bavarians and the French swayed back and forth in fierce pitched battle.

从远处看去，这场决定性冲突中最有趣的部分是在洛林的丘陵、山谷和树林中，在八十英里的战线上，巴伐利亚人和法国人在激烈的激战中来回摇摆。

For the Bavarians were striking at the French right flank toward the gap of Miracourt and the German Crown Prince was striking in the Argonne at the same time that Von Kluck was striking at the French left.

因为巴伐利亚人正在向米拉库尔缺口的法军右翼发起进攻，而德国王储则在阿贡河发起进攻，而冯·克鲁克则在法军左翼发起进攻。

The Bavarians and the crown prince failed, while Von Kluck extended himself too far and was nearly caught in the pincers by Manoury's new army striking on his flank.

巴伐利亚人和王储失败了，而冯·克拉克则太过扩张，差点被从侧翼攻击的马努里新军夹住。

But the vital, the human, the overwhelming factor was that the French infantry after retreat, when they might have been in confusion and poor heart, held with splendid stubbornness and organization under the protection of the accurate fire from their field batteries of 75's.

但最重要的、人性的、压倒性的因素是，法国步兵在撤退后，当他们可能处于混乱和可怜的状态时，在75号野战炮兵精确火力的保护下，以出色的顽强和组织性保持住了。

It is estimated that the Germans had actually on the front, or within ready reach of the front in the battle of the Marne, 2,500,000 men, while the French had 1,500,000.

据估计，在马恩河战役中，德国人实际上在前线或在前线的准备范围内有2,500,000人，而法国人有1,500,000人。

As the population of France is approximately forty-five million and that of Germany seventy million, the ratio in armed men to population was substantially the same for either combatant.

由于法国人口约为 4500 万，德国人口约为 7000 万，因此双方武装人员与人口的比例基本相同。

For any decisive offensive the Germans needed that percentage of superior numbers.

对于任何决定性的进攻，德国人都需要一定比例的优势兵力。

The fact that they failed carried its own significance.

他们失败的事实有其自身的意义。

Though they withdrew they were by no means decisively beaten.

尽管他们撤退了，但他们并没有被彻底击败。

It might be said--to give them the fullest benefit of the doubt--that they undertook to buy something and the price was too high.

可以说——为了让他们得到最充分的怀疑——他们承诺购买某种东西，但价格太高了。

To insist, however, that they did not make their best effort is to imply that the Germans were unwilling to pay the price for that decisive victory which would win the war.

然而，坚持认为他们没有尽最大努力就意味着德国人不愿意为赢得战争的决定性胜利付出代价。

They could not take the risk of going too far or pressing too long and too hard; for that might have meant, with the rapid mobilization of French reserves, a defeat that would have thrown them clear out of France and lost the war for them.

他们不能冒走得太远或压力太长、太用力的风险；因为，随着法国预备队的迅速动员，这可能意味着一场失败，他们将被赶出法国并输掉战争。

The Germans had profited by all the lessons of the Russo-Japanese War, which taught the importance of trenches to modern armies, and also the value of high-explosive shells, but their own expenditure of shells had been far beyond their anticipation, and so far as we can learn, at the Marne they faced a shortage.

德国人从日俄战争中吸取了教训，明白了战壕对于现代军队的重要性，以及高爆炮弹的价值，但他们自己的炮弹支出远远超出了他们的预期，而且据我们所知，在马恩河他们面临着短缺。

They lacked the munitions to carry on the battle to a conclusion, even if they possessed the men and the will.

即使他们拥有人力和意志，他们也缺乏将战斗进行到底的弹药。

Accepting the principle of the increased power of the defensive of modern armies, they fell back to the defensive line of the Aisne, and now the initiative must be with the French.

他们接受了增强现代军队防御力量的原则，撤回了埃纳河防线，现在主动权必须掌握在法国人手中。

There followed a movement of precisely the kind characterizing many battles over a smaller front and that was the extension of the line as reserves were brought up by either side.

随后发生的运动正是许多小战线战斗的特征，即双方都调动预备队来延长战线。

The French tried to flank the German left but the Germans extended as rapidly as they, until the month of October found both armies resting one flank on the sea and the other on Switzerland.

法国人试图从侧翼包抄德国人的左翼，但德国人的扩张速度与他们一样快，直到十月份发现两军的一侧都驻扎在海上，另一侧则驻扎在瑞士。

Still another reason for the German withdrawals from the Marne was the loss of the battle of Lublin by the Austrians, due not to the inferiority of the Austrian troops so much as to bad generalship.

德国从马恩河撤军的另一个原因是奥地利人在卢布林战役中失败，这并不是因为奥地利军队的劣势，而是因为指挥不好。

The German staff was warranted by the defeat at Lublin in thinking that they might have overestimated the Austrian army and underestimated the Russian.

德国参谋部认为卢布林的失败是有道理的，他们认为他们可能高估了奥地利军队而低估了俄罗斯军队。

In this case they might face the danger of an invasion of Germany itself from Russia.

在这种情况下，他们可能面临俄罗斯入侵德国的危险。

Owing to the heterogeneous character of the Austrian army with its many races and the many pessimistic prophesies that have been made about the loyalty of the Slav portions of Austria, which were fulfilled it is said by the mutiny of some Slav regiments, it looked as if such apprehensions had been well grounded.

由于奥地利军队的种族多样性，以及对奥地利斯拉夫部分忠诚度的许多悲观预言，据说一些斯拉夫军团的叛变已经实现了这些预言，看来这种担忧是有根据的。

In winning Lublin the Russians had done a distinct service to the French in relieving pressure at the Marne and by their invasion of East Prussia they undertook a service of a similar kind.

在赢得卢布林的过程中，俄国人为法国人缓解了马恩河的压力做出了独特的贡献，而通过入侵东普鲁士，他们也做出了类似的贡献。

The advance of the Russian "steam roller" into Prussia so much heralded at the time amounted to little more than an immense raid, as numbers go in the greatest struggle of all history.

当时大肆宣扬的俄罗斯“蒸汽压路机”向普鲁士的推进只不过是一次大规模的突袭，因为人数众多，这是有史以来最伟大的斗争。

It won laurels for Von Hindenburg, a retired general, who became the hero of the war in Germany, again illustrating that in this, as in other wars, the fortune of circumstances and the character of your enemy have much to do with the creation of martial glory.

它为退役将军冯兴登堡赢得了荣誉，他成为德国战争的英雄，再次表明，在这场战争中，就像在其他战争中一样，环境的命运和敌人的性格与军事荣耀的创造有很大关系。

For it is an open question if as a military feat Von Kluck's skillful extrication of his army from the position beyond Paris is not as worthy of praise as Von Hindenburg's clever victory of Tannenberg.

因为作为一项军事功绩，冯·克拉克巧妙地把他的军队从巴黎以外的阵地解救出来，是否不如冯·兴登堡在坦能堡的巧妙胜利那样值得赞扬，这是一个悬而未决的问题。

Though the German armies had not been able to gain a decisive victory over the French, they had established themselves on French soil.

尽管德军未能取得对法军的决定性胜利，但他们已经在法国的土地上站稳了脚跟。

All the destructive effects of war must be borne by their adversary while they could make use of the regions occupied to supply and feed their troops.

战争的所有破坏性影响都必须由对手承担，而他们可以利用被占领的地区来供应和喂养他们的军队。

They had put the burden of direct economic waste on the French and deprived them of economic supplies, while the psychologic value of driving home to the enemy population the ravages of war is considered important by military leaders.

他们将直接经济浪费的负担强加给了法国人，并剥夺了他们的经济供应，而军事领导人认为让敌方民众认识到战争的破坏所带来的心理价值很重要。

Nor could the economic advantage be adequately measured by extent of area occupied; for the one-twenty-sixth of the territory of France which was held by the Germans represented far more than one-twenty-sixth of French producing power for war purposes.

经济优势也不能通过占领面积来充分衡量；德国人占领的法国领土的二十六分之一，远远超过法国用于战争目的的生产能力的二十六分之一。

A nation's true material wealth in peace may be in its farms and vineyards, but in war it is in the coal and steel and machine shops.

一个国家真正的物质财富在和平时期可能存在于其农场和葡萄园中，但在战争时期则存在于煤炭、钢铁和机械车间中。

The "Black Country" of northern France of no interest to the tourist, plays the same part to industrial France that the Pittsburgh region plays to industrial America.

法国北部的“黑色国家”对游客毫无兴趣，但它对工业法国的作用就像匹兹堡地区对工业美国的作用一样。

Besides, with Lille in German hands, France had lost the income from her export trade in textiles.

此外，由于里尔落入德国手中，法国失去了纺织品出口贸易的收入。

As the Russians for lack of transport were not able to follow up their success at Lublin, the succeeding weeks showed it to be far from a decisive victory.

由于缺乏运输，俄罗斯人无法延续他们在卢布林的成功，接下来的几周表明，它距离决定性的胜利还很远。

The Austrian army soon recovered itself.

奥地利军队很快恢复元气。

In comparison with Russia, both Austria and Germany were highly organized industrial nations.

与俄罗斯相比，奥地利和德国都是高度组织化的工业国家。

They had not only been able to put larger forces into the field at the outset than their adversaries, but they had the resources in guns and rifles, and in the factories for the manufacture of munitions, which enabled them to increase their actual fighting forces faster than their adversaries, and to supply them with larger quantities of munitions.

他们不仅一开始就能比对手投入更多的兵力，而且拥有枪支、步枪和弹药制造工厂的资源，这使得他们能够比对手更快地增加实际战斗力，并为对手提供更多数量的弹药。

The German army was established in well-chosen positions in France, which might be impregnable against even forces as superior as three to one; the Austrian army was safely established in front of the Russians.

德国军队在法国的阵地经过精心挑选，即使面对三比一的优势，也可能是坚不可摧的。奥地利军队在俄国人面前安全地建立起来。

Both the French and the Russians were short of munitions, and particularly of guns of heavier caliber, and of high-explosive shells, which had become most essential in trench warfare.

法国人和俄罗斯人都缺乏弹药，特别是大口径火炮和高爆炮弹，而这些在堑壕战中至关重要。

Relatively, the Germans were depending upon their guns to hold the Aisne line, while the Allies were depending upon the flesh and blood of infantry.

相对而言，德军依靠枪炮守住埃纳防线，而盟军则依靠步兵的血肉。

Germany was rushing every trained man she had to the front and training a million volunteers.

德国正在将所有受过训练的人员送往前线，并培训一百万名志愿者。

Now she could spare troops moved by her efficient railroad system, taking advantage of the interior line for Von Hindenburg to make a drive toward Warsaw, where he repeated the same maneuver, in keeping with German practice of the advance to the Marne.

现在，她可以通过高效的铁路系统腾出部队，利用内线，让冯·兴登堡向华沙推进，他在那里重复了同样的动作，与德国向马恩河挺进的做法保持一致。

After his drive, he fell back from Warsaw, and intrenched for the winter.

驱车结束后，他从华沙撤退，并挖壕沟过冬。

An unskilled garrison of Belgians held Antwerp, which was on the flank of the German forces in Belgium.

一支缺乏技术的比利时驻军占领了位于比利时德军侧翼的安特卫普。

The fall of this fortress meant the release of a considerable force of Germans, and allowed their heavier concentration toward northwestern France.

这座要塞的陷落意味着德军释放了相当大的兵力，并让他们能够集中力量向法国西北部集中。

Having failed to defeat the French at the Marne, which would have dropped not only the ports of Dunkirk, Calais, and Boulogne, but also Havre, like ripe plums into their basket, the Germans next sought to take Calais, which is twenty-two miles from the coast of England.

德国人未能在马恩河击败法国人，这不仅会丢掉敦刻尔克、加莱和布洛涅等港口，而且还会像成熟的李子一样丢掉阿弗尔，他们接下来试图夺取距离英格兰海岸二十二英里的加莱。

With Calais went the possession of all Belgium, a strip of northern France, and a foothold on the coast within twenty-two miles of England, and with the free sweep of the Atlantic past the narrow English Channel in front.

有了加莱，就拥有了整个比利时、法国北部的一小片土地，以及在距英格兰二十二英里以内的海岸上的立足点，并且可以自由地横扫大西洋，越过前面狭窄的英吉利海峡。

Von Moltke, the chief of the German staff, who was retired about this time, was said to have still favored the greater conception of a decisive victory over the French army by an attack on Verdun instead of on the Channel ports; and the kaiser's own idea was said to have prevailed against his.

大约在这个时候退休的德国参谋长冯·毛奇据说仍然赞成通过攻击凡尔登而不是海峡港口来决定性地战胜法军的更大构想。据说德皇自己的想法战胜了他的想法。

Now the allied armies in the west were to face a test second only to that of the Marne.

现在，西线的联军将面临仅次于马恩河的考验。

The British army, which had been in the neighborhood of Soissons, had moved down to the left flank, hoping to assist in a successful turning movement.

原本驻扎在苏瓦松附近的英军已向左翼移动，希望能够协助成功的转向行动。

Their little force was being increased by every reserve that they could muster and arm.

他们那微薄的兵力正在通过他们能够召集和武装的每一支预备队而得到增强。

From India they brought their native troops, long-service men trained by British officers.

他们从印度带来了本土军队，这些军队是由英国军官训练的长期服役人员。

These, at a time when every man of any kind was needed, were thrown into the crucible of the coming conflict, which reached its climax during the last days of October in the chill rains and mists of Flanders, with rich fields of a flat country turned into a glutinous mud.

在每个人都需要的时候，这些人被扔进了即将到来的冲突的严酷考验中，这场冲突在十月的最后几天，在佛兰德斯的冷雨和薄雾中达到了高潮，平坦国家的肥沃田野变成了粘稠的泥土。

Meanwhile, in a futile attempt, the British rushed small forces of marines to the assistance of the Antwerp garrison.

与此同时，英国派遣小股海军陆战队前往安特卫普驻军，但徒劳无功。

With Antwerp theirs, the Germans were free to concentrate against the Channel ports.

有了安特卫普，德国人就可以自由地集中攻击海峡港口。

Once more the offensive was entirely with them in the west.

他们的进攻再次完全集中在西边。

They even brought into action some of the regiments of volunteers who had been enlisted in August; and following the German system of expending a fresh regiment in a single charge, these new levies were sent in masses to the attack.

他们甚至还调动了一些8月入伍的志愿兵团参加战斗；遵循德国在一次冲锋中派遣新兵团的制度，这些新征兵被大量派往进攻。

The Belgians, including those who escaped from Antwerp and from being driven into Holland, rested their left on the sea.

比利时人，包括那些逃离安特卫普并被驱赶到荷兰的人，都在海上休息。

Some sixty thousand were all they could muster out of a population of seven millions for the defense of the sliver of country that still remained under their flag.

他们从七百万人口中只能召集大约六万人来保卫仍在他们旗帜下的一小片国家。

A type of man-of-war which was supposed to be antedated, the monitor, with its low draft and powerful guns was brought into action by the British in protecting the Belgians, who finally saved themselves by flooding their front.

英国人将一种本来应该早出现的战舰“巨炮”投入使用，它具有低吃水深度和强大的火力，以保护比利时人，最终比利时人通过淹没他们的前线来拯救自己。

Next to the Belgians was a French army, and next to them the British army, which shared with the French the brunt of the attack in that sector around the old town of Ypres, which was to give its name to the Ypres salient, the bloodiest region of this war, and of any war in the history of Europe.

比利时军队旁边是法国军队，英国军队在他们旁边是英国军队，英国军队与法国军队一起在伊普尔老城周围的地区首当其冲，这就是伊普尔突出部的名字，这是这场战争以及欧洲历史上任何战争中最血腥的地区。

So far as one can learn, the losses of the British and the French here were about 150,000, and of the Germans, about 250,000.

据了解，英法两国在此损失约15万人，德军约25万人。

Within the succeeding year, probably another 200,000 men of both sides were killed and wounded in the same locality.

接下来的一年里，双方在同一地点大约又死伤了 20 万人。

At the lowest estimate, 100,000 men have been killed outright in the Ypres salient, without either side gaining any appreciable advantage.

据最低估计，伊普尔突出部有 100,000 人被彻底杀害，双方都没有获得任何明显的优势。

British regiments held in the first battle of Ypres in some cases when they had a loss of 80 per cent.

在第一次伊普尔战役中，英军军团的损失有时高达 80%。

Both Germans and Allies fought in icy water up to their hips.

德国人和盟军都在没过臀部的冰水中作战。

Many who survived succumbed to the cold.

许多幸存的人都死于寒冷。

Lacking proper artillery support, the British used to cheer when the Germans charged, as that meant the end of shell fire, and they could come to close quarters with the bayonet.

由于缺乏适当的炮火支援，英国人常常在德国人冲锋时欢呼雀跃，因为这意味着炮火的结束，他们可以用刺刀进行近距离攻击。

Little by little, but grudgingly, they had to yield against that persistent foe.

面对这个顽固的敌人，他们不得不一点一点地但不情愿地屈服。

The German staff was at its best in its organized offensive, and the British at their best "sticking," as they call it--and the prize was an arm of salt water, to be all Ally or part German.

德国参谋人员在有组织的进攻中处于最佳状态，而英国人则在他们所说的最好的“坚持”中发挥了最好的作用，而战利品是一条咸水手臂，无论是全部是盟友还是部分是德国人。

When the Germans gave up the struggle, they had the advantage of ground and the British stayed where they were.

当德国人放弃战斗时，他们拥有地面优势，而英国人则留在原地。

Whether or not the Allies should have evacuated Ypres and the deadly Ypres salient and withdrawn to better strategic positions will ever be a subject of discussion; but the loss of the city at the time would have had a moral effect on the situation of the Allies, and the political consideration may have outweighed the military.

盟军是否应该撤离伊普尔和致命的伊普尔突出部并撤到更好的战略位置将永远是一个讨论的话题；但当时失守这座城市会对盟军的局势产生道义上的影响，政治上的考虑可能超过了军事上的考虑。

Thus the campaign of the first summer and fall came to an end.

至此，第一个夏秋季节的战役就结束了。

The Allies had failed in their hope of keeping the German within his borders; and the German had failed to win any decisive victory which could enforce peace on all or any one of the Allies.

盟军未能将德国人留在其境内。德国人未能赢得任何决定性胜利，无法为所有或任何一个盟国带来和平。

The casualties, on account of the vast numbers engaged, had been staggering.

由于参与战斗的人数众多，伤亡是惊人的。

Germany held a small strip of Poland, and about the same amount of territory in France that she was to hold a year later, while Russia held a large section of Galicia.

德国控制着波兰的一小片土地，以及一年后在法国控制的大致相同面积的领土，而俄罗斯则控制着加利西亚的大片地区。

Where the armies had operated, lay broad belts of ruins, destroyed at enormous cost by shell fire.

军队作战的地方，布满了宽阔的废墟带，被炮火摧毁，造成了巨大的损失。

The moralist might well ask if the nations would have entered the war if they could have foreseen the result of their first four months' struggle.

道德家很可能会问，如果各国能够预见前四个月斗争的结果，他们是否会参战。

SEA POWER

海上力量

For any adequate understanding of the strategy of the war as a whole, the trench line from Switzerland to Flanders must be extended to the east of England across the North Sea to Iceland.

为了充分理解整个战争的战略，从瑞士到佛兰德斯的战壕线必须延伸到英格兰东部，穿过北海到达冰岛。

This war has again demonstrated the enormous value of sea power.

这场战争再次展现了海权的巨大价值。

Glance at a map of the globe and you will see how small a portion of it is occupied by the great nations of Europe, which for 2,000 years have been the most vital and influential political, commercial, and intellectual force in the world.

扫一眼地球地图，你就会发现欧洲大国所占据的面积是多么小，而2000年来，欧洲一直是世界上最重要、最有影响力的政治、商业和知识力量。

The present nations are for the most part only the modern expression of the vigorous races which Cæsar found and conquered.

现在的国家大部分只是凯撒发现并征服的充满活力的种族的现代表现。

They have been in continual competition and in frequent wars.

他们一直处于持续的竞争和频繁的战争中。

The Russians have had only a little hold on the sea--in the Black Sea and in the Baltic; the Germanic peoples have had the Baltic and the North Sea; France faces the Mediterranean and the Atlantic; and only twenty-two miles from France is the island of Britain and Ireland, and other little islands, or what are known as the British Isles, whose superficial area is less than that of France or Germany.

俄罗斯人只控制了一点点海上——黑海和波罗的海；日耳曼民族拥有波罗的海和北海；法国面临地中海和大西洋；距法国仅二十二英里的是不列颠岛和爱尔兰岛以及其他小岛，即所谓的不列颠群岛，其表面积小于法国或德国。

Look again at the map, at the location of the British Isles and Germany.

再看看地图，不列颠群岛和德国的位置。

Mark them in black, if you will, and those two little points represent the two great antagonists in the war.

如果你愿意的话，把它们标记为黑色，这两个小点代表了战争中的两个大对手。

Then turn the globe around slowly, and you come to Canada, stretching from the frontier of the United States to the Arctic, and across the Pacific to Australia and Hongkong, the Straits Settlements and Ceylon, India, and then in Africa, the most valuable of all its area--and you have the dominions and the colonies of the British Empire!

然后慢慢地把地球转一圈，你来到了加拿大，从美国边境一直延伸到北极，跨太平洋到澳大利亚和香港、海峡殖民地和印度锡兰，然后到了非洲，这是它所有地区中最有价值的——你拥有大英帝国的领土和殖民地！

Between Germany and the rest of the world is the British navy.

在德国和世界其他国家之间的是英国海军。

Every German ship which sails the trade routes of the earth must go past the British threshold.

每一艘航行在地球贸易航线上的德国船只都必须经过英国的门槛。

Germany, with a rapidly increasing population, with an imperial patriotism which discouraged emigration to foreign countries, wished to extend her domain; she wanted room in which German national ambition could expand.

德国人口迅速增长，帝国主义爱国主义不鼓励移民到外国，因此希望扩大其疆域。她希望有空间让德国的民族野心得以扩展。

Through all her history, Britain has had one eye on the continent and one on the seas.

纵观其整个历史，英国一直一只眼睛盯着大陆，一只眼睛盯着海洋。

Continental affairs concerned her only so far as they meant the rise of any power which might threaten her dominion of the seas.

大陆事务只与她有关，因为它们意味着任何可能威胁到她的海洋统治权的力量的崛起。

The silver-pewter streak of channel kept her safe from invasion by any continental power, yet she could land troops across the Channel and throw the weight of her forces in the balance when her dominion was threatened.

银白色的海峡使她免受任何大陆强国的入侵，但当她的统治受到威胁时，她可以将军队登陆海峡，并平衡她的军队的力量。

It is her boast that she has always won the "last battle," which is sufficient.

是她夸自己“最后一战”一直赢，这就足够了。

She had only 30,000 troops in the allied army under Wellington, which delivered the finishing blow to Napoleon.

她在威灵顿麾下的联军中只有三万兵力，给了拿破仑致命一击。

Twenty years ago, when the German navy was in its infancy, her policy was one of splendid isolation.

二十年前，当德国海军还处于起步阶段时，她的政策是一种极好的孤立政策。

France then was the second naval power, and Russia the third.

当时法国是第二海军强国，俄罗斯是第三海军强国。

The British naval program was superior to any two continental powers.

英国海军计划优于任何两个大陆强国。

The increase in German population and in trade and wealth brought with it an increase in the German navy, until Germany, with her ally, Austria, became the threatening continental factor to British security.

德国人口、贸易和财富的增长带来了德国海军的增长，直到德国及其盟友奥地利成为威胁英国安全的大陆因素。

Now Britain formed a combination for defense with Russia and France.

现在英国与俄罗斯、法国组成了防御组合。

Her military part was to send 120,000 troops across the Channel to cooperate with the French army against the Germans.

她的军事部分是派遣12万军队跨过英吉利海峡，配合法国军队对抗德国人。

She was the only one of the great nations, except the United States, that depended upon a regular army, which was occupied mostly in policing her empire.

她是除美国之外唯一一个依赖正规军的伟大国家，正规军主要负责维持其帝国的治安。

Aside from her regulars, her only military organization were her Territorials, which were something on the same order as the American National Guard.

除了她的常客之外，她唯一的军事组织是她的领地部队，与美国国民警卫队的级别相同。

The number of men which she could throw across the Channel was therefore insignificant, compared to the great hordes of the European armies.

因此，与欧洲军队的大军相比，她能派出英吉利海峡的人数是微不足道的。

Her real part was command of the sea.

她真正的职责是掌控制海权。

She was either to destroy the German navy or make it helpless in interfering with allied trade on the seas.

她的目标要么是摧毁德国海军，要么是使其无法干涉盟军的海上贸易。

Her Government was Liberal, her people as a whole skeptical of the possibility of a European war.

她的政府是自由党，她的人民作为一个整体对欧洲战争的可能性持怀疑态度。

For centuries they had been bred to believe that her security was in her fleet.

几个世纪以来，他们一直被教育着相信她的安全在于她的舰队。

She had long enjoyed her empire, she possessed immense capital, and her inclination was toward complacency, while Germany's was that of the eager newcomer to power.

她长期以来一直享受着自己的帝国，拥有巨大的资本，并且有自满的倾向，而德国则是急于上位的新人。

The situation in Ireland on account of the passage of the Home Rule Bill had become so strained that many people believed civil war to be inevitable.

由于《地方自治法案》的通过，爱尔兰的局势变得如此紧张，以至于许多人认为内战是不可避免的。

The conviction of the German Ambassador in London, as well as most German observers, was that Britain would not actually enter the war, when the test came.

德国驻伦敦大使以及大多数德国观察家都坚信，当考验到来时，英国不会真正参战。

Upon her decision, it is now evident, depended the fate of Europe.

现在很明显，她的决定取决于欧洲的命运。

With England out, the French army could not have saved France.

如果英格兰出局，法国军队就无法拯救法国。

For then, Germany could have had the freedom of the seas.

到那时，德国就可以拥有海洋自由。

Her navy would have sent the French into harbor, closing not only every French, but every Russian port to the entrance of supplies and munitions, which would have meant food scarcity in France, and utter scarcity of munitions in Russia.

她的海军会把法国人送进港口，不仅关闭每个法国港口，而且关闭每个俄罗斯港口的补给和弹药入口，这将意味着法国的粮食短缺，以及俄罗斯的弹药的彻底短缺。

German troops could have landed in France to the rear of the French army.

德国军队本来可以在法国军队的后方登陆。

The whole complexion of the war would have been changed.

战争的整个面貌将会改变。

So well laid were their plans, so sure were they of their numbers of men and guns, which they could promptly concentrate, that there seems little question of the ability of the Central Powers to have crushed France in the first three months of the war, and then to have won a decisive victory over Russia, bringing home from either country great indemnities, and, with Germany, if she choose, annexing northern France and Belgium.

他们的计划是如此周密，他们对他们可以迅速集中的人员和枪支的数量如此确信，以至于同盟国有能力在战争的头三个月内粉碎法国，然后赢得对俄罗斯的决定性胜利，从两国带来巨额赔款，并且如果德国愿意的话，与德国一起吞并法国北部和比利时，这似乎是毫无疑问的。

Thus the Central Powers would have established themselves so strongly as the dominant nations of Europe, that Germany with her seventy millions of people could have directed her energy as the next step in her career against the Mistress of the Seas.

这样，同盟国就可以如此牢固地确立自己作为欧洲主宰国家的地位，以至于拥有七千万人口的德国可以将其精力集中在其职业生涯的下一步，以对抗海洋女主人。

Had Belgium not been invaded, it is questionable if the British public would have favored joining in the war.

如果比利时没有被入侵，英国公众是否会赞成参战值得怀疑。

But this aroused public indignation to the breaking point in support of the war members of the cabinet.

但这激起了公众对支持战争的内阁成员的愤慨到了崩溃的边缘。

Sir Edward Grey, the British Minister of Foreign Affairs, had his way.

英国外交部长爱德华·格雷爵士有他的办法。

The British navy was as thoroughly prepared for an emergency as the German army.

英国海军和德国陆军一样，为紧急情况做好了充分的准备。

It had no illusions as to the nature of its task or of its responsibility to the nation.

它对其任务的性质或其对国家的责任不抱任何幻想。

Britain had superior resources in shipbuilding to Germany.

英国在造船方面拥有比德国更优越的资源。

She had a fleet superior in every class of ship, and she had led the world in naval progress--both her dreadnoughts and her battle cruisers being of a later type than her rival's.

她拥有一支在各级别舰艇上都表现出色的舰队，而且她在海军进步方面领先于世界——她的无畏舰和战列巡洋舰的型号都比她的对手晚。

Her desire, inevitably, was that the German fleet should come out at once and give battle.

她不可避免地希望德国舰队立即出动参战。

Confident of the outcome, she contemplated the removal of her rival from the seas at a single blow.

她对结果充满信心，考虑一击将对手从海上除掉。

German naval policy was as careful to avoid this test as British was to invite it.

德国海军政策小心翼翼地避免这次试验，就像英国邀请它进行试验一样。

The German navy was kept safely at anchor in Kiel, protected by immense fortress guns, by elaborate mine fields, scores of submarines and destroyers, and by numerous nets against the approach of any British submarine.

德国海军安全地停泊在基尔，受到巨大的堡垒炮、精心设计的雷区、数十艘潜艇和驱逐舰以及无数防止英国潜艇接近的网的保护。

There was no way for any enemy to reach it except by the air.

除了空中之外，任何敌人都没有办法到达它。

The Germans would have located any British attempt to attack their navy, as it might have meant the loss of important British fighting units which would have given the Germans more nearly equal chances of victory if they chose to precipitate an engagement.

德国人会发现英国人攻击其海军的任何企图，因为这可能意味着英国重要战斗部队的损失，如果他们选择促成交战，这将使德国人有更接近平等的胜利机会。

Sir John Jellicoe, in command of the fleet, however, refused to take any risks of losing his units.

然而，指挥舰队的约翰·杰利科爵士拒绝冒任何失去部队的风险。

He kept his fleet in harbor, ready at any moment to steam out into the North Sea for action.

他将舰队停泊在港口，随时准备驶入北海采取行动。

Throughout the war to this writing, not one of his great first-class battleships has fired a shot, with the exception of the _Queen Elizabeth_, which took part in the bombardment of the Dardanelles forts.

在撰写本文时的整个战争期间，除了参加了对达达尼尔海峡要塞的轰炸的伊丽莎白女王号之外，他的任何一艘伟大的一流战列舰都没有开过一枪。

Superiority of gun power has been sufficient to keep England safe from invasion, German merchant ships from sailing the seas, protect the sea passage of millions of troops, and insure the occupation of the German colonies by British expeditionary forces.

火炮威力的优势足以使英国免遭入侵，使德国商船无法远航，保障百万大军的海上通道，并保证英国远征军对德国殖民地的占领。

Except as it was raised over a submarine or commerce raider, the German flag was swept from the sea within the first six months of the war.

除了在潜艇或商业袭击舰上升起的情况外，德国国旗在战争的头六个月内就从海上被扫走了。

There has been no naval battle at all commensurate with the strength of the two fleets.

根本没有发生过与两支舰队实力相称的海战。

Each time that a British and German ship have met in action, the overwhelming importance of speed and of gun range have been demonstrated.

每次英国和德国舰艇在战斗中相遇，速度和火炮射程的压倒性重要性都得到了证明。

Speed and range enabled Von Spee to destroy Cradock's squadron at Coronel off Chile, with almost no loss to himself.

速度和航程使冯·施佩能够在智利附近的科罗内尔摧毁克拉多克的中队，而他自己几乎没有损失。

Later at the Falkland Islands he suffered the same fate at the hands of Sturdee, who, with his second-class battle cruisers, had the speed and range of the German third-class.

后来在福克兰群岛，他在斯特迪手中遭受了同样的命运，斯特迪拥有他的二级战列巡洋舰，其速度和航程与德国三级战列巡洋舰相当。

Again, in the battle off Dogger Bank, the _Blücher_, the second-class battle cruiser which had only 26 knots, was left behind by her sisters, the German first-class battle cruisers, while she was pounded into the sea by the _Lion_, the _Tiger_, and the _Princess Mary_, which were driving ahead at 30 knots.

再次，在多格浅滩海战中，只有 26 节航速的二级战列巡洋舰布吕歇尔号被她的姊妹舰德国一级战列巡洋舰抛在了后面，而她则被以 30 节速度前进的狮子号、虎号和玛丽公主号撞入海中。

The honors of the war, so far as the offensive goes, therefore, have been with the last battle cruiser.

因此，就进攻而言，战争的荣誉属于最后一艘战列巡洋舰。

German naval policy, no less wise for its own ends than for the British, has depended upon the submarine, whose importance may be easily exaggerated and easily underestimated.

德国的海军政策对于其自身目的的明智程度不亚于英国，它依赖于潜艇，而潜艇的重要性可能很容易被夸大，也很容易被低估。

No submarine can approach the major fighting ships of a great fleet when that fleet is properly protected by torpedo-defense guns and fast destroyers and light cruisers.

当一支大型舰队受到鱼雷防御炮、快速驱逐舰和轻巡洋舰的适当保护时，任何潜艇都无法接近该舰队的主要战舰。

The deciding test of a submarine's power in this respect was the fruitless attempts of the best German submarines to reach the _Lion_ with a deathblow, when crippled, after the battle off Dogger Bank, she was being towed home at 5 knots an hour, under the protection of the destroyers.

在这方面对潜艇力量的决定性考验是德国最好的潜艇试图以致命一击攻击“狮子”号，但没有成功。在多格滩附近的战斗之后，狮子号已瘫痪，在驱逐舰的保护下被以每小时 5 节的速度拖回家。

However, any isolated vessel, whether a merchantman or a man-of-war, is at the mercy of a submarine, which hunts the seas for this kind of target.

然而，任何孤立的船只，无论是商船还是战舰，都受到潜艇的摆布，潜艇在海上搜寻此类目标。

It has only to lie in wait on the trade routes until its prey appears, submerging in case of danger.

它只需在贸易路线上埋伏等待，直到猎物出现，遇到危险时就会潜入水中。

Then a torpedo sent home and a valuable piece of property goes to the bottom of the sea.

然后一枚鱼雷被送回，一件有价值的财产沉入海底。

What resourceful brigandage is to traffic on the highways, the German submarine became to British traffic on the seas.

德国潜艇对于英国的海上交通来说就像是足智多谋的强盗对于高速公路上的交通一样。

It is the sniper of naval warfare, but cannot give battle.

它是海战的狙击手，但不能参加战斗。

It must find its protection under the sea, while all freight and all passengers, all the world's business is done on the surface of the sea; and the great guns of the dreadnoughts command the surface.

它必须在海底找到保护，而所有货运和所有乘客以及世界上所有的业务都是在海面进行的；无畏舰的大炮控制着水面。

[Illustration: George V, King of Great Britain and Emperor of India.]

[插图：乔治五世，英国国王和印度皇帝。]

When brigandage becomes highly organized, it means enormous expense in increased police work, particularly if you cannot trail the brigands to their hiding places and force them to capitulate.

当土匪变得高度组织化时，就意味着增加警察工作的巨大开支，特别是如果你无法追踪土匪到他们的藏身之处并迫使他们投降。

In this case the brigands' hiding places are under the protection of powerful fortress guns and mine fields in secure harbors.

在这种情况下，强盗的藏身之处受到强大的堡垒枪支和安全港口雷区的保护。

The British navy, with over three thousand ships, including mine sweepers and auxiliaries of all sorts under Sir John Jellicoe's command, was forced to go to immense expense and pains in combating the submarine campaign.

英国海军拥有三千多艘舰艇，其中包括约翰·杰利科爵士指挥下的扫雷舰和各种辅助舰艇，被迫付出巨大的代价和痛苦来对抗潜艇作战。

Many submarines were taken; but the Germans kept on building them.

许多潜艇被俘；但德国人继续建造它们。

It was a war against an unseen and cunning foe, which required ceaseless vigilance and painstaking effort.

这是一场针对看不见的狡猾敌人的战争，需要不断的警惕和艰苦的努力。

The amount of material, as well as the amount of ships required in order to combat the submarines and also to keep the patrol intact from the British channel to Iceland, could it be enumerated, would stagger the imagination.

为了对抗潜艇以及保持从英国海峡到冰岛的巡逻完好无损所需的物资数量和船只数量，如果能列举的话，将令人难以置信。

Meanwhile, England had to go on building new dreadnoughts and cruisers and destroyers at top speed, with a view to increasing her rate of naval superiority over the Germans.

与此同时，英国必须继续全速建造新的无畏舰、巡洋舰和驱逐舰，以提高其对德国的海军优势。

Once the German fleet had come out and been beaten, then the British would be secure in victory, and they could spare many guns for the army and devote all their energy to the land campaign.

一旦德国舰队出来并被打垮，那么英国人就稳操胜券了，他们就可以为陆军腾出许多枪炮，把所有的精力都投入到陆战上。

While the Germans had a "fleet in being," they had an important counter for peace negotiations.

虽然德国人拥有一支“现有舰队”，但他们在和平谈判中拥有重要的筹码。

They were as rightly advised in sticking to their harbor, as the British in holding their command of the sea without risking their units by trying to force an entrance into harbors equipped with every known defense of modern warfare.

他们被正确地建议坚守自己的港口，就像英国人在不冒着自己部队的风险试图强行进入配备有现代战争的所有已知防御设施的港口那样，保持对海洋的控制权。

In all instances the British army must wait for material if navy demands were unsatisfied.

在所有情况下，如果海军的要求得不到满足，英国陆军就必须等待物资。

With the tide of fortune going against the Russians and French on the Continent, the original agreement for only 120,000 men became entirely perfunctory, in view of the tragic necessity of more troops to be thrown against the Central Powers on the Continent.

随着俄罗斯和法国在欧洲大陆上的命运逆流而上，考虑到必须向欧洲大陆上的同盟国派遣更多军队的悲惨需要，最初仅提供十二万人的协议变得完全是敷衍了事。

With a large proportion of her regular officers killed in the first two months of the war, Britain had to undertake the preparation of a vast army without adequate drill masters or leaders.

由于大量正规军官在战争的头两个月阵亡，英国不得不在没有足够的教官或领导人的情况下准备一支庞大的军队。

She had to make wholly untrained civilians into soldiers while the war was being waged.

在战争进行期间，她必须将完全未经训练的平民变成士兵。

This took time, but less time than for the manufacture of rifles and guns.

这需要时间，但比制造步枪和枪支的时间要少。

She had everything necessary for supplying her navy, but ridiculously inadequate plants for supplying a force of soldiers so immense.

她拥有供给海军所需的一切，但供给如此庞大的士兵部队的工厂却严重不足。

Thus England had scores of battalions of excellently drilled soldiers prepared to go to France before there were any rifles for them to fight with, or before they had the all-important artillery for their support in battle.

因此，在没有任何步枪可供作战，或者在他们拥有最重要的火炮作为战斗支援之前，英国有数十个训练有素的士兵准备前往法国。

In the early months of the war probably she was not awake to the necessity of the situation.

在战争的最初几个月里，她可能还没有意识到局势的必要性。

Besides, her manufacturers, still confident of an early victory over Germany, were more interested in permanently gaining markets which the Germans would lose than in making munitions.

此外，她的制造商仍然对早日战胜德国充满信心，他们更感兴趣的是永久获得德国人将失去的市场，而不是制造军火。

The war was not brought home to the Englishman as it was to the German and the Frenchman, by having bloody lines of trenches on his own soil.

英国人并没有像德国人和法国人那样通过在自己的土地上修建血腥的战壕而深刻地认识到战争。

Every British soldier was fighting across the seas in the defense of the soil of another nation.

每一位英国士兵都在漂洋过海，保卫另一个国家的土地。

Naturally, in many cases, he was slow to a realization that this also was his own national defense.

当然，在很多情况下，他迟迟没有意识到这也是他自己的国防。

But by the volunteer system alone, England enlisted over two million men before conscription was threatened.

但仅靠志愿兵制度，在征兵受到威胁之前，英格兰就征召了超过两百万男子。

In order to centralize authority under a single man, Lord Kitchener was intrusted with the stupendous task of organizing the new army and seeing that it was properly equipped.

为了将权力集中在一个人的领导下，基奇纳勋爵被赋予了组织新军队并确保其装备齐全的艰巨任务。

He had foreseen at the start that the war would be long and that it would be nearly two years before England could throw anything like an armed force adequately representing her population into the struggle on the Continent.

他一开始就预见到战争将会持续很长时间，英国需要近两年的时间才能投入足以代表其人民的武装力量参与欧洲大陆的斗争。

He had to train his officers at the same time that he trained his men and build guns and make rifles.

他必须在训练他的士兵、制造枪支和步枪的同时训练他的军官。

Meanwhile, the German army system was complete.

与此同时，德国的陆军体系已经完整。

Indeed, there was no want of men with military experience in any one of the continental countries to act as drill masters.

事实上，任何一个大陆国家都不缺有军事经验的人来担任教官。

England was attempting a feat equaled only in our Civil War, where vast armies of untrained men were raised.

英国正在尝试一项只有在我们的内战中才可以媲美的壮举，在那场战争中，召集了由未经训练的大量人员组成的军队。

But in this case, the enemy was not composed also of recruits, but of men trained under universal service by a staff which had traditions of preparedness as a basis for the preparation before the war, while the British staff and the British army had been trained in the handling of small, mobile forces in policing their empire.

但在这种情况下，敌人也不是由新兵组成，而是由参谋部接受普遍服役训练的人员组成，这些参谋部具有战备传统，作为战前准备的基础，而英国参谋部和英国军队则接受过如何处理小型机动部队以维持帝国治安的训练。

But as the months wore on, it was evident that the military decision of the war might rest with this new army when the other armies were exhausted, when at last it reached the front in full force with adequate arms and equipment in the hope of repeating history, thanks to the command of the sea which gave Britain time to prepare--by winning the last battle.

但随着时间的流逝，很明显，当其他军队都精疲力尽时，战争的军事决定可能取决于这支新军队，当它最终带着足够的武器和装备全员到达前线，希望重演历史时，感谢制海权给了英国时间准备——赢得了最后一场战斗。

Had Britain lost command of the sea early in the war, she would have been utterly helpless.

如果英国在战争初期就失去制海权，她将完全无助。

The Germans could readily have landed a force that would have taken London in six weeks.

德国人本可以轻而易举地派出一支部队登陆，六周内就可以占领伦敦。

Even this would have been an unnecessary military action.

即便如此，这也是一次不必要的军事行动。

For, with her food supply shut off by German ships, Britain would have had to throw up her hands and ask for terms.

因为，由于德国船只切断了英国的粮食供应，英国将不得不举手并要求条件。

The Dominion of Canada, Australasia and South Africa would have found themselves in the position of isolated nations, dependent for the time being upon their own resources for defense.

加拿大、澳大利亚和南非自治领将会发现自己处于孤立国家的境地，暂时依赖自己的防御资源。

Their loyalty to the British Empire has not been the least wonderful of the many wonderful results of this war.

他们对大英帝国的忠诚并不是这场战争的众多精彩结果中最精彩的部分。

They have sent legions of volunteers across the seas to France and Gallipoli to fight beside the British and the French.

他们派出大批志愿军漂洋过海前往法国和加里波利，与英法两国并肩作战。

As for Hongkong, the Straits Settlements, Ceylon, India, and all the colonies of the empire, they would have been Germany's for the occupation.

至于香港、海峡殖民地、锡兰、印度，以及帝国的所有殖民地，本来都是德国占领的。

Such is the meaning of sea power.

这就是海权的意义。

But the British navy being superior to the German, held Germany in siege.

但英国海军优于德国海军，围困了德国。

THE SECOND SUMMER'S CAMPAIGN

第二个夏天的活动

Germany must make the best possible use of her comprehensive industrial organization and of her preparedness for war and throw the greatest possible number of men into the fighting line at the earliest possible moment.

德国必须充分利用其全面的工业组织和战争准备，尽早将尽可能多的人员投入战斗。

She was practically in a race against time; and time was with the Allies.

她几乎是在与时间赛跑。时间是在盟军身上。

While they retained command of the sea the United States and other neutral nations overseas, once their plants for manufacture were completed, could pour out supplies of munitions.

虽然他们保留了美国和其他海外中立国家的制海权，但一旦他们的制造工厂建成，就可以大量供应弹药。

Germany's foreign trade was practically at a standstill.

德国的对外贸易几乎陷入停滞。

From the port of Hamburg her argosies of manufactures no longer went forth to the world in return for raw material.

她的制成品商船不再从汉堡港运往世界各地以换取原材料。

Her many ships, from the enormous passenger steamers to the small tramps which had brought her tribute with their carrying trade, were idle.

她的许多船只，从巨大的客轮到通过运输贸易为她带来贡品的小型流浪汉，都处于闲置状态。

She could manufacture, then, only for home consumption and all her plants that had been manufacturing for export began producing for her armies.

那么，她只能为国内消费而制造，而她所有以前为出口制造的工厂都开始为她的军队生产。

The energies of the one hundred and twenty-five millions of people, men, women and children, in Germany and Austria-Hungary were wholly occupied in making war.

德国和奥匈帝国一亿两千五百万人民，无论男女老幼，都把全部精力投入到战争中。

Their object must be to push the walls back as far as they could, and so to punish Russia or France that one or the other would yield a separate peace.

他们的目标必须是尽可能地向后推墙，从而惩罚俄罗斯或法国，让其中一方达成单独的和平。

The aim of British statesmanship must be to hold the Allies together at any expense and keep Germany from breaking the siege.

英国政治家的目标必须是不惜一切代价将同盟国团结在一起，并阻止德国突破包围。

If more nations could be brought in against Germany, that would strengthen the siege lines and lengthen the front the Central Powers were building.

如果可以让更多的国家参与对抗德国，这将加强围困线并拉长同盟国正在构建的战线。

Through the winter of 1914-15 the diplomats of the Allies and the Central Powers in Rome fought for Italy's hand with all the skill and resources of trained European diplomacy.

整个 1914-15 年冬天，协约国和同盟国驻罗马的外交官利用受过训练的欧洲外交的所有技巧和资源为意大利而战。

Responding to the sentiment for the recovery of Trentino and Trieste which she considered ethnologically and geographically a part of her domain she was to throw in her fortunes with the Allies against her old enemy, Austria.

她认为特伦蒂诺和的里雅斯特在民族学和地理上都是她领土的一部分，为了回应收复特伦蒂诺和的里雅斯特的情绪，她将与盟军一起对抗她的宿敌奥地利。

Serbia had her troops still on the boundary of the Danube and the Save.

塞尔维亚的军队仍在多瑙河和萨维河的边界上。

Rumania, facing Austria with Russia on her flank, also much courted, was even more coy than Italy.

罗马尼亚面对奥地利，俄罗斯侧翼，同样受到热烈欢迎，但比意大利更加腼腆。

Bulgaria, with her excellent army, was on the flank of Serbia and blocked the road to Turkey.

保加利亚拥有精良的军队，位于塞尔维亚的侧翼，封锁了通往土耳其的道路。

Little Greece was another state watching the conflict with the selfish interest of a small spectator, trying to judge which side would be the victor.

小希腊是另一个以小旁观者的自私利益观看冲突的国家，试图判断哪一方将成为胜利者。

Russia of the steppes and the multitudes of men was short of munitions; her plants were incapable of making sufficient supplies.

俄罗斯的草原和人口众多，缺乏弹药。她的工厂无法提供足够的供应。

The Baltic was closed to her by the German navy, Archangel was frozen in and the closing of the passage of the Dardanelles shut her off from the Mediterranean.

德国海军对波罗的海关闭了，大天使号被冻结，达达尼尔海峡通道的关闭也使她与地中海隔绝。

She was in touch with the sea only in the Far East, with the Pacific Ocean and the Rocky Mountains between her and the manufacturing regions of the United States.

她只在远东地区与海洋接触，与美国的制造业地区之间隔着太平洋和落基山脉。

Her crop of wheat, which she exchanged for manufactured goods in time of peace was no less interned than the manufactured products of Germany.

她在和平时期用小麦作物换取制成品，与德国的制成品一样，也被扣押。

If the Dardanelles were opened she could empty her granaries and receive arms and munitions in return.

如果达达尼尔海峡打开，她就可以清空她的粮仓并获得武器和弹药作为回报。

Therefore, the first winter of the war, while their main armies were intrenched in colder climes, both sides turned their attention to the southeast.

因此，战争的第一个冬天，双方主力都在寒冷的气候中盘踞，而双方的注意力都转向了东南方。

In November the Turks had joined the Central Powers, thus flying in the face of the historical Turkish policy, so cleverly applied by Abdul Hamid, in playing one European power against another and profiting by their international differences.

11月，土耳其人加入了同盟国，从而公然违背了阿卜杜勒·哈米德巧妙运用的土耳其历史政策，即让一个欧洲强国对抗另一个欧洲强国，并从它们的国际分歧中获利。

For many years German diplomacy, capital and enterprise had been busy building up German influence in Asia Minor.

多年来，德国外交、资本和企业一直忙于扩大德国在小亚细亚的影响力。

Abdul Hamid had been overthrown under the leadership of Enver Pasha and other officers who had been trained in Germany according to German military methods and who had absorbed the German ideas.

阿卜杜勒·哈米德在恩维尔帕夏和其他军官的领导下被推翻，这些军官在德国按照德国的军事方法接受了训练，并吸收了德国的思想。

Von der Goltz, a German general, had reorganized the Turkish army.

德国将军冯德戈尔茨重组了土耳其军队。

The access of Turkey to the Central Powers formed the addition of another thirty million people, which gave them one hundred and fifty million on their side.

土耳其加入同盟国后，又增加了三千万人口，这使他们有一亿五千万人站在自己一边。

Through the assistance of the Turks, the Germans never for a moment deserting their idea of keeping the initiative and forcing their enemies to follow it, threatened an offensive against the Suez Canal, which was abortive, but served the purpose of requiring British preparation for its defense.

在土耳其人的帮助下，德国人一刻也没有放弃保持主动权并迫使敌人追随的想法，威胁对苏伊士运河发动进攻，虽然失败了，但达到了要求英国人做好防御准备的目的。

Germany saw more than mere military advantage in the Turkish adventure.

德国在土耳其的冒险中看到的不仅仅是军事优势。

She was reaching out into the Mohammedan world which stretches across Persia and Asia Minor, through little known and romantic regions, to India where, as a part of her Indian Empire, England rules more Mohammedans than the population of the German Empire.

她正在向横跨波斯和小亚细亚的伊斯兰教世界伸出援手，穿过鲜为人知的浪漫地区，到达印度，在那里，作为印度帝国的一部分，英国统治的伊斯兰教徒比德意志帝国的人口还要多。

The unrest which was reported to have been ripe in India for the last decade might thus be brought to a head in a rebellion against British authority; as it might, too, in Egypt, the Sultan of Turkey being the Padishah or head of the Mohammedan faith.

据报道，过去十年印度的骚乱可能因此而达到顶峰，反抗英国权威。在埃及也是如此，土耳其苏丹是帕迪沙（Padishah）或伊斯兰教的领袖。

At least Britain would be forced to maintain larger garrisons than usual both in Egypt and India against any threat of insurrection.

至少英国将被迫在埃及和印度维持比平常更多的驻军，以应对任何叛乱威胁。

Among all who have had to deal with the Oriental peoples, and particularly those who know them as intimately as the British rulers of India, the importance of power--and publicly demonstrated power--is fully understood.

在所有必须与东方人民打交道的人中，尤其是那些像印度的英国统治者那样熟悉东方人民的人中，权力的重要性——以及公开展示的权力——是得到充分理解的。

To the average British Indian or Egyptian subject, Britain has been an unconquerable country, the mistress of the world.

对于普通的英属印度或埃及臣民来说，英国一直是一个不可征服的国家，是世界的女主人。

Many reasons united in calling for some action on the part of the British to offset that of the Germans.

许多原因联合起来呼吁英国采取一些行动来抵消德国的行动。

With Russia in retreat the Balkan States, which had regarded her prowess as irresistible, were losing their faith in the Allies.

随着俄罗斯的撤退，曾认为其实力不可抗拒的巴尔干国家对盟军失去了信心。

One successful blow would do more to dispel their skepticism and to bring Italy in on the side of the Allies than sheafs of diplomatic cablegrams and notes.

一次成功的打击比一堆外交电报和照会更能消除他们的怀疑并使意大利站在同盟国一边。

During such a crisis every message in the game of war diplomacy becomes only a polite calling card that represents armed men.

在这样的危机中，战争外交游戏中的每条信息都变成了代表武装人员的礼貌名片。

The British decided to take the initiative though their new army had as yet received hardly sufficient training to make them soldiers and their supply of rifles, guns and munitions was insufficient.

英国人决定采取主动，尽管他们的新军队尚未接受足够的训练来使他们成为士兵，而且他们的步枪、枪支和弹药供应也不足。

Indeed, England was just beginning to awaken fully to the fact that the forces of France and Russia alone were insufficient to cope on land with the Central Powers, particularly now that the weight of Turkey was thrown in the balance.

事实上，英国才刚刚开始充分认识到这样一个事实：单靠法国和俄罗斯的力量不足以在陆地上与同盟国抗衡，尤其是现在土耳其的力量处于平衡之中。

With her casualties three times the number of her original expeditionary force, with more than the original number of her army engaged in Flanders, she undertook an offensive against Constantinople itself.

她的伤亡人数是原来远征军的三倍，而且其在佛兰德斯交战的军队人数也超过了原来的人数，她对君士坦丁堡本身发起了进攻。

Second-class men-of-war which were not required with the grand fleet and a single first-class dreadnought of the latest type, the _Queen Elizabeth_, in conjunction with a French squadron, bombarded and reduced the ancient forts at the entrance to the Dardanelles and then attacked those in the narrows.

大型舰队不需要的二等战舰和一艘最新型的一流无畏舰伊丽莎白女王号，与一支法国分舰队一起，轰炸并摧毁了达达尼尔海峡入口处的古老堡垒，然后攻击了狭窄的堡垒。

British bluejackets even smoked their pipes and cracked jokes as they sat on the crest of Achi Baba, which became an impregnable Turkish position after the British Mediterranean force was landed.

英国水手们甚至坐在阿奇巴巴山顶上抽烟斗、讲笑话，英国地中海部队登陆后，这里成为土耳其坚不可摧的阵地。

Had the _Queen Elizabeth_ been able to fire an army corps ashore, the corps could have marched on into Constantinople.

如果伊丽莎白女王号能够向岸上发射一个军团，该军团就可以继续进军君士坦丁堡。

The success or failure of the Gallipoli expedition depended upon surprise.

加里波利远征的成败取决于出其不意。

Superficially it seems a colossal blunder.

从表面上看，这似乎是一个巨大的错误。

There are inside facts about it which have never been disclosed.

其中有一些从未被披露的内部事实。

Greece, it is supposed, agreed to send troops, but at the last moment changed her mind.

据推测，希腊同意出兵，但在最后一刻改变了主意。

Undoubtedly the expedition was an important influence in bringing Italy in.

毫无疑问，这次远征对意大利的加入产生了重要影响。

There was a fatal delay in its departure from Alexandria.

从亚历山大出发的途中出现了致命的延误。

Too much time elapsed between the preparatory bombardment and the landing.

从准备轰炸到着陆之间已经过去了太多时间。

The Turks had been forewarned what to expect.

土耳其人已经被预先警告过将会发生什么。

They had leisure for concentration and preparation.

他们有闲暇集中精力和做准备。

On a narrow front of difficult shore where the landing was to be made, they had stretched their barbed-wire entanglements into the sea itself, while along the beach were carefully concealed machine guns and back of them ample forces of men and artillery.

在即将登陆的困难海岸的狭窄前沿，他们将铁丝网伸入大海，而沿着海滩则小心地隐藏着机枪，后面还有充足的人员和炮兵部队。

No effort in history was ever more gallant than that of the British force, including the Australians, which threw itself ashore in the face of simply insurmountable obstacles and fire, under the cover of the guns of the men-of-war.

历史上没有比英国军队（包括澳大利亚人）更英勇的努力了，他们在战舰火炮的掩护下，面对难以逾越的障碍和炮火，奋力上岸。

As a surprise, the affair was a complete failure.

令人惊讶的是，这件事彻底失败了。

Its only chance of success being as a surprise, most competent military leaders and experts agree that this was sufficient reason, in a military sense, for an immediate withdrawal; yet British stubbornness would not yield.

唯一成功的机会是出人意料，大多数有能力的军事领导人和专家都认为，从军事意义上来说，这是立即撤军的充分理由；但英国人的顽固不肯屈服。

Indeed, the Gallipoli expedition was a political move, a violation of the true military principle--that you should always go against the main body of your enemy, which was at this time on the frontiers of Russia and France.

事实上，加里波利远征是一次政治行动，违反了真正的军事原则——你应该永远对抗敌人的主力，而敌人的主力此时正处于俄罗斯和法国的边境。

Of course the effort was not entirely without its compensations; no expedition is, which holds any part of the enemy's troops in place in front of your own.

当然，这种努力并非完全没有回报。没有哪支远征能够将敌方部队的任何部分挡在己方部队前面。

The pressure was withdrawn from the Russians in the Caucasus and also further adventures from the outskirts of Asia Minor toward India in stirring up the Mohammedan population were for the time abated.

俄罗斯人在高加索地区的压力被撤回，从小亚细亚郊区向印度发起的进一步煽动穆斯林人口的冒险活动也暂时减弱了。

The attempt to reach the heart of Turkish power, the sultan's capital itself, by opening these famous straits and sending British ships to lay Constantinople under their guns, was a splendid conception worthy the military imagination of the daring ages when the British Empire was built and the days of the Spanish Main, but the only criterion in the ghastly business of war remains success.

通过开放这些著名的海峡并派出英国船只将君士坦丁堡置于炮火之下，试图到达土耳其权力的中心，即苏丹的首都本身，这是一个绝妙的构想，值得大英帝国建立时的大胆时代和西班牙美茵时代的军事想象力，但可怕的战争事务的唯一标准仍然是成功。

Yet the spring of 1915 opened with no rebellion in India except sporadic outbreaks of the frontier tribes which are always recurring, while Egypt itself remained peaceful.

然而，1915 年春天伊始，印度并没有发生任何叛乱，只是边境部落的零星爆发不断发生，而埃及本身却保持着和平。

The Germans inaugurated their second year's campaign by closing the Belgo-Dutch frontier and by the administrative use of every possible means for safeguarding their movements on the western front, which would indicate that they were to undertake another effort for the Channel ports.

德国人通过关闭比利时-荷兰边境并在行政上使用一切可能的手段来保卫他们在西线的行动，开始了他们的第二年战役，这表明他们将对海峡港口进行另一次努力。

This was an obvious feint to conceal an effort elsewhere.

这显然是一个佯攻，目的是掩盖其他地方的努力。

Instead of using troops to make it, they tried out for the first time a form of warfare which was not new in the consideration of any army, though it had not been used because it was considered inhuman.

他们没有使用军队来实现这一目标，而是第一次尝试了一种对任何军队来说都不是什么新鲜事的战争形式，尽管它没有被使用，因为它被认为是不人道的。

With the wind blowing in the right direction, the Germans released an immense cloud of chlorine gas.

随着风向正确的方向吹，德国人释放出巨大的氯气云。

Its gravity held it close to the ground as it swept down upon the British and French in the famous Ypres salient.

当它席卷著名的伊普尔突出部的英国人和法国人时，它的重力使它靠近地面。

The effort was successful beyond their expectation, more successful than they realized and had they had sufficient reserves to press on, they might have broken the allied line at this point.

这次行动的成功超出了他们的预期，比他们想象的还要成功，如果他们有足够的储备继续前进，他们可能会在此时突破盟军的防线。

The effect of the gas was that of a horrible form of asphyxiation; the soldiers who did not succumb retreated in face of a weapon which could not be countered by any in their possession.

气体的作用是造成可怕的窒息。那些没有屈服的士兵，面对任何人都无法对抗的武器，纷纷撤退。

The casualties were heavy, the sufferings of the wounded indescribable in their torment.

伤亡惨重，伤员的痛苦难以形容。

From the military point of view, which holds that war is killing and that any method whatsoever is warrantable, the attack was a success as it gained ground, and for the time being confused the enemy.

从军事的角度来看，战争就是杀戮，任何手段都是可以的，这次进攻取得了进展，就成功了，暂时迷惑了敌人。

But it was a form of attack which could succeed only once.

但这是一种只能成功一次的攻击方式。

After the soldiers were provided with proper respirators containing a chemical antidote, they were in no danger of being "gassed." Among those in the thick of the gas attack were the first Canadian contingent, who bore themselves with unflinching fortitude, not only that, but after the first surprise of the attack was over, the survivors charged with rare heroism.

在为士兵们提供了含有化学解毒剂的适当呼吸器后，他们就不再面临“毒气中毒”的危险。在毒气袭击最严重的人员中，有第一批加拿大特遣队，他们表现出毫不畏缩的毅力，不仅如此，在第一次袭击结束后，幸存者们表现出了罕见的英雄主义。

Strategy which formerly meant the swift movement of a few thousand troops to one flank or another overnight, or in a two or three-hour march, now means the concentration of hundreds of thousands by railway trains upon a particular point and of many thousands of guns and enormous quantities of material of every kind from shells to that for building railroads to keep up with your advance.

战略以前意味着数千名士兵在一夜之间或两三个小时的行军中迅速向一侧或另一侧移动，现在意味着通过火车将数十万人集中到一个特定地点，并使用数千门枪支和大量的各种材料（从炮弹到修建铁路的材料）以跟上您的前进。

But the general of to-day no less than the general of yesterday, would always know where his enemy is most vulnerable, and strike him at that point.

但今天的将军和昨天的将军一样，总是知道敌人最脆弱的地方，并在那一点上攻击他。

In the spring of 1915, the line of least resistance for the German army was obviously to the east where the loose organization of the Russian army, lacking munitions, was stretched over a front of over a thousand miles.

1915年春，德军的阻力最小的路线显然是在东部，那里的俄军组织松散，缺乏弹药，战线绵延一千多英里。

The French were better off in munitions, and their army and the British had a front of four hundred and fifty miles of intact trench line.

法国人的弹药状况更好，他们的军队和英国人都拥有四百五十英里完整的战壕线。

It is estimated that in order to hold a battle front with modern troops, about three thousand men to the mile are required.

据估计，为了与现代军队保持战斗前线，每英里大约需要三千人。

This does not mean that there are three thousand actually on every mile; but counting the thin line in the trenches, the thicker line in the reserve trenches and the soldiers who are out of the trenches resting and the battalions in reserve and the reserve supplies of men in the depots who can promptly be brought into action.

这并不意味着实际上每英里有三千人；但要算的是战壕里的细线、预备队战壕里的粗线、战壕外休息的士兵、预备队的营和仓库里可以立即投入战斗的储备人员。

For example, to hold a mile of the famous Ypres salient might require double the number of men necessary to hold a mile where the lay of the ground was in the favor of your troops.

例如，要守住著名的伊普尔突出部一英里，可能需要两倍于守住一英里所需人数的人员，而在地形对你的部队有利的情况下。

Owing to the use of motor trucks and to railway trains, whenever there is an attack, concentration of men at any point is very rapid.

由于使用汽车和火车，每当发生袭击时，任何地点的人员都会很快集中。

Holding to this rule, the Germans maintained all through the summer of 1915, 1,500,000 men on their western front, and they had that number at least to spare for their eastern front.

遵循这一规则，德国人在 1915 年整个夏天在西线维持了 1,500,000 人的兵力，而且他们至少还有这个数量用于东线。

Field Marshal von Hindenburg said that by hammering he would get Warsaw, and he was to keep his word with stolid German persistence.

冯·兴登堡陆军元帅表示，通过猛烈打击，他将占领华沙，而他将以德国人的冷酷坚持来信守诺言。

Napoleon, who had depended upon the number of his guns, would have fully appreciated the Austro-German plan of action against Russia.

依赖枪支数量的拿破仑会充分理解奥德针对俄罗斯的行动计划。

The Russian army has been compared to cotton wool.

俄罗斯军队被比作棉花。

The farther you went into Russia, the more cotton wool there was.

进入俄罗斯越远，棉絮就越多。

The Russian army would yield, but there never seemed any end of it.

俄罗斯军队会屈服，但似乎永远不会结束。

Gaining a passive victory over the Russian army has also been compared to brushing the snow off the front doorstep.

对俄罗斯军队的被动胜利也被比作清除前门台阶上的积雪。

The more you brushed, the more snow banked up.

你刷得越多，积雪就越多。

Russia could afford to lose territory equivalent to the area of all France without having received a vital blow.

俄罗斯可以承受失去相当于法国全境面积的领土而不会受到致命打击。

Russia has plenty of room in which to retreat, as Napoleon learned.

正如拿破仑所了解到的那样，俄罗斯有足够的撤退空间。

She is confident in the safety of her distances.

她对距离的安全充满信心。

When the enemy falls back she follows on his heels.

当敌人撤退时，她紧随其后。

At the end of the winter, 1914-15, she was still in the possession of a large portion of Galicia.

1914-15 年冬末，她仍然拥有加利西亚的大部分地区。

But the Germans were preparing a battering ram which their generals thought irresistible.

但德国人正在准备攻城槌，他们的将军认为这是不可抗拒的。

Their plan now was to deliver so hard a blow at the Russian that he would be forced to yield a separate peace.

他们现在的计划是对俄国人进行沉重打击，迫使他单独和约。

Von Mackensen formed his unprecedented phalanx of soldiery and of artillery in Galicia and destroying all the fortifications and covering the trenches with torrents of shell fire he skillfully worked his legions forward, first breaking the Przemysl line, which compelled a general retreat, and then breaking the Lemberg line.

冯·马肯森在加利西亚组建了他前所未有的士兵和炮兵方阵，摧毁了所有防御工事，用炮火覆盖战壕，他巧妙地指挥他的军团前进，首先突破了普热梅希尔防线，迫使部队全面撤退，然后又突破了伦贝格防线。

Thus, having beaten back the Russian left wing, the Austro-Germans turned their attention to the Warsaw front and there repeated the same organized machine method of warfare.

因此，在击退了俄国左翼之后，奥德联军将注意力转向了华沙前线，并在那里重复了同样有组织的机器作战方法。

There were no brilliant strokes of genius, but merely the use of superior systems of railroads in making the concentration; of trained engineers and workmen in advancing the railroad lines; of systematic overwhelming attacks at critical points, directed by the unsurpassed German staff organization.

没有什么天才的杰作，只是利用了先进的铁路系统来进行集中。训练有素的工程师和工人来推进铁路线；在无与伦比的德国参谋组织的指挥下，在关键点进行系统性的压倒性攻击。

With the fall of Warsaw the Russian army was inevitably badly broken.

随着华沙的陷落，俄罗斯军队不可避免地遭到严重破坏。

They had lost multitudes of prisoners, and staggering quantities of material.

他们失去了大量的囚犯和数量惊人的物资。

But still it remained an intact army.

但它仍然是一支完整的军队。

It was not decisively beaten.

并没有被果断地击败。

The prisoners were taken by brigades, regiments, and divisions--thousands of them in reserve, without a rifle in their hands, as they waited their turn to pick up the rifle of a dead man.

俘虏被按旅、团、师抓走——其中数千人是预备队，手里没有步枪，正在等待轮到捡起死者的步枪。

For six months, March to August, the greatest of all campaigns in numbers of troops and length of line continued in the east, Von Mackensen and the Austrians striking in the south and Von Hindenburg in the north.

从三月到八月的六个月里，从军队数量和战线长度来看，最大规模的战役仍在东部继续进行，冯·马肯森和奥军在南部进攻，冯·兴登堡在北部进攻。

Its details will be read in the history which follows.

其详情将在下文的历史中阅读。

Characteristic of either adversary was his method.

这两个对手的特点就是他的方法。

The German with concentration of population, resources, artillery, soldiery, and organization, and the Russian part, glamorous, slow, yielding to the terrific blows, flowing back like an ebb tide, and taking his time, never risking a decision, his army never surrounded or cut in two.

德军集中了人口、资源、炮兵、士兵和组织，而俄军则迷人、缓慢，在可怕的打击下屈服，像退潮一样倒流，从容不迫，从不冒险做出决定，他的军队从未被包围或切成两半。

While Von Hindenburg's guns were hammering the Russians in front, German political influence was occupied in Petrograd in the rear, where certain official circles were under German influence in the hope of getting Russia to capitulate.

当冯·兴登堡的枪炮轰击前方的俄国人时，德国的政治影响力却占据了后方的彼得格勒，那里的某些官方圈子受到德国的影响，希望让俄国投降。

The situation was the most critical for the Allies since the Battle of the Marne.

这是自马恩河战役以来盟军面临的最危急的局势。

A most influential court party was undoubtedly in favor of capitulation.

一个最有影响力的朝廷政党无疑是赞成投降的。

Russia was bleeding cruelly.

俄罗斯正在惨烈地流血。

She was suffering the psychological as well as the material effects of defeat.

她正在遭受失败带来的心理和物质影响。

In Paris and London the possibility of having to go on with the war without the Russian's assistance had become a serious consideration.

在巴黎和伦敦，在没有俄罗斯援助的情况下不得不继续战争的可能性已成为一个严肃的考虑因素。

In short, the fate of Europe was then in the hands of diplomatic and court intrigue.

简而言之，欧洲的命运掌握在外交和宫廷阴谋手中。

According to the accounts it was the mass of the Russian people whose pressure undoubtedly defeated the aims of German diplomacy.

据报道，俄罗斯民众的压力无疑挫败了德国外交的目标。

Uninformed of the real situation, conscious only of the enormous cost of the war in blood and treasure, their spirit of race patriotism was undaunted.

他们不了解真实情况，只知道战争付出了巨大的鲜血和财富代价，但他们的种族爱国主义精神却无所畏惧。

They realized if Russians in high places did not, that surrender by Russia then meant a defeat, which would set the Russian power back for another fifty years.

他们意识到，如果俄罗斯高层不这样做，那么俄罗斯的投降就意味着失败，这将使俄罗斯的实力再倒退五十年。

England could make peace and be in possession of more territory than she had at the beginning of the war.

英国可以实现和平并拥有比战争开始时更多的领土。

France could be certain of retaining what she had before the war.

法国可以确定保留其战前所拥有的一切。

But Russia had not only lost Poland, but the Slav had bowed the knee to the Teuton.

但俄罗斯不仅失去了波兰，而且斯拉夫人也向条顿人屈服了。

At the same time there was widespread unrest among the Russian people.

与此同时，俄罗斯民众中也出现了普遍的骚乱。

They felt that they had deserved victory, but had been denied it.

他们觉得自己理应获得胜利，但却被剥夺了。

It was not a question of the grand duke's skill in conducting the retreat from Warsaw, or his indomitable will and sturdy patriotism, but of satisfying popular sentiment.

这不是大公从华沙撤退的技巧，也不是他顽强的意志和坚定的爱国心的问题，而是满足民众情绪的问题。

The announcement that the czar himself was to take command unified and heartened the Russian people, who felt that "The Little Father" was the natural God-given head of the army.

沙皇亲自指挥的消息使俄罗斯人民团结一致，振奋起来，他们认为“小父亲”是上帝赐予的天然军队首领。

There was discontent in Russia too, with the situation on the western front.

俄罗斯国内也对西部战线的局势表示不满。

All the news that Russia had from France was of an occasional hundred or five-hundred-yard trench won or lost, while the Russian army had been swept from Galicia and been swept back again and had gone through the fearful ordeal of the retreat of July and August.

俄国从法国得到的所有消息都是偶尔打赢或输掉一百码或五百码的战壕，而俄国军队则被从加利西亚扫了出去，又被扫了回来，并经历了七月和八月撤退的可怕考验。

Why shouldn't France and Britain do something to release the pressure on the Russians?

法国和英国为什么不应该做点什么来缓解对俄罗斯的压力呢？

For not the least of the advantages the Central Powers had had was single-headed direction.

因为同盟国所拥有的最重要的优势就是单一方向。

They represented one united force, working out a consistent and simple plan of campaign.

他们代表了一支团结的力量，制定了一致而简单的战役计划。

But Russia, England, and France had to cooperate in council.

但俄罗斯、英国和法国必须进行协商合作。

With Russia so hard pressed and with the danger of her yielding to the Germans so deeply impressed on London and Paris there was nothing for the French staff to do but to respond by some sort of action in loyalty to her allies as a matter of military necessity if not of military wisdom.

由于俄罗斯受到如此严峻的压力，而且伦敦和巴黎面临着向德国人屈服的危险，法国参谋部别无选择，只能采取某种行动来回应，以忠于其盟友，这是军事必要性的问题，如果不是军事智慧的问题。

The attacks in Artois had fully demonstrated the arduousness and cost of any such undertaking, particularly until there was an unlimited supply of shells to draw on.

对阿图瓦的袭击充分证明了任何此类行动的艰巨性和成本，特别是在有无限的炮弹可供使用之前。

A gain of two or three miles' depth on a front meant no positive advance for either side, but rather a waste of life.

战线纵深增加两三英里意味着双方都没有积极的进展，反而是在浪费生命。

Indeed, any considerable attack on that western trench line which did not actually break the line must be considered a failure.

事实上，任何对西部战壕线的大规模攻击，如果实际上没有突破战壕线，都必须被视为失败。

And against their will, no doubt, the French and British undertook another offensive on September 25, 1915.

毫无疑问，法国和英国在违背他们意愿的情况下于 1915 年 9 月 25 日发动了另一次进攻。

On many sections of the western front the nature of the ground makes an attack absolutely unfeasible.

在西线的许多地区，地形的特点使得进攻绝对不可行。

The place chosen by the French was the Champagne region, in the neighborhood of the great army review ground of Châlons.

法国人选择的地点是香槟地区，位于沙隆大检阅场附近。

It is a rolling, sterile country, dotted with sparse roads.

这是一个起伏不定、贫瘠的国家，道路稀疏。

There is a thin loam over a subsoil of chalk--excellent for the defensive, but also permitting the rapid movement of artillery troops in dry weather.

白垩底土上有一层薄薄的壤土，非常适合防御，但也允许炮兵在干燥的天气里快速移动。

So far as can be learned the Germans had already given up their offensive in Russia before the French began theirs.

据了解，在法国人开始进攻之前，德国人已经放弃了对俄罗斯的进攻。

At least they were well advised that the French offensive was under way, and they needed to know it only a week beforehand, in order to transfer reserves from their eastern front, which they brought to the number of 300,000, concentrating them mostly in the Champagne region, where they were to be needed.

至少他们清楚地知道法军的攻势已经开始，他们只需要提前一周知道，就可以从东线调动预备队，他们的预备队数量达到了30万，主要集中在需要他们的香槟地区。

Coincident with the Champagne attack, the British, who are for command purposes a part of the French army, launched one in the region of Loos.

与香槟袭击同时发生的是，作为法国军队指挥目的的英国人在路斯地区发动了一次袭击。

In northern France the country was extremely difficult, and as unsuited for offense as the rest of the ground occupied by the British.

在法国北部，这个国家极其困难，与英国占领的其他地区一样不适合进攻。

Aside from their object in assisting the Russians, the French hoped to break the line.

除了援助俄国人的目标外，法国人还希望打破界限。

In this they failed.

在这方面他们失败了。

Over a twelve-mile front they gained depths varying from one-half to three miles; and altogether, with the British, they took some 25,000 prisoners and 160 guns.

在长达十二英里的前方，他们的深度从二分之一英里到三英里不等。他们与英国人一起俘获了大约 25,000 名囚犯和 160 支枪。

Both the numbers of prisoners and of guns were small compared with the "bags" on the eastern front.

与东线的“袋子”相比，囚犯和枪支的数量都很少。

But the character of the fighting, the heavy volume of artillery fire and extraordinary coordination of the first-class fighting units by the most skilled armies in history, make this action memorable in military annals in the same way as the German attack on Verdun in the following February.

但战斗的性质、炮火的猛烈程度以及历史上最熟练的军队与一流战斗部队的非凡协调，使这次行动像第二年二月德国进攻凡尔登一样在军事史册上留下了深刻的印象。

The ground lost in no wise endangered the German tenancy of their line.

失去的土地并没有危及德国人对他们的占领。

Along the Italian front the summer had developed something of the same kind of stalemate that had existed in France.

今年夏天，意大利前线陷入了与法国相同的僵局。

Fighting in the Alpine country so favored the defense that the Austrians did not have more than three or four hundred thousand troops engaged in holding the Italians in position.

在这个阿尔卑斯山国家的战斗非常有利于防御，以至于奥地利人没有超过三四十万的军队来阻止意大利人的阵地。

Therefore it had been easy for anyone taking a superficial view to exaggerate the military value of Italy's entry into the war.

因此，任何肤浅的人都很容易夸大意大利参战的军事价值。

The Austrian troops had fought with extreme tenacity, for naturally the Austrian staff had sent against the Italians all those troops in Franz Josef's heterogeneous empire who had any racial antagonism against the Italians, including those who had been lukewarm in fighting against the Slav.

奥地利军队的战斗极其顽强，因为奥地利参谋部自然而然地派出了弗朗茨约瑟夫异质帝国中所有对意大利人有种族敌意的军队来对抗意大利人，包括那些在与斯拉夫人的战斗中表现不冷不热的人。

Unquestionably, honors at the end of the campaign in 1915 were with Germany.

毫无疑问，1915 年战役结束时，荣誉属于德国。

She had held her line solidly in the west.

她在西部牢牢地守住了阵线。

She had stripped the country of northern France and Belgium of all the machinery of its factories which would be useful to her.

她剥夺了法国北部和比利时工厂中对她有用的所有机器。

She had been relieved of any necessity of feeding the Belgian population, or of the menace that would have come from the threat of a famine in either Belgium or northern France by the American Food Commission which at first had received supplies from America to carry on their work, and later had depended almost altogether upon grants from the French and English Governments and upon large voluntary contributions from England.

她不再需要为比利时人民提供食物，也不再需要美国粮食委员会在比利时或法国北部发生饥荒的威胁，该委员会最初从美国获得物资来开展其工作，后来几乎完全依赖法国和英国政府的赠款以及英国的大量自愿捐款。

In the east she had gained territory almost equal in area to that of Prussia itself.

在东部，她获得的领土几乎与普鲁士本土面积相等。

All Poland was hers.

整个波兰都是她的。

Her governor general ruled Warsaw.

她的总督统治着华沙。

Her situation as to food supplies was improved by the occupation of immense productive areas.

由于占领了大片生产区，她的粮食供应状况得到了改善。

She had made war with all her energy, and in want of able-bodied men to gather her own harvests, she had used the hosts of prisoners which she had taken from Russia.

她竭尽全力地进行战争，并且由于需要身体健全的人来收割自己的庄稼，所以她使用了从俄罗斯俘获的大量囚犯。

But, despite her victories, bravely and skillfully won, she was still a nation in siege, with no communication with the outside world, except through neutral countries.

但是，尽管她勇敢而巧妙地取得了胜利，但她仍然是一个被围困的国家，除了通过中立国家之外，与外界没有任何联系。

In the second winter with uninterrupted energy she again turned toward the southeast for another military adventure.

第二年冬天，她精力充沛，再次转向东南，进行另一次军事冒险。

Rumania still held fast to her neutrality.

罗马尼亚仍然坚持中立。

In Bulgaria the Central Powers were to succeed in gaining a fourth ally, which in sheer military advantage was probably worth more than the accession of Italy to her enemies.

在保加利亚，同盟国成功地获得了第四个盟友，其纯粹的军事优势可能比意大利加入其敌人更有价值。

Though Russia had won her freedom for Bulgaria in '76, no sentiment drew her to Russia's assistance when Russia was losing.

尽管俄罗斯在76年为保加利亚赢得了自由，但当俄罗斯失败时，没有任何情绪吸引她向俄罗斯提供援助。

No statesmanship is more matter of fact than that of the Balkans.

没有什么政治家风范比巴尔干半岛的政治家风范更重要了。

Bulgaria had an old score to settle with Serbia, which had joined Rumania and Greece against her in making the Second Balkan War, after she had borne the brunt of the first against Turkey.

保加利亚与塞尔维亚有宿怨，塞尔维亚在第一次巴尔干战争中首当其冲地对阵土耳其后，与罗马尼亚和希腊一起发动了第二次巴尔干战争。

Then, besides, the military temptation offered the Bulgarian staff was irresistible.

此外，保加利亚工作人员所面临的军事诱惑是不可抗拒的。

Serbia had been through two wars before the heavy drain of this one.

在这场战争严重消耗之前，塞尔维亚已经经历了两场战争。

A country of swineherds and miserable villages, dependent for munitions upon England and the Allies--she was caught in a wedge, with Bulgaria on the one side and the Austro-Hungarian advance on the other.

这个国家充满了猪群和悲惨的村庄，军火依赖于英国和盟军——她陷入了困境，一侧是保加利亚，另一侧是奥匈帝国的进攻。

At the most the Central Powers had probably no more than 300,000 troops--about the same number that the Bulgars had.

同盟国的军队最多可能不超过30万——与保加利亚的人数差不多。

Against such a combination, Serbia, caught between the blades of a pair of scissors, could make no successful resistance unless assistance came from England and France, which the British and French public demanded should be sent.

面对这样的联合体，夹在剪刀刀刃之间的塞尔维亚无法成功抵抗，除非英国和法国提供援助，而英国和法国公众也要求提供援助。

There was no hope of sufficient allied forces reaching Serbia in time to rescue her, but the Allies, particularly the British, could not afford to see Saloniki occupied by the Austro-Germans or by their friends, the Bulgarians.

没有希望有足够的盟军及时到达塞尔维亚来营救她，但盟军，特别是英国，不能看到萨洛尼基被奥德军或其朋友保加利亚人占领。

Up to the Balkan War Saloniki was Turkish; then it became Greek.

巴尔干战争之前，萨洛尼基属于土耳其；然后它变成了希腊语。

This excellent port had long been the goal of Austrian ambition, which sought an outlet to the Mediterranean, no less than the traditional policy of Russia was aimed at the occupation of Constantinople.

这个优秀的港口长期以来一直是奥地利野心的目标，它寻求通往地中海的出路，正如俄罗斯的传统政策旨在占领君士坦丁堡一样。

In the Crimean War France and England fought to thwart Russia's designs on Turkey and now France and England were prepared to oppose Austria's designs on Saloniki.

在克里米亚战争中，法国和英国为挫败俄罗斯对土耳其的图谋而战，现在法国和英国准备反对奥地利对萨洛尼基的图谋。

In order to defend Saloniki British and French troops must land on the soil of Greece and march across the Greco-Serbian frontier, which was no doubt one of the reasons that had kept the Allies from sending forces before, in order to assist the Serbians on the Danube and Save in closing "the ring of steel."

为了保卫萨洛尼基，英法军队必须登陆希腊土地，越过希塞边境，这无疑是此前盟军不敢出兵的原因之一，以协助多瑙河和萨维河畔的塞尔维亚人闭合“钢铁之环”。

Venizelos, the Greek statesman, who had been the Greek Bismarck in the extension of the Greek domain in the Balkan War, had taken sides with the Allies; and he favored concessions by Greece as well as Serbia to Bulgaria, in order to satisfy Bulgarian ambitions and keep her from striking hands with the Central Powers, while the King of Greece, with the Queen, a sister of the kaiser, had decidedly pro-German leanings.

希腊政治家韦尼泽洛斯在巴尔干战争中曾是希腊领土扩张中的希腊俾斯麦，他站在了同盟国一边。他赞成希腊和塞尔维亚对保加利亚做出让步，以满足保加利亚的野心并防止她与同盟国发生冲突，而希腊国王和德皇的妹妹女王则明显有亲德倾向。

The Greeks had a most difficult part, even for Levantine diplomacy, to play.

即使对黎凡特外交来说，希腊人也扮演着最困难的角色。

If they cast their fortunes with the Allies and the Teutons won, then they could count upon the Central Powers not only taking Saloniki away from them, but bringing themselves practically under Germanic domination.

如果他们把命运投向协约国，条顿人获胜，那么他们就可以指望同盟国不仅从他们手中夺走萨洛尼基，而且实际上将自己置于日耳曼人的统治之下。

If they openly espoused the German side, then as the country depended upon the sea, their ports would be blockaded, if not bombarded by the allied fleets.

如果他们公开支持德国一方，那么由于该国依赖海洋，他们的港口即使不受到盟军舰队的轰炸，也会被封锁。

In the event of an allied victory over the Central Powers they were certain that Saloniki would not be annexed by the Allies, bitter as they were against Greece because she was supposed to have broken her pledged word to assist them in the Gallipoli expedition.

如果盟军战胜同盟国，他们确信萨洛尼基不会被盟军吞并，尽管他们对希腊感到痛苦，因为希腊应该违背了协助他们远征加里波利的承诺。

Following a policy of drift and protest, the Greeks consented to the British and French landing troops at Saloniki and to their making it a base of action.

遵循随波逐流和抗议的政策，希腊人同意英国和法国在萨洛尼基登陆，并将其作为行动基地。

Certain forces were sent into Serbia before the Serbian army had been completely driven back, and whatever the public thought, certainly with no expectation of gaining a victory over the Bulgarians.

在塞尔维亚军队被完全击退之前，某些部队被派往塞尔维亚，无论公众怎么想，他们肯定没有指望能够战胜保加利亚人。

This obvious movement was only for the purpose of gaining time for fortifying a line around Saloniki and bringing sufficient men and guns to defend it.

这一明显的行动只是为了赢得时间来加强萨洛尼基周围的防线，并带来足够的人员和枪支来保卫它。

German diplomacy and staff work had not in all of the war gained a more important technical advantage for less cost in time, money, and troops, than it had in the fall of 1915 in the Balkans when they made the Bulgars to serve as they had the Turks, to secure their ends.

德国的外交和参谋工作在整个战争中并没有像 1915 年秋天在巴尔干那样以更少的时间、金钱和兵力获得更重要的技术优势，当时他们让保加利亚人像土耳其人一样服务，以确保他们的目标。

At last the British withdrew from Gallipoli with such small losses that the evacuation of this position on an exposed coast is undoubtedly one of the most brilliant pieces of military maneuvering of its kind in all history.

最后，英国人以如此小的损失从加里波利撤退，从这个暴露在外的海岸上的阵地的撤离无疑是历史上同类军事演习中最辉煌的作品之一。

No credit is ever given for retreats.

撤退不会得到任何荣誉。

But this was a good deal more than a retreat.

但这不仅仅是一次撤退。

It was withdrawing from a beach in face of a well-armed enemy.

面对装备精良的敌人，它正从海滩撤退。

The story of it--as yet unwritten--will some day bring a tribute to British military skill from professional soldiers, if not from the lay public.

它的故事（尚未写成）有一天将引起职业士兵（即使不是普通公众）对英国军事技能的赞扬。

The Bulgarians decided not to invade Greece; the Greeks made no attack.

保加利亚人决定不入侵希腊；希腊人没有发动进攻。

Those who looked forward to the war being settled in the Balkans, and to Saloniki becoming another Port Arthur, had missed their calculations.

那些期待巴尔干战争结束、萨洛尼基成为另一个旅顺港的人却落空了。

But every gun and every man that the Allies had to maintain at Saloniki might be a gun and a man kept idle, when they might be needed elsewhere.

但是，盟军在萨洛尼基必须维持的每一把枪和每一个人都可能被闲置，而当其他地方可能需要它们时。

The Germans having disposed of Serbia, had at the same time forced the further dissipation of English and French troops.

德国人消灭了塞尔维亚，同时又迫使英国和法国军队进一步溃散。

That they could once more turn to the main theatre of the war and try to push back the siege wall in another direction.

他们可以再次转向战争的主战场，并试图从另一个方向推开围墙。

Meantime, Turkey had been doing their bidding in another quarter.

与此同时，土耳其在另一个季度一直在执行他们的命令。

The natural response of the British to any threat to their Indian Empire was to take the offensive, for this was one certain way to impress the Oriental mind.

英国人对其印度帝国的任何威胁的自然反应就是采取攻势，因为这是给东方人留下深刻印象的一种特定方式。

Having annexed Egypt and Cyprus and occupied the German colonies throughout the world, Britain now proceeded to the extension of her Asiatic domain.

在吞并了埃及和塞浦路斯并占领了德国在世界各地的殖民地之后，英国现在开始扩大其亚洲版图。

The threat of Mohammedan insurrection was met by an invasion of Mohammedan regions.

伊斯兰教叛乱的威胁遭到了对伊斯兰教地区的入侵。

Her expedition toward Bagdad, had it not been in the midst of the greatest war in all history, would perhaps have been the most spectacular and interesting of all the small campaigns in remote regions which have gradually extended British influence.

她对巴格达的远征，如果不是发生在历史上最伟大的战争之中，也许是在偏远地区逐渐扩大英国影响力的所有小规模战役中最壮观和最有趣的一次。

It marched through Mesopotamia and the Garden of Eden.

它穿过美索不达米亚和伊甸园。

The Turks under German direction replied with an offensive which in turn put General Townshend's army in siege, requiring that it should have relief.

在德国指挥下的土耳其人以进攻作为回应，这反过来又使汤森德将军的军队陷入围困，需要救援。

The self-interest of each one of the parties to the war is evident, with the exception of Turkey.

除土耳其外，战争各方的自身利益都是显而易见的。

Why she ever entered in on the side of Germany, or on either side, is a puzzle.

为什么她会站在德国一边，或者站在任何一方，这是一个谜。

She was the one to lose in any event.

无论如何，她都是输家。

German success meant German domination.

德国的成功意味着德国的统治。

German failure must mean that Russia would realize her ambition to take Constantinople, and the British must further strengthen their empire at her expense.

德国的失败必定意味着俄罗斯将实现其夺取君士坦丁堡的野心，而英国则必须以她为代价进一步强化其帝国。

For many decades the British and Russian empires have glowered at each other across the dividing belts of Thibet, Afghanistan, and Persia.

几十年来，大英帝国和俄罗斯帝国一直隔着西藏、阿富汗和波斯的分界线互相怒目而视。

The fear of a Russian invasion of India haunted British statesmen until the German power became so threatening that England struck hands with France and Russia.

对俄罗斯入侵印度的恐惧一直困扰着英国政治家，直到德国的力量变得如此具有威胁性，以至于英国与法国和俄罗斯发生了交手。

Now while the British were advancing northward, the Russians made a southerly move to her assistance.

现在，当英国人向北推进时，俄罗斯人向南移动以援助她。

The grand duke, who had been sent to the Caucasus in February, 1916, took the offensive and captured the fortress of Erzerum, an action which was bound to relieve pressure on the British.

1916年2月被派往高加索的大公发动攻势，占领了埃尔泽鲁姆要塞，此举势必减轻英国人的压力。

Thus, the Turk who had been led to believe that he was to regain Egypt and recover some of his lost territory, was simply losing more.

因此，土耳其人原本以为自己会收复埃及并收复部分失去的领土，但实际上却失去了更多。

Indeed, after Saloniki, despite the talk to that effect, the far-seeing Germans neither carried out their threatened attempt to invade Egypt, nor, as many expected, were they drawn from the main theatre of war by dispatching troops by rail to Turkey.

事实上，在萨洛尼基事件之后，尽管有这样的言论，但有远见的德国人既没有实施入侵埃及的威胁性企图，也没有像许多人预期的那样，通过铁路向土耳其派遣军队来从主战区撤军。

In dissipating the allied troops by their threats, they had taken care not to dissipate their own.

在通过威胁驱散盟军的同时，他们也小心翼翼地不驱散自己的军队。

Thus Germany would supply Turkey with officers, and all her munitions, but she would not risk an army on the other side of Bulgaria with a long line of communications threatened by the Allies from Saloniki and Dedeagatch.

因此，德国将向土耳其提供军官和所有弹药，但她不会冒着在保加利亚另一边冒着军队的风险，因为保加利亚的长距离交通线受到来自萨洛尼基和德德加奇的盟军的威胁。

The approach of the spring of 1916 found them facing much the same problem as in the spring of 1915.

1916 年春天临近时，他们面临着与 1915 年春天几乎相同的问题。

Despite the territory they had gained, to ask for peace was to imply that their economic situation was weaker and their casualties heavier than they were willing to admit.

尽管他们获得了领土，但要求和平就意味着他们的经济状况比他们愿意承认的要弱，伤亡也比他们愿意承认的要严重。

Even if their economic situation was strong and the reserves plentiful, any suggestion that they were ready for negotiations must convince the Allies that they were reaching the end of their resources.

即使他们的经济状况强劲并且储备充足，任何表明他们已准备好进行谈判的暗示都必须让盟国相信他们的资源已经耗尽。

There could be no doubt of Russia's immense reserves of men.

毫无疑问，俄罗斯拥有巨大的人力储备。

It was only a question with her as to whether or not she could make them into an efficient army properly equipped and supplied, and whether or not she would be able to maintain her organization and railway facilities and sufficient forces at the actual fighting front to strike a successful blow against her enemies.

她所关心的只是能否将他们打造成一支装备精良、供给充足的高效军队，能否在实际战斗前线维持组织和铁路设施以及足够的兵力，对敌人进行成功的打击。

On the western front there had been an enormous accession of munitions during the winter, while the British new army with two million men yet to go under fire was gradually getting its rifles and guns.

西线在冬季获得了大量弹药，而尚未经受战火攻击的两百万英国新军也逐渐获得了步枪和枪支。

Victory comes in war either when you are exhausted or when you have taken from the enemy his capital or something of such vital importance to him that he must yield in order to recover it.

战争中的胜利要么是当你精疲力竭，要么是当你从敌人手中夺取了他的首都或对他来说至关重要的东西，以至于他必须屈服才能收回它。

Neither France nor Russia was by any means in that pass.

无论如何，法国和俄罗斯都没有参与其中。

Belgium had merely become a dead land, a shop within a garden, cut off from all trade, when it had been a nation of manufacturers and traders.

当比利时曾经是一个制造商和贸易商的国家时，它只是变成了一片死地，花园里的商店，与所有贸易隔绝。

Germany, unless she were exhausted in men and supplies, could not consider any peace which did not accord her the results of her gains, while she was still in possession of much of the enemy's territory, and she still maintained the power of the offensive.

德国除非在人员和物资上耗尽，否则不会考虑任何不能给她带来成果的和平，同时她仍然拥有敌人的大部分领土，并且仍然保持着进攻的力量。

The purpose of the Allies was to contain her, to strengthen "the ring of steel." Her own purpose must be to strike some vital blow which would win a separate peace either from Russia or France.

盟军的目的是遏制她，强化“钢环”。她自己的目的必须是发动致命一击，从而从俄罗斯或法国赢得单独的和平。

The moment she gave up her offensive and settled down to the defensive, which was naturally against the policy of her staff and the vigorous nature of her people, she was acknowledging that she had reached the limit of her prowess.

当她放弃攻势转入守势时，这自然违背了幕僚的政策和人民的朝气，她承认自己已经达到了自己能力的极限。

Then the Allies, with the sea at their command, would bid her await their pleasure--unless she had so far exhausted them that they considered a decided victory over her hopeless, and they made a compromise.

然后，掌握了制海权的盟军将要求她等待他们的喜悦——除非她到目前为止已经筋疲力尽，以至于他们认为对她的决定性胜利毫无希望，于是他们做出了妥协。

Saloniki now being an incident of her military past, the next plan of her staff was an effort on Verdun, the great fortress which occupied a salient in the French siege line.

萨洛尼基现在已成为她军事历史中的一个事件，她的参谋部的下一个计划是向凡尔登发起进攻，这座巨大的堡垒占据了法军围攻线的一个突出部分。

Here, as elsewhere when she attacked, she concentrated both her own and the Austrian heavy artillery, and following the system of intense artillery preparation, threw in her waves of infantry.

在这里，正如她在其他地方进攻时一样，她集中了自己和奥地利的重炮，并按照密集的炮兵准备系统，投入了她的步兵浪潮。

This blow was struck at the most inclement season of the year, in February snow and slush and rain, as if to anticipate the allied attack which was generally thought bound to come later in the spring when sufficient munitions had been accumulated on the western front and the weather was favorable.

这次打击是在一年中最恶劣的季节进行的，即二月的雪、泥浆和雨，似乎是为了预见盟军的进攻，人们普遍认为，当西线已经积累了足够的弹药并且天气有利时，盟军的进攻一定会在春季晚些时候发生。

By this time experts who had thought the war would be decided in the Balkans had again realized that it never pays to desert the simple military principle that the decision comes between the main bodies of armies and not in remote regions from any clash of subsidiary forces.

这时，那些认为战争将在巴尔干半岛决定胜负的专家们再次认识到，放弃这样一个简单的军事原则是没有好处的：决定权是在军队主力之间做出的，而不是在远离任何附属部队冲突的偏远地区做出的。

Paris or Petrograd in the hands of the Germans might mean such a decision.

巴黎或彼得格勒在德国人手中可能意味着这样的决定。

Certainly, should the western front be broken by either side, it would be the most telling blow of the war in both the moral and the military sense.

当然，如果西线被任何一方突破，无论从道义上还是从军事意义上来说，这都将是这场战争中最有力的打击。

But after all, was the line of least resistance for Germany the line of the western front?

但毕竟，对德国来说阻力最小的线是西线吗？

Would she really strike her great blow of 1916--if she still had the power to strike one--against the western rather than the eastern front?

如果她仍然有能力对西线而不是东线发动打击，她真的会发动 1916 年的重大打击吗？

Hitherto, attacks had succeeded against Russia.

迄今为止，针对俄罗斯的攻击已经成功。

It was in Russia that she had had her success.

她正是在俄罗斯取得了成功。

German officers had always stated their confidence that with their superior gun fire and tactics they could always force the Russians back.

德国军官一直表示，他们相信凭借其优越的火力和战术，他们总能将俄罗斯人击退。

Could they press back the French and the British?

他们能压制法国人和英国人吗？

When would the war end?

战争什么时候结束？

seemed as unanswerable to the lay observer in the spring of 1916 as in the spring of 1915.

对于外行观察者来说，1916 年春天和 1915 年春天一样无法回答。

How long was the fearful attrition to go on?

可怕的消耗持续了多久？

Could either side ever strike a decisive blow, or would the eventual result be a bloody stalemate, with England still in command of the sea?

任何一方能否发动决定性的打击，或者最终的结果会是一场血腥的僵局，而英格兰仍然掌握着制海权？

The significant generic lesson of the war is not in the power of artillery, but the power of all material organization, when nations set out to gain their ends by force: its military lesson was that both sides had pretty well followed sound policy considering the situation, despite armchair critics who knew nothing of inside facts.

这场战争的重要普遍教训不在于炮兵的力量，而在于当各国开始通过武力达到其目的时，所有物质组织的力量：它的军事教训是，尽管有一些纸上谈兵的批评家对内部事实一无所知，但考虑到当前的情况，双方都很好地遵循了合理的政策。

Europe was spending $100,000,000 or more a day in the business of destruction--of life and of property.

欧洲每天在破坏生命和财产方面花费一亿美元或更多。

A broad belt of ruins spread across France and Belgium for 450 miles; a broader one of 1,000 miles across Galicia and Russia.

一条宽阔的废墟带横跨法国和比利时，绵延 450 英里；更广阔的一段，横跨加利西亚和俄罗斯 1,000 英里。

No nation engaged could be said to be victorious except the Japanese.

除了日本之外，没有哪个国家可以说是胜利者。

Japan had gained Kiao-chau; strengthened her influence in China enormously, and was making immense profits by working her arsenals and every plant at full speed making munitions for Russia.

日本获得了胶州；她极大地增强了她在中国的影响力，并通过她的军火库和每家工厂全速为俄罗斯生产军火而赚取了巨额利润。

The United States at peace, preparing to make munitions as fast as she could, and able to produce only 3,000 rifles a week for the Allies on the 1st of December, 1915, and 5,000 a week March 1, 1916, was enjoying an era of "boom" prosperity, thanks to the eager market of nations whose own production was arrested while their workers were at war.

和平时期的美国正准备以最快的速度生产军火，1915年12月1日每周只能为盟军生产3,000支步枪，而到1916年3月1日则每周只能生产5,000支步枪。美国正享受着一个“繁荣”繁荣的时代，这要归功于那些在工人战争期间本国生产受到抑制的国家的急切市场。

From the gloom of London and Paris, where men and women had given up all luxuries, the transatlantic voyage brought you to New York, which was the only gay capital in the world, enjoying all the privileges of extravagance when money is plentiful.

从伦敦和巴黎的阴郁，男人和女人放弃了所有的奢侈，跨大西洋的航行把你带到了纽约，这是世界上唯一的同性恋之都，在金钱充裕的时候享受着一切奢侈的特权。

WAR BY MACHINERY

机械战争

This has been a war of machinery; but the old rule has been true that development in any weapon of offense has been countered by further development of means of defense.

这是一场机械战争；但古老的规则是正确的，任何进攻武器的发展都会受到防御手段的进一步发展的阻碍。

Nor is the theoretical power of weapons ever equaled by their actual power when the test of war comes.

当战争考验到来时，武器的理论威力也无法与它们的实际威力相媲美。

With self-preservation remaining the first law of nature, man is in nothing so skillful as in avoiding the enemy's blows.

由于自我保护仍然是自然的第一法则，人类最擅长的莫过于躲避敌人的打击。

When one watches a 15-inch gun fired and hears its 2,000-pound shell go screaming through the air, his concept of its destructive action is exaggerated by imagination, and further confirmed if he sees that shell burst inside a house, reducing its interior to wreckage.

当一个人看到一门 15 英寸大炮开火，听到 2000 磅重的炮弹在空中呼啸而过时，他对其破坏性行动的概念会被想象所夸大，如果他看到炮弹在房屋内爆炸，将房屋内部化为残骸，则进一步证实。

But the shell may not hit the house; it may fall in an open field and merely make a crater in the earth.

但炮弹可能不会击中房子；它可能会落在空旷的地方，只会在地球上留下一个弹坑。

Besides, someone must be in the house when it is hit if there are to be any casualties; and it is quite possible that a single person present might be dug out of the debris unharmed.

另外，被击中时，房屋内必须有人，否则才会造成人员伤亡；很有可能在场的一个人可以毫发无伤地从废墟中被挖出来。

Vulnerable as man's flesh is, he remains a pretty small object on the landscape.

尽管人类的肉体很脆弱，但他在这片土地上仍然是一个相当小的物体。

If he knows that his house is in danger of being struck he then either goes into the cellar at the first alarm, after having covered his floor with sandbags, or he may take to a dugout in his yard.

如果他知道他的房子有被击中的危险，那么他要么在第一次警报时进入地窖，然后用沙袋覆盖地板，要么他可能会躲到院子里的防空洞里。

When one has seen ten 15-inch shells strike a town of 25,000 inhabitants in a busy hour of the day and only half a dozen persons killed and injured, he may learn a contempt for shell fire which, however, is promptly turned into a tragic respect when one of the same sort of shells strikes in a stone-paved courtyard where a hundred soldiers are at their evening meal, and two-thirds of them are killed and wounded.

当一个人亲眼目睹十枚15英寸炮弹在一天的繁忙时段击中一个拥有25,000名居民的小镇，只有六人伤亡时，他可能会产生对炮弹火力的蔑视，然而，当一枚同类型的炮弹击中一百名士兵正在吃晚饭的石头铺成的院子时，这种蔑视很快就会变成一种悲剧性的尊重，其中三分之二的人死伤。

The bursting of a shrapnel shell and its spray of low-velocity bullets is also theoretically most destructive, but a roof of 6-inch boards will furnish perfect protection from the bullets.

从理论上讲，弹片的爆炸和低速子弹的喷射也是最具破坏性的，但 6 英寸厚的木板屋顶将提供完美的子弹保护。

Mother Earth remains the best protection there is from fire.

地球母亲仍然是抵御火灾的最佳保护。

No rifle bullet can penetrate through a 3-foot thickness of sandbags.

步枪子弹无法穿透 3 英尺厚的沙袋。

A 6 or 8-inch high-explosive shell, which is the largest caliber practicable for trench warfare, may burst near a double layer of bags of stone rubble without hurting anyone in a cellar 30 feet underneath.

6 或 8 英寸高爆弹是堑壕战中可行的最大口径，它可以在双层碎石袋附近爆炸，而不会伤害 30 英尺以下地窖中的任何人。

The rain of shrapnel bullets which mows the barbed wire in front of a trench, as hail mows ripening grain, will not reach a single man in the trench to the rear, if he keeps his head down.

弹片雨将战壕前的铁丝网割断，就像冰雹割断成熟的谷物一样，如果低着头，后方战壕中的任何一个人都不会受到伤害。

At first thought it seems utterly inconsistent when bullets carry effectively a mile and a half, and guns carry twenty miles, that infantry should be fighting so close that they can throw bombs at each other from distances of 15 and 20 yards.

乍一看，当子弹有效射程为一英里半，而枪支有效射程为二十英里时，步兵应该如此近距离地战斗，以至于他们可以在 15 码和 20 码的距离内向对方投掷炸弹，这似乎完全不一致。

The very destructiveness of modern weapons has contributed toward this result.

现代武器的破坏力促成了这一结果。

There has never been anything like so many guns used in battle, and never have they been capable of such rapid fire.

从来没有在战斗中使用过如此多的枪支，也从来没有能够如此快速地射击。

The field gun can fire consistently eight or ten shots a minute, thanks to its modern recoil cylinder and to the steadiness of aim, and literally establish a "curtain of fire" with its torrent of bullets shot down from the air and the cataracts of earth shot up by the bursting of high-explosive shells in the ground, which no infantry can pass.

由于其现代化的反冲缸和瞄准的稳定性，野战炮每分钟可以连续发射八到十发子弹，从空中射下的子弹洪流和地面上的高爆炮弹爆炸形成的“火幕”，没有步兵可以通过。

A machine gun behind a shield firing 500 shots a minute is practically safe from rifle fire, and soldiers intrenched on either side of it add to its volume their own more accurate fire from their rifles.

盾牌后面的机枪每分钟发射 500 发子弹，实际上可以安全地抵御步枪的射击，而埋伏在机枪两侧的士兵则可以通过步枪进行更准确的射击。

Infantry in the open, though they were not subjected to the fearful concentration of artillery fire, could not survive through a mile of machine-gun and rifle-swept space.

露天步兵虽然没有受到可怕的集中炮火攻击，但也无法在机枪和步枪扫射的一英里空间中生存。

Successful advances against anything but very inferior numbers badly armed become impossible in any frontal attack in the open.

在任何公开的正面攻击中，除了武装严重的劣势部队之外，不可能成功地推进任何东西。

Thus all modern infantry operations must have more or less a siege character, as the only practicable means of approach is by digging your way forward.

因此，所有现代步兵行动都或多或少具有攻城性质，因为唯一可行的方法是挖掘前进的道路。

The spade has become almost as important a weapon as the rifle.

铁锹几乎已经成为与步枪一样重要的武器。

Impatience with digging, which was characteristic of the early days of the American Civil War, and which has been generally resented by all armies in the past, has now become second nature to every soldier, because its value is brought home to him by the most telling kind of lesson in experience--death.

对挖掘不耐烦是美国内战初期的一个特点，过去所有军队都普遍对此感到不满，但现在它已成为每个士兵的第二天性，因为它的价值是通过最有说服力的经验教训——死亡——使他认识到的。

He puts earth between himself and the enemy's fire as instinctively as one holds up his hand to ward off a blow.

他本能地把泥土放在自己和敌人的火力之间，就像人们本能地举起手来挡开一击一样。

In trench fighting all that is exposed of a man firing is his head and shoulders, which accounts for the high percentage of dead to wounded in this war.

在堑壕战中，开火时暴露的只是头部和肩膀，这在这场战争中死伤比例很高。

In other wars it has been as one to five; while in this war, on the western front, it has varied from as one to two and three.

在其他战争中，这一数字是一比五；在其他战争中，则是一比五。而在这场战争中，在西线，则从一个到两个、三个不等。

If the trenches are brought extremely close together then either side is safe from the other's artillery fire, because there is as much danger of hitting your own trench as the enemy's with your shells.

如果战壕距离非常近，那么任何一方都可以免受对方炮火的攻击，因为你的炮弹击中己方战壕的危险与敌人击中战壕的危险一样大。

A distance of 20 or 30 yards meant that at any time either side could start in throwing bombs or grenades by hand across that one definitely neutral country--the zone of death between the trenches.

20或30码的距离意味着任何一方都可以在任何时候开始用手向一个绝对中立的国家（战壕之间的死亡地带）投掷炸弹或手榴弹。

Beyond that range up to the average range, trench mortars which "lobbed" a charge of high explosive from trench to trench could be used.

超出该射程直至平均射程，可以使用战壕迫击炮，将高爆炸药从一个战壕“投掷”到另一个战壕。

Thus the war of machinery became a war of explosives.

因此，机械战争变成了爆炸战争。

Anything that could be dropped into the trench and burst might kill or wound some of the enemy, which meant debit on their side of the ledger in a war of attrition and exhaustion.

任何可能落入战壕并爆炸的东西都可能杀死或伤害一些敌人，这意味着在一场消耗战和疲惫战中，他们的账本将被记入账本。

The higher the angle of flight the more likely the charge actually to fall into the narrow ditch in the earth, instead of breaking its force against the wall, which accounts for the superiority of the howitzer with its high angle of flight and shorter range to the gun with its lower trajectory and longer range.

飞行角度越高，装药越有可能真正落入地球上的狭窄沟渠中，而不是破坏其对墙的力量，这说明了大飞行角度和较短射程的榴弹炮相对于具有较低弹道和较远射程的火炮的优越性。

Thus there can be no limitation to the amount of artillery and the quantities of explosives serviceable in this kind of warfare.

因此，在这种战争中可使用的火炮数量和炸药数量是没有限制的。

No one of the armies has ever had anything like enough shells.

没有一支军队拥有足够的炮弹。

None ever can.

没有人能做到。

Five hundred guns of all ranges set back of one another from 3,000 to 20,000 yards' range to a mile could be placed, or 225,000 for the western front, and they could readily use five million shells a day in this contest of munitions and manufacturing resources.

可以部署500门各种射程的火炮，射程从3,000到20,000码到一英里，或者在西线部署225,000门，在这场弹药和制造资源的竞争中，他们每天可以轻松使用500万发炮弹。

All armies had to conserve their ammunition, and in parts of the line, which were known as "quiet corners," for tactical reasons the stalemate was almost peaceful, either side holding its fire unless the other became restless.

所有军队都必须保存弹药，在被称为“安静角落”的战线部分地区，出于战术原因，僵局几乎是和平的，双方都保持开火，除非另一方变得焦躁不安。

But between the trenches which had remained in the same position for many months, no living thing was visible day after day except a rabbit or a field mouse where the ground birds made their nests, and there the piping of birds joined with the song of the bullets.

但在几个月来一直保持在同一位置的战壕之间，除了兔子或田鼠之外，日复一日看不到任何生物，地上的鸟儿在那里筑巢，鸟儿的鸣叫声与子弹的歌声融为一体。

Except for occasional snipers' shots at the sight of anything moving on the enemy's parapet, the day wore monotonously on--when to expose the head for half a minute meant death.

除了偶尔有狙击手看到敌人栏杆上有任何移动的东西时开枪外，这一天过得很单调——暴露头部半分钟就意味着死亡。

Naturally the trenches do not run straight.

当然，战壕并不是笔直的。

They bend in and out at sharp angles in order to localize the explosions of shells; they are so narrow in most places that two men can pass with difficulty.

它们以锐角进出，以定位炮弹的爆炸；大多数地方都很狭窄，两个人很难通过。

A few soldiers are on guard, the rest may be lying about their dugouts or probably engaged in building new traverses or in putting up new layers of sandbags or deepening their dugouts.

一些士兵在守卫，其余的可能在他们的防空洞周围，或者可能正在建造新的横梁，或者放置新的沙袋层，或者加深他们的防空洞。

They become beavers rather than warriors, day laborers with spade and shovel rather than knights.

他们成为海狸而不是战士，成为拿着铁锹和铲子的日工而不是骑士。

There is no marching and countermarching; they have no use for the skirmish drill or the maneuver ground.

没有前进和后退；他们对小规模冲突演习或机动场地没有任何用处。

Sharpshooters with clamped rifles watch for a target patiently as fishermen for a bite.

手持步枪的神枪手耐心地观察目标，就像渔夫等待上钩一样。

Back from the first line trench runs a winding communication trench, a foot or more deeper than the average man's height and the turns in its walls stop any bullets which otherwise might sweep its length in enfilade.

从第一条战线后方有一条蜿蜒的通讯战壕，比普通人的身高深一英尺或更深，其墙壁上的转弯可以阻止任何子弹，否则可能会横扫整个战壕。

In the reserve trenches are other men in burrows who have not even the excitement of sniping.

在预备战壕里还有其他人在地洞里，他们甚至没有狙击的兴奋感。

They do nothing but wait and dig, repairing damages wrought by occasional shells on dull days.

他们什么也不做，只是等待和挖掘，修复阴天时偶尔发生的炮弹造成的损坏。

At any hour the enemy may suddenly decide to attack and they may find their houses pounded down about their heads and perhaps half of a company wiped out in a quarter of an hour.

敌人随时可能突然决定进攻，他们可能会发现自己的房屋被砸倒在头顶上，也许半个连在一刻钟之内就被消灭了。

Then other communication trenches lead back until finally you are in the open country out of the range of bullets, but not outside the range of shells.

然后其他通讯壕会带您返回，直到您最终到达子弹射程之外的开阔地带，但不在炮弹射程之外。

Here the munition caissons and the transport wagons come up by night bringing the food for men and guns which is taken up to the hungry mouths under the cover of darkness; and here, on an average day, one will occasionally observe the passing of an ambulance with its green roof and sides which melts it into the road and the landscape--and processions of ambulances when there is battle.

这里，弹药箱和运输车在夜间出现，为人员和枪支带来食物和枪支，并在夜色的掩护下送到饥饿的嘴里。在这里，平日里，人们偶尔会看到一辆救护车驶过，其绿色的屋顶和侧面将其融入道路和景观中，而当发生战斗时，也会看到救护车列队行驶。

All the detail of army existence is as precise as that of the best organized industrial plant.

军队存在的所有细节都像组织最完善的工厂一样精确。

As you walk along you will spy at intervals a hidden battery, perhaps in a house, perhaps in a hedge, perhaps in a group of trees, perhaps beautifully roofed over with sod, so that it is invisible from the air.

当你行走时，你会时不时地发现一个隐藏的炮台，也许在房子里，也许在树篱里，也许在一群树里，也许用草皮覆盖着漂亮的屋顶，所以从空中看不见它。

You rarely look up without seeing an aeroplane flying overhead.

你很少抬头看不到一架飞机从头顶飞过。

When there is action, you will see many.

当有行动时，你会看到很多。

A faint pur comes out of the heavens and two planes are seen circling as they exchange bullets from their machine guns.

天空中传来微弱的呼噜声，两架飞机盘旋，机枪射击。

Another plane is turning to the right and left and ducking to avoid the thistle blows of smoke which burst from the shrapnel shells fired by the antiaircraft guns.

另一架飞机正在左右转向并躲避高射炮发射的弹片所喷出的蓟般烟雾。

Follow the course of the long procession of motor trucks which feed the army and you arrive at one of the great supply depots which every day send out the precise quota of supplies that are needed, with every motor truck having its schedule and keeping that schedule with the accuracy of a first-class passenger train.

沿着为军队提供食物的汽车长队行驶，您会到达一个大型补给站，每天都会发出所需的精确配额的补给品，每辆汽车都有自己的时间表，并像头等旅客列车一样精确地遵守时间表。

Follow the ambulances back from station to station, where the wounded men are examined to see if they are suffering from a hemorrhage and whether they are able to stand the farther journey and do not need an immediate operation, and you are brought to the immense base hospitals in a closely guarded and well ordered camp where every sanitary tradition known to modern life is absolutely enforced.

跟随救护车从一个车站返回到另一个车站，在那里对伤员进行检查，看看他们是否患有失血，以及他们是否能够忍受更远的旅程，并且不需要立即进行手术，然后你会被带到巨大的基地医院，在一个戒备森严、秩序井然的营地里，现代生活中已知的每一个卫生传统都得到了绝对的执行。

One of these hospitals had twelve thousand beds and in the offensive of September 25, 1915, it discharged seven thousand patients in a day.

其中一家医院拥有一万二千张床位，在 1915 年 9 月 25 日的攻势中，一天之内就出院了七千名患者。

Soldiers are restricted to the neighborhood of their billets and officers themselves must have passes if they travel outside the region occupied by their battalions.

士兵只能在其驻地附近活动，而军官如果在其营占领的地区外旅行，则必须持有通行证。

Everyone is a policeman under an intricate system guarding every detail of army secrets from any spy and from those gallant aviators who risk antiaircraft gunfire in the hope of bringing home some information to their side.

每个人都是复杂系统下的警察，保护军队机密的每一个细节，不让任何间谍和那些冒着高射炮火的危险，希望将一些信息带回家的英勇飞行员。

Never has the Intelligence Service of an army had so many secrets to guard; never has it required such complicated measures of protection against espionage.

军队情报部门从未有如此多的秘密需要保护；它从来没有需要如此复杂的反间谍保护措施。

In Napoleonic times, it was enough to know that your adversary was marching a hundred thousand men along parallel roads.

在拿破仑时代，只要知道你的对手正在沿着平行的道路行进十万人就足够了。

This your cavalry scouts might discover; or a spy who had crossed the frontier in an unfrequented place might be watching the enemy's army and counting his numbers as they passed.

你的骑兵侦察兵可能会发现这一点；或者，一个在人迹罕至的地方越过边境的间谍可能会监视敌人的军队，并在他们经过时清点他们的人数。

Now the frontier is an intact line of trenches.

现在，边境是一条完整的战壕。

The spies of Richelieu's day have been surpassed in this, our day--with their stories yet to be told.

黎塞留时代的间谍在我们这个时代已经被超越——他们的故事还有待讲述。

Many a man who spoke the enemy's language well has put on the enemy's uniform, joined one of his scouting parties between the trenches in the darkness, entered the enemy's trenches, heard all the talk and slipped back to his own lines safely.

许多能说敌人语言的人穿上了敌人的制服，在黑暗中加入了战壕之间的侦察队，进入了敌人的战壕，听到了所有的谈话，然后安全地溜回了自己的战线。

If apprehended, his fate was certain--death.

如果被捕，他的命运就注定了——死亡。

The most efficient spy, of course, is the one with military training He knows the value of what he sees.

最有效率的间谍当然是受过军事训练的间谍，他知道他所看到的东西的价值。

Usually he is an officer of good family who has been cashiered for gambling or debt and takes a desperate chance out of patriotism and the hope of atonement.

通常他是一位出身名门的官员，因赌博或债务而被革职，出于爱国主义和赎罪的希望而孤注一掷。

Naturally, the easiest route for spies was through Holland and Switzerland which became the gateway of passing spies and the playground of espionage and counterespionage.

当然，间谍最容易的路线是经过荷兰和瑞士，这成为间谍过往的门户和间谍与反间谍活动的游乐场。

Gradually the restrictions tightened for all neutral travelers from capital to capital, while none were permitted to go into the zones of the armies, some twenty or thirty miles from the trenches.

逐渐地，对所有从首都到首都的中立旅客的限制都收紧了，但不允许任何人进入距战壕约二十或三十英里的军队区域。

The problem of the Intelligence Corps is much like that of putting the parts of a picture puzzle together.

情报部队的问题很像将拼图的各个部分拼在一起的问题。

A line from a newspaper in one part of the world, a line from a newspaper in another taken in connection with a photograph, an excerpt from a letter found on a prisoner or a fact got from a prisoner by skillful catechism, might develop a valuable contributory item.

世界某个地方的报纸上的一句话、另一个地方的报纸上与照片相关的一句话、在囚犯身上发现的一封信的摘录或通过熟练的教义问答从囚犯那里得到的事实，都可能成为有价值的贡献项目。

The amount of information procured by either side about the other was only less amazing to the outsider than how it was obtained.

对于局外人来说，任何一方获得的有关对方的信息量并不比这些信息的获取方式更令人惊讶。

Again, events revealed amazing ignorance.

事件再次暴露出惊人的无知。

Most baffling and most secret of all branches is this, whose work is both gaining and conserving information, and just as professional, just as carefully prepared before the war as any other.

所有分支中最令人困惑和最秘密的是这个分支，它的工作既是获取信息又是保存信息，而且和其他分支一样专业，在战前精心准备。

A single instance illustrates how small a fact may be of value to the enemy.

一个例子说明了一个事实对敌人来说可能有多么小的价值。

A certain well known "military expert" went out to British headquarters as a guest of a general.

某位著名“军事专家”作为将军的客人到英国总部做客。

From a tower in the square of a small town, he watched a certain action.

在一座小镇广场上的塔楼上，他观看到了某个动作。

When he wrote his account of it, it was submitted to the general who was his friend; and the general carelessly passed one little statement which no Chief of Intelligence of any army would ever have passed and probably no correspondent of experience would have had the temerity to submit to the censor unless he wanted to be responsible for the death of men who were his hosts and his friends.

当他写下这件事时，他将其提交给了他的朋友将军。将军漫不经心地通过了一份小声明，任何军队的情报局长都不会通过，而且可能没有经验丰富的记者会鲁莽地提交给审查员，除非他想对他的主人和朋友的死亡负责。

For the writer stated that he saw the battle from this tower.

因为作者声称他从这座塔上看到了这场战斗。

Now the London papers reach Holland at four o'clock in the afternoon where they are seized promptly by the tentacles of the German Intelligence Service, which did not need to undertake any "picture puzzle work" on this occasion.

现在伦敦的报纸在下午四点到达荷兰，很快就被德国情报局的触角抓住了，而这次德国情报局不需要进行任何“图片拼图工作”。

It was plain as day that this tower must be used as an artillery observation post by the enemy.

显而易见，这座塔肯定是被敌人用作炮兵观察所的。

From there he could see the fall of shells from his batteries and know whether they were "on" or not.

从那里他可以看到电池中的炮弹落下，并知道它们是否“开启”。

Out of the blue sky the next morning, came a German artillery concentration which brought the tower down like a house of cards, and many British soldiers billeted in the neighborhood were killed or wounded.

第二天早上，德军集中炮兵从蓝天中射出，像纸牌屋一样摧毁了塔楼，许多驻扎在附近的英国士兵死伤了。

In order to deepen the shroud of mystery over his side which baffles the enemy, many military men would undoubtedly make the press merely the herald of official bulletins.

为了加深自己一方的神秘面纱，让敌人感到困惑，许多军人无疑会让新闻界仅仅成为官方公报的先驱。

The British Admiralty carried out this system to the letter, as a navy may better than an army, in the resistance of the German submarine campaign.

英国海军部不折不扣地执行了这一制度，因为海军在抵抗德国潜艇战役方面可能比陆军更好。

Thus the "Untersee-boots" came out from Kiel or Zeebrugge and disappeared in the mists of the North Sea with no message of how they had been destroyed when they never returned.

因此，“Untersee-boots”从基尔或泽布吕赫出发，消失在北海的迷雾中，没有任何信息表明它们是如何被摧毁的，再也没有回来。

The Intelligence Service in common with army transport and the sanitary service and every other expert branch has for its object the conserving of the lives of your own soldiers and the taking of those of the enemy, best expressed by an infantry attack on the enemy's trenches, whether to gain a few hundred yards or a belt of eight to ten miles as in the case of the French attack in Champagne in September, 1915, and the German attack on Verdun in February, 1916.

情报部门与陆军运输部门、卫生部门以及其他专家部门一样，其目标都是保护己方士兵的生命并夺取敌人的生命，最好的体现是步兵对敌人战壕的攻击，无论是前进几百码还是八到十英里的地带，就像1915年9月法国进攻香槟和1916年2月德国进攻凡尔登的情况一样。

The first step is the concentration of batteries for artillery preparation.

第一步是集中火炮准备的电池。

Gradually, these guns all try out their range with the aeroplanes spotting the fall of their shells.

渐渐地，这些火炮都在测试它们的射程，飞机发现它们的炮弹落下。

Then, at the scheduled minute they loose their blasts upon the front line trenches which are to be taken.

然后，在预定的时间，他们向要占领的前线战壕发射炮弹。

In front of the trenches, of course, are the elaborate barbed-wire entanglements.

当然，战壕前面是精心布置的铁丝网。

These are often twenty, thirty or even forty feet deep.

这些通常有二十、三十甚至四十英尺深。

There may be more than one series of entanglements and some may be screened in some fashion or other from the effects of artillery fire.

可能存在不止一系列的纠缠，有些可能会以某种方式或其他方式免受炮火的影响。

Aside from these, _trous de loup_, pits with sharpened sticks to impale the invader, and all the other devices of former times are used--in short, every obstacle from the time of Moses to the modern machine gun.

除此之外，还使用了“trous de loup”，用尖锐的棍子刺穿入侵者的坑，以及以前所有其他的装置——简而言之，从摩西时代到现代机枪的所有障碍。

No invader can possibly reach the enemy's trench to contest it with him until these impedimenta are removed.

在这些障碍被消除之前，任何入侵者都不可能到达敌人的战壕与他争夺。

Thousands of short-cut plans and inventions have been offered for cleaning away the barbed wire before an attack, but not one has succeeded because it requires that whoever is to carry out the suggestion or remove the obstruction, must be submitted to murderous grilling machine-gun and rifle fire.

人们提出了数以千计的捷径计划和发明来在袭击前清除铁丝网，但没有一个成功，因为它要求无论谁要执行建议或清除障碍物，都必须接受机枪和步枪的致命烧烤。

Shrapnel shells with their sprays of bullets bursting at a height of a foot above ground remain the approved method of cutting barbed wire.

弹片弹在距地面一英尺的高度爆炸，子弹的喷雾仍然是切割铁丝网的公认方法。

If the barbed wire is not destroyed, the men in the charge are "hung up" in it, as the saying is.

如果铁丝网没有被破坏，冲锋的人就会被“挂”在里面，就像俗话说的那样。

Then if a machine gun is still in position in the enemy's trench, they are riddled with bullets where they lie.

然后，如果敌人的战壕中仍然有机关枪，那么他们所在的地方就会被子弹打得千疮百孔。

No form of death could be more pitiless or helpless for the soldier than this.

对于士兵来说，没有什么死亡方式比这更无情、更无助了。

He becomes a target on a spit, as it were.

可以说，他成了吐口水的目标。

Granted that the barbed wire is swept away perfectly, no charge can succeed if many machine guns or rifles from the trenches are playing upon it.

假设铁丝网被完美扫除，如果战壕里的许多机关枪或步枪在上面射击，那么冲锋就不可能成功。

Then men simply rush into a spray of bullets.

然后人们就冲进枪林弹雨中。

Therefore, all the teeth must be drawn from the trench itself.

因此，所有牙齿都必须从沟槽本身拔出。

This is done by the concentration of high-explosive shells from guns of larger caliber, mostly howitzers, which burst in the earth, tossing up great fountains of dust, burying and smashing the machine guns and driving all the operators into their dugouts, where they are sometimes buried alive.

这是通过大口径火炮（主要是榴弹炮）集中发射高爆炮弹来完成的，这些火炮在地下爆炸，扬起巨大的灰尘喷泉，掩埋和粉碎机枪，将所有操作员赶入防空洞，有时甚至被活埋。

Back of the trench, the guns of smaller caliber which destroy the barbed wire place a "curtain of fire," as it is called, which does not permit the enemy to escape from a trench, or any reserves to come to his assistance.

在战壕后方，摧毁铁丝网的小口径火炮会形成所谓的“火幕”，不允许敌人从战壕中逃脱，也不允许任何预备队前来援助。

This process is kept up for such a length of time as is deemed sufficient.

该过程将持续足够长的时间。

At a given moment, the invader charges, often protected by a screen of smoke which is sent out from his own trenches.

在特定时刻，入侵者发起冲锋，通常受到从自己战壕中喷出的烟幕的保护。

As the burrowers in the earth crawl from the parapets and take to their legs, they know that their fate is almost altogether dependent upon the preparation by the guns rather than any effort of their own.

当地下的挖洞者从护墙爬出并站起来时，他们知道他们的命运几乎完全取决于枪支的准备，而不是他们自己的任何努力。

Ahead of them is this wall of smoke and dust from the explosions, in which they are lost to the observer.

他们前面是爆炸产生的烟雾和灰尘墙，观察者在其中看不见他们。

Keeping units together and protecting them is as difficult as maneuvering ships in a fog.

将部队聚集在一起并保护他们就像在雾中操纵船只一样困难。

The delicate problem of the gunner is to protect the invader just as far forward as possible, without putting shells into his own men.

炮手面临的棘手问题是尽可能保护前方的入侵者，而不是向自己的士兵发射炮弹。

A few from defective fuses must fall short.

一些有缺陷的保险丝一定会达不到要求。

This is expected and is a part of the cost of a charge; but none with correct fuses and dependable powder should.

这是预期的，并且是收费成本的一部分；但没有一个拥有正确的保险丝和可靠的火药。

The gunners time their part to that of the invader, by lifting their fire from the first to the second line trench, as their own men are entering the first.

当他们自己的人进入第一条战壕时，炮手们将火力从第一条战壕提升到第二条战壕，以配合入侵者的行动。

Granted that the barbed wire is cleared and the men enter the enemy's trench, they may find themselves struggling over heaps of dust mixed with the rags of sandbags, splintered timbers and the flesh and uniforms of their enemy--at first see not a single adversary.

假设铁丝网被清理干净，士兵们进入敌人的战壕，他们可能会发现自己在沙袋破布、碎木头以及敌人的血肉和制服混合在一起的成堆灰尘中挣扎——一开始看不到任何对手。

They will be instantly due for heavy shell fire; and also for heavy machine gun and rifle fire from the second line enemy trench.

他们将立即遭到猛烈的炮火攻击；也可用于来自第二线敌方战壕的重机枪和步枪射击。

They begin to dig at once in order to establish protection.

他们立即开始挖掘以建立保护。

Out of this wreckage they have to reverse the enemy's trench, so that it shall face toward him.

他们必须从这片废墟中扭转敌人的战壕，使其面向敌人。

This becomes a matter of desperate effort and usually it is in the course of this that the severest casualties are suffered.

这成为一个需要拼命努力的问题，通常正是在这个过程中遭受最严重的伤亡。

But should the artillery destruction of the trench be imperfect, upon entering it they may still take the enemy by surprise in his dugouts.

但是，如果炮兵对战壕的破坏不完美，进入战壕后，他们仍然可以在掩体中给敌人一个措手不及。

In that case, bombs in hand, at the doorways of these cellars they demand surrender.

在这种情况下，他们手里拿着炸弹，在这些地窖门口要求投降。

In case it is not given, they throw the bombs into the dugout; for, to enter, means that they will be shot down.

如果不给，他们就会把炸弹扔进防空洞里；因为，进入就意味着他们将被击落。

Or, upon entering the trench, they may meet the enemy's soldiers running out of their dugouts for hand-to-hand battle.

或者，进入战壕后，他们可能会遇到从防空洞里跑出来的敌军士兵，进行肉搏战。

The traverses are so narrow that the length of the rifle makes it a clumsy weapon, and the adversaries in modern war, whose guns carry twenty miles, engage hand to hand, using knives, bombs and even their fists.

由于横梁如此狭窄，步枪的长度使其成为一种笨拙的武器，现代战争中的对手，他们的枪可以射出二十英里，使用刀子、炸弹甚至拳头进行肉搏战。

With discarded rifles and bombs lying about a trench, it is difficult to give quarter.

战壕周围散落着废弃的步枪和炸弹，很难给予宽恕。

For a prisoner who is down may pick up a rifle or a bomb and turn on his captor.

因为一个倒下的囚犯可能会拿起步枪或炸弹来攻击俘虏他的人。

It is not human savagery so much as conditions that has made the fighting so grim.

与其说是人类的野蛮行为，不如说是环境造成了战斗如此严峻。

Having established themselves in a certain section or sections of the trench, naturally the new occupants have the enemy on their right and left.

当新占领者在战壕的某个或某些部分站稳脚跟后，敌人自然就在他们的左右两侧。

That is, on one side of one of the winding traverses will be a German, and say on the other side a Frenchman.

也就是说，在一条蜿蜒横线的一侧是德国人，而在另一侧是法国人。

Neither sees the other's head, for both are hidden behind these walls of earth.

两人都看不到对方的头，因为两人都隐藏在土墙后面。

If one starts around the corner, it means a bayonet or a bullet for him.

如果一个人从拐角处开始，对他来说就意味着刺刀或子弹。

To gain ground in a trench requires a superior supply of bombs.

要在战壕中取得进展，需要大量的炸弹供应。

Any small package that will contain a high explosive would serve the purpose.

任何装有烈性炸药的小包装都可以达到目的。

Early in the war, bombs were made out of jam tins and bottles or any other receptacle which could be filled with an explosive and set off by a fuse.

战争初期，炸弹是用果酱罐和瓶子或任何其他可以装满炸药并通过引信引爆的容器制成的。

Later on, different varieties of manufactured bombs in great quantities appeared.

后来，不同品种的炸弹大量出现。

There have been instances of five thousand being used in a single day over two hundred yards of trench.

曾有过一天使用 5000 颗超过 200 码战壕的例子。

After throwing a bomb from the traverse, the offensive follows up the explosion by rushing along the traverse and catching the defender with a bayonet while he is _hors de combat_ from the effect of the explosion.

从横断线投掷炸弹后，进攻方会沿着横断线冲锋，并在防御者因爆炸而“失去战斗力”时用刺刀抓住他。

While this orgy--characteristic of cave dwellers battling on a precipice in its ferocity--is proceeding, all is precision at the rear.

当这场狂欢——穴居人在悬崖上残酷战斗的特征——正在进行时，后方的一切都很精确。

As the caissons bring up the supplies of ammunition, the green-curtained motor ambulances speed on to the hospital with the wounded and the military police direct the congested traffic and keep watch for spies.

当沉箱装上弹药时，绿幕机动救护车载着伤员快速驶向医院，宪兵指挥着拥挤的交通并监视着间谍。

VITAL LESSONS

重要的教训

War is force, violence, killing.

战争就是武力、暴力、杀戮。

Whoever tries to disguise its character is a poor soldier and a poorer citizen.

谁试图掩饰自己的性格，谁就是一个可怜的士兵和一个更贫穷的公民。

If you would avoid it, and if you would prepare for it, you must look at it as a fact, squarely in the face.

如果你想避免它，如果你想为此做好准备，你就必须正视它作为事实。

Never has war been so savage as it is in this most progressive age in history.

在这个历史上最进步的时代，战争从未如此野蛮。

We had popular education, aseptic surgery, the wireless, and antitoxin, but war came nevertheless, and in the wake of Hague conferences and much preaching of internationalism.

我们接受了大众教育、无菌手术、无线电和抗毒素，但战争还是到来了，而且是在海牙会议和国际主义的大量宣扬之后。

It came when the nations were supposed on account of the press and the telegraph to have been farther removed from parochialism than ever before, when more people in every nation in Europe knew the language of their neighbors than ever in history.

当人们认为由于新闻和电报而使各国比以往任何时候都更加远离狭隘主义时，当欧洲每个国家比历史上任何时候都有更多的人知道邻国的语言时，它就出现了。

In the cave dweller's time, combatants used a stone hatchet which was the best weapon that science could produce.

在穴居人的时代，战斗人员使用石斧，这是科学可以生产的最好的武器。

To-day by land and sea they have used all the powers of destruction known to modern man; all the scientific brains of Europe have been at the disposal of commanders.

今天，他们在陆地和海上已经使用了现代人所知道的所有破坏力量。欧洲所有的科学头脑都可供指挥官使用。

Yet no single revolutionary invention has appeared in the course of the war.

然而，在战争过程中并没有出现任何一项革命性的发明。

The idea of the gas was old.

天然气的想法很古老。

Man already had learned to fly.

人类已经学会了飞行。

Guns have been larger and shells more powerful, but the principle is the same.

枪支更大，炮弹威力更大，但原理是一样的。

Weapons have been further developed, but the types have not changed.

武器得到了进一步发展，但类型没有改变。

All the essential lessons which the Germans applied they learned in the Russo-Japanese War.

德国人在日俄战争中吸取了所有重要的教训。

The line of trenches throughout the winter of 1904-05 before Mukden were much the same type as those along the Aisne.

奉天之前的 1904-05 年整个冬季，战壕线与埃纳河沿岸的战壕线大致相同。

There were trenches in the Civil War and in the Crimea, and in the American Revolution and in many wars before that.

内战、克里米亚、美国独立战争以及之前的许多战争中都有战壕。

So far as one can learn, there has not been a single invention by a civilian which would have been of any use to the British navy in fighting submarines.

据了解，还没有任何一项平民发明对英国海军对抗潜艇有任何用处。

All have been devised and applied by naval experts who knew conditions.

所有这些都是由了解情况的海军专家设计和应用的。

No profession is more expert than soldiering and none is older, because it began when Cain killed Abel.

没有哪个职业比当兵更专业，也没有哪个职业更古老，因为它始于该隐杀死亚伯的时候。

War being the ultimate resort of force, then the poet, the dreamer, the scholar, the doctor and the organizer of the arts of peace may succumb to the bully with the square jaw, the low brow and flesh-tearing incisors, unless the civilized man uses his resources and talents to make weapons which are stronger than the bully's fist.

战争是武力的最终手段，那么诗人、梦想家、学者、医生和和平艺术的组织者可能会屈服于方下巴、低眉毛和撕裂肉门牙的恶霸，除非文明人利用他的资源和才能制造出比恶霸的拳头更强大的武器。

This is precisely what civilization does in order to protect itself.

这正是文明为了保护自己所做的事情。

The two forces which were really prepared for this war were the British navy and the German army.

真正为这场战争做好准备的两支力量是英国海军和德国陆军。

The British navy has kept command of the seas and the German army has planted its trenches on foreign soil.

英国海军保持着制海权，而德国陆军则在外国土地上铺设战壕。

For any nation which is separated from other nations by the sea, the military lesson of this war is that the sea is the first line of defense.

对于任何一个与其他国家隔海相望的国家来说，这场战争的军事教训是，海洋是第一道防线。

You will escape bloody trenches at home if you never allow an enemy to land.

如果你不让敌人登陆，你就能在家里逃离血腥的战壕。

He cannot land until he has driven your navy off the seas.

在将你们的海军赶出海上之前，他无法登陆。

The other lesson is that a nation should know its method of defense and have it as complete, practicable and ready as the German army and British navies were.

另一个教训是，一个国家应该了解自己的防御方法，并像德国陆军和英国海军一样完整、可行和准备就绪。

For three or four years, the Belgians saw the Germans constructing railroad sidings at Aix and making their preparations for the blow they struck.

三四年来，比利时人看到德国人在艾克斯修建铁路专用线，并为他们的袭击做好准备。

Yet the Belgians did not modernize their forts, or adequately strengthen their army for defense.

然而，比利时人并没有对他们的堡垒进行现代化改造，也没有充分加强他们的军队防御能力。

If to the staffs of England and France war seemed inevitable, their governments refused to be convinced.

如果英国和法国的参谋们认为战争不可避免，那么他们的政府却拒绝相信。

Any nation which is considering preparedness for national defense must have a national policy.

任何考虑国防准备的国家都必须有国家政策。

It must know what it is going to defend and how it is going to defend it.

它必须知道要保卫什么以及如何保卫它。

The British navy was built for the specific problem of either defeating the German navy in battle or keeping it fast in its lair.

英国海军的建立是为了解决在战斗中击败德国海军或将其牢牢困在巢穴中的具体问题。

The German army was organized for the purpose of the invasion of France and then of Russia; the French army for defense from Germany.

德国军队的组织目的是先入侵法国，然后入侵俄罗斯。法国军队防御德国。

Their efficiency was not the result of the expenditure of money, for money will not buy defense.

他们的效率不是花钱的结果，因为金钱买不到国防。

It requires training, organization, and patriotism, and courage, which are not for sale in the market places of mankind.

它需要训练、组织、爱国主义和勇气，而这些在人类市场上是买不到的。

Until this war the opinion among English-speaking peoples was universal that the volunteer system was the best method of recruiting.

直到这场战争之前，英语国家普遍认为志愿者制度是最好的招募方法。

This on the principle that the man who offers himself to fight, fights better than the one who is called to arms by government order.

这样做的原则是，主动参加战斗的人比被政府命令征召入伍的人打得更好。

Thus England raised 3,000,000 men.

因此英格兰养育了三百万人。

But to a man who has lived much with armies, it seems an immoral method; it means hiring men to fight for you.

但对于一个长期与军队生活在一起的人来说，这似乎是一种不道德的方法。这意味着雇佣人为你而战。

One man's life is just as valuable to him as another's.

一个人的生命对他来说和另一个人的生命一样有价值。

It is the final sacrifice which he makes for the defense of his country or his home.

这是他为保卫自己的国家或家园而做出的最后牺牲。

He should make it himself and not ask others to make it for him.

他应该自己做，而不是要求别人给他做。

Those who should be the first into battle are the men of wealth, of position, the favored ones.

最先出战的人，是有钱有势的人，是受宠的人。

They owe their country more than the others, because their country has done more for them.

他们比其他人欠国家更多，因为国家为他们做了更多。

[Illustration: M.

[插图：M.

Raymond Poincaré, President of France.]

雷蒙·庞加莱，法国总统。]

The courage which every Continental army has exhibited has forever destroyed the idea that universal service weakens the valor of an army.

每支大陆军所表现出的勇气永远打破了普遍服役会削弱军队英勇的观念。

Millionaire and peasant, nobleman and workman fighting side by side in the ranks, and doing all the drudgery of the trenches in common, develop a democracy which means that a man appreciates his fellow man for his own sake.

百万富翁和农民、贵族和工人在队伍中并肩作战，共同完成战壕中的所有苦役，发展了民主，这意味着一个人为了自己的利益而欣赏他的同胞。

The old idea that wars must be frequent in order to keep up a nation's virility has also been disproved.

战争必须频繁才能保持国家活力的旧观念也已被证明是错误的。

Universal service both in France and Germany through forty years of peace, had been an important influence in the better physical development of the race, which led to the fortitude, precision, and courage exhibited.

法国和德国在四十年的和平时期普遍服役，对人类更好的身体发展产生了重要影响，从而导致了人们表现出的坚韧、精确和勇气。

At the same time, a realization of the seriousness of war on the part of all men, because they knew before this war began the punishing effect of rifle or machine-gun and artillery fire, is a powerful deterrent to making war in any spasm of emotion.

与此同时，所有人都认识到战争的严重性，因为他们在这场战争开始之前就知道步枪、机枪和大炮的惩罚作用，这是对任何情绪痉挛发动战争的强大威慑。

There is no more glory, there is no more sport to war.

不再有荣耀，不再有战争的运动。

It has become scientific, businesslike, and commonplace.

它已经变得科学、务实、普遍。

Never has an unprepared nation been so helpless against the prepared as to-day.

一个毫无准备的国家从来没有像今天这样对有准备的国家如此无助。

The American Revolution could never have been won by untrained levies to-day against the British regulars if they possessed modern weapons.

如果英国正规军拥有现代武器，那么今天未经训练的征兵就不可能赢得美国革命。

Our forefathers had their fowling pieces, taken from the walls in the days when the cannon fired a solid shot for a few hundred yards, and there were few cannon; and so far as weapons were concerned, they were almost on a level with their enemy, the enemy's only superiority being that of their drill and organization.

我们的祖先有他们的猎鸟碎片，是在大炮可以发射几百码远的炮弹的时代从墙上取下来的，而且当时几乎没有大炮；就武器而言，他们几乎与敌人处于同一水平，敌人唯一的优势在于他们的训练和组织。

Now the enemy would have guns and rifles which it takes many months to make, even if you have the plants.

现在，敌人将拥有枪支和步枪，即使你有植物，也需要花费数月的时间来制造。

In an era of sanitation and bodily cleanliness and popular education, it has been shown that far from men having lost their virility, they fought far better than the so-called "strong" and primitive man, and those soldiers of former ages who "drank hard six days a week and fought like the devil on Sunday" and would look down upon this age as effeminate.

在一个卫生、身体清洁和普及教育的时代，事实证明，男人非但没有失去阳刚之气，反而比那些所谓“强壮”的原始男人，以及那些“每周喝六天烈酒，周日像魔鬼一样战斗”的旧时代的士兵，会蔑视这个时代的女性化。

Physically, mentally, and morally, the soldiers who sprang to arms in the beginning of this war were superior unquestionably to any soldiers who have ever gone into any war in Europe.

从身体上、精神上和道德上来说，在这场战争开始时拿起武器的士兵毫无疑问比任何参加过欧洲战争的士兵都要优秀。

They had more skill, more courage, more determination.

他们有更多的技巧、更多的勇气、更多的决心。

Their pride was greater, and that alone made them more gallant.

他们的骄傲更加强烈，仅此一点就使他们更加勇敢。

Those who wanted to know what war was like, to have the experience of their first baptism of fire, soon had it in the swift processes of mobilization and attack.

那些想要了解战争是什么样的人，想要体验第一次战火的洗礼的人，很快就在迅速的动员和进攻过程中得到了它。

Then, in their stubbornness, they settled down to the long, grim business of seeing through a task that was begun.

然后，在他们的固执中，他们决定开始这项漫长而严峻的工作，完成一项已经开始的任务。

The trenches were the last places where you would hear the advocacy of war as war.

战壕是你最后听到宣扬战争就是战争的地方。

There the sentiment was simply of duty that must go on until a decision was reached.

那里的情绪只是一种责任，必须持续下去，直到做出决定。

Never has war been more savagely fought, possibly because the modern mind reasons that war being force and violence and killing, this principle should be applied to the limit.

战争从未如此残酷，可能是因为现代人认为战争就是武力、暴力和杀戮，这一原则应该运用到极限。

Yet never have the wounded been so tenderly cared for, never has the hospital organization been so complete.

然而，伤员从未得到如此温柔的照顾，医院的组织也从未如此完整。

Never probably in the history of European warfare have prisoners, once they were taken, been so well treated.

在欧洲战争史上，战俘在被俘虏后可能从未受到如此良好的待遇。

In other wars 100,000 survivors or so returned home when the struggle was over.

在其他战争中，大约有 100,000 名幸存者在战斗结束后返回家园。

Here millions will go.

数百万人将前往这里。

Every home will either have its dead hero or its living veteran.

每个家庭要么有死去的英雄，要么有活着的老兵。

These are the men who will rule Europe in the future.

这些人将在未来统治欧洲。

Behind the lines, among the civilian population, the war has acted as a scourge.

在战线后方，对于平民百姓来说，战争是一场祸害。

It has submerged self into the whole.

它已将自我淹没在整体之中。

Fatty degeneration of the heart of the body politic has been cut away to the muscle.

身体核心的脂肪变性已被切除到肌肉。

THE THEATRES OF THE WAR'S CAMPAIGNS

战争的战场

By F.

由 F.

SIMONDS

西蒙兹

MAIN MILITARY FEATURES

主要军事特点

The purpose of this review is to summarize briefly the main military phases of the first year and a half of the Great War.

这篇评论的目的是简要总结第一次世界大战第一年半的主要军事阶段。

To do this it is perhaps simplest to accept the unity supplied by the three major campaigns of the Central Powers, that of Germany against France, that of Austria and Germany against Russia, and that of Germany, Austria, and Bulgaria against Serbia.

要做到这一点，也许最简单的办法就是接受同盟国三大战役所提供的团结：德国对抗法国，奥地利和德国对抗俄罗斯，以及德国、奥地利和保加利亚对抗塞尔维亚。

There is no intention of discussing here any ethical or political considerations.

这里无意讨论任何伦理或政治考虑。

Certain historical details are, however, of real interest and value.

然而，某些历史细节具有真正的兴趣和价值。

Thus it is worth while to recall that the present conflict differs little, if at all, from the earlier coalition wars of Europe, in which one nation, numerically weaker, has sought to impose its will upon a group of nations collectively larger, richer, and potentially capable of employing greater numbers of men.

因此，值得回顾的是，当前的冲突与欧洲早期的联合战争几乎没有什么不同，在欧洲的联合战争中，一个在数量上较弱的国家试图将自己的意志强加于一群更大、更富裕、有可能雇用更多人数的国家。

In a word, the present war is a pretty accurate repetition of the wars of Louis XIV and Napoleon I, with Germany playing the French rôle.

总而言之，当前的战争是路易十四和拿破仑一世战争的相当准确的重复，德国扮演了法国的角色。

Now in such struggles it had always been true, and German writers, notably Bernhardi, insisted it would be true of any future war, that the single chance for a decisive victory for the smaller nation lay in crushing the several foes before they were able to get their collective strength in the field, while the superior preparedness, training, general military efficiency of the smaller nation still enabled it to put the superior numbers at the decisive point at the crucial moment.

在这样的斗争中，这一点始终是正确的，德国作家，尤其是伯恩哈迪，坚持认为，未来的任何战争都是如此，小国取得决定性胜利的唯一机会在于，在几个敌人能够在战场上集结力量之前将其击溃，而小国卓越的准备、训练和总体军事效率仍然使其能够在关键时刻将优势数量置于决定性的位置。

This whole conception is made perfectly clear by a glance at the familiar and classic parallel of the Napoleonic wars.

只要看一下拿破仑战争的熟悉而经典的对比，整个概念就非常清楚了。

In 1805 Napoleon, facing a European coalition, which included Russia, Great Britain, and Austria, and was bound to enlist Prussia ultimately, quite as the present anti-German group enlisted Italy, had to solve the same military problem.

1805年，拿破仑面临着包括俄罗斯、英国和奥地利在内的欧洲联盟，最终必然要拉拢普鲁士，就像现在的反德团体拉拢意大利一样，他必须解决同样的军事问题。

Consider what he did.

想想他做了什么。

Breaking his camp at Boulogne, which he left in September, 1805, he sent his Grand Army into southern Germany and against Ulm.

1805 年 9 月，他攻破了布洛涅的营地，派大军进入德国南部，进攻乌尔姆。

On October 20 he captured Mack's army at Ulm.

10月20日，他在乌尔姆俘获了麦克的军队。

On December 2 he routed the Austrian and Russian armies at Austerlitz, and on December 26 there was signed the Treaty of Pressburg, which eliminated Austria from the war.

12月2日，他在奥斯特利茨击溃了奥地利和俄罗斯军队，并于12月26日签署了《普雷斯堡条约》，将奥地利排除在战争之外。

Prussia now intervening, he destroyed the Prussian armies at Jena and Auerstädt on October 14, 1806.

此时普鲁士介入，他于 1806 年 10 月 14 日摧毁了耶拿和奥尔施塔特的普鲁士军队。

In June, 1807, he completed his task by defeating the Russians at Friedland.

1807 年 6 月，他在弗里德兰击败俄国人，完成了自己的任务。

The Peace of Tilsit, which followed immediately, removed Russia and Prussia from the fighting line, as Austria had already been removed.

紧随其后的蒂尔西特和约将俄罗斯和普鲁士从战线中剔除，因为奥地利已经被剔除。

Between the capitulation of Ulm and the victory of Friedland there intervened nineteen months.

从乌尔姆的投降到弗里德兰的胜利，中间间隔了十九个月。

More than eighteen have now passed since the fall of Liege in the present war.

自从这场战争中列日陷落以来，已经过去了十八年多了。

The Peace of Tilsit made Napoleon the master of Europe with only Great Britain left in the field against him.

蒂尔西特和约使拿破仑成为欧洲的主人，只剩下英国在战场上对抗他。

The subsequent military and political history which led to Napoleon's downfall has no pertinence in the present discussion.

随后导致拿破仑垮台的军事和政治历史与目前的讨论无关。

What it is essential to recognize is that the German high command in August, 1914, approached a Napoleonic problem in the Napoleonic fashion.

必须认识到的是，1914 年 8 月，德国最高统帅部以拿破仑式的方式解决了拿破仑式的问题。

In German quarters there had been before the war, and there has been since, a debate as to the comparative advantage of making the first campaign against France or against Russia.

在德国方面，战前和战后一直存在着关于首先针对法国或针对俄罗斯进行战役的相对优势的争论。

The fact that the attack on France failed has doubtless contributed to strengthen the case of those who held the view of the elder Moltke and advocated an eastern offensive.

进攻法国失败的事实无疑更加坚定了那些持有老毛奇观点、主张向东进攻的人的立场。

But this is merely an academic discussion.

但这只是学术讨论。

What is of interest to us now is to recognize that Germany did decide to attack France, that she did direct against the republic the first and necessarily the greatest blow she could deliver.

现在我们感兴趣的是认识到德国确实决定进攻法国，她确实对共和国进行了第一次打击，而且必然是她所能给予的最大打击。

It was not until April, 1915, that she actually undertook an attack upon Russia, and then the prospect of a decisive victory, on the Napoleonic order, had practically disappeared.

直到 1915 年 4 月，她才真正对俄罗斯发起进攻，然后，根据拿破仑命令取得决定性胜利的前景几乎消失了。

THE ATTACK UPON FRANCE

对法国的袭击

Turning now to the first campaign, the attack upon France, it is to be recognized at the outset that the German purpose was to dispose of France in the military sense for the period of the war by a campaign that should repeat the success of 1870.

现在转向第一次战役，即对法国的进攻，从一开始就应该认识到，德国的目的是在战争期间通过一场应重复 1870 年成功的战役在军事意义上消灭法国。

It was essential that this victory should be achieved before France could profit by Russian activity in the east and before Great Britain could render material military assistance to her French ally.

至关重要的是，必须先取得这场胜利，然后法国才能从俄罗斯在东部的活动中获利，英国才能向其法国盟友提供物质军事援助。

It was equally essential that the blow should be so swift and heavy that it would crush the French before they could equip and organize their great reserves, for whom, thanks to legislative folly and pacifist agitation, there was lacking equipment and arms.

同样重要的是，打击必须如此迅速和沉重，以便在法国人能够装备和组织其庞大的后备力量之前将其击垮，因为立法上的愚蠢和和平主义的鼓动，法国人缺乏装备和武器。

For the accomplishment of this great task, Germany counted upon her superior numbers, the greater speed of her mobilization, and the excess of her population over France to give her a decisive advantage.

为了完成这项伟大的任务，德国依靠其在数量上的优势、更快的动员速度以及超过法国的人口来获得决定性的优势。

She counted also upon her advantage in heavy artillery and machine guns, on her organization of motor transport, which was to establish new records in invasion.

她还依靠自己在重炮和机枪方面的优势，以及她对汽车运输的组织，这将创造入侵的新记录。

Only in field artillery, in the now famous "seventy-fives," could France claim any advantage.

只有在野战炮兵方面，即现在著名的“七十五”中，法国才能取得任何优势。

In 1870 Sedan had come four weeks after the first German troops had entered France.

1870 年，第一批德国军队进入法国四个星期后，色当到来了。

For the new campaign the Germans allowed six weeks.

对于新的战役，德国人给予了六个星期的时间。

For this time German high command reckoned that Russia could be mobilized in the east, and that any incidental Russian success in East Prussia or Silesia would be counterbalanced by the tremendous victories to be won in northern France.

这次德国最高统帅部认为俄罗斯可以在东部动员起来，俄罗斯在东普鲁士或西里西亚的任何偶然成功都将被在法国北部赢得的巨大胜利所抵消。

Paris itself would be a sufficient counterprize for Posen, Breslau, or Cracow.

巴黎本身就足以对抗波森、布雷斯劳或克拉科夫。

The time limit, however, imposed certain other conditions.

然而，时间限制还施加了某些其他条件。

The Franco-German frontier from Luxemburg to Switzerland had been transformed into one long barrier, garnished with detached forts and resting upon the first-class fortresses of Verdun, Toul, Epinal, and Belfort.

从卢森堡到瑞士的法德边境已变成一道长长的屏障，以独立的堡垒装饰，并以凡尔登、图尔、埃皮纳勒和贝尔福等一流堡垒为基础。

To pierce such a barrier was not impossible but to break through in three weeks, with the whole French army before the forts and the shortness of the front offering the Germans no opportunity to take advantage of their superior numbers, was recognized as next to impossible.

冲破这样的屏障并非不可能，但在三周内突破，因为整个法军都在堡垒前，而且战线很短，德军没有机会利用其数量优势，这被认为是几乎不可能的。

There was left the roads through Belgium and Luxemburg.

只剩下穿过比利时和卢森堡的道路。

To come this way Germany had for more than a decade been constructing strategic railways leading from the Rhine and Moselle valleys to the Belgian frontier, double-track roads that served in a desolate country, but were provided with all the necessary machinery for detraining thousands of soldiers.

为了实现这一目标，德国十多年来一直在建设从莱茵河和摩泽尔河谷通往比利时边境的战略铁路，这些双轨公路在一个荒凉的国家提供服务，但配备了用于训练数千名士兵的所有必要机械。

Belgium might not consent to suffer this invasion of her territory but the Belgian army was negligible, and the German heavy artillery was known to be adequate to dispose of the antiquated forts of Namur and Liege with brief delay.

比利时可能不会同意遭受对其领土的入侵，但比利时军队的力量可以忽略不计，而且众所周知，德国的重炮足以在短暂的延迟后摧毁那慕尔和列日的陈旧堡垒。

Once the Germans had passed the Meuse and deployed upon the Belgian plain, they could turn south and pass the Franco-Belgian frontier, which was destitute of real defenses, the few fortresses being obsolete, and thence the road ran down to Paris clear and open.

一旦德军渡过默兹河，部署在比利时平原上，他们就可以转向南边，越过法比边境，那里缺乏真正的防御，少数堡垒已经陈旧不堪，从此通往巴黎的道路畅通无阻。

Conceivably Great Britain might make the Belgian invasion a cause for joining France.

可以想象，英国可能会将比利时的入侵作为加入法国的理由。

But, again, the British army was small, there was the gravest doubt as to whether it would be sent to the Continent at all, and even if it came, it would not redress the balance between the French and German armies.

但同样，英国军队规模很小，人们对它是否会被派往欧洲大陆存在着最大的怀疑，而且即使它来了，也不会纠正法国和德国军队之间的平衡。

Such being the case, as German high command saw it, Belgium was summoned, and refusing, was attacked, the German armies passing the Belgian frontier in the direction of Liege on August 4, 1914, the day on which Germany declared war upon France, and the forty-fourth anniversary of the invasion of France in the Franco-Prussian War.

在这种情况下，正如德国最高统帅部所见，比利时被召唤，但拒绝，遭到攻击，德国军队于 1914 年 8 月 4 日越过比利时边境向列日方向进发，这一天是德国向法国宣战的日子，也是普法战争入侵法国的四十四周年。

FROM THE MEUSE TO THE MARNE

从默兹河到马恩河

To grasp the main circumstances of the opening campaign it is simplest to think of the whole German invading forces as comprising one army.

为了掌握战役开局的主要情况，最简单的方法是将整个德国入侵部队视为一支军队。

The right of this army under Kluck and Bülow came west through Belgium by Brussels and Namur, swinging south after the Belgians were disposed of, and leaving a guard to curtain the Belgian army which had retreated on Antwerp.

克卢克和比洛率领的这支军队的右翼从布鲁塞尔和那慕尔向西穿过比利时，在比利时人被消灭后向南摇摆，并留下一名警卫来掩护撤退到安特卫普的比利时军队。

The center moved southwest through the Belgian Ardennes and Luxemburg, entering France between Longwy and Givet on the Meuse.

中心向西南移动，穿过比利时阿登和卢森堡，在默兹河畔的隆维和吉维之间进入法国。

The left moved from Metz and Strassburg, attempting to force the French barrier line between Toul and Epinal.

左翼从梅斯和斯特拉斯堡出发，试图突破图勒和埃皮纳勒之间的法国屏障线。

The center was commanded by the German Crown Prince, Albert of Württemberg, and Hausen, the left by the Crown Prince of Bavaria and Heeringen.

中央由德国王储符腾堡阿尔伯特指挥，左边由巴伐利亚王储和黑林根王储豪森指挥。

Smaller forces operating in Upper Alsace played little real part in the operations.

在上阿尔萨斯作战的较小部队在行动中几乎没有发挥真正的作用。

Taking up first the German right: It did not begin its real advance until August 12, 1914.

首先占领了德国右翼：直到 1914 年 8 月 12 日才开始真正的进攻。

Liege had been captured on August 7, the last fort fell on August 15.

列日于 8 月 7 日被占领，最后一个堡垒于 8 月 15 日被攻陷。

Meantime the Germans pushed a heavy screen of cavalry forward, and there was steady skirmishing between Liege and Brussels, which was magnified into battles and German defeats.

与此同时，德国人将重重的骑兵屏障向前推进，列日和布鲁塞尔之间不断发生小规模冲突，最终升级为战斗和德国的失败。

In point of fact, the Belgian army was rapidly pushed back, and once the main German advance began, it fled to Antwerp.

事实上，比利时军队很快被击退，德军主力进攻开始后，比利时军队就逃往安特卫普。

Kluck took Brussels on August 18, 1914, and turned south, meeting the first serious resistance at Mons.

1914 年 8 月 18 日，克卢克占领布鲁塞尔，然后转向南方，在蒙斯遇到了第一次严重抵抗。

Bülow, moving across the Meuse at Huy, took Namur on August 23, 1914, and his troops fought at Charleroi, while those of Hausen forced a passage of the Meuse south of Namur.

1914 年 8 月 23 日，比洛在于伊渡过默兹河，占领那慕尔，他的部队在沙勒罗瓦作战，而豪森的部队则强行通过那慕尔以南的默兹河。

The French were beaten at Charleroi, and the British while the battle of Mons was still undecided, were forced to retreat, because Bülow's success in taking Namur had imperiled the whole allied left flank.

法军在沙勒罗瓦被击败，而英军在蒙斯战役尚未分出胜负时被迫撤退，因为比洛成功占领那慕尔，使整个盟军左翼陷入危险。

Because he delayed his retreat too long, Sir John French was immediately threatened with destruction, Kluck having succeeded in getting on his flank, while sending superior numbers against his front.

由于约翰·弗伦奇爵士推迟撤退时间过长，他立即受到了毁灭的威胁，克鲁克成功地从侧翼进攻，同时派出优势兵力攻击他的前线。

For a week there was grave danger that the Germans would be able to destroy the British and intervene between the French left and the city of Paris.

一周以来，德国人都面临着摧毁英国人并介入法国左翼和巴黎市之间的严重危险。

At Cambrai on the 25th, British destruction seemed imminent, but the British just managed to win clear, and French troops coming up on their exposed flank by September 1, they were safe.

25 日在康布雷，英军的毁灭似乎迫在眉睫，但英军刚刚取得了胜利，法军在 9 月 1 日从他们暴露的侧翼逼近，他们安全了。

The French center had essayed an offensive into the Ardennes at the moment the battle of Charleroi was beginning.

沙勒罗瓦战役一开始，法国中锋就开始向阿登地区发起进攻。

In this they did not succeed, and the Fourth Army under Langle de Cary fell back in perfect order from the Belgian-Luxemberg frontier across the Meuse near Sedan, where they held their line until the general retreat began.

但他们没有成功，兰格尔·德卡里领导的第四集团军以完美的秩序从比利时-卢森堡边境撤退，穿过色当附近的默兹河，在那里他们坚守阵线，直到大撤退开始。

Henceforth the French armies from left to right were not seriously threatened until the final struggle at the Marne.

从此以后，直到马恩河的最后一战，法军从左到右都没有受到严重威胁。

But the right under De Castelnau had been obliged to retreat.

但德卡斯特尔诺领导下的右翼被迫撤退。

It had opened the campaign by a series of victories which had carried the main force into German Lorraine as far as Saarburg on the railroad from Metz to Strassburg.

它以一系列的胜利拉开了战役的序幕，这些胜利将主力部队带入德属洛林，沿着从梅斯到斯特拉斯堡的铁路到达萨尔堡。

To the south Mülhausen had been taken, lost, and recaptured.

南边的米尔豪森被占领、丢失，然后又被夺回。

But in the third week of August the main army encountered strong forces in the region of Morhange and fell back on Nancy, the frontier town of Lunéville being momentarily occupied by the Germans.

但在8月的第三周，主力部队在莫尔汉格地区遭遇了强大的部队，并撤回了南锡，边境城镇吕内维尔暂时被德军占领。

At Nancy it stood.

它矗立在南希。

But its stand was one of the important battles of the western war and a contributory cause to the subsequent victory at the Marne.

但它的立场是西部战争的重要战役之一，也是后来马恩河胜利的重要原因。

By this victory the eastern barrier was held and the German effort to isolate Verdun and Toul blocked.

通过这次胜利，东部屏障被守住，德军孤立凡尔登和图尔的努力被阻止。

Some of the most terrible fighting of the war took place here, and the Germans, fighting under the eye of the kaiser suffered colossal losses.

战争中一些最可怕的战斗就发生在这里，在德皇的眼皮底下作战的德国人遭受了巨大的损失。

In the last days of August Joffre had to make his great decision.

在八月的最后几天，霞飞必须做出他的重大决定。

His right was holding before Nancy, and was soon to make a successful advance, clearing most of eastern Lorraine.

他的右翼挡在南希之前，很快就成功推进，扫清了洛林东部的大部分地区。

His center, stretched across the Champagne country from the Argonne to the Oise, had recovered from early reverses and won several considerable local counteroffenses, notably at Guise.

他的中锋横跨整个香槟地区，从阿尔贡河一直延伸到瓦兹河，已经从早期的失利中恢复过来，并赢得了几次相当大的当地反攻，尤其是在吉斯。

But his left was still shaky, his reserves were not yet up and his reconcentration was incomplete.

但他的左手仍然摇摇欲坠，他的储备还没有到位，他的注意力还没有完全集中。

Should he risk all now, or take his army back until his left rested upon Paris?

他现在应该冒一切风险，还是率军撤退，直到他的左翼到达巴黎为止？

To do this latter would be to surrender more French territory, but it would mean a further exhaustion of the Germans, a further increase in his numbers.

后者意味着放弃更多的法国领土，但这也意味着德国人的进一步疲惫，其人数的进一步增加。

The morale of his troops was unshaken.

他的部队士气没有动摇。

He had suffered defeats, but merely incidental defeats, the real test had not yet come.

他遭遇了失败，但只是附带的失败，真正的考验还没有到来。

THE BATTLE OF THE MARNE

马恩河战役

Joffre decided to continue his retreat, and took his army south of the Marne, his left formed by the British resting upon the forts of Paris, behind which he had massed a new army, his center stretching between Paris and Verdun, his right along the barrier line from Verdun to Switzerland.

霞飞决定继续撤退，将他的军队带到马恩河以南，他的左翼由英国人组成，驻扎在巴黎的堡垒上，在巴黎的堡垒后面，他集结了一支新的军队，他的中心延伸在巴黎和凡尔登之间，他的右翼沿着从凡尔登到瑞士的屏障线。

The German armies, already worn down by their exertions and their losses, were now to be attacked by their foe, whom they regarded as already vanquished.

德国军队已经因努力和损失而疲惫不堪，现在将受到敌人的攻击，他们认为敌人已经被征服了。

The first phase of the Battle of the Marne was fought northeast of Paris along the Ourcq, which gives its name to the local battle.

马恩河战役的第一阶段是在巴黎东北部的乌尔克河沿岸进行的，这场战役也因此得名。

Kluck had marched past the French capital, going south along its eastern front and leaving only small guards to cover his rear and flank.

克卢克行军经过法国首都，沿着东线向南行军，只留下少量卫兵掩护他的后方和侧翼。

He had before him the British and on his flank the new Paris army, of the existence of which he was totally ignorant.

他面前有英国人，侧翼有新的巴黎军队，但他完全不知道这支军队的存在。

In Joffre's strategy this army was to strike east while the British struck north, together they were to act like the two blades of a pair of scissors.

按照霞飞的战略，这支军队向东进攻，英国人向北进攻，他们就像一把剪刀的两片刀片一样。

Between them Kluck was to be destroyed and his rout would expose the flank and rear of all the German forces in France.

在他们之间，克卢克将被消灭，他的溃败将使法国境内所有德军的侧翼和后方暴露出来。

The French struck with great promptness, but the British failed to move quickly enough.

法国人的进攻非常迅速，但英国人的行动却不够迅速。

Kluck extricated himself from between the blades with supreme generalship, brought his main force back against the French, borrowing a corps from Bülow and presently the French were driven back upon Paris.

克卢克以最高统领的才能从刀锋中挣脱出来，率领主力反击法军，并从比洛那里借用了一个军团，不久法军就被赶回了巴黎。

British slowness had wrecked the master stroke of Joffre's strategy.

英国人的迟缓破坏了霞飞战略的主线。

But in the center the situation was changing.

但在中心，情况正在发生变化。

Joffre had issued his famous order to attack upon September 5.

霞飞发布了著名的 9 月 5 日进攻命令。

The Paris army under Manoury had struck on the 6th, and the French offensive had steadily communicated itself from west to east along the whole line, that is, to the British army, then to the armies of Franchet d'Espérey, of Foch, of De Langle de Cary, of Sarrail.

马努里率领的巴黎军队于六日发动进攻，法军的攻势沿着全线从西向东稳步推进，即先向英国军队，然后向弗朗谢·德斯佩雷、福煦、德朗格·德·卡里、萨莱伊的军队。

In the French center about September 9, General Foch, commanding still another new army, had begun his attack.

9月9日左右，在法国中部，福煦将军指挥着另一支新军队，开始了进攻。

By a combination of operations, which remain the most brilliant of the war, he flung a portion of the Germans before him into the marshes of St. Gond and routed the remainder.

通过一系列至今仍是这场战争中最精彩的行动，他将部分德军扔进了圣贡德的沼泽地，并击溃了其余的德军。

In this field the Germans now began a retreat which was almost a rout.

在这个战场上，德军现在开始撤退，几乎是溃败。

Meantime, further to the east, Sarrail, holding Verdun, had begun to attack the crown prince, who was in difficulty.

与此同时，在更东边，占领凡尔登的萨雷尔已经开始攻击陷入困境的王储。

Foch's success was decisive, Kluck and Bülow began their retreat, leaving their own fights undecided.

福煦的成功是决定性的，克卢克和比洛开始撤退，让他们自己的战斗悬而未决。

Hausen, who faced Foch, was removed in disgrace, and his army now in bad shape, went back to Châlons and then to the Rheims-Argonne district.

与福煦对峙的豪森耻辱地被撤职，他的军队现在状态不佳，回到了沙隆，然后又回到了兰斯-阿尔贡地区。

The crown prince with difficulty drew his forces out of the lower Argonne and north of Verdun.

王储艰难地将军队撤出阿尔贡河下游和凡尔登北部。

The French victory in Lorraine had also become absolute, and the Germans were back on the frontier.

法军在洛林也取得了绝对的胜利，德军也回到了边境。

But there was lacking to the French the numbers and the strength to make their victory conclusive.

但法国人缺乏人数和力量来取得决定性的胜利。

They had been outnumbered at the moment of victory, their twenty-two corps facing twenty-seven at the Marne, 900,000 at most against 1,200,000.

他们在取得胜利时处于寡不敌众的状态，他们的二十二个军团在马恩河对峙二十七个军团，最多是九十万对一百二十万。

The fall of Maubeuge had released fresh German troops, who came south, and, reenforcing Kluck, enabled him to stand at the Aisne.

莫伯日的陷落释放了新的德国军队，他们南下，增援了克卢克，使他能够坚守埃纳河。

The German front was reconstituted, running from the Oise at Noyon to Metz and the deadlock was about to begin, had in fact begun.

德国战线重新组建，从瓦兹河的努瓦永一直延伸到梅斯，僵局即将开始，事实上已经开始。

The remainder of the western campaign requires little comment.

西部战役的其余部分无需评论。

There now followed that operation, well described as "the race to the sea." The French coming east around the right flank of the Germans north of Noyon attempted to reach their rear at St. Quentin and turn them out of France.

接下来的行动被很好地描述为“出海竞赛”。法军从努瓦永以北的德军右翼向东进攻，试图到达德军在圣康坦的后方，将他们赶出法国。

The Germans endeavored to extend their line westward to the sea and thus secure their flank and, in addition, take possession of the whole French coast from the mouth of the Somme to Belgium.

德国人努力将他们的战线向西延伸到海边，从而确保他们的侧翼，此外，还占领了从索姆河口到比利时的整个法国海岸。

Neither side succeeded.

双方都没有成功。

Instead a line was erected from the Oise due north to the German Ocean at Nieuport, which became the new battle front.

相反，在尼厄波特建立了一条从瓦兹河正北到德国洋的防线，成为新的战线。

Antwerp fallen, the Germans made a supreme effort to shorten and straighten their line by attacking the French, British, and Belgians, who held the extreme left of the allied forces between Nieuport and La Bassée, along the Yser and about Ypres.

安特卫普陷落后，德军竭尽全力攻击法国、英国和比利时人，以缩短和拉直他们的战线。法国、英国和比利时人占据了纽波特和拉巴斯之间、伊瑟河沿岸和伊普尔周围盟军最左翼的位置。

This struggle lasted for nearly a month, and was desperate in the extreme.

这场斗争持续了近一个月，而且是绝望到了极点。

For the British it was a gigantic repetition of Waterloo, and they were again asked to hold a position, not now for hours, but for days, under heavy pressure, and in the face of odds such as Napoleon did not possess in the earlier conflict.

对于英国人来说，这是滑铁卢的一次巨大重复，他们再次被要求坚守阵地，不是现在的几个小时，而是几天，在巨大的压力下，并面对拿破仑在早期冲突中不具备的优势。

In the end the line held, German approach to the Channel was blocked, and by December 1 the western war had dropped to trench fighting which still persists along the lines that had been substantially occupied in November, 1914.

最终，德军守住了防线，德军接近英吉利海峡的通道被封锁，到 12 月 1 日，西部战争已降为堑壕战，沿着 1914 年 11 月被占领的防线仍然持续进行。

GERMAN FAILURE

德国的失败

Such briefly was the history of the first German venture, the effort to dispose of France.

这就是德国第一次冒险、试图消灭法国的历史。

So far as its main object was concerned it failed absolutely.

就其主要目标而言，它绝对失败了。

It failed because Joffre met the German thrust with a parry which turned it aside.

这次行动失败了，因为霞飞用招架挡住了德军的进攻，将德军的进攻挡开。

French military power was not destroyed, it was not even shaken.

法国的军事力量没有被摧毁，甚至没有动摇。

France was not eliminated by a crushing defeat as Austria had been eliminated at Austerlitz in a similar conflict.

法国并没有因为惨败而被淘汰，就像奥地利在奥斯特里茨的类似冲突中被淘汰一样。

The victory had been won because Joffre had deliberately held his forces in hand and avoided a decisive issue, until he had brought the Germans to his own battle field.

霞飞之所以能取得胜利，是因为他有意控制住自己的军队，避免出现决定性的问题，直到他把德国人带到了自己的战场上。

He had avoided a German net which might have encircled a portion of his armies, as Bazaine had been encircled at Metz; he had declined to consider political conditions and fight as MacMahon had been compelled to fight at Sedan.

他避开了德军的网，这张网可能会包围他的部分军队，就像巴赞在梅斯被包围一样。他拒绝考虑政治条件和战斗，因为麦克马洪被迫在色当战斗。

With inferior numbers, with smaller resources in heavy artillery and transport, with a handicap of inferior subordinates, who in Alsace and in the Ardennes, as well as at Charleroi, had by their incompetence imperiled his first plans, he had won a campaign.

由于人数较少，重炮和运输资源较少，下属能力较差，在阿尔萨斯、阿登地区以及沙勒罗瓦，他们的无能危及了他的第一个计划，他赢得了一场战役。

That the success was not conclusive cannot be charged to him, Sir John French's failure along the Grand Morin, as other critics assert, or Manoury's excess of zeal at the Ourcq, by enabling Kluck to avoid Joffre's embrace, possibly saved the Germans from a general disaster.

成功并非决定性的，不能归咎于他，正如其他评论家所断言的那样，约翰·弗伦奇爵士在大莫兰河上的失败，或者马努里在乌尔克河上的过度热情，使克鲁克避开了霞飞的拥抱，可能使德国人免于一场普遍的灾难。

The Battle of the Marne denied Germany the continental supremacy which Austerlitz prepared for Napoleon.

马恩河战役剥夺了德国奥斯特里茨为拿破仑准备的大陆霸权。

It saved France, gave Great Britain time to raise her volunteer armies, mobilize her industries.

它拯救了法国，让英国有时间组建志愿军，动员工业。

To win it France had put in her last ounce of available strength, and there was needed for her, too, time to reorganize her armies, and prepare to conduct a long war.

为了赢得这场胜利，法国已经投入了最后一分可用的力量，而且她也需要时间来重组军队，并准备进行一场长期战争。

She was not able and she has not yet been able to turn Germany out of that twenty-fifth of French area, which Germany holds, and has held since October, 1914.

她过去没有能力，现在也没有能力将德国赶出法国领土的二十五分之一，德国自 1914 年 10 月以来一直占据着这片土地。

But in every sense this Battle of the Marne was one of the few really decisive battles of all human history.

但从任何意义上来说，这场马恩河战役都是人类历史上为数不多的真正决定性的战役之一。

It was a French victory, organized by French genius and won by French soldiers.

这是法国人的胜利，由法国天才组织并由法国士兵赢得。

The British contribution was slight, just as the British numbers were insignificant.

英国的贡献微乎其微，正如英国的人数也微不足道一样。

It was not due to Belgian resistance, as has been so frequently asserted in the past, and the determining phase was the wonderful fight of Foch at Champenoise, after the Paris army had failed against Kluck.

这并不是像过去经常断言的那样是由于比利时的抵抗，而决定性的阶段是在巴黎军队对抗克卢克失败后，福煦在香槟的精彩战斗。

AGAINST RUSSIA

针对俄罗斯

The character of the German operations against Russia in the opening days of the war was determined by the decision to attack France.

战争初期，德国针对俄罗斯的行动的性质是由进攻法国的决定决定的。

Necessarily all troops save that minimum which represented the barest margin of safety were sent to the west and there was left to a small force the duty of defending the East Prussian marshes.

必要时，所有部队除了代表最低限度安全边际的最低限度外，都被派往西部，并留下一小支部队负责保卫东普鲁士沼泽地。

Germany counted upon the slowness of Russian mobilization to give her six weeks of immunity on her eastern frontier.

德国指望俄罗斯动员行动缓慢，使其在东部边境获得六周的豁免权。

She expected in that time to dispose of France, and she believed that at the end of it Russia would still be engaged in concentrating her masses.

她当时期望消灭法国，并相信最终俄罗斯仍将致力于集中其群众。

Both calculations were wrong.

两种计算都错了。

But the main reliance of Germany in the east was Austria, whose whole force, save for one or two corps borrowed by Germany to defend Alsace and four corps sent against Serbia, was available for the invasion of Russian Poland.

但德国在东部的主要依靠是奥地利，除了德国借用的一两个军团保卫阿尔萨斯和派出的四个军团对付塞尔维亚外，奥地利的全部兵力都可以用于入侵俄属波兰。

If Austria could organize a resistance that would last for six weeks, Germany was prepared to do the rest.

如果奥地利能够组织一场持续六周的抵抗，德国就准备好做剩下的事情。

This she expected of Austria, and again her calculations were wrong.

她对奥地利的期望是这样的，但她的计算又是错误的。

A glance at the map serves to explain the opening moves in the eastern campaign.

看一眼地图就可以解释东部战役的开局行动。

Russian Poland projects into Austro-German territory, and is nearly encircled by German East Prussia and Austrian Galicia.

俄属波兰伸入奥德领土，几乎被德属东普鲁士和奥地利加利西亚包围。

Russian mobilization had therefore to take place not at the frontier, but behind the Vistula and the armies, once concentrated, advanced from the Niemen, west of Kovno, from Warsaw, from Brest-Litovsk on the Bug and from the Rowno-Dubno-Lutsk fortresses west of Kiev.

因此，俄国的动员不能在边境进行，而应在维斯瓦河后方进行，军队一旦集中，就从科夫诺以西的涅门河、华沙、布格河上的布列斯特-立托夫斯克和基辅以西的罗诺-杜布诺-卢茨克要塞推进。

Thus the military as contrasted with the political frontier of Russia was behind the Vistula, the Niemen and the Bug.

因此，与俄罗斯的政治前沿相比，军队位于维斯瓦河、涅门河和布格河的后面。

The Austro-German plan contemplated a defensive fight on the north, in East Prussia, and an offensive campaign from the south, aimed at Lublin and Brest-Litovsk.

奥德计划考虑在北部东普鲁士进行防御性战斗，并从南部进攻卢布林和布列斯特-立托夫斯克。

The Russians on their side planned an immediate invasion of East Prussia from Warsaw and Kovno and a far more considerable offensive into Galicia from the Rumanian boundary to Rowno.

俄罗斯人则计划立即从华沙和科夫诺入侵东普鲁士，并从罗马尼亚边界到罗诺向加利西亚发动更大规模的进攻。

The objective of the northern operation was the conquest of the whole of Prussia east of the Vistula, that of the southern the capture of Lemberg and the conquest of all Galicia.

北部行动的目标是征服维斯瓦河以东的整个普鲁士，南部行动的目标是夺取伦贝格并征服整个加利西亚。

Combined, these two movements would abolish the Polish salient and give the Russian right flank the protection of the Baltic, the left the cover of the Carpathians.

结合起来，这两个行动将废除波兰突出部，并使俄罗斯右翼得到波罗的海的保护，左翼得到喀尔巴阡山脉的掩护。

Only then could there be any safe advance by the center through Poland upon Posen and Breslau and thence upon Berlin.

只有这样，中央军才能安全地穿过波兰，到达波森和布雷斯劳，然后到达柏林。

Russian mobilization was more rapid than Russia's allies could have hoped for and it wholly confounded the Germans.

俄罗斯的动员速度超出了其盟友的预期，这让德国人彻底不知所措。

While the Battle of the Marne was still two weeks off Russian forces were sweeping west from the Niemen and approaching Königsberg, a second army was striking north from Warsaw.

距离马恩河战役还有两周时间，俄罗斯军队正从涅门河向西横扫并逼近柯尼斯堡，而第二支军队则从华沙向北进攻。

East Prussian populations were fleeing before the invaders and a German disaster seemed imminent.

东普鲁士人民在入侵者面前逃离，德国的灾难似乎迫在眉睫。

The genius of Hindenburg, who now appeared upon the eastern battle ground, saved the situation.

现在出现在东部战场的兴登堡天才挽救了局势。

Gathering in all his available forces and leaving the Russian army coming from the Niemen almost unopposed, he caught the Warsaw army in the swamps about the frontier in the last days of August and, thanks to his generalship and heavy artillery, destroyed a Russian army.

他集结了所有可用的兵力，让来自涅门河的俄罗斯军队几乎没有受到任何抵抗，在八月的最后几天，他在边境周围的沼泽地里抓住了华沙军队，并凭借他的将军和重炮摧毁了一支俄罗斯军队。

Tannenberg was a great victory and it saved East Prussia.

坦能堡是一场伟大的胜利，它拯救了东普鲁士。

The Niemen army had to retreat rapidly to escape destruction.

涅门军只得急速撤退，才免遭灭顶之灾。

At the time, it was asserted that the Russian invasion had compelled the Germans to draw upon their western front to meet the thrust and thus to weaken their armies in advance of the decisive battle.

当时，有人断言，俄罗斯的入侵迫使德国人利用西线来应对冲击，从而在决战之前削弱他们的军队。

This is not now believed to be true, but there is no doubt that it drew reserves who might otherwise have gone to the west or to the south.

现在人们相信这不是真的，但毫无疑问，它吸引了本来可能前往西部或南部的储备人员。

Tannenberg was a victory which filled the world with its splendor, but it merely disguised for the moment the far more considerable Austrian disaster to the south.

坦能堡战役是一场让世界充满辉煌的胜利，但它暂时掩盖了奥地利在南方遭受的更为严重的灾难。

One Austrian army had crossed the frontier and approached Lublin, another had advanced east from Lemberg.

一支奥地利军队越过边境，逼近卢布林，另一支军队则从伦贝格向东推进。

Upon the Lemberg army the full weight of the Russian thrust now fell and the army was promptly routed, driven through Lemberg and west of the San or across the Carpathians.

现在，俄军的全部进攻力量都落在伦贝格军队身上，军队很快就被击溃，穿过伦贝格和桑河以西，或者越过喀尔巴阡山脉。

The force that had approached Lublin was thus left in the air and succumbed to a series of disasters, which culminated in the terrible defeat of Rawa-Ruska.

逼近卢布林的部队就这样被抛在空中，遭受了一系列灾难，最终导致拉瓦-鲁斯卡惨败。

Meantime the Austrian troops, which had invaded Serbia were routed in the Battle of the Jedar, which preceded the other Austrian disasters and was, in fact, the first considerable triumph for the Allies in the whole war.

与此同时，入侵塞尔维亚的奥地利军队在杰达尔河战役中被击溃，这场战役先于奥地利的其他灾难，事实上，这是盟军在整场战争中第一次取得重大胜利。

AUSTRIAN PERIL

奥地利的危险

Austria was now in dire straits and her whole military structure seemed on the point of crumbling.

奥地利现在陷入了水深火热的境地，她的整个军事结构似乎濒临崩溃。

Russian armies flowed west through Galicia and approached Tarnow, Przemysl was isolated, tens of thousands of prisoners, innumerable guns and vast quantities of stores fell to the victors.

俄军向西经加利西亚，逼近塔尔努夫，普热梅希尔被孤立，数万名俘虏、无数枪支和大量物资落入胜利者手中。

While the great German attack upon France was failing, Russia seemed on the point of achieving against Germany's ally what Germany had failed to achieve against France.

当德国对法国的大规模进攻失败时，俄罗斯似乎即将对德国的盟友实现德国对法国未能实现的目标。

Germany was now compelled to intervene.

德国现在被迫进行干预。

At the moment when she was organizing her final effort in the west and sending her best troops to hack their way to Calais, she had to divert other troops to the east.

当她在西线组织最后的努力并派出最精锐的部队攻入加莱时，她不得不将其他部队转移到东线。

Hindenburg undertook a new offensive, this time from the Silesian frontier, and pushed with great rapidity to the very suburbs of Warsaw.

兴登堡发起了新的攻势，这次是从西里西亚边境发起，并以极快的速度推进到华沙的郊区。

He only failed by a narrow margin, Siberian troops coming up just in time to save the Polish capital, and Hindenburg, now outnumbered, conducted a swift and orderly retreat to the frontier.

他只是以微弱优势失败，西伯利亚军队及时赶来拯救了波兰首都，兴登堡在寡不敌众的情况下迅速有序地撤退到边境。

But his intervention had disorganized the Russian campaign in Galicia and Russian armies there had been compelled to retreat and send reenforcements north.

但他的干预扰乱了俄罗斯在加利西亚的战役，那里的俄罗斯军队被迫撤退并向北派遣增援部队。

Hindenburg's retreat was a signal for a fresh Russian advance, this time the czar's forces reached the gates of Cracow and began to crowd through the Carpathian passes and sweep down into the Hungarian Plain.

兴登堡的撤退是俄罗斯新一轮进攻的信号，这一次沙皇的军队到达了克拉科夫的大门，并开始穿过喀尔巴阡山口，横扫匈牙利平原。

Przemysl was again invested, Russian troops for the first time entering German territory west of the Vistula.

普热梅希尔再次投入，俄军首次进入维斯瓦河以西的德国领土。

It was necessary for Germany to intervene again.

德国有必要再次介入。

This time Hindenburg was more successful.

这次兴登堡更加成功。

He had retreated upon Cracow and Breslau; gathering up his armies he transported them rapidly to the north by strategic railways, brought them back into Poland south of the Vistula, interposed between the Russians and Warsaw and very nearly repeated at Lodz his great success of Tannenberg.

他撤退到了克拉科夫和布雷斯劳。他集结了军队，通过战略铁路将他们迅速运往北方，将他们带回维斯瓦河以南的波兰，夹在俄罗斯人和华沙之间，几乎在罗兹重复了坦能堡的巨大成功。

But this time the Russians after desperate fighting won clear, and fell back to the lines in front of Warsaw, which they were to hold for so many months.

但这一次，俄罗斯人经过殊死一搏后大获全胜，并退回到他们要坚守了好几个月的华沙前线。

At the same time they retreated in Galicia from before Cracow to Tarnow and stood behind the Dunajec River.

与此同时，他们在加利西亚从克拉科夫之前撤退到塔尔努夫，并驻扎在杜纳耶茨河后面。

Austria was saved again, but having, in her extreme peril recalled some of her corps from an army engaged in a new invasion of Serbia, that army was routed and well-nigh destroyed.

奥地利再次得救，但在极度危险的情况下，从一支参与新的塞尔维亚入侵的军队中召回了一些军团，这支军队被击溃并几乎被摧毁。

GERMANY'S SECOND OFFENSIVE

德国的第二次进攻

From December to April the eastern campaign lacked decisive circumstances.

从12月到4月，东部战役缺乏决定性的情况。

In the north Hindenburg won a new and splendid victory at the Mazurian Lakes, expelling a Russian army which had renewed the invasion of East Prussia.

在北部，兴登堡在马祖里湖地区赢得了新的辉煌胜利，驱逐了重新入侵东普鲁士的俄罗斯军队。

In the south the Russians steadily pushed the Austrians back into the Carpathians, took Przemysl with more than 125,000 prisoners, and as spring came seemed on the point of crowning the Carpathians and descending into the Hungarian Plain.

在南方，俄国人稳步将奥地利人逼回喀尔巴阡山脉，夺取了普热梅希尔，俘虏了超过 125,000 人，而随着春天的到来，俄国人似乎即将占领喀尔巴阡山脉并深入匈牙利平原。

But the Germans were already organizing their second great offensive.

但德国人已经在组织第二次大规模进攻。

They were raising new armies, collecting fresh stores of ammunition and preparing for a thrust against Russia as gigantic as that against France, with the deliberate purpose of eliminating Russia from the war.

他们正在组建新的军队，收集新的弹药，准备对俄罗斯发动像对法国一样大规模的进攻，其蓄意目的是将俄罗斯从战争中消灭。

There was no longer any chance of a Napoleonic success in Europe.

拿破仑式的欧洲不再有任何成功的机会。

But if Russia were eliminated, they could still hope to win a peace that might leave them Belgium.

但如果俄罗斯被淘汰，他们仍然希望赢得和平，从而可能离开比利时。

Some portion of their plans was spoiled almost as the spring campaign opened, by the entrance of Italy on the Allies' side, but Italy came too late to save Russia from the disasters that had begun.

他们的计划的某些部分几乎在春季战役开始时就因意大利加入盟军一方而被破坏，但意大利来得太晚了，无法将俄罗斯从已经开始的灾难中拯救出来。

The German plan of campaign was simple.

德国的战役计划很简单。

Hindenburg was to strike east and south from East Prussia at the Russian lines along the Niemen-Bobr-Narew.

兴登堡将从东普鲁士向东和向南进攻沿涅门-博布尔-纳鲁夫河的俄罗斯防线。

Mackensen, having pushed the Russians out of Galicia, was to strike north through Lublin and toward Brest-Litovsk.

马肯森将俄罗斯人赶出加利西亚后，将向北穿过卢布林并向布列斯特-立托夫斯克发起进攻。

A new army was to invade Courland and aim at Riga.

一支新军队将入侵库尔兰并瞄准里加。

It was the German hope that the main Russian masses would be caught and enveloped by Hindenburg and Mackensen, that Poland would be taken and all its garrisons, and the bulk of the Russian military power be destroyed.

德国人希望俄罗斯的主要群众能够被兴登堡和马肯森抓住并包围，占领波兰及其所有驻军，并摧毁俄罗斯的大部分军事力量。

The first blow fell at Gorlice in Galicia in the last days of April.

四月的最后几天，第一波打击发生在加利西亚的戈尔利采。

Mackensen, furnished with the greatest train of artillery war had ever seen, burst through the Russian lines along the Dunajec, destroyed Dmitrieff's army, which faced him, almost captured the Russian Carpathian forces and drove the Russians rapidly beyond the San, retook first Przemysl and then Lemberg, thus clearing all but a corner of Galicia.

马肯森配备了有史以来最强大的炮兵列队，突破了沿杜纳耶茨河的俄罗斯防线，摧毁了与他对峙的德米特里耶夫军队，几乎捕获了俄罗斯喀尔巴阡部队，并将俄罗斯人迅速赶出桑河，首先夺回了普热梅希尔，然后是伦贝格，从而清除了加利西亚除了一角之外的所有地区。

The main German and Austrian armies were then sent north toward Brest-Litovsk, while Hindenburg began his thrust by attacking Ossowetz and the Niemen-Bobr-Narew barrier of forts.

随后，德国和奥地利的主力部队被派往北方，前往布列斯特-立托夫斯克，而兴登堡则开始进攻奥索韦茨和尼门-博布尔-纳鲁夫要塞屏障。

By this time the world knew that Russian ammunition had failed and for many weeks the possibility of a tremendous Russian disaster existed.

此时，全世界都知道俄罗斯的弹药已经失效，并且数周以来俄罗斯发生巨大灾难的可能性都存在。

Step by step the Russians were pushed back.

俄国人一步步被击退。

The fall of Warsaw was assured in July and it was not until August that the escape of the Russian garrison was certain.

华沙的陷落在七月就已经确定，直到八月俄罗斯驻军的逃跑才确定。

The same problem was raised about Kovno and Brest-Litovsk, but again the Russians won clear.

关于科夫诺和布列斯特-立托夫斯克也提出了同样的问题，但俄罗斯人再次赢得了胜利。

Late in August the final net of the Germans about Vilna was drawn, but for the last time the Russians eluded it.

八月下旬，德国人在维尔纳附近拉开了最后一张网，但俄罗斯人最后一次逃脱了。

And with the battle of Vilna the German eastern campaign practically ends.

随着维尔纳战役，德国东部战役实际上结束了。

In the north the Russians held Riga and the Dwina line, in the center they were behind the great marshes of Pinsk, to the south they were behind the Styr and Stripa, still holding Rowno, still clinging to a corner of Galicia.

在北部，俄罗斯人控制着里加和德维纳防线，在中部，他们在平斯克大沼泽后面，在南部，他们在斯提尔河和斯里帕河后面，仍然控制着罗诺，仍然紧守着加利西亚的一角。

They had lost hundreds of thousands of prisoners and many guns.

他们损失了数十万囚犯和许多枪支。

All of Russian Poland, most of Courland, and much other territory had been surrendered.

整个俄属波兰、大部分库尔兰以及许多其他领土都已被投降。

But they had kept their armies intact and were once more in line.

但他们保持了军队的完整，并再次排列整齐。

In so far as the German campaign had been designed to free Austrian soil and relieve the pressure upon Austrian and German fronts in the east, it had been a shining success.

就德国战役的目的是解放奥地利领土并减轻奥地利和德国东部战线的压力而言，它取得了辉煌的成功。

It had served, too, to restore German prestige in the Balkans.

它也有助于恢复德国在巴尔干地区的威望。

But it had come too late to keep Italy out, and it had not eliminated Russia.

但为时已晚，无法将意大利排除在外，而且也没有消灭俄罗斯。

Unless the Germans were prepared to repeat the fatal Napoleonic march upon Moscow, there was now nothing for them to do but abandon their eastern campaign for the winter, to dig in and hold until the spring permitted new operations.

除非德军准备重演拿破仑式的向莫斯科进军，否则他们现在别无选择，只能放弃冬季的东部战役，坚守阵地，直到春天允许新的行动。

But this offered to the Russians a period of recuperation and rest.

但这给俄罗斯人提供了一段休养和休息的时间。

In the spring they would have new armies and fresh artillery.

到了春天，他们将拥有新的军队和新的炮兵。

These circumstances were the measure of the German failure in their second offensive.

这些情况是德军第二次进攻失败的标志。

In their first they had set out to dispose of France and had suffered defeat at the Marne.

他们的第一次行动是为了消灭法国，但在马恩河惨遭失败。

In the second they had undertaken to put Russia out, and after a long series of victories, Russia had escaped and was now beyond their grasp.

在第二次行动中，他们致力于将俄罗斯赶出去，经过一系列的胜利后，俄罗斯已经逃脱，现在已经超出了他们的掌控范围。

From the military point of view the Russian failure was even more serious than the French, because it came a year later, and at the hour when the superior numbers and resources of the enemies of Germany were already beginning to tell.

从军事角度来看，俄罗斯的失败甚至比法国的失败还要严重，因为它是在一年之后发生的，而此时德国敌人的优势数量和资源已经开始显现出来。

THE THIRD GERMAN OFFENSIVE

德军第三次进攻

The two preceding German campaigns had been based on purely military considerations.

德国之前的两次战役纯粹是出于军事考虑。

The first was a true Napoleonic conception designed to grasp a Napoleonic opportunity.

第一个是真正的拿破仑式构想，旨在抓住拿破仑式的机会。

The second was partly imposed upon Germany by Russian success and Austrian failure.

第二个问题部分是由于俄罗斯的成功和奥地利的失败而强加给德国的。

There was no longer a question of destroying the opponents in order, it was a question of eliminating one and then finding a basis for peace with the others.

不再是按顺序消灭对手的问题，而是消灭一个对手，然后找到与其他对手和平相处的基础的问题。

The third German campaign, that in the Balkans, was political quite as much as it was military.

德国在巴尔干地区的第三次战役既是军事性的，也是政治性的。

It was designed to provide Germany with some profit for her great sacrifices and her great losses, but it was no longer a question of the conquest of any considerable foe.

它的目的是为德国的巨大牺牲和巨大损失提供一些利润，但这不再是征服任何强大敌人的问题。

By the operations of British sea power, Germany had now practically lost her colonial empire.

由于英国海上力量的运作，德国实际上已经失去了它的殖民帝国。

It was certain that with peace she would not again be permitted to make use of British colonies or ports, as she had done before.

可以肯定的是，在和平时期，她不会再像以前那样被允许使用英国殖民地或港口。

Her overseas commerce with belligerents and their colonies was bound to be ruined, even if peace came soon, for the period of the war it was, of course, abolished.

即使和平很快到来，她与交战国及其殖民地的海外贸易也注定会被破坏，因为在战争期间，和平当然是被废除了。

The entrance of Turkey on the German side had opened for the Germans a new field for industrial exploitation, if there could once be opened a road from the Danube to Constantinople.

土耳其进入德国一侧，为德国人开辟了一个新的工业开发领域，如果能够开辟一条从多瑙河到君士坦丁堡的道路的话。

This field would be beyond the reach of sea power.

这个领域超出了海上力量的范围。

Once Germany had taken actual command at Constantinople, once the railroad from Hamburg to the Bosphorus was open, it was possible to threaten Britain in Egypt, and perhaps ultimately in India by the Bagdad and Mecca railways.

一旦德国实际控制了君士坦丁堡，一旦从汉堡到博斯普鲁斯海峡的铁路开通，就有可能在埃及威胁英国，也许最终通过巴格达和麦加铁路威胁印度。

Such a threat, coupled with one more successful campaign, might exercise a decisive influence upon the minds of the people of the allied countries, and in opening a road to the Golden Horn, Germany might find the path to peace.

这样的威胁，再加上一场更成功的战役，可能会对盟国人民的思想产生决定性的影响，而在开辟通往金角湾的道路时，德国可能会找到通往和平的道路。

Already there was apparent willingness in Berlin to evacuate Belgium and northern France, only from Russia did Germany now insist upon tribute in the form of conquered provinces.

柏林已经明显愿意从比利时和法国北部撤离，但现在德国只坚持以被征服省份的形式向俄罗斯进贡。

But until the road to Constantinople was open, until the Serbian nuisance was abolished, peace could not be considered.

但在通往君士坦丁堡的道路开通之前，在塞尔维亚的滋扰被消除之前，和平是不能被考虑的。

Turkey, too, was calling for aid.

土耳其也呼吁援助。

Early in the year the Anglo-French fleets had tried to force the Dardanelles.

年初，英法舰队曾试图逼迫达达尼尔海峡。

Their failure had been followed by a land attack at Gallipoli, which had so far failed, but Turkish ammunition and artillery was inadequate for a sustained fight, and there was needed German aid.

他们失败后，又对加里波利发动了陆地进攻，但迄今为止尚未成功，但土耳其的弹药和火炮不足以进行持续战斗，因此需要德国的援助。

To lose the Dardanelles was to see Turkey conquered, Russia provided with munitions, and the whole German dream of expansion to Asia Minor destroyed.

失去达达尼尔海峡就意味着土耳其被征服，俄罗斯提供了军火，德国向小亚细亚扩张的整个梦想就破灭了。

It was necessary, too, to provide the German people with a new victory.

为德国人民带来新的胜利也是必要的。

They had been bitterly disappointed that the Russian campaign had not brought peace, or, at the least, the elimination of Russia.

他们对俄罗斯的行动没有带来和平，或者至少没有消灭俄罗斯感到非常失望。

A new and relatively cheap success, the conquest of the Balkans, would fire their imagination and again stimulate their hopes for a victorious peace.

征服巴尔干半岛这一新的、相对廉价的成功将激发他们的想象力，并再次激发他们对胜利和平的希望。

In addition, Bulgaria now beckoned to the Germans.

此外，保加利亚现在正在向德国人招手。

Her army was at the disposition of the two kaisers, but there was plain peril that if the coming were too long delayed, the Allies might succeed in persuading Ferdinand to cast his lot with the camp that now offered him Serbian Macedonia and Turkish Thrace, and were suggesting the further _pourboire_ of Greek Kavala.

她的军队由两位德皇调动，但存在明显的危险，如果来得太迟，盟军可能会成功说服费迪南德将自己的命运投向现在为他提供塞尔维亚马其顿和土耳其色雷斯的阵营，并建议进一步占领希腊卡瓦拉。

Accordingly Germany decided to go south, having gone west and east without finding peace or decisive victory.

因此，德国决定南下，向西和向东行进，但没有找到和平或决定性的胜利。

She had available for this operation troops no longer needed against Russia since the campaign on this front had died out, and she had to command it, the great Mackensen, whose fame now rivaled that of Hindenburg, whose victories had regained Galicia.

自从这条战线的战役结束以来，她已经拥有了不再需要的针对俄罗斯的部队，而她必须指挥伟大的马肯森，他的名声现在可以与兴登堡相媲美，兴登堡的胜利重新夺回了加利西亚。

"Constantinople and Peace" became the new German watchword, just as "Paris and Peace" and "Warsaw and Peace" had been in preceding months.

正如前几个月的“巴黎与和平”和“华沙与和平”一样，“君士坦丁堡与和平”成为德国新的口号。

And at the outset of this third campaign it is perhaps appropriate to point out that Germany was now to achieve that complete military success that had been denied to her in France and Russia, she was to win a victory in the military sense which was beyond cavil, but she was this time to lose the political profit she had hoped, because she had mistaken the importance in the minds of her enemies of the Balkan field and fatally overestimated the war weariness of the peoples that opposed her.

在第三次战役开始时，也许应该指出，德国现在将取得法国和俄罗斯在军事上无法取得的全面胜利，她将在军事意义上赢得无可挑剔的胜利，但这一次她却失去了她所希望的政治利益，因为她错误地认识到巴尔干战场在敌人心目中的重要性，并致命地高估了反对她的人民的厌战情绪。

At the Golden Horn she was to find not peace, but the necessity for new campaigns.

在金角湾，她要寻找的不是和平，而是新战役的必要性。

THE SERBIAN PHASE

塞尔维亚阶段

On the military side the Serbian campaign was the simplest of operations.

在军事方面，塞尔维亚战役是最简单的行动。

For many months the Serbian forces had been posted south of the Danube and the Save and east of the Drin, looking over their frontiers into Hungary and Bosnia.

几个月来，塞尔维亚军队一直驻扎在多瑙河和萨维河以南以及德林河以东，监视着匈牙利和波斯尼亚的边境。

Behind them from the Danube at Belgrade to the Ægean at Saloniki ran the Orient railroad, by which they were munitioned.

他们身后有东方铁路，从贝尔格莱德的多瑙河到萨洛尼基的爱琴海，为他们提供弹药。

At Nish halfway to the sea, the line drew near to the Bulgarian frontier and sent a branch off, which passed through Bulgaria and reached Constantinople.

在靠近大海的尼什，防线接近保加利亚边境，并发出一条支线，穿过保加利亚到达君士坦丁堡。

The Saloniki railway was the life line of Serbia, it was also the natural route for a retreat, if the Austro-German attack became too heavy.

萨洛尼基铁路是塞尔维亚的生命线，也是奥德进攻过于猛烈时撤退的天然路线。

But it was fatally exposed, should Bulgaria enter the war against Serbia.

但如果保加利亚加入对塞尔维亚的战争，它就会被致命地暴露。

In the Treaty of Bucharest, Greece and Rumania had undertaken to join Serbia should she be attacked by Bulgaria, and the mission of Greece was to cover the Saloniki railroad as far north as it was necessary to join hands with the Serbians.

在《布加勒斯特条约》中，希腊和罗马尼亚承诺，如果塞尔维亚受到保加利亚的攻击，希腊和罗马尼亚将加入塞尔维亚，而希腊的任务是覆盖萨洛尼基铁路，尽可能向北延伸，以与塞尔维亚联手。

Now, while the Bulgarians were beginning to mobilize and the Austro-German hosts were gathering to the north, Serbia appealed to her former allies to keep their agreement.

现在，当保加利亚人开始动员、奥德东道主正在向北方集结时，塞尔维亚呼吁她的前盟友遵守协议。

Both declined, and their refusal was fatal.

两人都拒绝了，而且他们的拒绝是致命的。

The Allies had relied upon Greek promises, and had failed to collect any considerable force at Saloniki.

盟军依赖希腊的承诺，未能在萨洛尼基集结足够的兵力。

They had trusted Bulgaria and refused to let Serbia attack her neighbor before Bulgarian mobilization was complete.

他们信任保加利亚，并拒绝让塞尔维亚在保加利亚动员完成之前攻击她的邻国。

Once Bulgaria had mobilized the doom of Serbia was settled.

一旦保加利亚动员起来，塞尔维亚的厄运就解决了。

What happened was this: The Germans forced the passage of the Danube north and east of Belgrade and came south along the broad Morava River Valley, driving the Serbs before them.

事情的经过是这样的：德军强行从贝尔格莱德以北和以东渡过多瑙河，沿着宽阔的摩拉瓦河谷南下，将塞尔维亚人赶在了前面。

Thanks to the heavy artillery of the invaders Serbian resistance was impotent.

由于入侵者的重炮，塞尔维亚的抵抗是无力的。

The Austrians, meantime, crossed the Drin and came east from Bosnia.

与此同时，奥地利人渡过德林河，从波斯尼亚向东而来。

Think of Serbia as a rectangle and you can visualize two sides of the figure as closing in on the center, which was the heart of Serbia.

将塞尔维亚视为一个矩形，您可以将图形的两侧想象为靠近中心，即塞尔维亚的心脏。

At the appointed moment the Bulgarians struck west from a third side of the rectangle, speedily crossed the Belgrade-Nish-Saloniki railroad, and thus cut off the true line of Serbian retreat, that upon Saloniki.

在指定的时刻，保加利亚人从矩形的第三条边向西进攻，迅速越过贝尔格莱德-尼什-萨洛尼基铁路，从而切断了塞尔维亚人在萨洛尼基撤退的真正路线。

Very early in the campaign the Bulgars seized Uskub, thus interposing a wedge between the small Anglo-French force at Saloniki and the Serbs about Nish to the north of Uskub.

在战役初期，保加利亚人占领了乌斯库布，从而在萨洛尼基的英法小部队和乌斯库布以北尼什附近的塞族人之间形成了楔子。

Meantime a desperate concentration was taking place at Saloniki, and an Anglo-French force, commanded by Sarrail, was being pushed up the Saloniki railroad toward Uskub to open a road to the Serbs to join their allies.

与此同时，萨洛尼基正在绝望地集结，一支由萨雷尔指挥的英法联军正沿着萨洛尼基铁路向乌斯库布推进，以开辟一条通向塞尔维亚人与盟友会合的道路。

The operation suggested that successfully conducted in Flanders in the opening months of the war, which enabled the Belgian army to escape from Antwerp and join their allies in Flanders.

这次行动表明，战争开始几个月在佛兰德斯成功进行，使比利时军队能够逃离安特卫普并与佛兰德斯的盟友会合。

But this operation failed.

但这次行动失败了。

The French came north to the outskirts of Veles, twenty miles from Uskub, just too late to save the Serbians, who now fled west to Monastir and south to Montenegro and Albania.

法国人向北来到距离乌斯库布二十英里的韦莱斯郊区，但为时已晚，无法拯救塞尔维亚人，塞尔维亚人现在向西逃到莫纳斯提尔，向南逃到黑山和阿尔巴尼亚。

As a fighting force the Serbs were eliminated, the wrecks of their armies barely escaping to the Adriatic and Ægean coasts at Durazzo and Saloniki.

作为一支战斗力量，塞尔维亚人被消灭了，他们的残骸勉强逃到亚得里亚海和爱琴海沿岸的杜拉佐和萨洛尼基。

Bulgarian troops forced the Katchanik gorges and took Prisrend, and German and Austrian forces entered the ill-omened Plain of Kossovo and overran the ancient Sanjak of Novibazar.

保加利亚军队攻入卡恰尼克峡谷并占领了普里斯伦德，德国和奥地利军队进入了凶兆不明的科索沃平原并占领了诺维巴扎尔古老的桑贾克。

Before the storm that was now moving south, the French and British retreated upon Saloniki, and presently began to construct about this Greek city lines and defenses recalling those Wellington built at Torres Vedras before Lisbon to restrain the flood of Napoleonic invasion in the Iberian peninsula.

在风暴向南移动之前，法国和英国撤退到萨洛尼基，并很快开始在这座希腊城市周围修建防线和防御工事，让人回想起里斯本之前在托雷斯韦德拉什建造的威灵顿防御工事，以遏制拿破仑对伊比利亚半岛的入侵。

The conquest of the Balkan peninsula, save for Greece, was now as complete as Napoleon's own success in Spain had been more than a century before.

现在，除了希腊之外，对巴尔干半岛的征服已经完成，就像一个多世纪前拿破仑在西班牙取得的成功一样。

In due course of time an Austrian army repeated the operations of the Germans, this time succeeding in reducing the strongholds of Montenegro, which had defied the Turk through long centuries.

在适当的时候，奥地利军队重复了德国人的行动，这次成功地削弱了黑山的据点，黑山几个世纪以来一直反抗土耳其人。

Mount Lovetcen, the peak which looks down upon Cattaro and commands the inner bay, was at last taken, Scutari followed, northern Albania was overrun, Nicholas followed Peter into exile.

俯瞰卡塔罗并俯瞰内湾的洛维岑山最终被攻克，斯库塔里紧随其后，阿尔巴尼亚北部被占领，尼古拉斯跟随彼得流亡。

All Macedonia was taken and the Allies forced out of Serbia, which had become an entirely conquered country.

马其顿全境被占领，盟军被迫撤出塞尔维亚，塞尔维亚已成为一个完全被征服的国家。

To complete the conquest of the Near East there was needed nothing but a successful siege of Saloniki, but this required preparation and the rebuilding of destroyed railroads, and so the Allies found respite in this Ægean port for a brief time.

为了完成对近东的征服，只需要成功围困萨洛尼基，但这需要做好准备并重建被毁坏的铁路，因此盟军在这个爱琴海港口找到了短暂的喘息机会。

Such was Germany's third campaign.

这是德国的第三次战役。

Her victory enabled her to send munitions to Constantinople, and insured the failure of the allied attack at the Dardanelles.

她的胜利使她能够向君士坦丁堡运送弹药，并确保盟军进攻达达尼尔海峡的失败。

Only a few weeks later the allied armies evacuated the Gallipoli Peninsula; thus testifying to the decisive character of the German operation.

仅仅几周后，盟军就撤离了加里波利半岛。从而证明了德军行动的决定性特征。

Still later Turkish reenforcements, doubtless drawing upon German sources for munitions, defeated another British expedition almost under the walls of Bagdad and drove it in retreat down the Tigris, ultimately surrounding it at Kut-el-Amara, a hundred miles to the south.

再后来，土耳其的增援部队无疑利用了德国的军火来源，几乎在巴格达城墙下击败了另一支英国远征军，并将其驱赶到底格里斯河下游，最终在以南一百英里的库特阿马拉包围了它。

Again, there came immediately forecasts of another Turkish thrust at Suez, under German direction, a first attack having failed in the previous winter.

再次，立即有人预测土耳其将在德国的指挥下再次进攻苏伊士运河，第一次袭击在去年冬天失败了。

Whether Germany actually obtained any considerable stock of provisions or foodstuffs may be doubted by her succor, but it is clear that her campaign had enabled her to make use of many thousands of Turkish troops, who were waiting only for arms, it had given her control of the Bulgarian army, a small but efficient force, and it had provided an eventual means of attacking the British Empire by land, once the advance upon Egypt could be organized.

德国是否真的获得了相当多的粮食或食品储备，可能会因她的援助而受到怀疑，但很明显，她的战役使她能够利用成千上万只等待武器的土耳其军队，这使她能够控制保加利亚军队，这是一支规模虽小但高效的军队，并且一旦可以组织对埃及的进攻，它就提供了从陆路攻击大英帝国的最终手段。

This last circumstance is worth noting, for the time had now arrived when the Germans perceived that Great Britain had so far escaped injury, was the single one of the larger powers who had drawn profit without terrible loss from the war and was becoming the determining force in the allied camp, because its resources were still unexhausted and its armies only just coming into the field, while German numbers were approaching a positive decline.

最后一个情况值得注意，因为现在已经到了，德国人认为英国迄今为止没有受到伤害，是唯一一个从战争中获得利益而没有遭受可怕损失的大国，并且正在成为盟军阵营中的决定性力量，因为它的资源尚未耗尽，其军队才刚刚投入战场，而德国的人数正在接近正数下降。

If Germany could reach Suez, conquer Egypt, using Turkish armies and German genius and munitions, she would deal a heavy blow to the British Empire, and she might compel the British to listen to proposals for peace, which were now contemptuously thrust aside by London.

如果德国能够利用土耳其军队以及德国的天才和弹药到达苏伊士运河、征服埃及，她将对大英帝国造成沉重打击，并且可能迫使英国听取和平建议，而这些建议现在被伦敦轻蔑地搁置一边。

In sum, the Serbian campaign saved Turkey, disposed of Serbia, enlisted Bulgaria, opened the road to the Near East and to subsequent attacks upon Egypt and perhaps upon India, but it did not bring peace, and it did not inflict any immediate injury upon any one of Germany's larger foes, only Serbia and Montenegro actually suffered serious loss, and the destruction of their armies was but a detail in a world war.

总而言之，塞尔维亚战役拯救了土耳其，消灭了塞尔维亚，征召了保加利亚，开辟了通往近东的道路，并随后袭击了埃及，也许还袭击了印度，但它并没有带来和平，也没有对德国的任何一个更大的敌人造成任何直接伤害，只有塞尔维亚和黑山实际上遭受了严重损失，而他们的军队的毁灭只是世界大战中的一个细节。

ITALY

意大利

For the purposes of a summary it is unnecessary to review in detail the Italian operations.

为了进行总结，没有必要详细回顾意大利的业务。

They have no distinctive challenge to the reader.

它们对读者没有什么独特的挑战。

Italian statesmanship imposed upon the Italian high command a task which made immediate victory impossible, and assigned to Italy the useful but inglorious rôle of occupying some 400,000 Austrian troops, and thus contributing to the strain imposed upon the Central Powers and to the hastening of the moment when exhaustion might be expected to set in.

意大利的政治才能给意大利最高统帅部强加了一项不可能立即取得胜利的任务，并让意大利扮演了有用但不光彩的角色，占领了大约40万奥地利军队，从而加剧了同盟国的压力，并加速了疲惫不堪的时刻。

Had Italy decided to enter the war at the moment when Russia was destroying Austrian armies in Galicia in September and October of 1914 she would almost unquestionably have supplied the necessary numbers to bring a speedy and decisive defeat for the Central Powers.

1914 年 9 月和 10 月，当俄罗斯在加利西亚消灭奥地利军队时，如果意大利决定参战，她几乎毫无疑问会提供必要的兵力，迅速而决定性地击败同盟国。

Again, had she selected the moment when Russian armies were at the crests of the Carpathians, and Przemysl had just fallen, she would have probably made the German offense against Russia impossible, brought Rumania in with her, and produced the collapse of Austria.

再说一次，如果她选择了俄罗斯军队到达喀尔巴阡山山顶、普热梅希尔刚刚陷落的时刻，她很可能会让德国不可能对俄罗斯发动进攻，并把罗马尼亚带进来，并导致奥地利的崩溃。

Bulgaria would not have enlisted with the Central Powers, Greece would almost certainly have attacked Turkey, and the Balkan campaign would not have taken place.

保加利亚不会加入同盟国，希腊几乎肯定会攻击土耳其，巴尔干战役也不会发生。

But German diplomacy averted the second peril, and Italian alignment with Austria and with Germany in the Triple Alliance made an attack at the opening of the war unthinkable.

但德国的外交避免了第二次危险，意大利与奥地利和德国结成三国同盟，使得战争一开始就发起进攻是不可想象的。

When Italy did come in, the German victory in Galicia had been won, Russia was in retreat, the allied defeat before the Dardanelles forts and the Russian disasters had produced a profound effect in Balkan capitals, and Austria was able to find the troops to meet and check the Italian advance almost at the frontier.

当意大利真正介入时，德国在加利西亚的胜利已经取得，俄罗斯正在撤退，达达尼尔海峡要塞前的盟军失败和俄罗斯的灾难对巴尔干各国首都产生了深远的影响，奥地利几乎可以在边境找到军队来迎战并阻止意大利的前进。

Since that time the Italian operations have been merely trench conflicts, and Italy has nowhere penetrated a score of miles into Austrian territory, nor has she taken Trieste, Trent, or even Gorizia.

从那时起，意大利的行动就只是堑壕冲突，意大利从未深入奥地利领土数十英里，也没有占领的里雅斯特、特伦特，甚至戈里齐亚。

If one desires a parallel for the Italian operations it is to be found in the later phases of the Peninsula War against Napoleon.

如果有人希望与意大利的行动有相似之处，那就可以在针对拿破仑的半岛战争的后期阶段找到。

This field was never of decisive importance, but it did require the attention of several of Napoleon's best marshals, and drew off thousands of French soldiers needed by the great emperor in the campaigns in eastern Germany, where his fortunes were finally decided.

这个战场从来都不是具有决定性的重要性，但它确实需要拿破仑几位最优秀元帅的关注，并吸引了这位伟大皇帝在东德战役中所需的数千名法国士兵，在那里他的命运最终决定了。

What Wellington did, the Italians under Cadorna have been imitating in their own peninsula, and their service to their allies has thus been very considerable.

威灵顿的所作所为，卡多纳领导下的意大利人一直在自己的半岛上效仿，因此他们为盟友做出的贡献是非常可观的。

Nor is it necessary for the purposes of so rapid a review of the main phases of the war to dwell upon the allied failure in the west between the end of the battles of Flanders in November, 1914, and February, 1916.

为了如此快速地回顾战争的主要阶段，也没有必要详细讨论 1914 年 11 月佛兰德斯战役结束至 1916 年 2 月之间盟军在西部的失败。

At the beginning of 1915 what were allied hopes and purposes in the west?

1915 年初，西方盟军的希望和目的是什么？

Unquestionably French and British public believed that with the coming year the Grand Alliance would be able to crush Germany.

毫无疑问，法国和英国公众相信，大联盟明年将能够击败德国。

Unquestionably French and British high commands planned to open the summer with a drive that would clear France and Belgium.

毫无疑问，法国和英国的高级指挥部计划在夏季开始时发起一场扫除法国和比利时的进攻。

As for the Germans, having laid their plans to go to Russia, they asked nothing of their western armies save that the lines should be held.

至于德国人，在制定了前往俄罗斯的计划后，除了坚守阵地外，他们对西方军队没有任何要求。

The French began their spring drive in Artois and in Champagne.

法国人在阿图瓦和香槟地区开始了春季的征程。

The Artois fighting of May and June was exceedingly severe, incidental gains were made, but the British were suddenly disclosed lacking in all proper ammunition, lacking in numbers to support the French offensive, and barely able to hold their own lines about Ypres, after desperate fighting, made memorable by the first use by the Germans of gas as a weapon of offense.

5月和6月的阿图瓦战斗异常激烈，取得了一些附带成果，但英国人突然发现缺乏所有适当的弹药，缺乏支持法国进攻的人数，并且在经过绝望的战斗后几乎无法在伊普尔守住自己的防线，令人难忘的是德国人第一次使用毒气作为进攻武器。

From June until September the western armies stood still, while Britain organized her munition manufactures and continued to send her new troops to the Continent.

从六月到九月，西方军队停滞不前，而英国则组织军火制造，并继续向欧洲大陆派遣新部队。

Kitchener's "million" was not realized until the late fall, instead of the early spring.

基奇纳的“百万”直到深秋才实现，而不是早春。

But when, in the latter days of September, the British attacked about La Bassée, and the French in Champagne, the muddling of British officers cost the Allies a considerable triumph in Artois, and the French victory in Champagne was purely local.

但是，在九月下旬，英国人袭击了拉巴斯，法国人袭击了香槟，英国军官的混乱使盟军在阿图瓦取得了相当大的胜利，而法国人在香槟的胜利纯粹是局部的。

Some 30,000 prisoners, 200 cannon, this was the fruit of an offensive which cost the British 60,000 casualties, and the French hardly less than twice as many.

大约 30,000 名囚犯，200 门大炮，这是一场攻势的成果，英军伤亡 60,000 人，法军伤亡人数几乎是其两倍。

German defense, therefore, fulfilled its mission in the west, German armies were able to drive deep into Russia without having to detach reenforcements to the west.

因此，德国的防御在西部完成了其使命，德国军队能够深入俄罗斯而无需向西部派遣增援部队。

Such offensives as the Allies ventured were either complete failures or merely local successes, without major value.

盟军发起的此类攻势要么彻底失败，要么只是局部成功，没有重大价值。

Belgium and northern France were not liberated, and there was, as yet, not even a promise of the crushing of Germany.

比利时和法国北部尚未解放，甚至还没有摧毁德国的承诺。

ALLIED POLICY

同盟政策

In the brief space that remains I desire to discuss the policy of the nations which are fighting the Teutonic Alliance.

在剩下的时间里，我想讨论一下与条顿联盟作战的国家的政策。

The German purpose at the outset of the war has been discussed.

德国在战争开始时的目的已经被讨论过。

Franco-Russian preparation had been made long before the war, and the general plan of the high commands of the two allies worked out without any material interruption.

法俄两国的准备工作早在战前就已做好，两个盟国最高统帅部的总体计划在没有任何实质性中断的情况下得以制定。

The same is true of the cooperation of the British army.

英军的配合也是如此。

This simply followed out the plans agreed upon years before.

这只是遵循了多年前商定的计划。

It is not true, as has been frequently asserted, that France or her allies were surprised by the German invasion of Belgium, this had long been foreseen.

正如人们经常断言的那样，法国或其盟友对德国入侵比利时感到惊讶，这一点并不属实，这是人们早就预见到的。

It is not true, as was believed widely at the time, that Joffre invited disaster by sending the mass of his troops into Alsace-Lorraine, yielding to political and patriotic sentiment.

当时人们普遍认为，霞飞屈服于政治和爱国情绪，派遣大批军队进入阿尔萨斯-洛林，从而招致了灾难，这一说法并不真实。

He did nothing of the sort.

他什么也没做。

Such troops as were sent into these provinces fulfilled their mission and contributed to drawing German corps away from the north.

被派往这些省份的部队完成了他们的使命，并为将德国军团从北方吸引开做出了贡献。

The bulk of the French armies and the British Expeditionary Corps were in line along the Belgium frontier from Arlon to Mons when the Germans began their great drive.

当德国人开始大举进攻时，法国军队和英国远征军的主力已经沿着从阿尔隆到蒙斯的比利时边境列队。

The French were surprised in two respects.

法国人在两个方面感到惊讶。

They had not foreseen the rapidity with which the German heavy artillery would reduce the forts in Belgium, the fall of Namur was the greatest catastrophe of the first period of the campaign, and they had not dreamed that the Germans would be able to mobilize so many troops in so short a period.

他们没有预见到德军重炮会如此迅速地摧毁比利时的要塞，那慕尔的陷落是战役第一阶段的最大灾难，他们也没有想到德军能够在如此短的时间内调动如此多的部队。

Joffre had planned to meet the Germans along the Meuse and the Sambre, that is along the French frontier, but when the German advance began, his troops on these fronts were outnumbered by at least two to one, not because the mass of the French troops had been sent to Alsace-Lorraine, but because the French had not foreseen the capacity of the Germans to mobilize their reserves and had little more than their first-line troops ready, while the Germans were making use of Landwehr and even Landsturm formations in the first shock.

霞飞原本计划沿着法国边境的默兹河和桑布尔河与德军会师，但当德军开始推进时，他在这些战线上的部队在数量上至少是二比一，这并不是因为法军的大部分部队已被派往阿尔萨斯-洛林，而是因为法军没有预见到德军调动预备队的能力，只准备了一线部队，而德军则利用兰德韦尔甚至是第一线部队。陆地风暴在第一次冲击中形成。

Once this fact was clearly established, Joffre resolutely drew his forces back until he was able to put more reserves in the field and thus approximately restore the balance between the two armies.

一旦清楚地确定了这一事实，霞飞就坚决地撤回了他的部队，直到他能够在战场上投入更多的预备队，从而大致恢复两军之间的平衡。

But he was still heavily outnumbered at the decisive moment, winning his great battle with inferior forces.

但在关键时刻，他仍然寡不敌众，以弱胜强，赢得了这场大战。

His enemy had reckoned on the traditional eagerness of the French to attack, and had expected to obtain a decisive victory, through superior numbers, in the first days of the war.

他的敌人看中了法国人传统上急于进攻的特点，并希望在战争的第一天就能够凭借数量上的优势取得决定性的胜利。

The impression which the press reports gave in the early days, that the French were driven from defeat to defeat and almost succumbed to the German attack is far from accurate.

早先的新闻报道给人的印象是，法军屡败屡战，几乎屈服于德军的进攻，但这种印象是非常不准确的。

In point of fact, the French armies, after suffering marked but relatively insignificant reverses at the outset, reverses due to the blunders of the subordinate generals in part, and to the greatly superior German numbers and artillery in the main, were drawn back in obedience to a carefully conceived plan, were denied the opportunity to fight, as they desired, until the exhaustion of German strength, ammunition, and transport, and the increase in French numbers gave the opportunity for a victory.

事实上，法军在一开始遭受了明显但相对不严重的挫折后，部分由于下级将军的失误，以及德军在数量和炮兵方面占主要优势的德军的巨大优势，在遵循精心设计的计划后被撤退，被剥夺了如他们所愿的战斗机会，直到德军兵力、弹药和运输耗尽，而法军人数增加，给了胜利的机会。

The whole opening campaign was fought on the French side with a very keen recollection of the mistakes of 1870, and the result justified the strategy.

整个揭幕战，法国一方对1870年的错误有着深刻的回忆，结果证明了这一战略的正确性。

But with the end of the Battle of the Marne both the Allied and the German plans collapsed.

但随着马恩河战役的结束，盟军和德国的计划都崩溃了。

Neither side had foreseen clearly the possibility of a battle in which the French might win a decisive victory, yet lack the numbers to enforce the decision absolutely.

双方都没有清楚地预见到法国人可能取得决定性胜利的战斗的可能性，但又缺乏绝对执行这一决定的人数。

But the Germans were able to meet the situation promptly and, by preparing a position on the Aisne, to retain a considerable portion of the ground they had occupied in their first rush.

但德军能够迅速应对这种情况，并在埃纳河上布置阵地，保住了他们在第一次冲锋中占领的相当大一部分阵地。

Thus in failing to repeat their triumphs of the Franco-Prussian War and of the Seven Weeks' War, they had escaped the disaster of Napoleon at Waterloo, when he, too, had staked all on a single throw.

因此，由于未能重复普法战争和七周战争的胜利，他们逃脱了拿破仑在滑铁卢的灾难，当时拿破仑也把一切都押在了一次赌注上。

In the weeks and months that followed the German defeat at the Marne, allied understanding of the actual nature of the war developed only slowly.

德国在马恩河战败后的几周和几个月里，盟军对战争实际性质的了解进展缓慢。

Until the coming of spring and the British failure to get men or munitions, the French and the British public, and probably their soldiers, believed that the Germans were shortly to be turned out of France.

直到春天到来，英国无法获得人员或弹药，法国和英国公众，可能还有他们的士兵，都相信德国人很快就会被赶出法国。

But with the failure there was at last established the real situation, the war had taken on the character of our own Civil War, it had become a struggle in which the decision would follow the exhaustion of one of the contending forces and the incidental victories of either side could not contribute materially to the ending of the war.

但随着失败，真实的局势终于确定了，战争已经呈现出我们自己的内战的性质，它已经成为一场斗争，其中的决定将在其中一方力量耗尽之后做出，任何一方的偶然胜利都无法对战争的结束做出实质性贡献。

In the Civil War the North was exceedingly slow in learning this lesson and it was not until General Grant at last assumed the command of all the Northern armies that an intelligent policy was adopted.

在内战中，北方在吸取这一教训方面极其缓慢，直到格兰特将军最终接管了所有北方军队的指挥权，才采取了明智的政策。

This policy has been summarized as the policy of attrition and it is now generally recognized as the policy on which the enemies of the Central Powers rely for ultimate success.

这一政策被概括为消耗政策，现在被普遍认为是同盟国的敌人赖以取得最终胜利的政策。

Grant's own statement of this policy was as follows: "To hammer continuously against the armed force of the enemy and his resources, until by mere attrition, if in no other way, there should be left to him nothing but submission." By this policy Grant won his war.

格兰特自己对这一政策的表述如下：“不断地打击敌人的武装力量及其资源，直到仅仅通过消耗，如果没有其他办法，他除了屈服之外别无选择。”通过这项政策，格兰特赢得了战争。

Now the allied policy, which it is necessary to recognize, to understand the war as it is viewed by one of the two contending forces, is this: The Allies are satisfied that the German numbers have begun or are beginning to fail.

现在，有必要认识到并理解两支敌对力量之一所看待的这场战争的盟军政策是这样的：盟军对德国的人数已经开始或开始失败感到满意。

They fix at around 8,000,000 the total man power of Germany at the outset, using all means of computation including their own experience.

他们一开始就利用一切计算手段，包括他们自己的经验，将德国的总人口确定为大约800万。

They figure that at the end of the first eighteen months Germany had lost permanently not less than 3,500,000, possibly 4,000,000.

他们估计，在最初的 18 个月结束时，德国永久损失了不少于 3,500,000 人，甚至可能是 4,000,000 人。

They know that it requires upwards of 3,000,000 men to hold Germany's present lines and about 1,000,000 to perform other necessary services.

他们知道，需要超过 3,000,000 人来守住德国目前的防线，并需要大约 1,000,000 人来执行其他必要的服务。

Now no such wastage has to be faced by the Allies as a whole.

现在，整个盟国不必再面临这样的浪费。

France is in the German situation, but Great Britain is still possessed of large numbers of men and her losses are under 600,000, while her population together with that of her colonies is above 60,000,000, whites alone being considered, against Germany's 67,000,000.

法国的情况与德国相同，但英国仍然拥有大量人口，其损失人数不到60万，而其人口连同其殖民地的人口合计超过60,000,000（仅考虑白人），而德国则为67,000,000。

Russia's man power is practically limited only by the ability to equip and munition.

俄罗斯的人力实际上仅受到装备和弹药能力的限制。

Italy has, as yet, made little draft upon her resources.

意大利迄今为止还没有充分利用其资源。

Austria, on the other hand, has suffered more heavily, proportionately figured, than Germany.

另一方面，从比例上看，奥地利遭受的损失比德国更为严重。

Within a time that can be approximately fixed, the Allies believe that Germany will have either to shorten her lines or underman them.

在可以大致确定的时间内，盟军相信德国要么缩短防线，要么减少人员配置。

If she undermans them she will face the peril that overtook Lee about Richmond, when, as he said, his lines were stretched so thin, they broke.

如果她管理不够，她将面临李在里士满时所面临的危险，正如他所说，他的台词被拉得太细，以至于断裂了。

If Germany shortens her lines, this will be a confession of defeat and will deprive her of the conquered territories.

如果德国缩短战线，这将是认输，并将剥夺其被征服的领土。

Meantime the entire strategy of the Allies is summed up in Grant's grim words, and as Grant kept up his hammering on all the fronts of the Confederacy so the Allies are keeping up their pressure.

与此同时，盟军的整个战略都用格兰特的冷酷话语来概括，随着格兰特继续对南部邦联的所有战线进行猛烈打击，盟军也不断施加压力。

But attrition of men is only half; there is the question of food and of money.

但人员的损耗只是一半；还有食物和金钱的问题。

Command of the sea insures the food supply of the Allies and their financial resources greatly surpass those of Germany.

制海权保证了盟军的粮食供应，其财力也大大超过了德国。

Germany is suffering--we have Harden's word for this, because of food shortage, she is suffering from economic paralysis resulting from the blockade and she is suffering from the lack of certain materials needed in war.

德国正在受苦——我们有哈登的说法，因为粮食短缺，她因封锁而遭受经济瘫痪，她因缺乏战争所需的某些物资而受苦。

She is compelled to find money for her other and poorer allies.

她被迫为其他较贫穷的盟友寻找资金。

The enemies of Germany do not expect that she will be starved out or that she will have to surrender for lack of materials to make ammunition.

德国的敌人并不认为她会挨饿，也不会因为缺乏制造弹药的材料而被迫投降。

But they do believe that shortage of food, economic pressure, financial difficulties, will go hand in hand with the failure of numbers.

但他们确实相信，粮食短缺、经济压力、财政困难将与数字失败齐头并进。

In a word the Allies are fighting a war with many weapons of which the army is only one and the British navy another, perhaps the most effective.

总之，盟军正在使用多种武器进行战争，其中陆军只是其中一种，英国海军是另一种，也许是最有效的。

They are not fighting to win a campaign and they are not basing their expectation of victory on the incidents in any one field or in any single campaign.

他们不是为了赢得一场战役而战，也不是把胜利的期望建立在任何一个领域或任何一场战役中的事件之上。

The Germans, on the contrary, as we have seen, have undertaken three tremendous campaigns, the first to win an absolute victory on the battle field, a victory which would make the Germany of William II the successor of the France of Napoleon I in Europe; the second to dispose of one of the great foes and thereby win a limited but considerable success; the third to win peace and an incidental opportunity to expand toward the east, the only direction in which expansion cannot be checked by sea power.

相反，正如我们所见，德国人进行了三场伟大的战役，第一次在战场上取得了绝对的胜利，这场胜利将使威廉二世的德国成为拿破仑一世的法国在欧洲的继承者；第二个是消灭一个强大的敌人，从而赢得有限但相当大的成功；第三个是赢得和平，也是向东方扩张的偶然机会，这是海上力量无法阻止扩张的唯一方向。

The Allies still expect to crush Germany; by crushing Germany they mean bringing her back to her frontiers of 1914, detaching Alsace-Lorraine from her and possibly Prussian territory east of the Vistula.

盟军仍然期望击垮德国；他们所说的压垮德国，意味着将她带回1914年的边境，将阿尔萨斯-洛林从她的领土上分离出来，也可能从维斯瓦河以东的普鲁士领土上分离出来。

They mean to destroy her fleet, demand indemnities for Belgian and French sufferers, they mean to abolish what they regard as the Prussian menace to peace.

他们打算摧毁她的舰队，要求比利时和法国的受害者赔偿，他们打算消除他们认为的普鲁士对和平的威胁。

They are fighting Germany as Europe fought Napoleon and with the same determination.

他们与德国作战就像欧洲与拿破仑作战一样，并且有着同样的决心。

On the German side the struggle is also being waged in the Napoleonic fashion, Germany is seeking to employ the Napoleonic method and has so far achieved something of the early success of the great emperor.

在德国方面，斗争也在以拿破仑的方式进行，德国正在寻求采用拿破仑的方法，并且迄今为止已经取得了伟大皇帝早期的成功。

But the simplest fashion in which to describe the later phases of the conflict is to say that a war of action has become a war of endurance, that Germany has sought and missed a decision on the battle field and her foes are now seeking the decision through economic forces quite as much as military and through casualty lists rather than brilliant campaigns.

但描述冲突后期阶段的最简单的方式是说，一场行动战争已经变成了一场持久战，德国在战场上寻求并错过了决定，而她的敌人现在正在通过经济力量和军事力量以及通过伤亡名单而不是辉煌的战役来寻求决定。

THE WAR CORRESPONDENT

战地记者

By ARTHUR RUHL

作者：阿瑟·鲁尔

When the American fleet was sent to Vera Cruz in the summer of 1914 and it looked for a time as if an army might go into Mexico, Major General Funston explained the conditions under which correspondents were to go to the front.

1914 年夏天，当美国舰队被派往韦拉克鲁斯，一度看起来军队可能会进入墨西哥时，芬斯顿少将解释了记者们前往前线的条件。

There was to be no repetition of the scandalous free-for-all of the Spanish War, when news prospectors of all sorts and descriptions swarmed over to Cuba in almost as haphazard fashion as Park Row reporters are rushed uptown to cover a subway explosion or a four-alarm fire.

西班牙战争中可耻的混战事件不会重演，当时各种各样的新闻探寻者蜂拥而至古巴，几乎就像公园街记者被赶到上城报道地铁爆炸或四级火灾一样随意。

The number of men was to be limited and their privileges strictly defined.

人员数量受到限制，他们的特权也受到严格规定。

Only the press associations and some twenty or thirty newspapers were to send correspondents, and they must put up substantial bonds for each man--one for his good behavior, the other to serve as an expense fund against which would be charged his keep as a civilian guest of the army.

只有新闻协会和大约二十或三十家报纸可以派出记者，他们必须为每个人提供大量保证金——一个是为了他的良好行为，另一个是作为开支基金，用于支付他作为军队的平民客人的费用。

These conditions fulfilled, the men were to accompany the expedition with the privileges, practically, of officers or neutral attachés.

这些条件满足后，这些人实际上将享有军官或中立武官的特权来陪同探险队。

They would join an officers' mess or have a mess of their own with similar service; they might provide their own horses which would be cared for with the other horses of the unit to which they were attached.

他们会加入军官食堂，或者拥有自己的食堂，提供类似的服务；他们可以提供自己的马匹，这些马匹将与他们所属部队的其他马匹一起照顾。

They were to stay where they were put, so far as nearness to the fighting was concerned, according to the judgment of the commanding officer, and all their dispatches must first pass a military censor.

根据指挥官的判断，只要距离战斗较近，他们就应留在原地，而且他们的所有派遣必须首先经过军事审查。

These rules were read with some dismay by those not included in the provisional list.

那些未列入临时名单的人读到这些规则时感到有些沮丧。

To many who had hoped to see something of a war they doubtless seemed severe, yet it is a fact that had they been put into effect, the correspondents in Mexico would have seen much more, comparatively speaking, than any group of correspondents has seen in Europe.

对于许多希望看到某种战争的人来说，这些战争无疑显得很严重，但事实是，如果这些战争付诸实施，墨西哥的记者们所看到的，相对而言，将比任何一组记者在欧洲看到的要多得多。

They would actually have accompanied the army, sharing throughout the expedition the day-to-day life of the fighting men, like the old-fashioned "horseback correspondent"--and nobody in Europe has done that.

他们实际上会陪伴军队，在整个探险过程中分享战士们的日常生活，就像老式的“马背通讯员”一样——而欧洲没有人这样做过。

At the beginning of the war, England permitted no correspondents at all at the front, and while a group was chosen, it was well into 1915 before they were even allowed to cross to France.

战争开始时，英国根本不允许记者前往前线，虽然选定了一组记者，但直到 1915 年，他们才被允许越境前往法国。

Once they reached their headquarters they saw a good deal.

当他们到达总部后，他们看到了很多东西。

They lived at or near the front instead of merely shooting up and back for a glimpse of it.

他们住在前面或附近，而不是仅仅为了一睹它的风采。

They met many officers more or less intimately, saw the life behind and in the trenches; occasionally they were taken to observation stations from which they saw the effect of artillery fire, and even, perhaps, in the distance, charging infantry.

他们或多或少地与许多军官有过亲密的接触，看到了后方和战壕里的生活；有时他们会被带到观察站，在那里他们可以看到炮火的效果，甚至可能在远处看到步兵的冲锋。

Yet the number who had even these privileges was so limited that it included but one American.

然而，即使拥有这些特权的人数也非常有限，其中只有一名美国人。

Mr. Frederick Palmer was thus chosen to act as a sort of correspondent at large for the American press.

弗雷德里克·帕尔默先生因此被选为美国媒体的特约记者。

Mr. Ashmead Bartlett, an English journalist, acted in a similar capacity for the English press and, indeed, for the rest of the world, at the Dardanelles.

阿什米德·巴特利特 (Ashmead Bartlett) 先生是一名英国记者，他在达达尼尔海峡为英国媒体乃至世界其他地方发挥了类似的作用。

He saw a great deal, as much, perhaps, as any reporter has seen of any campaign, but he was almost alone in his glory, and so far as the distribution of such privileges is concerned, the English have been more cautious than any of the belligerents.

他看到了很多事情，也许就像任何记者在任何战役中看到的一样多，但他几乎是唯一一个在他的荣耀中，就这些特权的分配而言，英国人比任何交战国都更加谨慎。

The French military authorities were more open minded, yet, while a few favored sons or the head of some press association whose position in Paris was almost as secure as that of an accredited diplomat, were quietly taken up to the trenches from the first, several months had elapsed before a group of correspondents went to the front.

法国军事当局的思想比较开放，然而，虽然一些在巴黎的地位几乎与外交官一样稳固的宠儿或某个新闻协会的负责人从一开始就被悄悄带上战壕，但几个月后，一群记者才奔赴前线。

The desirability of publicity was better understood later, many neutral correspondents visited the trenches, and a few specially favored individuals spent some time at or near the front, but, even here, permission was obtained as a result of individual effort rather than as a part of a general scheme for handling, more or less impersonally, all applicants in good standing.

后来人们更好地理解了宣传的必要性，许多中立的记者参观了战壕，一些特别受青睐的人在前线或前线附近呆了一段时间，但即使在这里，获得许可也是个人努力的结果，而不是作为处理（或多或少客观地）所有信誉良好的申请人的总体计划的一部分。

In Germany, correspondents were rather freely taken to the various fronts from the first.

在德国，记者从一开始就被相当自由地带到各个战线。

One reason for this, was, perhaps, that the Germans, with their thorough organization of everything, including censorship and secret service, may have known better just how far they could go.

造成这种情况的原因之一也许是，德国人对一切都进行了彻底的组织，包括审查制度和特勤局，他们可能更清楚自己能走多远。

They were not afraid of what might get through the wall, because the wall was tight, and they knew just what could get out and what couldn't.

他们并不害怕什么会穿过墙，因为墙很紧，他们知道什么可以出去，什么不能。

At any rate, many reporters, both native born and foreign, were getting glimpses of the various fronts while the English group were still eating their heads off in London.

无论如何，当英国人还在伦敦大吃大喝时，许多记者，无论是本土记者还是外国记者，都已经看到了各个战线的情况。

Once there, however, they saw less, as a rule, than the English correspondents finally did, for their trips were generally mere visits--a sort of Cook's tour in war time.

然而，一旦到达那里，他们看到的东西通常比英国记者最终看到的要少，因为他们的旅行通常只是参观——有点像战时库克的旅行。

A quotation from an article of mine in "Collier's" written after a trip through Belgium and down to the first-line German trenches at Givenchy will suggest the nature of these excursions:

引用我在《Collier's》上发表的一篇文章，这篇文章是在穿越比利时并深入纪梵希的德军前线战壕后写的，这将暗示这些旅行的本质：

"You go out a sort of zoo--our party included four or five Americans, a Greek, an Italian (Italy had not yet gone into the war), a diminutive Spaniard and a tall, preoccupied Swede--under the direction of some hapless officer of the General Staff.

“你走出一个动物园——我们一行人包括四五个美国人、一个希腊人、一个意大利人（意大利还没有参战）、一个身材矮小的西班牙人和一个心事重重的高个子瑞典人——在总参谋部某个倒霉军官的指挥下。

For a week, perhaps, you go hurtling through a closely articulated program, almost as helpless as a package in a pneumatic tube--night expresses, racing military motors, snapshots at this and that, down a bewildering vista of long gray capes, heel clickings, stiff bows from the waist, and punctilious military salutes.

也许，你会在一周的时间里飞快地完成一个紧密衔接的程序，几乎就像气动管中的包裹一样无助——夜间快车、赛车军用发动机、这那那的快照，沿着令人眼花缭乱的长长的灰色斗篷远景、脚跟的咔哒声、僵硬的腰部鞠躬和一丝不苟的军礼。

You are under fire one minute, the next shooting through some captured palace or barracks or museum of antiques.

前一分钟你还处于炮火之中，下一分钟你就穿过一些被占领的宫殿、军营或古董博物馆进行射击。

At noon the guard is turned out in honor, at four you are watching distant shell fire from the Belgian dunes; at eleven crawling under a down quilt in some French hotel where the prices of food and wines are fixed by the local commandant.

中午，卫兵列队行礼，四点钟，您可以看到远处比利时沙丘上的炮火；十一点，我在一家法国旅馆里盖着羽绒被爬行，那里的食物和酒的价格是由当地指挥官确定的。

Everything is done for you--more, of course, than one would wish--the gifted young captain conductor speaks English one minute, French or Italian the next, gets you up in the morning, to bed at night, past countless sentries and thick-headed guards demanding an _Ausweis_, contrives never to cease looking as if he had stepped from the bandbox, and presently pops you into your hotel in Berlin with the curious feeling of never having been away at all."

一切都为你做好了——当然，比你所希望的更多——这位才华横溢的年轻指挥队长前一分钟会说英语，下一分钟会说法语或意大利语，早上叫你起床，晚上睡觉，经过无数的哨兵和要求一杯澳大利亚啤酒的笨蛋警卫，他总是竭力看起来好像刚从乐队包厢里走出来一样，然后很快就把你带进了柏林的酒店，带着一种从未离开过的奇怪感觉。”

There were a great many trips of this sort under the auspices of the German General Staff, and every neutral correspondent who came to Berlin with letters establishing his position as a serious workman in good standing in his own country, could hope, after a reasonable interval for getting acquainted, to obtain permission to go on one of them.

在德国总参谋部的主持下，进行过很多次这样的旅行，每一位带着信件来到柏林的中立记者，证明自己是一位在自己国家享有良好声誉的认真工人，在经过一段合理的熟悉时间后，他们都希望能够获得参加其中一次旅行的许可。

It was not an ideal way of working, to be sure, yet the "front" was a big and rather accidental place, and one could scarcely touch it anywhere without bringing back something to help complete the civilian's puzzle picture of war.

可以肯定的是，这不是一种理想的工作方式，但“前线”是一个很大且相当偶然的地方，如果不带回一些东西来帮助完成平民对战争的困惑，人们几乎无法触及它的任何地方。

One man would get a chance to spend a night in the trenches, with the sky criss-crossed with searchlight shafts and illuminating bombs; an automobile party might be caught on some East Prussian road with the woods on either side crackling with rifle fire as the skirmishers beat through the timber after the scattered enemy as after so many squirrels.

一个人将有机会在战壕里过夜，天空中布满探照灯和照明弹。一支汽车队伍可能会在东普鲁士的某条道路上遭遇，两边的树林里都充满了步枪的射击声，散兵们在树林里追赶分散的敌人，就像追赶这么多松鼠一样。

Our moment came one afternoon in the German trenches at Givenchy, when, with the English trenches only a stone's throw away, both sides began to amuse themselves by shooting dynamite bombs.

一天下午，我们的时刻出现在纪梵希的德军战壕里，当时距离英军战壕仅一箭之遥，双方都开始以发射炸药炸弹来取乐。

Groups of native-born correspondents were likely to see rather more than outsiders, and the more authoritative home writers were attached not infrequently to an army corps or staff headquarters for weeks at a time.

一群土生土长的记者可能会比外来者看到更多的东西，而更有权威的家庭作家经常会在军队或参谋部驻扎数周。

The Berlin and Vienna bookshops are filled with books and pamphlets written by such men, though, of course, little of their correspondence has ever reached America.

柏林和维也纳的书店里摆满了这些人写的书籍和小册子，当然，他们的信件很少到达美国。

A man like Ludwig Ganghofer, for instance, became so much of an institution that papers even joked about him, and I remember a cartoon--in "Jugend," I think--picturing him puffing up a hill where a staff was waiting and the commanding officer saying "Ganghofer's here.

例如，像路德维希·甘霍费尔这样的人，变得如此重要，以至于报纸甚至拿他开玩笑，我记得一部漫画——我想是在《青年》中——描绘了他气喘吁吁地爬上一座小山，那里有一名参谋人员正在等待，指挥官说“甘霍费尔在这里。

The attack may now begin!"

攻击现在可以开始了！”

In Germany, however, as in France, at least during the first year of the war, each correspondent, particularly a foreigner, was merely a privateer, making his own fight for a chance to work, and pulling what wires he could.

然而，在德国，就像在法国一样，至少在战争的第一年，每个记者，尤其是外国人，都只是一名私掠者，为自己的工作机会而奋斗，并尽其所能地拉线。

After his brief excursion he returned to Berlin, a mere tourist, so to speak, and had to begin the old tiresome round--his own embassy--the German Foreign Office--the War Office--all over again.

在短暂的旅行之后，他回到了柏林，可以说，他只是一个游客，不得不重新开始旧的令人厌烦的循环——他自己的大使馆——德国外交部——陆军办公室——一切都从头开始。

There was no organization in which he could enroll, so to speak, he had no permanent standing.

没有一个组织可以让他加入，可以说，他没有永久的地位。

This drawback--from the correspondent's point of view--was met in Austria-Hungary by the Presse Quartier, an integral part of the army like any other branch of the service, whose function it was to handle the whole complicated business of war correspondence.

从记者的角度来看，这个缺点在奥匈帝国被报区所解决，报区就像军队的任何其他部门一样，是军队的一个组成部分，其职能是处理整个复杂的战争通信业务。

The Austro-Hungarians, prepared from the first for a large number of civilian observers, including news and special writers, photographers, illustrators and painters, and, to handle them satisfactorily, organized this Presse Quartier, once admitted to which--the fakers and fly-by-nights were supposed to be weeded out by preliminary red tape--they were assumed to be serious workmen and treated as the army's guests.

奥匈帝国从一开始就为包括新闻和特约作家、摄影师、插画家和画家在内的大量民间观察家做好了准备，为了令人满意地处理他们，组织了这个新闻区，他们曾经承认——那些造假者和不靠谱的人应该通过初步的繁文缛节被淘汰——他们被认为是认真的工人，并被当作军队的客人对待。

The Presse Quartier--the Germans later organized one on somewhat different lines--was in two sections; an executive section with a commandant responsible for the arrangement of trips to the various fronts and the general business of censorship and publicity; and a second, an entertainment section, so to speak, also with its commandant, whose business it was to board, lodge, and otherwise look after correspondents when they were not on trips to the front.

新闻区（德国人后来按照稍有不同的路线组织了一个）分为两个部分：行政部门，配备一名指挥官，负责安排前往各条战线的行程以及审查和宣传的一般事务；第二个是娱乐部门，可以说，也有其指挥官，其职责是在记者不前往前线时为他们提供住宿、住宿和其他照顾。

At the time I visited the Presse Quartier the executive section was in the city of Teschen, across the border of Silesia; the correspondents lived in the village of Nagybicse in Hungary, two or three hours' railroad journey away.

当我参观 Presse Quartier 时，行政部门位于西里西亚边境对面的 Teschen 市；记者住在匈牙利的纳吉比切村，距离这里有两三个小时的火车路程。

In this village--the most novel part of the scheme--some thirty or forty correspondents were living, writing their past adventures, setting forth on new ones, or merely inviting their souls for the moment under a régime which combined the functions of tourists' bureau, rest cure, and a sort of military club.

在这个村庄里——这个计划中最新颖的部分——大约三十或四十名记者生活在其中，写下他们过去的冒险经历，开始新的冒险，或者只是在一个结合了旅游局、休息治疗和某种军事俱乐部功能的制度下暂时邀请他们的灵魂。

For the time being they were part of the army--fed, lodged, and transported at the army's expense, and unable to leave without formal military permission.

目前，他们是军队的一部分——伙食、住宿和交通费用均由军队承担，未经正式的军事许可，他们无法离开。

They were supposed to "enlist for the whole war," so to speak, and most of the Austro-Hungarian and German correspondents had so remained--some had even written books there--but a good deal of freedom was allowed observers from neutral countries and permission given to go when they felt they had seen enough.

可以这么说，他们应该“参加整个战争”，大多数奥匈帝国和德国记者都留下来了——有些人甚至在那里写了书——但是中立国家的观察员有很大的自由，当他们觉得自己看够了时，就可以离开。

Isolated thus in the country--the only mail the military field post, the only telegrams those that passed the military censor--correspondents were as "safe" as in Siberia.

在这个与世隔绝的国家——军事战地邮局唯一的邮件，唯一通过军事审查的电报——记者们就像在西伯利亚一样“安全”。

They, on the other hand, had the advantages of an established position, of living inexpensively in pleasant surroundings where their relations with the censor and the army were less those of policemen and of suspicious characters than of host and guest.

另一方面，他们的优势是地位稳固，生活环境舒适，生活费用低廉，与审查官和军队的关系与其说是警察和可疑人物的关系，不如说是主人和客人的关系。

To be welcomed here, after the usual fretful dangling and wire-pulling in war office anterooms and city hotels was reassuring enough.

在经历了通常在战争办公室前厅和城市酒店里令人烦躁的晃来晃去和拉线之后，在这里受到欢迎已经足够令人安心了。

Correspondents were quartered in private houses, and as there was one man to a family, generally, he was put in the villager's room of honor, with a tall porcelain stove in the corner, a feather bed under him and another on top.

记者们住在私人住宅里，由于一家人只有一个男人，一般都会被安排在村民的上房里，角落里有一个高高的瓷炉，下铺一张羽绒床，上铺一张。

Each man had a soldier servant who looked after his boots and luggage, kept him supplied with cigars and cigarettes from the Quartier commissariat--for a paternal government included even tobacco!--and whack his heels together whenever spoken to and flung back an obedient "Ja wohl!" We breakfasted separately, whenever we felt like it, lunched and dined--officers and correspondents--together.

每个人都有一名士兵仆人照顾他的靴子和行李，从区粮食局给他提供雪茄和香烟——因为父权政府甚至包括烟草！只要我们愿意，我们就分开吃早餐，午餐和晚餐——官员和记者——一起吃。

There were soldier waiters, and on every table big carafes of Hungarian white wine, drunk generally instead of water.

服务员都是士兵，每张桌子上都放着一大瓶匈牙利白葡萄酒，人们通常喝而不是水。

For beer one paid extra.

喝啤酒需要额外付费。

The commandant and his staff, including a doctor, and the officer-guides not on excursions at the moment, sat at the head of the long U-shaped table.

指挥官和他的参谋，包括一名医生，以及目前不在外出旅行的军官导游，坐在U形长桌的一头。

Anyone who came in or went out after the commandant was supposed to advance a bit into this "U," catch his eye, bow and receive his returning nod.

任何在指挥官之后进出的人都应该向前走一点，进入这个“U”形，吸引他的目光，鞠躬并接受他的点头回应。

The silver click of spurs, of course, accompanied this salute when an officer left the room, and Austro-Hungarian and German correspondents generally snapped their heels together in semi-military fashion.

当然，当一名军官离开房间时，伴随着马刺的银色咔嗒声，奥匈帝国和德国记者通常会以半军事方式踩到脚后跟。

All our goings and comings, indeed, were accompanied by a good deal of manner.

事实上，我们所有的来来去去都伴随着很多礼仪。

People who had seen each other at breakfast shook hands formally half an hour later in the village square, and one bowed and was bowed to and heard the sing-song "habe die Ehre!" a dozen times a day.

半小时后，在早餐时见过面的人们在村庄广场上正式握手，其中一人鞠躬，被鞠躬，并听到一首歌曲“habe die Ehre！”一天十几次。

With amenities of this nature the Quartier guests passed their time while waiting their turn to go to the front.

凭借这种性质的便利设施，Quartier 区的客人在等待轮到前台的过程中打发时间。

There were always, while I was there, one or more parties in the field, either on the Italian or the Russian front, or both, while a few writers and artists were well enough known to be permitted to go out alone.

当我在那里的时候，战场上总是有一个或多个团体，要么在意大利，要么在俄罗斯，或者两者兼而有之，而一些作家和艺术家足够知名，可以被允许单独外出。

The Hungarian, Mr. Molnar, for instance, whose play, "The Devil," was seen in America a few years ago, was writing at that time a series of letters under the general title, "Wanderings on the East Front," and apparently, within obvious military limitations, he did wander.

例如匈牙利人莫尔纳先生，他的戏剧《魔鬼》几年前在美国上映，当时他正在以“东线流浪”为总标题写了一系列信件，显然，在明显的军事限制内，他确实进行了流浪。

One day, another man came into lunch with the news that he was off on the best trip he'd had yet--he was going back to Vienna for his skis, to go down into the Tyrol and work along glaciers to the battery positions.

有一天，另一个人来吃午饭，带来的消息是他即将踏上迄今为止最棒的一次旅行——他要回维也纳去拿滑雪板，然后深入蒂罗尔河，沿着冰川前往炮台所在地。

Another man, a Budapest painter, started off for an indefinite stay with an army corps in Bessarabia.

另一名布达佩斯画家开始在比萨拉比亚的一支军队无限期居留。

He was to be, indeed, part of the army for the time being, and all his work belonged to the army first.

确实，他暂时是军队的一部分，他的一切工作首先属于军队。

Foreigners not intending to remain in Austria-Hungary could not expect such privileges, naturally; but if they were admitted to the Quartier at all they were sent on the ordinary group excursions like the home correspondents themselves.

不打算留在奥匈帝国的外国人自然不能指望这样的特权；但如果他们被允许进入街区，他们就会像国内记者一样被派去进行普通的集体旅行。

Indeed, the wonder was--in view of the comparative ease with which neutral correspondents drifted about Europe; the naiveté to put it mildly, with which the wildest romances had been printed in American newspapers--that we were permitted to see as much as we did.

事实上，令人惊奇的是——考虑到中立记者相对轻松地在欧洲四处游荡；温和地说，美国报纸上刊登了最疯狂的浪漫故事，我们被允许尽可能多地看到这种天真。

When a group started for the front it left Nagybicse in its own car, which, except when the itinerary included some large city--Lemberg, for instance--served as a little hotel until they came back again.

当一群人出发前往前线时，他们会用自己的车离开纳吉比切，除了行程中包括一些大城市（例如伦贝格）外，这辆车一直充当小旅馆，直到他们再次回来。

The car was a clean, second-class coach, of the usual European compartment kind, two men to a compartment, and at night they bunked on the long transverse seat comfortably enough.

这辆车是一辆干净的二等车厢，是欧洲常见的车厢类型，一个车厢有两个人，晚上他们睡在长横座上，很舒服。

We took one long trip of a thousand miles or so in this way, taking our own motor, on a separate flat car, and even an orderly servant for each man.

我们就这样走了一千英里左右的长途旅行，开着自己的汽车，乘坐一辆单独的平板车，甚至每人都有一个勤勤恳恳的仆人。

Each of these groups was, of course, accompanied by an officer guide--several were detailed at the Quartier for this special duty--whose complex and nerve-racking task it was to answer all questions, make all arrangements, report to each local commandant, pass sentries, and comfortably waft his flock of civilians through the maze of barriers which cover every foot, so to speak, of this region near the front.

当然，每个小组都有一名军官导游陪同——其中有几个是在区里专门负责这项特殊职责的——他们复杂而费力的任务是回答所有问题，做好一切安排，向每个当地指挥官报告，通过哨兵，并舒适地带领他的平民穿过迷宫般的障碍，可以说，这些障碍覆盖了前线附近的每一英尺。

The things correspondents were permitted to see differed from those seen on the other fronts less in kind than in quantity.

记者们被允许看到的东西与其他战线看到的东西的不同之处更多在于数量。

More trips were made, but there is and can be little place for a civilian on a "front," any spot in which, over a strip several miles wide, from the heavy artillery positions of one side to the heavy artillery of the other, may be in absolute quiet one minute and the next the center of fire.

我们进行了更多的旅行，但是“前线”上几乎没有可供平民居住的地方，在几英里宽的地带上，从一侧的重炮阵地到另一侧的重炮阵地，任何地方都可能前一分钟处于绝对安静，下一分钟就成为火力中心。

There is no time to bother with civilians during an offensive, and, if a retreat is likely, no commander wishes to have country described which may presently be in the hands of the enemy.

在进攻期间没有时间去打扰平民，而且，如果可能撤退，没有哪个指挥官希望描述目前可能落入敌人手中的国家。

Hidden batteries in action, reserves moving up, wounded coming back, flyers, trenches quiet for the moment--this is about as close to actual fighting as the outsider, under ordinary circumstances, can expect to get on any front.

隐藏的炮台投入战斗，预备队前行，伤员归来，传单，战壕暂时安静——这几乎是局外人在正常情况下可以期望进入任何前线的最接近实际战斗的情况。

The difference in Austria-Hungary was that correspondents saw these things, and the battle fields and captured cities, not as mere outsiders, picked up from a hotel and presently to be dropped there again, but as, in a sense, a part of the army itself.

奥匈帝国的不同之处在于，记者们看到这些东西、战场和被占领的城市，不仅仅是从一家旅馆捡起并很快又被扔到那里的局外人，而是在某种意义上，作为军队本身的一部分。

They had their commandant to report to, their "camp" and "uniform"--the gold-and-black Presse Quartier arm band--and they returned to headquarters with the reasonable certainty that in another ten days or so they would start out again.

他们有向指挥官汇报，有他们的“营地”和“制服”——金色和黑色的新闻区臂章——然后他们带着合理的确定性回到了总部，再过十天左右的时间，他们就会再次出发。

Another advantage of the Quartier was the avoidance of the not uncommon friction between the civilians of the Foreign Office and the soldiers of the War Office.

该区的另一个优点是避免了外交部文职人员和陆军部士兵之间常见的摩擦。

The Foreign Office runs things, so to speak, in times of peace and it is to the Foreign Office that the diplomatic representatives of foreign powers apply for favors for their own fellow-citizens.

可以说，在和平时期，外交部负责管理事务，外国势力的外交代表就是向外交部申请为其本国同胞提供帮助的。

But in war time the army runs things, and the Foreign Office official who has charge of correspondents is continually promising things or wishing to do things he is not sure of being able to carry out.

但在战时，军队掌管一切，而负责通讯员的外交部官员则不断地承诺或希望做一些他不确定能否实现的事情。

The result is often a rather unpleasant sort of competitive wire-pulling between correspondents, some trying the Foreign Office, some the War Office, some attacking both at the same time--one would even hear it said now and then that the surest way to get anything from the soldiers was to complain to them that the Foreign Office civilians wouldn't do anything for you!

结果往往是记者之间出现一种相当令人不快的竞争性拉线行为，有的尝试外交部，有的尝试陆军部，有的同时攻击两者——人们甚至会时不时听到有人说，从士兵那里得到任何东西的最可靠的方法就是向他们抱怨外交部的文职人员不会为你做任何事！

In Austria-Hungary the Presse Quartier acted as a bridge between the two.

在奥匈帝国，新闻区充当了两者之间的桥梁。

It was the definite court to which all applicants were referred and a good deal of aimless waiting about and wire-pulling eliminated at once.

这是所有申请人都被转介到的明确法院，大量漫无目的的等待和拉线行为立即消除。

And having cleared away the preliminary red-tape, the correspondent had, in the Quartier commandant, an agent more likely to push his interests than the civilian officials back in the capital and more likely to be listened to by those at the front.

在清除了初步的繁文缛节后，记者在区指挥官中拥有了一名比首都文职官员更有可能推动他的利益的特工，也更有可能被前线人员听取。

The war correspondent had been "killed off" so many times in newspapers and magazines of late years that one might expect him to be as dead as the dodo, and of course the old-fashioned "horseback" correspondent--a sort of unofficial envoy extraordinary from the reading public, who carried his own elaborate outfit and rode more or less where he pleased--is extinct.

近年来，战地记者在报纸和杂志上被“消灭”了很多次，人们可能认为他会像渡渡鸟一样死掉，当然，老式的“骑马”记者——一种来自读者大众的非官方特使，穿着自己精心设计的服装，或多或少地骑着他喜欢的地方——已经绝迹了。

A horse would have been about as useful on most of the European fronts, under the conditions prescribed, as a rowboat.

在规定的条件下，马在欧洲大部分前线的作用与划艇一样有用。

What the correspondent needed, in the few hours he was permitted to see anything, was a fast motor car, and quite as much as the car itself the pass, without which it would have been stopped at the first crossroads.

在允许他看到任何东西的几个小时内，记者所需要的是一辆快速的汽车，以及汽车本身一样的通行证，没有通行证，它就会停在第一个十字路口。

Wandering round the active front where any point in a strip of several miles wide, however apparently peaceful, is under observation and likely to be at any moment under fire, is not practicable even were it permitted.

绕着活跃的前线徘徊，即使在允许的情况下，几英里宽的地带中的任何一点，无论表面上多么平静，都受到观察，并且可能随时受到攻击，这是不切实际的。

Modern artillery, long range rifles, aeroplanes and field telephones have put an end to such strolling; while the elaborate system of communication in such highly civilized neighborhoods as those in which the present war is being fought, and the care with which every scrap of information about the enemy is pieced together and coordinated, makes it imperative that every possible source of such information shall be controlled.

现代火炮、远程步枪、飞机和野战电话已经结束了这种漫步。然而，在当前战争进行的高度文明的社区中，有复杂的通信系统，并且对有关敌人的每一条信息都进行了仔细的拼凑和协调，因此必须控制此类信息的每一个可能的来源。

Nevertheless the Great War had no sooner started than the old guard bobbed up serenely, and with them new ones--men and women writers, adventurous novelists, privateers of all sorts.

然而，第一次世界大战刚开始，老卫士就平静地崛起，新卫士也随之而来——男女作家、冒险小说家、各种各样的私掠者。

They have kept on working and seeing more or less, and have performed necessary and valuable service.

他们继续工作，或多或少地看到了，并提供了必要和有价值的服务。

They have described the life behind the front, the life in towns, camps, prisons, hospitals and given the news--the rough general outlines--of the swiftly changing drama.

他们描述了前线背后的生活，城镇、集中营、监狱、医院的生活，并给出了新闻——粗略的概述——瞬息万变的戏剧。

Very few have seen any fighting, properly speaking, and although bits of their work here and there deserve to become part of the permanent history of the war, they themselves would be the last to suggest that they have told the real story.

严格来说，很少有人亲眼目睹过任何战斗，尽管他们各处的作品都值得成为战争永久历史的一部分，但他们自己却是最后一个表明自己讲述了真实故事的人。

The real story is of two kinds.

真实的故事有两种。

There is the narrative of the events, the orderly, understanding arrangement and coordination of the showers of facts and rumors that blow in from a hundred sources to the great news centers far from the front.

这里有对事件的叙述，对大量事实和谣言的有序、理解的安排和协调，这些事实和谣言从数百个来源吹到远离前线的伟大新闻中心。

And there is the story of personal experience, the sensations of the individual as he looks into the face of war.

还有个人经历的故事，个人面对战争时的感受。

The first tells what happened, the other how it felt.

第一个讲述发生了什么，另一个讲述感受。

For the one, the correspondent is too near, for the other too far away.

对于其中一个来说，通讯员太近了，而对于另一个来说又太远了。

The division of the enormous battle fronts into innumerable little news-tight compartments, so to speak, understood in their entirety only by the commanders in chief at the centers of the telegraph and telephone network far behind the front, makes it impossible for a correspondent to see very far beyond his own nose.

巨大的战线被划分为无数个新闻密不可分的小隔间，可以说，只有远在前线后面的电报和电话网络中心的总司令才能完全理解它们，这使得记者不可能看到自己鼻子之外很远的地方。

Even were he permitted to understand the general plan of his own army he could scarcely know, while still at the front, the general plan of the enemy.

即使他被允许了解自己军队的总体计划，当他仍在前线时，他也几乎无法了解敌人的总体计划。

A well-informed observer working comfortably at his desk in one of the capitals, with the news of the world at his disposal, with experts on every subject within easy calling distance, and with every sort of map and reference book, is much better able to write a story of the war--such a story as this, for instance--than any correspondent actually at the front, however fortunately situated.

一位消息灵通的观察家在某个首都的办公桌上舒适地工作，掌握世界新闻，在方便通话的范围内有各个主题的专家，并拥有各种地图和参考书，他比任何实际在前线的记者（无论位置多么幸运）更能写出战争故事，例如这样的故事。

There have been many such "correspondents at home" and reporters returning from first-hand glimpses of this and that, have often for the first time understood the significance of such details when they were seen through the broad perspective and leisurely analysis of such long-distance observers.

这样的“国内通讯员”和亲眼见闻归来的记者，往往在通过远方观察者的广阔视野和从容不迫的分析中，才第一次明白了这些细节的意义。

The nourishing flavor of such a little book as Fritz Kreisler's "Four Weeks in the Trenches"--scarcely more than a magazine article, with no sensational adventures and no attempt at rhetorical effect, and of several little collections of published letters--reveals at once the correspondent's other disability.

弗里茨·克莱斯勒（Fritz Kreisler）的《战壕里的四个星期》这样一本小书的滋味——只不过是一篇杂志文章，没有耸人听闻的冒险，也没有试图达到修辞效果，还有几本出版的信件小集——立刻暴露了这位记者的其他缺陷。

People feel that this man really was _there_--this is what one real man with a gun in his hand did feel, and not what some civilian, sitting safely out of range, imagines crowds of men might have felt.

人们感觉这个人确实在那里——这是一个手里拿着枪的真正男人的真实感受，而不是一些安全地坐在射程之外的平民想象的一群人可能会有的感受。

Its very incompleteness, things left out because of sensibilities so stunned that events made no mark as they whirled by, is often more impressive than the conventional war correspondent's cocksureness and windy eloquence.

它的不完整性，由于情感如此震惊而被遗漏，以至于事件在旋转时没有留下任何痕迹，往往比传统战地记者的自信和空洞的口才更令人印象深刻。

There are scores of men like this gifted violinist--playwriters, painters, journalists, men trained to see things in various ways--drawn in by universal service and now buried in the mass, but destined some day to emerge to normal life.

有很多像这位天才小提琴家一样的人——剧作家、画家、记者、受过以不同方式看待事物的训练的人——被普遍服务所吸引，现在被埋葬在群众中，但注定有一天会回归正常生活。

From them the story of the individual, of the fighting itself, must come long after the war is over.

从他们那里，个人的故事、战斗本身的故事必须在战争结束很久之后才能讲述出来。

It will come piecemeal, from diaries now stuck away in the soldiers' pockets, from memories that will only begin to act when peace has given weary brains a chance to work again, from men now tired and dirty and horror-stunned and scarcely able to remember their own names.

它将是零碎的，来自现在塞在士兵口袋里的日记，来自只有当和平让疲惫的大脑有机会再次工作时才会开始发挥作用的记忆，来自现在又累又脏、惊恐万分、几乎记不起自己名字的人们。

PART I--INDIRECT CAUSES OF THE WAR

第一部分——战争的间接原因

POLITICAL AND DIPLOMATIC HISTORY OF EUROPE FROM 1866 TO 1914 WITH A CHAPTER ON THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF JAPAN

1866 年至 1914 年欧洲政治和外交史（含日本历史发展一章）

In order to understand properly the underlying causes which were responsible for the outbreak of the Great European War of 1914, it is necessary to be acquainted with the recent historical development of the various nations involved.

为了正确理解1914年欧洲大战爆发的根本原因，有必要了解相关各国最近的历史发展。

In considering the various phases of this development it becomes evident that in modern times the history of any _one_ country exerts a powerful influence upon the history of all the other countries.

考虑到这一发展的各个阶段，很明显，在现代，任何一个国家的历史都会对所有其他国家的历史产生强大的影响。

The vast development of means of communication between the various countries of the earth--railways, steamships, telegraphs, telephones--resulted in an equally vast increase of their commercial and social intercourse until one might almost claim that there is not a single event of any importance whatsoever happening in _one_ country which does not make its influence felt throughout the entire world.

地球上不同国家之间的通讯手段——铁路、轮船、电报、电话——的巨大发展导致了它们的商业和社会交往的同样巨大的增加，直到人们几乎可以声称，在一个国家发生的任何一件重大事件，没有一个不影响整个世界。

It is not always easy or even possible to determine the exact degree to which the various nations of the world are affected by this mutual interdependency, and frequently many years elapse before it becomes evident at all that what one nation has done or neglected to do has an important relation to the fate of another nation, even though the two nations may have few points of contact and be separated by great distances.

要确定世界上不同国家受这种相互依存关系影响的确切程度并不总是那么容易，甚至不可能，而且往往要经过很多年才能完全清楚地看出，一个国家所做或忽视的事情与另一个国家的命运有着重要的关系，尽管这两个国家可能接触点很少并且相距很远。

To describe historical events as they happen day by day or even year by year throughout the modern world is an almost hopeless task, because a description of this nature would result in a confusion which would be even worse than an entire lack of knowledge concerning these matters.

描述现代世界中日复一日甚至年复一年发生的历史事件几乎是一项无望的任务，因为这种性质的描述会导致混乱，这比完全缺乏有关这些问题的知识更糟糕。

We will, therefore, consider separately the historical development of each nation and thereby try to arrive finally at a clear understanding of the historical causes of the Great War of 1914.

因此，我们将分别考虑每个国家的历史发展，从而最终对1914年世界大战的历史原因有一个清晰的认识。

Some of these causes, of course, may be claimed to go back to the beginnings of the history of the various nations; but a majority of them had their origin in comparatively recent times.

当然，其中一些原因可以追溯到各个国家历史的开端。但其中大多数起源于相对较近的时期。

It is also true that the Napoleonic Wars resulted in certain international alignments some of which, at least in part, held over until comparatively recently.

拿破仑战争确实导致了某些国际联盟，其中一些（至少部分）一直延续到最近。

But it was only approximately at the beginning of the second half of the nineteenth century that international relations assumed the important position and the fateful influence which they hold now.

但直到十九世纪下半叶左右，国际关系才占据了现在所具有的重要地位和决定性影响。

The short war of 1866 between Prussia and Austria, fought primarily to determine the supremacy in German affairs, may conveniently be considered for our purposes a starting point of modern international history because it resulted in changes so important that their final results had a powerful influence over the fate of the entire civilized world.

1866 年普鲁士和奥地利之间的短暂战争主要是为了确定德国事务中的霸主地位，就我们的目的而言，它可以方便地被视为现代国际历史的起点，因为它导致了如此重要的变化，以至于其最终结果对整个文明世界的命运产生了强大的影响。

Inasmuch as this war affected more directly Germany and Austria, we will first consider these two countries.

由于这场战争对德国和奥地利的影响比较直接，所以我们首先考虑这两个国家。

CHAPTER I

第一章

GERMANY

德国

In 1866 there was strictly speaking no Germany.

严格来说，1866 年还没有德国。

That part of the world which during the past forty-five years has been known as Germany consisted of a large number of small states and principalities, speaking the same language and having in a general way the same customs and ideals.

过去四十五年中被称为德国的世界部分由许多小国和公国组成，他们说着相同的语言，并且总体上具有相同的习俗和理想。

All attempts to find some basis for their political unification, however, miscarried.

然而，所有为政治统一寻找基础的尝试都失败了。

Whenever Prussia, which beyond doubt was the biggest and most powerful of all the German-speaking states, attempted to take the lead it was opposed by powerful Austria as well as by a varying number of smaller states.

毫无疑问，普鲁士是所有德语国家中最大、最强大的国家，每当它试图带头时，都会遭到强大的奥地利以及许多较小国家的反对。

The latter, much as they desired in certain ways to bring about a united Germany in order to be better protected against their much more powerful neighbors, Russia and France, feared these hardly more than a Germany under the control of Prussia.

尽管后者在某些方面非常希望建立一个统一的德国，以便更好地抵御更强大的邻国俄罗斯和法国，但他们对这些的恐惧并不比普鲁士控制下的德国更可怕。

It gradually became clear that unification of Germany would never be realized as long as Austria and Prussia were contending for leadership.

人们逐渐清楚，只要奥地利和普鲁士争夺领导权，德国的统一就永远无法实现。

How utterly impossible it was for these two countries to achieve any lasting success as long as they made a common cause of anything had been proven only two years earlier, when both went to war with Denmark about the succession to the throne of the duchies of Schleswig-Holstein.

仅仅两年前，两国就石勒苏益格-荷尔斯泰因公国王位继承问题与丹麦开战时就已经证明，只要两国有共同的事业，就完全不可能取得持久的成功。

For no sooner had they succeeded through their combined efforts in defeating Denmark and thereby forced the northern kingdom to relinquish its claims on Schleswig-Holstein than they found it next to impossible to settle among themselves the division of the newly acquired territory.

因为他们一旦通过共同努力成功击败了丹麦，从而迫使北方王国放弃了对石勒苏益格-荷尔斯泰因州的主权要求，他们就发现他们之间几乎不可能解决新获得领土的分割问题。

It was about at this time that the greatest statesman of modern Germany, Bismarck, began to become all powerful.

大约在这个时候，现代德国最伟大的政治家俾斯麦开始变得强大。

It was he who recognized more clearly than anyone else the need of eliminating Austria from German affairs, and then finding some cause which would appeal strongly and equally to all the other German states.

他比任何人都更清楚地认识到有必要将奥地利从德国事务中消除，然后找到一些能够强烈而平等地吸引所有其他德国国家的理由。

The difficulties connected with the division of Schleswig-Holstein offered to him an opportune cause for a quarrel with Austria, and when he felt in 1866 that the Prussian army had been sufficiently re-formed and built up to overpower not only Austria, but any of the other German states which might possibly join with her, he went to war.

与石勒苏益格-荷尔斯泰因州分裂有关的困难为他与奥地利发生争吵提供了一个有利的理由，当他在1866年感到普鲁士军队已经得到充分的重组和建设，不仅可以压倒奥地利，而且可以压倒任何可能与奥地利结盟的其他德国国家时，他就发动了战争。

Prussia had succeeded in forming an alliance with the newly united Italy on the basis of the latter's desire to regain the north Italian territory which was then in the possession of Austria.

普鲁士成功地与新统一的意大利结成联盟，因为后者希望夺回当时属于奥地利的意大利北部领土。

On the other hand the latter had drawn to its side the kingdoms of Hanover and Saxony, as well as all the south German states.

另一方面，后者又将汉诺威和萨克森王国以及所有德国南部各州拉到了自己一边。

The war was one of the shortest in the history of mankind, considering the size of the countries involved and the odds at stake.

考虑到所涉及国家的面积和所面临的风险，这场战争是人类历史上持续时间最短的战争之一。

In less than two months, after only one important battle--at Sadowa--had been fought on July 3, and lost by the Austrians, peace was concluded at Prague.

在不到两个月的时间里，仅在 7 月 3 日进行了一场重要的萨多瓦战役并被奥地利人击败后，布拉格就缔结了和平。

As a result of the arrangements made then, Austria was eliminated from German affairs and withdrew all its claims for Schleswig-Holstein, and Prussia was free to form a confederation of the north German states with itself as a leader, while the south German states were permitted to form a federation of their own.

根据当时的安排，奥地利被排除在德国事务之外，并撤回了对石勒苏益格-荷尔斯泰因州的所有要求，普鲁士可以自由地组建以自己为领导者的北德意志邦联，而南德意志各邦则可以组建自己的联邦。

Austria furthermore lost Venetia to Italy.

奥地利还把威尼斯拱手让给了意大利。

Of the Austrian allies, the south German states were let off easy with a money indemnity, but Hanover, Nassau, and Hesse-Cassel lost their independence and became part and parcel of the Prussian kingdom.

在奥地利的盟友中，德意志南部各州轻松获得了金钱赔偿，但汉诺威、拿骚和黑森-卡塞尔失去了独立性，成为普鲁士王国的一部分。

This addition to its territory made Prussia even more predominant in Germany than it had been in the past and Bismarck immediately proceeded to take the first step in the unification of Germany.

其领土的增加使普鲁士在德国的统治地位比过去更加强大，俾斯麦立即迈出了统一德国的第一步。

This took the form of the North German Confederation and so well did he build at that time that the new government which he conceived then has ever since remained the government of united Germany.

这采取了北德意志联邦的形式，他当时建立得非常好，以至于他当时构想的新政府从此仍然是统一的德国政府。

In its way it was unique.

就其方式而言，它是独一无二的。

It was a mixture of monarchism and federation.

它是君主制和联邦制的混合体。

Each of the federated states retained a large amount of control over its internal affairs, but yielded to Prussia control of its armies, foreign relations, railways, and posts and telegraphs.

每个联邦国家保留了对其内政的大量控制权，但将其军队、外交关系、铁路、邮政和电报的控制权让给了普鲁士。

The King of Prussia became the president of this federation and as such its chief executive.

普鲁士国王成为该联盟的主席，并因此成为其首席执行官。

The legislative powers were intrusted to two bodies, the Bundesrat and the Reichstag, the former representing the various states, the latter their people.

立法权被委托给两个机构，即联邦参议院和德国国会大厦，前者代表各个州，后者代表人民。

The members of the Bundesrat were appointed by the rulers of the states which they represented, whereas the members of the Reichstag were elected by universal manhood suffrage.

联邦参议院的成员由其所代表的州的统治者任命，而德国国会的成员则由男子普选产生。

This rise of Prussia's power and influence disturbed and displeased, among all the European states, none more than France.

普鲁士实力和影响力的崛起令所有欧洲国家感到不安和不满，其中尤以法国为甚。

It was only a few years before Napoleon III saw himself forced, partly through internal difficulties and partly through his failures in Mexico and Italy, to challenge William I of Prussia.

仅仅几年后，拿破仑三世就被迫向普鲁士的威廉一世发起挑战，部分原因是内部困难，部分原因是他在墨西哥和意大利的失败。

In this combat the predominancy in German affairs was no longer at stake, as it had been between Prussia and Austria; but so powerful had Prussia become that France felt it necessary to defend the leadership in Central European affairs which it then claimed.

在这场战斗中，德国事务的主导地位不再像普鲁士和奥地利之间那样受到威胁。但普鲁士变得如此强大，以至于法国认为有必要捍卫其当时声称的中欧事务的领导地位。

The revolution which had broken out in 1868 in Spain and resulted in the expulsion of Queen Isabella became the indirect cause of the Franco-Prussian War.

1868年西班牙爆发的革命导致伊莎贝拉女王被驱逐，成为普法战争的间接原因。

After various unsuccessful attempts on the part of Spanish statesmen to find a king for their country among the European princes they offered the crown of Spain to Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, a relative of the King of Prussia.

西班牙政治家多次尝试在欧洲诸侯中为自己的国家寻找国王，但均未成功，他们将西班牙王位献给了普鲁士国王的亲戚、霍亨索伦-西格马林根的利奥波德亲王。

Naturally the prospect of having a German prince rule its western neighbor greatly excited France and led immediately to a strong protest on its part.

自然，由德国王子统治其西方邻国的前景极大地兴奋了法国，并立即引起了法国的强烈抗议。

But not satisfied with this Napoleon demanded from King William a promise that he should at no time permit his cousin to accept the Spanish throne.

但拿破仑对此并不满意，要求威廉国王承诺绝不允许他的表弟接受西班牙王位。

These demands of the French were promptly refused by the King of Prussia, and Bismarck and Von Moltke saw to it that the message as delivered was brusque and calculated to excite France to anger.

法国人的这些要求立即遭到普鲁士国王的拒绝，俾斯麦和冯·毛奇确保所传达的信息是唐突的，旨在激怒法国。

Indeed, opinion was so deeply stirred that Napoleon felt compelled to ask for a declaration of war.

事实上，民意如此强烈，以至于拿破仑觉得有必要要求宣战。

On July 19, 1870, this step was taken.

1870年7月19日，迈出了这一步。

Undoubtedly Napoleon was influenced in his decision by his expectation that the south German states would either side openly with him or else at least refuse to side with Prussia, basing this hope on their fear that if Prussia should become all powerful in Germany their own independence would be threatened.

毫无疑问，拿破仑的决定受到了他的期望的影响，他希望南德意志国家要么公开支持他，要么至少拒绝支持普鲁士，这种希望基于他们的恐惧，即如果普鲁士在德国变得强大，他们自己的独立就会受到威胁。

His expectations, however, were not realized.

然而，他的期望并没有实现。

As much through the wonderful statesmanship of Bismarck, who knew when to give as well as when to take, as through the awakening of an immensely strong national feeling throughout the length and breadth of Germany, the south Bavarian states, within a few days after France had declared war, sided openly with Prussia.

俾斯麦懂得什么时候给予，什么时候索取，他有着出色的政治才能，同时由于德国全国范围内强烈的民族感情的觉醒，巴伐利亚南部各州在法国宣战后的几天内就公开站在了普鲁士一边。

This combination proved too strong for France, for it was superior not only in numbers and equipment, but especially in leadership.

事实证明，这种组合对法国来说太强大了，因为它不仅在数量和装备上更胜一筹，而且在领导力方面尤其如此。

The unified German armies won battle after battle in quick succession and by September 2, Napoleon found himself with a large army hopelessly surrounded in Sedan and was forced to surrender.

统一的德国军队迅速连续赢得了一场又一场的战斗，到了 9 月 2 日，拿破仑发现自己的大军绝望地被包围在色当，被迫投降。

He was sent to Germany as a prisoner of war and his downfall resulted in the end of the Second Napoleonic Empire and the declaration of the Third French Republic.

他作为战俘被送往德国，他的垮台导致了拿破仑第二帝国的结束和法兰西第三共和国的宣告。

The German armies immediately proceeded to the siege of Paris and on January 8, 1871, the French capital had to capitulate.

德国军队立即围攻巴黎，1871 年 1 月 8 日，法国首都不得不投降。

A few months later, in May, France and Germany made peace, the former paying an indemnity of $1,000,000,000 and ceding Alsace and a part of Lorraine.

几个月后，即5月，法国与德国讲和，前者支付了10亿美元的赔款，并割让了阿尔萨斯和洛林的一部分。

In the meantime the unification of Germany had progressed rapidly.

与此同时，德国的统一进程迅速推进。

Even before Paris had fallen, the German princes, headed by the King of Bavaria, had offered to King William the presidency over a new federation containing both the north and the south German states.

甚至在巴黎陷落之前，以巴伐利亚国王为首的德国诸侯就已经向威廉国王提出了一个包含德国北部和南部各州的新联邦的总统职位。

This federation was to be known as the German Empire and its president as the German Emperor.

这个联邦被称为德意志帝国，其总统为德意志皇帝。

On January 18, 1871, in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles King William accepted this offer, and was proclaimed German Emperor.

1871 年 1 月 18 日，威廉国王在凡尔赛宫镜厅接受了这一提议，并被宣布为德国皇帝。

It was quite natural that in the beginning the path of the newly created German Empire should not be strewn exclusively with roses.

很自然，新成立的德意志帝国的道路一开始就不应该只铺满玫瑰。

At the time of its formation, it is true, it had nothing to fear from other nations.

确实，在它成立的时候，它没有什么可害怕其他国家的。

France which, in a way, may be considered at that time as its only external enemy, had been beaten, and beaten in such a way that it was clear that years would have to elapse before the new republic would be in a position to undertake anything against Germany.

在某种程度上，法国在当时可能被视为其唯一的外部敌人，但它已经被打败了，并且被打败的方式是，很明显，要经过很多年，新的共和国才能对德国采取任何行动。

Indeed, a great many thoughtful people throughout the entire civilized world were hoping that this period of recuperation through which France was bound to pass would result in a gradual understanding between Germany and France.

确实，整个文明世界的许多有识之士都希望法国必将经历的这段休养生息的时期能够导致德法之间逐渐谅解。

The gulf which separated them immediately after the Franco-Prussian War, to be sure, was wide; for the attitude of the two peoples in regard to the taking over of Alsace-Lorraine was widely different.

诚然，普法战争结束后，两国之间的鸿沟是巨大的。因为两国人民对于接管阿尔萨斯-洛林的态度截然不同。

The French felt that Germany had abused its power at the moment of its victory to tear an integral part off the body politic of the republic.

法国人认为，德国在胜利之际滥用了权力，将共和国政体的不可分割的一部分撕下来。

They vowed that although the necessity of the moment had forced them to submit they would never forget the "lost provinces," and this spirit, this demand for restitution, was fostered and nourished throughout the years to come.

他们发誓，尽管当时的需要迫使他们屈服，但他们永远不会忘记“失去的省份”，这种精神，这种要求归还的要求，在未来的岁月里得到了培育和滋养。

From time to time it seemed as if the great masses of people in the two countries would finally reach an understanding.

有时，两国广大人民似乎终于达成了谅解。

But whenever the cry for restitution seemed to have been stilled, politicians of one kind or another succeeded in making it sound again.

但每当要求赔偿的呼声似乎平息时，某类政客就会成功地让这种呼声再次响起。

Germany on the other hand claimed that Alsace-Lorraine had originally been a German province, had been taken from Germany by force, and that the French had neither a legal nor moral claim to the territory.

另一方面，德国声称阿尔萨斯-洛林原本是德国的一个省，是通过武力从德国手中夺取的，法国人对这片领土没有合法和道义上的主张。

Internally the new chancellor of the German Empire had a great many battles to fight in order to achieve the financial, social, and military reforms which he deemed necessary for the safety and upbuilding of the empire.

在国内，德意志帝国的新总理为了实现他认为对于帝国的安全和建设所必需的金融、社会和军事改革，需要进行许多战斗。

It is not necessary for our purposes to go into these struggles in detail.

为了我们的目的，没有必要详细讨论这些斗争。

It suffices to note in passing that they resulted in increases and in vast improvements of the German army, and laid the foundation for the marvelous industrial and commercial expansion of the German Empire.

顺便一提的是，它们导致了德国军队的增加和巨大改进，并为德意志帝国惊人的工业和商业扩张奠定了基础。

The leading men of the German Empire fully appreciated the need of their country of a long period of peace in order to work out the many problems which the unification had brought about.

德意志帝国的领导人充分认识到国家需要长期和平，以解决统一带来的许多问题。

In every possible way the diplomats, politicians, and rulers of the various German states did their best to make it clear to the other nations that they had no desire for further conquests and were, to say the least, as anxious as their neighbors to maintain peace.

德国各邦的外交官、政治家和统治者以各种可能的方式竭尽全力向其他国家表明，他们无意进一步征服，至少可以说，他们和邻国一样渴望维持和平。

In 1872 the three emperors of Russia, Austria, and Germany met together with their ministers at Berlin, and although no treaty was concluded at that time, the conferences which took place then and throughout the following years had a powerful influence on the continuation of European peace.

1872年，俄罗斯、奥地利和德国三位皇帝在柏林会见了他们的大臣，尽管当时没有缔结任何条约，但当时和随后几年举行的会议对欧洲和平的延续产生了强大的影响。

About the same time Italy also attempted to show its good will toward Germany by sending the crown prince of the new kingdom on a visit to the German Emperor, and it seemed at that time as if the fate of all of Europe and, indeed, of the entire civilized world, was in the hands of the central European states--Germany, Austria, Russia, and Italy.

大约在同一时间，意大利也试图通过派新王国的王储去拜访德国皇帝来表达对德国的善意，当时看来整个欧洲乃至整个文明世界的命运都掌握在中欧国家——德国、奥地利、俄罗斯和意大利的手中。

Both France and England seemed to be isolated.

法国和英国似乎都被孤立了。

However, it was not long before clouds appeared on the firmament, and they came, as they had come before, and as they were to come again, from the East.

然而，没过多久，天空中就出现了云朵，它们从东方来了，就像以前来过一样，而且还会再来。

The first disturbance of the cordial relations, that apparently had been established among Germany, Austria, and Russia, was caused in 1876 when the Near Eastern question became again an issue between Austria and Russia.

1876年，当近东问题再次成为奥地利和俄罗斯之间的问题时，德国、奥地利和俄罗斯之间显然已建立的友好关系出现了第一次动荡。

The latter's inquiries at Berlin as to the German attitude in a possible war between the other two empires were met with an evasive answer, except that it was made clear that Germany would not permit Russia to deal with Austria beyond a certain point.

后者在柏林询问德国对其他两个帝国之间可能发生的战争的态度，得到了回避的答复，只是明确表示德国不会允许俄罗斯与奥地利打交道超过一定程度。

As a result of this stand Russia decided to settle the Eastern question through a war with Turkey rather than with Austria.

由于这一立场，俄罗斯决定通过与土耳其而不是奥地利的战争来解决东方问题。

During the Russo-Turkish War, April, 1876, to February, 1877, the causes and results of which will be considered in another place, Germany maintained the strictest neutrality, so strict in fact that at its conclusion Germany was chosen as mediator.

在1876年4月至1877年2月的俄土战争期间，其原因和结果将在另一个地方考虑，德国保持了最严格的中立，事实上如此严格，以至于最终选择德国作为调停者。

To this part the young empire adhered most carefully during the Congress of Berlin, June to July, 1878, and, difficult though it was, showed the strictest impartiality.

1878 年 6 月至 7 月的柏林会议期间，这个年轻的帝国对这方面的要求最为严格，尽管过程很困难，但仍表现出最严格的公正性。

At the same time it refused to gain any profit from the readjustment which resulted.

与此同时，它拒绝从由此产生的调整中获得任何利润。

In spite of this, however, it received little appreciation on the part of Russia, which apparently had expected a more active display of gratitude on the part of Germany for its own friendly neutrality during the Franco-Prussian War.

然而，尽管如此，它并没有得到俄罗斯方面的任何赞赏，俄罗斯显然期望德国方面对其在普法战争期间保持的友好中立表示更积极的感谢。

In a way this marks the beginning of a strong anti-German feeling in Russia, which by 1879 had grown strong enough to make a war between the two countries seem possible.

在某种程度上，这标志着俄罗斯强烈反德情绪的开始，到 1879 年，这种情绪已经发展到足以让两国之间爆发战争的可能性。

Bismarck immediately took the necessary steps to insure Germany against such a possibility by concluding an alliance with Austria, October 7, 1879, at Gastein.

俾斯麦立即采取必要措施，于 1879 年 10 月 7 日在加施泰因与奥地利结盟，以确保德国免受这种可能性的影响。

In this he was bitterly opposed by William I, whose personal feelings were leaning much more toward Russia than Austria.

他的这一做法遭到了威廉一世的强烈反对，威廉一世的个人感情更倾向于俄罗斯而不是奥地利。

However, a threat on the part of the chancellor to resign brought this rapidly aging emperor to terms.

然而，宰相威胁辞职，使这位迅速衰老的皇帝屈服了。

The Austro-German alliance was defensive only.

奥德联盟只是防御性的。

It stipulated that in case of an attack by Russia on either contracting party the other was to assist with its entire forces.

它规定，如果俄罗斯对任何一方发动攻击，另一方将出动全部部队提供援助。

In case of an attack by any other power only friendly neutrality was to be observed, except if such a power was in any way supported by Russia, when the first stipulation was to take force.

如果受到任何其他国家的攻击，则只能遵守友好中立，除非该国家以任何方式得到俄罗斯的支持，此时第一个规定是采取武力。

Three years later, in 1882, Bismarck strengthened Germany's international position by overcoming Italy's enmity against Austria to the extent of inducing the southern kingdom to join in this defensive alliance, which from then on was known as the "Triple Alliance," and which endured until Italy's declaration of war against Austria in 1915.

三年后，即1882年，俾斯麦克服了意大利对奥地利的敌意，加强了德国的国际地位，甚至诱使南方王国加入这个防御联盟，从此被称为“三国联盟”，这一联盟一直持续到1915年意大利对奥地利宣战。

The chancellor had now succeeded in placing the keystone in Germany's defensive bulwark.

现在，德国总理已经成功地为德国的防御堡垒奠定了基石。

He had to fear no longer the possibility of a joint attack by Russia and France.

他不必再担心俄罗斯和法国联合进攻的可能性。

For the powerful triple block of Central Powers would make any joining of forces by these two countries impossible.

因为强大的同盟国三重集团将使这两个国家的任何联合力量变得不可能。

A result of this security was Germany's entrance among the colonial powers of the world.

这种安全的结果是德国跻身世界殖民列强之列。

The objects of this step were twofold: to open up new fields for the rapidly expanding German trade, and to divert German emigration in such a way that its steady stream would not drain the Fatherland of too large a proportion of its surplus population.

这一步骤的目的是双重的：为迅速扩大的德国贸易开辟新的领域，并转移德国的移民，使其源源不断的移民不会耗尽祖国过多的剩余人口。

From 1884 on Germany used every opportune moment to acquire colonial possessions.

从 1884 年起，德国利用一切合适的时机获取殖民地财产。

Though for many years none of the other powers seriously objected, it was quite natural that sooner or later Germany would find itself in conflict with the other colonizing powers, especially with the greatest of all--England.

尽管多年来没有其他列强强烈反对，但很自然的是，德国迟早会发现自己与其他殖民列强发生冲突，特别是与最强大的国家——英国。

In 1884, Alexander III, who had succeeded his murdered father in 1881 and who was much less pro-German than the latter, showed signs of succumbing to France's strenuous advances looking toward an alliance to enable the republic to gratify its desire for revenge.

1881年，亚历山大三世接替了他被谋杀的父亲，但他对德国的亲德程度远不如后者，1884年，他表现出屈服于法国的强烈进攻的迹象，他寻求结盟，使共和国能够满足其复仇的愿望。

But Bismarck's diplomatic genius not only prevented this, but even brought about a secret neutrality treaty between the two empires, which, however, was entirely separate from the Triple Alliance.

但俾斯麦的外交天才不仅阻止了这一切，甚至在两个帝国之间达成了一项秘密中立条约，但该条约完全独立于三国同盟。

Gradually, thus, the chancellor accomplished all that he had set out to do after the formation of the German Empire to place his country, not only among the great powers of the world, but to gain for it within certain limitations, a leading position.

因此，德国总理逐渐完成了他在德意志帝国成立后所要做的一切，不仅使他的国家跻身世界强国之列，而且在一定限度内获得领先地位。

With his internal policies he was hardly less successful, although he had many hard battles to fight to gain his end.

尽管他为了达到自己的目的而进行了许多艰苦的战斗，但他的内部政策也同样取得了成功。

The year 1888 saw him in the zenith of his power, and Wilhelmstrasse (where the German Foreign Office was located) promised fair to take the place that Downing Street had held.

1888 年，他的权力达到了顶峰，威廉大街（德国外交部所在地）承诺将公平地取代唐宁街曾经占据的位置。

That year, however, brought a change of rulers to Germany.

然而，那一年德国发生了统治者的更迭。

In March William I died at the age of ninety-one, and was succeeded by his son Frederick III, the son-in-law of Queen Victoria of England.

3月，威廉一世去世，享年91岁，其子、英国维多利亚女王的女婿腓特烈三世继位。

This in itself endangered Bismarck's position and influence.

这本身就危及了俾斯麦的地位和影响力。

For ever since 1879 Frederick had more or less openly allied himself with the National-Liberal party, which strongly opposed the chancellor's foreign policy.

自 1879 年以来，腓特烈或多或少地公开与强烈反对总理外交政策的国家自由党结盟。

The new emperor, however, had been stricken with a mortal disease, which in 1878 was diagnosed as cancer of the throat, and which resulted in his death on June 15, 1888, less than four months after he had become emperor.

然而，这位新皇帝患有一种致命的疾病，1878 年被诊断为咽喉癌，并导致他于 1888 年 6 月 15 日去世，此时距离他成为皇帝还不到四个月。

His son and successor, William II, was less than thirty years old, a more or less unknown quantity, with little experience, but possessing a very strongly individual temperament.

他的儿子兼继任者威廉二世不到三十岁，是一个或多或少的默默无闻的人物，经验很少，但具有非常强烈的个人气质。

The break between him and Bismarck came soon, and resulted in the latter's resignation on March 18, 1890.

他与俾斯麦之间的决裂很快就出现了，并导致后者于 1890 年 3 月 18 日辞职。

Germany could ill spare the master hand that had guided so successfully its destinies since 1870, and at no time since has Germany's international position been so strong or its foreign policies as purposeful as under its first chancellor.

德国不能放过这位自 1870 年以来如此成功地指导其命运的大师，自那以后，德国的国际地位从未如此强大，其外交政策也从未像其第一任总理领导下那样有针对性。

The second incumbent of this office was General von Caprivi, 1890-1894, whose accomplishments were chiefly of a military and economic nature.

该职位的第二任任职者是冯·卡普里维将军（1890-1894 年），他的成就主要是军事和经济方面的。

Of the former the most important was the change to the two years' term of army service, of the latter the conclusion of commercial treaties with Austria-Hungary, Russia, Italy, and Rumania.

前者最重要的是两年兵役期限的改变，后者则是与奥匈帝国、俄罗斯、意大利和罗马尼亚缔结商业条约。

In the field of foreign relations his term of office yielded the important result of a better understanding with England, accompanied, however, by a lessening of friendly relations with Russia.

在外交关系领域，他的任期取得了与英国加深了解的重要成果，但同时也减少了与俄罗斯的友好关系。

This period also brought to Germany the island of Helgoland in exchange for certain readjustments of boundaries in Africa.

这一时期还给德国带来了黑尔戈兰岛，以换取对非洲边界的某些调整。

Bismarck's work in regard to cementing the German-Russian relations was undone by the refusal of Germany to renew the secret neutrality treaty which expired in 1890, and in 1891 Russia concluded an alliance with France which from then on considerably reduced the influence of the Triple Alliance.

由于德国拒绝续签 1890 年到期的秘密中立条约，俾斯麦巩固德俄关系的努力功亏一篑，俄罗斯于 1891 年与法国结盟，从此大大削弱了三国同盟的影响力。

The menace of a France recovered and supported by a strong ally again loomed up, and the dissatisfaction of German public opinion, increased by the severe criticism of the retired "iron chancellor," resulted finally in the resignation of Von Caprivi.

法国复苏并得到强大盟友支持的威胁再次浮现，德国舆论的不满情绪因对退休“铁血总理”的严厉批评而加剧，最终导致冯·卡普里维辞职。

His successor, Prince Chlodwig Hohenlohe-Schillingfürst, 1894-1900, was an experienced diplomat, distantly related to the emperor, and possessing much stronger convictions of his own.

他的继任者克洛德维希·霍恩洛厄-席林菲尔斯特亲王（Chlodwig Hohenlohe-Schillingfürst，1894-1900 年）是一位经验丰富的外交官，与皇帝关系较远，并且拥有更坚定的信念。

By this time Germany's industrial development had made immense strides.

此时德国的工业发展已经取得了巨大的进步。

From an agricultural country it had changed to a nation deeply interested in industry and commerce.

它从一个农业国家变成了一个深爱工商业的国家。

Its merchants contended everywhere for the world's trade.

它的商人到处争夺世界贸易。

Articles of German manufacture made the term "made in Germany" a by-word of quality and efficiency.

德国制造的产品使“德国制造”一词成为质量和效率的代名词。

Riches flowed into the empire in a steady stream.

财富源源不断地流入帝国。

Riches, however, were not the only result of this development.

然而，财富并不是这一发展的唯一结果。

The young empire began a fight for leadership in manufacture and commerce, in science and the arts.

这个年轻的帝国开始了一场争夺制造业、商业、科学和艺术领域领导地位的斗争。

To achieve these ambitions, German agents and salesmen penetrated all countries, new and old, and built up vast markets for German products, at the same time using every means available to undermine and destroy the economic influence of other nations.

为了实现这些野心，德国代理商和推销员渗透到所有新老国家，为德国产品建立了广阔的市场，同时利用一切手段削弱和摧毁其他国家的经济影响力。

Nor was the empire contented with material gain and new-found prestige; Germany abandoned its former policy of concerning itself only with European affairs, and became a sinister and unscrupulous opponent of other great powers in the dangerous game of "world politics." We are not concerned here, however, with this feature of Germany's advance, which is fully treated elsewhere.

帝国也不满足于物质利益和新获得的威望。德国放弃了以往只关心欧洲事务的政策，成为其他大国在“世界政治”危险游戏中不择手段的对手。然而，我们在这里并不关心德国前进的这一特征，这一点在其他地方已得到充分讨论。

This period brought out more and more the strong individuality of William II, who had early--earlier, perhaps, than anyone else--recognized his country's new needs, and who put all of his immense vitality into his efforts to fill them.

这一时期越来越显示出威廉二世的强烈个性，他很早就——也许比任何人都更早——认识到了国家的新需求，并把他所有的巨大活力投入到满足这些需求的努力中。

Some results were: the beginning of a very definite and extensive naval program, the building and completion (1895) of the Kaiser-Wilhelm Canal between the Baltic and the North Sea, active participation in the development of Turkey in Europe and Asia, the acquisition of a "sphere of influence" in China, and the lease of Kiao-chau in 1897, the purchase of the Carolina Islands in 1899.

一些成果是：开始了非常明确和广泛的海军计划，在波罗的海和北海之间修建并完成了威廉皇帝运河（1895年），积极参与土耳其在欧洲和亚洲的发展，在中国获得了“势力范围”，以及在1897年租借了胶州，在1899年购买了卡罗莱纳群岛。

All these activities brought Germany more and more frequently in contact and often in conflict with English interests.

所有这些活动使德国与英国的利益接触越来越频繁，而且经常发生冲突。

Its naval ambitions aroused the suspicions of the old mistress of the sea, and relations which at no time since the death of William I had been overcordial became more strained.

它的海军野心引起了老海上女主人的怀疑，自威廉一世去世以来从未过度友好的关系变得更加紧张。

In 1909, Prince Hohenlohe was succeeded by his Foreign Secretary, Count, later Prince von Bülow.

1909 年，霍恩洛厄亲王的继任者是他的外交大臣伯爵，即后来的冯·比洛亲王。

Though an experienced diplomat and a man of great intelligence and culture, he found his road beset with difficulties.

尽管他是一位经验丰富的外交官，也是一位才华横溢、文化渊博的人，但他发现自己的道路充满了困难。

Not only had he to face in international politics at every step the dual alliance of France and Russia, which was becoming rapidly more intimate, but English aversion against German independence in matters of world politics, and English resentment against German expansion grew day by day.

他不仅在国际政治中步步面对日益密切的法国和俄罗斯的双重联盟，而且英国在世界政治问题上对德国独立的厌恶和对德国扩张的不满与日俱增。

The culmination of this general dread of German ascendancy found expression in the formation of the Anglo-French _entente cordiale_ of 1904 and the Anglo-Russian arrangement of 1907, of which we shall hear more when considering the histories of the three countries directly involved.

这种对德国崛起的普遍恐惧在 1904 年英法友好协约和 1907 年英俄安排的形成中得到了体现，在考虑直接涉及的三个国家的历史时，我们将会听到更多关于这种安排的内容。

Whether or not the German claim that these agreements were concluded with the ulterior motives of isolating and then crushing Germany and her allies had foundations, is of little importance.

德国声称这些协议是出于孤立并摧毁德国及其盟友的不可告人的目的而达成的，这一说法是否有根据，并不重要。

For the fact remains that they were considered in this light, not only by Germany's diplomats, but by the nation at large, and ever after Germany's foreign policy was based on this consideration.

因为事实是，不仅德国外交官，而且整个国家都从这个角度考虑这些问题，而且从此以后，德国的外交政策就是基于这种考虑。

Even before England had actually come to a definite understanding with Russia, the first test was put to the new line-up of the European powers.

甚至在英国与俄罗斯真正达成明确谅解之前，欧洲列强的新阵容就受到了第一次考验。

In 1905 trouble arose about the extension of French influence in North Africa.

1905 年，法国在北非扩大影响力的问题出现了麻烦。

Although a general European war seemed more possible at that time than at any other time within recent years, it was averted as a result of the so-called Algeciras Conference.

尽管当时似乎比近年来任何时候都更有可能爆发欧洲全面战争，但由于所谓的阿尔赫西拉斯会议，这场战争被避免了。

In this first inning Germany won together with Italy and Austria against France, backed by Russia and England, and the result was the declaration of Morocco's integrity.

在第一局中，德国在俄罗斯和英格兰的支持下，与意大利和奥地利一起战胜了法国，结果宣告了摩洛哥的完整。

[Illustration: Europe in Twelfth Century, Historical Map.]

[插图：十二世纪的欧洲，历史地图。]

During the next decade the foreign policy of Germany showed the same chief characteristic that was noticeable in that of the other countries--high tension.

在接下来的十年里，德国的外交政策表现出了与其他国家的外交政策相同的主要特征——高度紧张。

One is almost tempted to compare this period of Europe's history to the hours immediately preceding a violent electrical storm.

人们几乎很想将欧洲的这段历史与猛烈雷暴之前的几个小时进行比较。

The diplomatic atmosphere was surcharged with electricity, and long before the storm really broke the growl of distant thunder could be heard and occasional flashes of lightning announced its approach.

外交气氛充满了电流，在暴风雨真正爆发之前很久，就可以听到远处雷声的轰鸣，偶尔有闪电宣布它即将来临。

That, in spite of all signs, so many people firmly believed that the storm would never break, is easily explained with the innate optimism of mankind, and is on a par with the spirit of unbelief in unpleasant things that makes people go out unprepared for rain, as long as rain only threatens, but does not actually fall.

尽管有种种迹象，这么多人仍然坚信暴风雨永远不会爆发，这很容易用人类与生俱来的乐观主义来解释，并且与不相信不愉快的事情的精神是一样的，这种精神使人们对下雨毫无准备，只要下雨只是威胁，但实际上并没有下雨。

In 1911, Morocco again almost became the stumblingblock.

1911年，摩洛哥再次差点成为绊脚石。

In that year France annexed this north African country in spite of the agreement that had been reached at Algeciras.

那一年，法国不顾在阿尔赫西拉斯达成的协议，吞并了这个北非国家。

Germany immediately entered a strong protest, which, however, was later withdrawn in consideration of certain commercial privileges in connection with the development of the country, and the cession of territory in central Africa.

德国立即提出强烈抗议，但后来考虑到与国家发展有关的某些商业特权以及中非领土的割让而撤回。

Once more war had been avoided.

战争再次避免了。

This period also saw numerous upheavals in the Balkans.

这一时期巴尔干地区也发生了多次动乱。

Throughout these Germany made it clear that it would permit nothing in that part of the world which would work out to the disadvantage of its ally--Austria.

德国在整个过程中明确表示，它不会允许世界上任何地方发生任何对其盟友奥地利不利的事情。

In spite of temporary reduction in the tension existing between Germany on the one hand, and England, France, and Russia respectively on the other, the differences between these countries became more marked, diplomatic clashes more frequent, and their mutual suspicion of each other more pronounced.

德国与英、法、俄之间的紧张局势虽然暂时缓和，但各国之间的分歧更加明显，外交冲突更加频繁，相互猜疑更加明显。

England especially resented the ambitious naval program of Germany, which seriously threatened British supremacy on the sea and forced England to tremendous expenditures to maintain its overwhelming naval strength.

英国尤其不满德国雄心勃勃的海军计划，该计划严重威胁英国的海上霸权，迫使英国花费巨额开支来维持其压倒性的海军实力。

France was menaced by Germany's increase in the peace strength of its army, which was accomplished in 1913 by means of special taxation known as the "Wehrbeitrag."

德国在 1913 年通过名为“Wehrbeitrag”的特殊税收手段增强了其军队的和平实力，这对法国构成了威胁。

The German-French relations were influenced considerably, not only by French colonial policy, but also by conditions in Alsace-Lorraine.

德法关系不仅受到法国殖民政策的影响，而且还受到阿尔萨斯-洛林地区状况的影响。

We have already heard of the French attitude in regard to these so-called "lost provinces." Right after the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-71, and for a considerable period afterward, the desire for restitution and the demand for the reconquest of the lost territory undoubtedly was as sincere as it was widespread among the French nation.

我们已经听说过法国对于这些所谓“失落省份”的态度。 1870-71 年普法战争结束后，以及此后相当长的一段时间内，恢复原状的愿望和重新征服失地的要求无疑在法国民族中普遍存在，是真诚的。

It is, however, no less true that these sentiments decreased in fervor, and most likely would have subsided entirely if they would have been permitted to take their natural course.

然而，同样真实的是，这些情绪的热情有所下降，如果允许它们顺其自然，很可能会完全平息。

Instead of this, this question gradually became a political issue of the first magnitude, and now one political party and then another would use it for its own purposes.

相反，这个问题逐渐成为一个重要的政治问题，现在一个政党接着另一个政党会利用它来达到自己的目的。

It was thus that the French-German animosity was kept alive and nurtured.

正是这样，法德之间的仇恨才得以延续和滋长。

On the German side the more or less uncompromising attitude toward all things French as far as Alsace-Lorraine was officially claimed to be a matter of political necessity.

在德国方面，官方声称对阿尔萨斯-洛林地区所有法国事物采取或多或少的不妥协态度是出于政治需要。

At any rate it gave continual opportunities to French politicians to make capital out of the conditions as they existed in Alsace-Lorraine.

无论如何，它为法国政治家提供了不断利用阿尔萨斯-洛林现有条件获取资本的机会。

One of the most severe outbreaks of anti-German and antimilitary feeling in that part of the German Empire happened in December, 1913, in the small Alsatian garrison town of Zabern, when some Alsatians of French antecedents and sympathizers were wounded in a clash with German officers and soldiers.

1913 年 12 月，德意志帝国这一地区最严重的反德和反军事情绪爆发之一发生在阿尔萨斯驻军小镇扎伯恩，当时一些法国裔阿尔萨斯人和同情者在与德国军官和士兵的冲突中受伤。

Unimportant as this affair was, in a way, it resulted in a great deal of very pointed and unfriendly comment in the French press, and undoubtedly added fuel to the fire of Franco-German animosity which was burning even then stronger than it had done for many years.

尽管这件事在某种程度上并不重要，但它在法国媒体上引起了大量非常尖锐和不友好的评论，无疑为法德仇恨之火火上浇油，这种仇恨甚至在当时就比多年来更加强烈。

In 1908, near the end of Prince von Bülow's incumbency of the chancellorship, his position became very difficult, because of the general disapproval on the part of the nation of the German emperor's custom to make long speeches concerning foreign affairs.

1908年，冯·比洛亲王的总理任期即将结束，他的处境变得非常困难，因为德国皇帝就外交事务发表长篇演讲的习惯普遍遭到全国人民的反对。

Some of these speeches caused a considerable amount of offense in foreign capitals, and, while this matter, too, may be considered a minor detail in Germany's relations with foreign powers, it had at the same time some influence.

其中一些言论在外国首都引起了相当大的反感，虽然这件事也可能被认为是德国与外国列强关系中的一个小细节，但它同时也产生了一些影响。

Throughout this period the chancellor was supported by a combination of the National-Liberal and Conservative parties.

在此期间，财政大臣得到了国家自由党和保守党的联合支持。

But in 1909 the continuation of this combination became impossible on account of the divergence of opinion existing between these two parties in regard to the Government's financial reforms.

但到了1909年，由于两党在政府财政改革问题上存在意见分歧，这种合并不可能继续下去。

The National-Liberal as well as the Social-Democrat and other radical members of the Finance Committee withdrew, and the Conservatives formed a new combination with the Center party.

财政委员会中的民族自由党、社会民主党和其他激进派成员退出，保守党与中间党组成新的组合。

This new majority, however, made so many changes in the original Government bill, and forced through measures which the chancellor so thoroughly disapproved, that he handed his resignation to the emperor.

然而，这个新的多数派对原来的政府法案进行了如此多的修改，并强制采取了总理完全不赞成的措施，以至于他向皇帝递交了辞呈。

It was not accepted right away, but upon his continued insistence, he finally was permitted to resign in July.

虽然没有立即被接受，但在他的坚持下，他终于在7月获准辞职。

His successor was Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg, up to then Minister of the Interior of Prussia, a member of an old patrician house with strong National-Liberal tendencies.

他的继任者是冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格博士，一直担任普鲁士内政部长，是一个具有强烈民族自由主义倾向的古老贵族家族的成员。

In 1910 the Far Eastern problem again became acute.

1910年，远东问题再次变得尖锐。

Russia, Japan, and England, of course, were most vitally interested in the future of China.

当然，俄罗斯、日本和英国对中国的未来最感兴趣。

Both France and Germany, too, had important commercial interests.

法国和德国也有重要的商业利益。

For a time it looked as if these great powers would clash about the Chinese question, which each wished to solve in such a manner that the greatest possible advantage and gain would come to itself and none or the least possible to the others.

一时间，这些大国似乎会在中国问题上发生冲突，每个国家都希望以这样一种方式解决这个问题：自己能获得最大的利益和收益，而其他国家则没有或至少不可能获得利益和收益。

However, in 1910 the United States proposed that the Manchurian railway, just then the principal issue, be financed by an international syndicate, reasserting, thereby, its previous stand for an "open-door" policy in China.

然而，1910年，美国提出由国际财团资助满洲铁路这一当时的主要问题，从而重申了其先前对中国“门户开放”政策的立场。

Germany supported this attitude, and undoubtedly did not make through this action any friendships among the other powers.

德国支持这种态度，无疑并没有通过这一行动与其他大国建立任何友谊。

In May, 1911, the Reichstag, after long discussion, accepted a bill giving a separate constitution to Alsace-Lorraine, making, thereby, this territory more equal to the other parts of the German Empire.

1911 年 5 月，德国国会经过长时间讨论，接受了一项法案，为阿尔萨斯-洛林制定单独的宪法，从而使这片领土与德意志帝国的其他地区更加平等。

This action, of course, was welcomed by the inhabitants of Alsace-Lorraine, and was a long step toward reconciling them sometime to the German overlordship.

当然，这一行动受到了阿尔萨斯-洛林居民的欢迎，并且是朝着使他们与德国宗主国和解迈出的一大步。

In the same degree in which it accomplished this it caused displeasure in France, where, by this time, every success in the Germanizing of the "lost provinces" was viewed naturally with almost as much disapproval as the original occupation.

它实现这一目标的程度同样引起了法国的不满，此时，“失落省份”日耳曼化的每一次成功都自然地受到了几乎与最初占领一样多的反对。

It was in the same year, 1911, that the Morocco difficulties arose again with France, as we have already seen, but in spite of the appearance of a German gunboat at the port of Agadir and the threatening attitude of Germany, matters were finally settled amicably.

同年，即1911年，正如我们已经看到的那样，摩洛哥与法国之间的矛盾再次出现，但尽管阿加迪尔港出现了一艘德国炮舰，并且德国采取了威胁态度，但问题最终还是得到了友好解决。

The terms of the settlement, however, pleased neither the German nor the French nation at large, and a considerable feeling of enmity remained.

然而，和解协议的条款令德国和法国民众都不满意，并且仍然存在相当大的敌意。

Late that year, 1911, a determined campaign was started by the German Navy League in an effort to bring about an increase of Germany's naval forces through the force of public opinion.

1911 年年底，德国海军联盟发起了一场坚决的运动，试图通过舆论的力量增强德国海军力量。

This activity, which met with considerable success, was viewed with alarm and displeasure in England.

这项活动取得了相当大的成功，但在英国却引起了震惊和不满。

These sentiments grew and spread to France when in the spring of 1912 the newly elected Reichstag adopted a bill carrying greatly increased expenditures for both army and navy.

1912 年春天，新当选的德国国会通过了一项大幅增加陆军和海军开支的法案，这种情绪进一步蔓延到法国。

In the summer of 1912 the Balkan question, which is treated in detail in a separate chapter, assumed threatening proportions.

1912 年夏天，巴尔干问题达到了威胁的程度，该问题将在单独的一章中详细讨论。

Germany as well as the other great powers, however, at that time managed to find a common basis and kept all from active participation in the two Balkan wars, restricting their activities to the exertion of their various influences for as just a settlement as was possible under the circumstances when the time for settlement had arrived in 1913.

然而，德国和其他大国当时设法找到了共同基础，阻止所有国家积极参与两次巴尔干战争，将其活动限制在发挥各种影响力，以在1913年解决时间到来的情况下尽可能公正地解决问题。

In spite of the inactivity of the powers there can be no doubt that their respective attitudes at that time toward the various Balkan States and their ambitions had an important influence on the latter's attitude toward the various powers after the war of 1914 had broken out.

尽管列强无所作为，但毫无疑问，当时它们各自对巴尔干各国的态度及其野心对1914年战争爆发后巴尔干各国对列强的态度产生了重要影响。

In December, 1912, the Triple Alliance was renewed, although even then the conflicting interests of Italy and Austria in the Balkans had made such a step somewhat doubtful.

1912 年 12 月，三国同盟得以续签，尽管意大利和奥地利在巴尔干地区的利益冲突使得这一步骤有些令人怀疑。

The early spring of 1913 brought with it the uncovering of a rather extensive scandal in connection with the manufacture of guns and other war materials.

1913 年初春，一起有关枪支和其他战争物资制造的相当广泛的丑闻被揭露。

One of the Socialistic leaders in the Reichstag charged some officials of the great munition firm of Krupp and of other firms with bribery of War Department officials, and with the creation of artificial war scares in other countries for the sake of increasing munition orders.

德国国会的一位社会党领导人指控克虏伯大军火公司和其他公司的一些官员贿赂陆军部官员，并为了增加军火订单而在其他国家制造人为的战争恐慌。

Although the German courts later sustained this contention to a certain extent, and although it resulted in a certain amount of antiwar sentiment, Germany continued with its well-defined program of increased preparedness.

尽管德国法院后来在一定程度上维持了这一论点，并且导致了一定程度的反战情绪，但德国仍继续执行其明确的加强准备计划。

That the Government had behind it in its efforts the full support of public opinion was proven in June of the same year, 1913, by the passage in the Reichstag of another bill carrying considerable increases in the peace strength of the army, and by the fact that the necessary expenditures were met by special taxation, which, though severe in its effects alike on poor and rich, was borne cheerfully by the entire nation.

1913年6月，国会通过了另一项大幅增强军队和平力量的法案，并通过特别税收满足了必要的开支，这一事实证明了政府的努力得到了公众舆论的全力支持，特别税收虽然对穷人和富人造成了严重影响，但却由整个国家欣然承担。

[Illustration: Nicholas II, Emperor of All the Russias.]

[插图：尼古拉二世，全俄罗斯皇帝。]

Although the Balkan question continued to be the source of considerable anxiety and extensive diplomatic conferences, the political horizon of Europe during the latter half of 1913 and the first half of 1914 seemed comparatively cloudless to all but the keenest observers.

尽管巴尔干问题仍然是相当大的焦虑和广泛的外交会议的根源，但除了最敏锐的观察家之外，1913年下半年和1914年上半年欧洲的政治前景似乎相对晴朗。

Like a flash of lightning out of a clear sky, therefore, came the news that the heir to the throne of Austria-Hungary, Archduke Francis Ferdinand, and his wife, the Duchess of Hohenberg, had been assassinated during a visit to Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia, June 28, 1914, and that the Austrian Government had determined to hold Serbia responsible.

因此，奥匈帝国王位继承人弗朗西斯·斐迪南大公及其妻子霍恩贝格公爵夫人于 1914 年 6 月 28 日访问波斯尼亚首都萨拉热窝时遇刺身亡的消息犹如晴空霹雳，奥地利政府决定追究塞尔维亚的责任。

England, France, Russia, and Serbia tried, in vain, during the next five weeks to check the outbreak of a general European war.

英国、法国、俄罗斯和塞尔维亚在接下来的五周内试图阻止欧洲全面战争的爆发，但徒劳无功。

CHAPTER II

第二章

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY

奥匈帝国

Amongst the great European nations the Austro-Hungarian Empire occupies a unique position.

在欧洲大国中，奥匈帝国占有独特的地位。

In number of inhabitants it is inferior only to Russia and Germany, whereas it occupies more territory than any other European country, with the single exception of Russia.

就居民数量而言，它仅次于俄罗斯和德国，但它的领土面积却比除俄罗斯以外的任何其他欧洲国家都要多。

In spite of this, however, Austria-Hungary possesses no foreign colonies, and those of its inhabitants who, for one reason or another, decided to leave the land of their birth, have, therefore, for years emigrated to foreign countries, and have been lost, in large numbers, to their native country.

然而，尽管如此，奥匈帝国没有外国殖民地，其居民由于某种原因决定离开自己的出生地，因此多年来移居外国，并大量失去了自己的祖国。

Of course, the desire for expansion, which is one of the chief characteristics of the historical development of the various nations during the twentieth century, made itself felt in Austria-Hungary as well as everywhere else.

当然，扩张的愿望是20世纪各国历史发展的主要特征之一，在奥匈帝国和其他地方都可以感受到。

Not having any colonies and not having either the financial or military means of acquiring any, the Dual Monarchy has for many years been deeply interested in the Near East.

双元君主国没有任何殖民地，也没有获取任何殖民地的财政或军事手段，多年来一直对近东有着浓厚的兴趣。

There vast stretches of undeveloped territory, much of which was immediately adjoining its own territory, created a strong desire for possession, or at least for a preponderating influence.

那里有大片未开发的领土，其中大部分紧邻自己的领土，产生了强烈的占有欲，或者至少是获得压倒性影响力的欲望。

This desire was intensified by the peculiar racial conditions which existed in the Dual Monarchy.

这种愿望因双重君主制中存在的特殊种族条件而更加强烈。

Austria-Hungary in this respect also differed from all the other European nations.

奥匈帝国在这方面也与所有其他欧洲国家不同。

In each one of the other countries of Europe there was _one_ race that was more numerous and more influential than any of the other races that might inhabit the same country.

在欧洲的每一个其他国家中，都有一个种族比可能居住在同一国家的任何其他种族的人数更多、影响力更大。

In Austria-Hungary, however, there were living side by side a number of widely different races.

然而，在奥匈帝国，许多不同的种族并存。

Germans, Bohemians, Poles, Hungarians, Serbians, and others.

德国人、波希米亚人、波兰人、匈牙利人、塞尔维亚人等。

Of most of these races additional numbers were living in one or another of the adjoining countries, and this condition brought about a continuous desire on the part of these different nations to unite.

在这些种族中，有更多的人生活在一个或另一个毗邻的国家，这种情况导致这些不同的民族不断渴望联合起来。

For instance, the Poles living in Austrian Galicia never gave up their hope of once more becoming united with their fellow Poles in Prussian and in Russian Poland.

例如，生活在奥地利加利西亚的波兰人从未放弃与普鲁士和俄属波兰的波兰同胞再次团结的希望。

In the same way the Rumanians in the Austrian province of Bukowina cast longing eyes toward Rumania and Russian Bessarabia; the Austrian Serbs did the same in respect to Serbia and so on.

同样，奥地利布科维纳省的罗马尼亚人也向罗马尼亚和俄罗斯比萨拉比亚投去渴望的目光。奥地利塞族人对塞尔维亚等也做了同样的事情。

All attempts of the Government to change this condition appeared to be futile, whether these attempts were of a friendly or of a hostile and oppressive nature.

政府为改变这种状况所做的一切尝试似乎都是徒劳的，无论这些尝试是友好的还是敌对和压迫性的。

Legislature of any kind, as long as it affected racial questions, was not only unsuccessful in accomplishing its ends, but often resulted in bitter parliamentary discussions and hostilities.

任何形式的立法机构，只要涉及到种族问题，不仅不能成功实现其目标，而且常常会导致议会的激烈讨论和敌对行动。

The resentment of the various racial units of the Dual Monarchy against such legislation was only deepened by the fact that for many years the actual power of government lay in the hands of the Germanic part of the empire in spite of the fact that the Germans, though in many ways the most advanced, were the least numerous.

多年来，政府的实际权力掌握在帝国的日耳曼部分手中，尽管日耳曼人虽然在许多方面最先进，但人数最少，这一事实进一步加深了二元君主制各种族单位对此类立法的不满。

In view of all these conditions it is rather remarkable that the Dual Monarchy should have held together as long as it did and, indeed, its disruption was frequently prophesied and as frequently expected.

考虑到所有这些条件，双重君主制能维持这么长时间是相当值得注意的，事实上，它的瓦解经常被预言，也正如人们经常预料的那样。

It is clear, therefore, why every attempt on the part of the different Balkan nations to readjust their affairs deeply interested and affected Austria-Hungary.

因此，很明显，为什么巴尔干各国调整其事务的每一次尝试都对奥匈帝国产生了极大的兴趣和影响。

For, even if the empire had given up all thought of profiting itself by such a readjustment, there was always the danger that it might lose both in territory and population.

因为，即使帝国放弃了通过这种调整来为自己谋取利益的想法，领土和人口的双重损失的危险始终存在。

Such a loss, however small, would have seriously embarrassed the Dual Monarchy.

这样的损失，无论多么小，都会让二元君主制严重尴尬。

For not only might it have resulted in further losses of the same nature, but also from a financial point of view the empire could not afford a diminution of any of its resources.

因为它不仅可能导致同样性质的进一步损失，而且从财政角度来看，帝国无法承受其任何资源的减少。

As national wealth goes, Austria-Hungary cannot be considered rich by any means, being in this respect almost on an equal basis with Italy, which has only two-thirds the number of inhabitants and less than one-half the extent of the Dual Monarchy.

就国家财富而言，奥匈帝国无论如何都不能被视为富裕，在这方面几乎与意大利处于平等的基础上，意大利的居民人数只有二元君主国的三分之二，面积还不到二元君主国的一半。

Considering the many difficult problems of political, financial and economic nature which the possession of colonies created for the various colonial powers of Europe, Austria might have considered itself fortunate because of its entire lack of colonies.

考虑到拥有殖民地给欧洲各个殖民国家带来的许多政治、金融和经济方面的难题，奥地利可能会认为自己很幸运，因为它完全没有殖民地。

However, the problem of Balkan readjustments, upon which we have touched just now, took the place of colonial problems and brought to Austria as many difficulties and entanglements as any colony has ever brought to its possessor.

然而，我们刚才谈到的巴尔干调整问题取代了殖民问题，给奥地利带来了任何殖民地给其拥有者带来的困难和纠葛。

It was along that line that Austria-Hungary was brought into contact with the other nations of Europe.

正是沿着这条路线，奥匈帝国与欧洲其他国家进行了接触。

Of these Russia was the one most vitally interested in the same questions as Austria.

其中，俄罗斯对与奥地利同样的问题最感兴趣。

For of almost every race that inhabited Austria additional numbers were living in Russia and whatever one country did or attempted to do in the Near East was looked upon with suspicion by the other.

因为几乎每一个居住在奥地利的种族都有更多的人生活在俄罗斯，无论一个国家在近东做什么或试图做什么，都会受到另一个国家的怀疑。

Turkey, too, of course, was vitally interested and affected by Austria's policy in the Near East and so was England ever since its foreign policy had been committed to the principle of keeping the Near Eastern _status quo_ undisturbed.

当然，土耳其也对奥地利的近东政策非常感兴趣并受到其影响，英国也是如此，因为其外交政策一直致力于保持近东现状不受干扰的原则。

Outside of these possibilities of becoming involved with another nation the Dual Monarchy had long-standing difficulties with Italy.

除了与另一个国家发生关系的可能性之外，二元君主制与意大利之间存在着长期的困难。

For, previous to the creation of the present kingdom of Italy, Austria had possessed large parts of northern Italy, and the loss of these fertile and rich territories was a severe blow to Austria.

因为，在现在的意大利王国建立之前，奥地利就占有意大利北部的大片地区，失去这些肥沃富饶的领土对奥地利来说是一个沉重的打击。

The enmity between the two countries was still more enhanced when, in 1866, Austria had to give up Venetia to Italy.

1866年，奥地利不得不将威尼斯割让给意大利，两国之间的敌意进一步加深。

This loss was an indirect result of the Prusso-Austrian War of 1866, the details of which we have already mentioned in the recital of the political development of Germany.

这一损失是1866年普奥战争的间接结果，其细节我们已经在德国政治发展的叙述中提到过。

Previous to declaring war against Austria, Prussia had formed an alliance with Italy and at the beginning of hostilities between Prussia and Austria Italy, too, attacked Austria.

在对奥地利宣战之前，普鲁士与意大利结成联盟，在普鲁士和奥地利之间的敌对行动开始时，意大利也攻击了奥地利。

Although the Austrian troops defeated the Italians, Austria was forced, when peace was concluded, to yield Venetia to Italy retaining only a small part of its former possessions on the Adriatic so as not to be cut off entirely from a maritime outlet.

尽管奥地利军队击败了意大利人，但在和平缔结时，奥地利被迫将威尼斯让给意大利，只保留其在亚得里亚海的一小部分以前的领地，以免完全切断出海口。

This small remnant of its former Italian possessions, however, proved to be a thorn in the body politic of the Dual Monarchy.

然而，这片前意大利领地的残余却被证明是双重君主政体的眼中钉。

The inhabitants of this province were preponderately Italian in language and Italian in feeling and ever since the formation of the kingdom of Italy a strong propaganda was carried on with the object of finally accomplishing the redemption of these provinces from Austrian rule and their unification with Italy.

该省的居民在语言和感情上主要是意大利语，自意大利王国成立以来，就进行了强有力的宣传，目的是最终实现这些省份从奥地利统治下的救赎并与意大利统一。

In spite of the difficulties between Austria on one side and Russia and Italy respectively on the other it seemed, soon after the Franco-Prussian war of 1870, as if all these difficulties would be adjusted in an amicable way.

尽管一方面奥地利与另一方面俄罗斯和意大利之间存在困难，但在 1870 年普法战争后不久，似乎所有这些困难都会以友好的方式得到解决。

In 1872 the three European Emperors of Germany, Austria and Russia met and without actually concluding a treaty arrived at a mutual understanding which promised well for the future peace of Europe.

1872年，德国、奥地利和俄罗斯三位欧洲皇帝会面，在没有实际缔结条约的情况下达成了相互谅解，这为欧洲未来的和平带来了良好的前景。

Five years later in 1877 when Russia went to war with Turkey the definite result of this mutual understanding was a treaty concluded between Russia and Austria.

五年后，即 1877 年，当俄罗斯与土耳其开战时，这种相互谅解的明确结果是俄罗斯与奥地利之间缔结了一项条约。

As a result of this treaty Austria agreed not to interfere between Turkey and Russia whereas Russia promised to Austria Bosnia and Herzegovina, both of which were at that time under the rule of Turkey.

根据该条约，奥地利同意不干涉土耳其和俄罗斯之间的事务，而俄罗斯则向奥地利承诺波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那，这两个国家当时都在土耳其的统治之下。

This latter promise was kept in 1878, when the various Balkan questions that had become acute through the Turko-Russian War were adjusted at the Berlin Congress.

1878 年，后一个承诺得以兑现，当时因土俄战争而变得尖锐的各种巴尔干问题在柏林会议上得到了调整。

It is true that at that time Austria was only permitted to occupy these territories, but even this was a considerable acquisition.

确实，当时奥地利只被允许占领这些领土，但即便如此，这也是一笔相当大的收购。

Four years later another step was taken toward the strengthening of European peace.

四年后，为加强欧洲和平又迈出了一步。

In that year the treaty which had been concluded in 1879 between Germany and Italy was extended to include Austria-Hungary and this alliance of the three Central European Powers, known commonly as the Triple Alliance, endured not only till the outbreak of the war of 1914, but even for some time later.

同年，德国和意大利之间于 1879 年缔结的条约扩大到了奥匈帝国，而这个由三个中欧国家组成的联盟，通常被称为三国联盟，不仅持续到 1914 年战争爆发，而且还持续了一段时间。

This alliance originally was made only for five years, but at the expiration of this time it was renewed in 1887 and again later.

该联盟最初只为期五年，但在该期限届满后于 1887 年续签，并于之后再次续签。

Of the causes and results of the Austro-Prussian War of 1866 we have heard already in the consideration of Germany's history.

关于 1866 年普奥战争的起因和结果，我们已经在回顾德国历史时听说过。

Immediately after its conclusion Austria-Hungary devoted its energies chiefly to internal affairs and in 1867 succeeded in a reorganization of the difficulties which had arisen with Hungary.

奥匈帝国缔结后立即将其主要精力投入到内部事务上，并于 1867 年成功地解决了与匈牙利之间出现的困难。

The result was the "Ausgleich" which established Hungary practically on an equal basis with Austria, giving it a separate constitution, legislature and cabinet.

结果是“奥斯格莱希”，将匈牙利建立在与奥地利几乎平等的基础上，赋予匈牙利独立的宪法、立法机构和内阁。

It is from this dual basis that the term "Dual Monarchy" was derived and the arrangement made then fundamentally is in existence to-day.

正是从这种双重基础衍生出“双重君主制”一词，当时的安排基本上延续至今。

Throughout the ensuing years Austria-Hungary's position and influence amongst the great European powers was of little direct importance.

在随后的几年里，奥匈帝国在欧洲列强中的地位和影响力不再具有直接的重要性。

In the first place the Dual Monarchy was occupied continuously with the most vexing internal questions caused by the incessant difficulties arising between its racially different population.

首先，双重君主制一直面临着最棘手的内部问题，这些问题是由于不同种族的人口之间不断出现的困难而引起的。

These were responsible for the fall of one ministry after another, and frequently caused grave apprehension to all Europe.

这些导致了一个又一个部委的垮台，并经常引起整个欧洲的严重忧虑。

For many years the disintegration of the empire was feared and expected.

多年来，人们对帝国的解体感到恐惧和期待。

But in spite of all difficulties it held together.

但尽管困难重重，它还是团结在一起。

In the second place the country remained for many years chiefly agricultural and even to-day, considering its extent, is only moderately industrial.

其次，该国多年来一直以农业为主，即使在今天，考虑到其规模，也只是中等程度的工业。

This made it unnecessary for Austria-Hungary to concern itself directly with such questions as the colonization of Africa or the division of China.

这使得奥匈帝国没有必要直接关心非洲的殖民化或中国的分裂等问题。

Only occasionally it made its influence felt indirectly by supporting the policies and claims of its two allies, Germany and Italy.

只是偶尔它会通过支持其两个盟友德国和意大利的政策和主张来间接感受到其影响力。

In 1908, however, it took a step that immediately brought it into the center of world politics.

然而，1908年，它迈出了一步，立即将其带入世界政治的中心。

In that year the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina was announced, although for many years previous the Turkish suzerainty over these two provinces had been less than nominal.

同年，宣布吞并波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那，尽管多年来土耳其对这两个省份的宗主权一直不及名义上的。

As this was followed immediately by a declaration of independence on the part of Bulgaria, the jealousy of Serbia was aroused.

由于保加利亚随即宣布独立，引起了塞尔维亚的嫉妒。

But both the difficulties with this country and with Turkey about the annexation were finally adjusted, mainly through the strong support which Germany gave to its ally and in 1909 all of the powers recognized the annexation.

但无论是与该国还是与土耳其在吞并问题上的困难最终都得到了缓解，这主要是通过德国对其盟友的大力支持，并于1909年所有列强都承认了吞并。

Once more Austria-Hungary withdrew from the international concert and devoted itself to its internal difficulties which seemed to increase in frequency and violence as the years passed by.

奥匈帝国再次退出国际舞台，转而致力于解决其内部困难，随着时间的推移，这些困难似乎越来越频繁，暴力也越来越多。

It was not until the summer of 1912 that it again became active in connection with foreign politics.

直到1912年夏天，它才再次活跃在对外政治中。

Then, when the Balkan question had become acute, the Austrian Foreign Minister, Count Berchtold, suggested to the other powers that they combine for the purpose of settling the Balkan disputes.

随后，当巴尔干问题变得尖锐时，奥地利外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵建议其他国家联合起来解决巴尔干争端。

The suggestion was accepted and although it did not succeed in avoiding war between the different Balkan States themselves, it, at least, localized this war and kept the rest of Europe out of it.

该建议被接受了，尽管它没有成功地避免巴尔干不同国家之间的战争，但它至少使这场战争局部化，并使欧洲其他国家卷入其中。

Of course, Austrian diplomats were busily occupied throughout this entire period in guarding their country's interests, and Constantinople especially was the scene of many a diplomatic battle between Austria-Hungary and the other powers.

当然，奥地利外交官在整个时期都忙于维护国家利益，尤其是君士坦丁堡，是奥匈帝国与其他列强之间许多外交斗争的场所。

From time to time relations with Russia became somewhat strained on account of the conflicting interests of the two countries in the Balkans.

由于两国在巴尔干地区的利益冲突，与俄罗斯的关系时常变得有些紧张。

But in spite of this conditions were friendly enough to permit an arrangement between these two powers in March, 1913, whereby they agreed on the demobilization of their respective forces along the Russo-Austrian border.

但尽管如此，条件仍然足够友好，两国在 1913 年 3 月达成了一项安排，同意沿俄奥边境复员各自部队。

The murder of Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir to the throne, and his wife during a visit at Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia, however, changed immediately Austria-Hungary's attitude toward Serbia.

然而，王位继承人弗朗西斯·斐迪南大公及其妻子在访问波斯尼亚首都萨拉热窝时被谋杀，立即改变了奥匈帝国对塞尔维亚的态度。

Like one man the country rose and demanded the punishment of the murderers and of the nation which, it was claimed, had planned and financed the murder, Serbia.

就像一个人一样，整个国家站了起来，要求惩罚凶手和据称策划并资助这起谋杀案的国家——塞尔维亚。

Racial differences and dissensions of long standing were forgotten and forgiven over night, as it were, and a country, more solidified than at any other period in its history, stood behind its Emperor Francis Joseph, a man who throughout his life of more than eighty years--of which more than three-fourths were spent on the throne--had suffered all the disappointments and sorrows that can come to a man, but had never lost the trust and love of his subjects.

可以说，长期存在的种族差异和纷争在一夜之间就被遗忘和宽恕了，一个比历史上任何其他时期都更加坚定的国家支持着弗朗西斯·约瑟夫皇帝。这位皇帝在他八十多年的一生中——其中四分之三以上是在王位上度过的——经历了一个人可能遇到的所有失望和悲伤，但从未失去臣民的信任和爱戴。

CHAPTER III

第三章

RUSSIA

俄罗斯

In the middle of the nineteenth century the Russian Empire, in spite of its vast extent and resources, played a comparatively negligible part in international politics.

十九世纪中叶，俄罗斯帝国尽管幅员辽阔、资源丰富，但在国际政治中所扮演的角色却相对微不足道。

To a certain extent this was the result of the Crimean War.

在某种程度上，这是克里米亚战争的结果。

But still more was it due to the internal difficulties which were so many and so serious that they kept the empire fully occupied for a considerable period.

但更重要的是，由于内部困难如此之多、如此严重，使得帝国在相当长的一段时间内处于完全占领状态。

This condition is easily understood if we remember that at that time of all the great European nations Russia was the least developed, the least advanced, and the least modernized.

如果我们记得当时所有欧洲大国中俄罗斯是最不发达、最不先进和最不现代化的，那么这种情况就很容易理解了。

The many reforms instituted at that time contributed their share in changing this condition and resulted in bringing the Russian Empire rapidly to the forefront of European nations.

当时实行的许多改革为改变这种状况做出了贡献，并导致俄罗斯帝国迅速跻身欧洲国家的前列。

With the details of the reforms we are not concerned, but as their actual accomplishment had an important bearing on Russia's future activities in the field of world politics it will be well to state that they consisted chiefly of five great measures: the emancipation of the serfs; the institution of the zemstvos or county councils; trial by jury; regulation of the public press; and reorganization of the army.

我们不关心改革的细节，但由于改革的实际成果对俄罗斯未来在世界政治领域的活动具有重要影响，最好说改革主要包括五项重大措施：解放农奴；地方自治机关或县议会的机构；由陪审团审判；公共新闻的监管；以及军队的重组。

Some of these reforms were instituted by the government only after public opinion had made such a course inevitable, and of the history of this entire period it may well be said that it was written in the very lifeblood of the Russian people.

其中一些改革是在公众舆论使这一进程不可避免之后才由政府实施的，而整个时期的历史可以说是写在俄罗斯人民的血脉中的。

Two forces continuously combated each other; on one side were the large masses of the people, on the other the ruling classes.

两股势力不断交锋；一方面是广大人民群众，另一方面是统治阶级。

The former it is true were not always in solid union and, indeed, more frequently left the burden of fighting their cause to a small group of intellectuals.

确实，前者并不总是处于牢固的联盟，事实上，更常见的是，他们把为自己的事业而奋斗的重担留给了一小群知识分子。

Their demands in many instances were unreasonable, but the ruling classes were just as unreasonable in their attitude, and the result was a period of terrorism during which assassination of officials abounded and even the life of the emperor was threatened a number of times.

他们的要求很多时候是无理的，但统治阶级的态度也同样不合理，结果就是一个恐怖主义时期，暗杀官员的事件比比皆是，甚至皇帝的生命也多次受到威胁。

During the war of 1866 between Prussia and Austria and in 1871 between France and Germany, Russia observed a friendly neutrality toward Prussia.

在1866年普鲁士和奥地利之间以及1871年法国和德国之间的战争期间，俄罗斯对普鲁士保持了友好中立。

This attitude was the outcome of the long-standing personal friendship between the Russian and Prussian dynasties, a condition which at that period counted much more than in more modern times.

这种态度是俄罗斯和普鲁士王朝之间长期个人友谊的结果，这一条件在当时比现代更重要。

Although Russia kept out of any active participation in these two struggles it used the Franco-Prussian War, when all the other European powers were tied down by its possibilities, to declare, in October, 1870, that it refused to be bound further by the provisions of the treaty of Paris, made in 1856, establishing the neutrality of the Black Sea.

尽管俄罗斯没有积极参与这两次斗争，但当所有其他欧洲列强都被其可能性所束缚时，它却利用普法战争于 1870 年 10 月宣布，它拒绝接受 1856 年签订的巴黎条约条款的进一步约束，该条约确立了黑海的中立地位。

As a result of this a conference was called to London the following year, 1871, which affirmed in the name of all powers represented their determination to respect the sanctity of treaties, but in spite of that rescinded the treaty of 1856 along the lines of Russia's demands, and the neutrality of the Black Sea was abolished.

结果，次年，即 1871 年，在伦敦召开了一次会议，会议以所有国家的名义确认了尊重条约神圣性的决心，但尽管如此，还是按照俄罗斯的要求废除了 1856 年的条约，黑海的中立地位也被废除。

A few years later a separate arrangement between Russia and Turkey made it possible for both of these powers to create and maintain separate fleets in the Black Sea.

几年后，俄罗斯和土耳其之间的单独安排使这两个国家能够在黑海建立和维持独立的舰队。

In 1872, as we have already heard, the three European emperors of Russia, Austria, and Germany met at Berlin and possibly as a result of that meeting a treaty was signed in 1873 between Germany and Russia which, however, bearing as it did only the signatures of the two emperors and of the heads of their respective general staffs, had neither a real standing nor an important influence in the affairs of either country.

正如我们已经听说的，1872年，俄罗斯、奥地利和德国这三位欧洲皇帝在柏林会面，可能是这次会面的结果，德国和俄罗斯于1873年签署了一项条约，但该条约只由两位皇帝及其各自总参谋长签署，对两国事务既没有真正的地位，也没有重要的影响。

[Illustration: Europe in 1648-1789, Historical Map.]

[插图：1648-1789 年的欧洲，历史地图。]

Two years later, in 1875, Russia once more acted in concert with Austria and Germany when the Governments of these three empires addressed a joint request to Turkey asking for the immediate institution of reforms in the Balkan dependencies of the Turkish Empire which were then the center of continuous upheavals and threatened to disrupt European peace.

两年后，即 1875 年，俄罗斯再次与奥地利和德国合作，这三个帝国的政府向土耳其提出联合请求，要求立即对土耳其帝国的巴尔干属地进行改革，这些属地当时是持续动乱的中心，并威胁破坏欧洲和平。

Before we continue the consideration of Russia's political history it will be well to emphasize the chief characteristics of Russian foreign policy.

在我们继续考虑俄罗斯政治史之前，最好先强调一下俄罗斯外交政策的主要特征。

In western European politics Russia had no direct interest.

俄罗斯在西欧政治中没有直接利益。

In the Near East, however, it was more directly interested than any other European power with the possible exception of Austria-Hungary; for not only were most of the European dependencies of Turkey inhabited by Slavish people or else by races closely related to them, but it was there also that Russia hoped to gain its much-needed ice-free seaport.

然而，在近东，它比任何其他欧洲国家都更直接感兴趣，奥匈帝国可能是个例外。因为不仅土耳其的大部分欧洲属地都居住着奴隶或与他们密切相关的种族，而且俄罗斯也希望在那里获得其急需的不冻海港。

This strong interest of Russia in Balkan affairs which will be brought out in greater detail in another place, devoted exclusively to the Balkan question, naturally brought it continuously in contact with Austria-Hungary.

俄罗斯对巴尔干事务的这种强烈兴趣，将在另一个专门讨论巴尔干问题的地方更详细地阐述，自然导致它与奥匈帝国不断接触。

For the latter's interest in these matters was as strong as was Russia's, although it was, as we have seen, based on different grounds.

因为后者对这些问题的兴趣与俄罗斯的兴趣一样强烈，尽管正如我们所看到的，它是基于不同的理由。

This condition then meant that there was nothing in the way of a strong friendship or even a possible alliance between Germany and Russia except Germany's friendship for and alliance with Austria-Hungary which made it impossible for Germany to support Russia's policy in the Balkans.

这种情况意味着，除了德国与奥匈帝国的友谊和联盟之外，德国和俄罗斯之间没有任何牢固的友谊，甚至可能结成联盟，这使得德国不可能支持俄罗斯在巴尔干地区的政策。

As a secondary result of this obstacle to a Russo-German alliance may be considered the gradual approachment between France and Russia.

作为俄德联盟障碍的第二个结果，可以被认为是法国和俄罗斯之间的逐渐接近。

In one other part of the world Russia's interest was very strong and that was in the Far East.

在世界的另一地区，俄罗斯的兴趣非常浓厚，那就是远东。

Here it clashed with equally strong or even stronger interests which England and Japan had and it took many years before these three powers finally arrived at an understanding concerning their several spheres of interest in the Far East.

在这里，它与英国和日本拥有的同样强大甚至更强的利益发生冲突，这三个大国花了很多年才最终就它们在远东的几个利益领域达成谅解。

Immediately following Russia's participation in asking reforms of Turkey for its Balkan dependencies Pan-Slavism increased rapidly and greatly in Russia.

俄罗斯参与要求土耳其对其巴尔干附属国进行改革后，泛斯拉夫主义在俄罗斯迅速兴起。

One of the most peculiar features of this movement is the fact that the Russian Government suppressed with all the power at its command and with all the severity within its knowledge this movement as far as it affected internal affairs, but supported it just as strongly as far as it affected the affairs of other countries.

这一运动最奇特的特点之一是，俄罗斯政府尽其所能并以其所知的一切严厉镇压这一运动，只要它影响到内部事务，但只要它影响到其他国家的事务，俄罗斯政府就同样强烈支持它。

The growth of Pan-Slavism finally resulted in April, 1877, in Russia's declaration of war against Turkey.

泛斯拉夫主义的发展最终导致 1877 年 4 月俄罗斯对土耳其宣战。

In this war Russia was victorious, but only through the support which it received from Rumania, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Montenegro.

在这场战争中，俄罗斯取得了胜利，但这只是因为它得到了罗马尼亚、塞尔维亚、保加利亚和黑山的支持。

In spite of repeated appeals on the part of Turkey to the other European powers these did not step in until Turkey was almost threatened with entire elimination.

尽管土耳其一再向其他欧洲列强发出呼吁，但直到土耳其几乎面临被彻底消灭的威胁时，这些列强才介入。

Then a conference of the European powers was called at Berlin and resulted in July, 1878, in the Treaty of Berlin which took the place of a treaty previously arranged between Russia and Turkey in March, 1878, at San Stefano.

随后，欧洲列强在柏林召开了一次会议，并于 1878 年 7 月达成了《柏林条约》，该条约取代了俄罗斯与土耳其之前于 1878 年 3 月在圣斯特凡诺签订的条约。

The Treaty of Berlin gave to Russia certain small parts of Turkey, but successfully reduced the excessively strong influence over Balkan affairs which Russia had attempted to gain for itself in the Treaty of San Stefano.

《柏林条约》将土耳其的某些小部分领土割给了俄罗斯，但成功地削弱了俄罗斯在《圣斯特凡诺条约》中试图获得的对巴尔干事务过分强大的影响力。

In spite of the difficulties between Austria and Russia, of which we have spoken, the two countries had arrived, previous to the outbreak of the Russo-Turkish War, at an understanding according to which Austria maintained a friendly neutrality toward Russia during the war, in consideration of which Russia permitted Austria's occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

尽管我们已经谈到奥地利和俄罗斯之间存在困难，但两国在俄土战争爆发之前就达成了一项谅解，根据该谅解，奥地利在战争期间对俄罗斯保持友好中立，考虑到俄罗斯允许奥地利占领波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那。

The following years are again marked by internal difficulties resulting in a reign of terrorism and in a period of reactionary government which exceed almost anything in Russia's previous history.

接下来的几年再次出现了内部困难，导致恐怖主义统治和反动政府时期，这几乎超过了俄罗斯以往历史上的任何时期。

It found its culmination in the successful assassination of Czar Alexander II on March 13, 1881.

1881 年 3 月 13 日成功刺杀沙皇亚历山大二世，达到了顶峰。

He was succeeded by his son Alexander III under whose rule the gulf between Russia and its western neighbors, Germany and Austria, widened in the same proportion as the friendship between Russia on one side and France and England on the other increased.

他的儿子亚历山大三世继位，在他的统治下，俄罗斯与其西方邻国德国和奥地利之间的鸿沟随着俄罗斯与法国和英国之间友谊的加深而扩大。

To a certain extent undoubtedly this may be traced back to the new czar's personal relations with the rulers of other nations; for the czarina was a sister of Alexandria of Denmark, then Princess of Wales and later Queen of England, and the daughter of that King of Denmark who in 1864 had lost to Germany and Austria Schleswig-Holstein.

在某种程度上，这无疑可以追溯到新沙皇与其他国家统治者的个人关系。因为沙皇是丹麦亚历山大的妹妹，当时是威尔士王妃，后来是英格兰女王，也是 1864 年输给德国和奥地利石勒苏益格-荷尔斯泰因的丹麦国王的女儿。

The beginning of Alexander III's reign was marked with the beginning of a series of terrible persecutions of the Jewish inhabitants of the Russian Empire which, though subsiding from time to time, have continued throughout the years until the present time.

亚历山大三世统治的开始标志着对俄罗斯帝国犹太居民的一系列可怕迫害的开始，这些迫害虽然不时平息，但多年来一直持续至今。

With the causes of these persecutions we are not concerned here, for they were undoubtedly much more of an economic than of a political nature.

我们在这里并不关心这些迫害的原因，因为它们无疑更多地是经济性质的，而不是政治性质的。

In one respect, however, the results had an important bearing, at least for a time, on Russian politics.

然而，从一方面来说，选举结果至少在一段时间内对俄罗斯政治产生了重要影响。

For during many years both France and especially England found it difficult and almost next to impossible to enter into a close alliance with a country which apparently absolutely refused to acknowledge some of the most fundamental principles of modern government in which they themselves believed: religious and personal freedom.

多年来，法国，尤其是英国发现，与一个显然绝对拒绝承认他们自己所信仰的现代政府的一些最基本原则：宗教和个人自由的国家建立密切联盟是困难的，几乎是不可能的。

With Alexander III came also a return to a more reactionary form of government which in its turn brought about a revival of terrorism and Nihilism with all its horrors and bloodshed.

随着亚历山大三世的到来，一种更加反动的政府形式也出现了，这反过来又带来了恐怖主义和虚无主义及其恐怖和流血的复兴。

In spite of the continuance of these conditions in Russian internal affairs Russia participated actively in the general movement for expansion which made itself felt in the latter decade of the nineteenth century.

尽管俄罗斯内部事务中的这些情况继续存在，但俄罗斯积极参与了十九世纪后十年的总体扩张运动。

Its interest in Near Eastern affairs became deeper and more active and its advances in the Far East kept step.

它对近东事务的兴趣更加浓厚和活跃，对远东的推进也步步紧逼。

In the Near East, however, Russia found determined opposition and the gradual development of the independent states of Rumania, Bulgaria, Serbia, and Greece, most of which were formed, at least partly, out of what was once the Turkish Empire, made it clearer and clearer every day that Russia's hope for gaining a maritime outlet through the conquest of Constantinople would never be realized.

然而，在近东，俄罗斯发现了坚决的反对，而罗马尼亚、保加利亚、塞尔维亚和希腊等独立国家的逐渐发展（其中大部分或至少部分是由曾经的土耳其帝国组成）日益清楚地表明，俄罗斯通过征服君士坦丁堡获得海上出口的希望永远不会实现。

Though never giving up entirely this hope Russia's endeavors turned more and more toward the Far East.

尽管从未完全放弃这一希望，俄罗斯的努力却越来越转向远东。

One of the most important results of this new policy was the beginning of the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway in May, 1891.

这项新政策最重要的成果之一是 1891 年 5 月开始修建西伯利亚大铁路。

The same year, 1891, saw the visit of a large French fleet at Kronstadt, the harbor of Petrograd, which was welcomed effusively.

同年，1891年，一支法国大型舰队访问彼得格勒港喀琅施塔得，受到热烈欢迎。

Two years later, in 1893, a Russian fleet repaid the compliment by visiting Toulon and found an equally hospitable reception.

两年后，即 1893 年，一支俄罗斯舰队访问土伦作为回报，并受到了同样热情的接待。

Even previous to this a large amount of French capital had been invested in Russian Government Bonds and in Russian industrial undertakings and the friendship between the two nations increased rapidly.

在此之前，大量法国资本已投资于俄罗斯政府债券和俄罗斯工业企业，两国之间的友谊迅速增进。

However, the death of Alexander III in November, 1894, somewhat delayed the actual conclusion of the alliance and it was not until 1896 that an extensive and far-reaching treaty was signed at the occasion of the visit of the new Czar, Nicholas II, to Paris.

然而，亚历山大三世于 1894 年 11 月去世，这在一定程度上推迟了同盟的实际缔结，直到 1896 年新沙皇尼古拉二世访问巴黎时才签署了一项内容广泛且影响深远的条约。

The immense significance which this Franco-Russian treaty had in respect to its effect on all of Europe was immediately recognized.

这项法俄条约对整个欧洲的影响具有巨大意义，人们立即认识到这一点。

If the treaty succeeded in lasting for any length of time, it was reasonably clear that it would be only a question of time before it would result in an entirely new arrangement of European affairs.

如果该条约成功地持续了一段时间，那么很明显，它带来欧洲事务的全新安排只是时间问题。

The next five or six years were characterized by Russia's determined advances in the Far East, a strengthening of the Franco-Russian friendship and serious internal difficulties.

接下来的五、六年的特点是俄罗斯在远东坚定地推进、法俄友谊不断加强以及严重的内部困难。

The first of these brought Russia more and more in conflict with England and Japan of which we shall hear more immediately.

其中第一个因素使俄罗斯与英国和日本的冲突越来越严重，我们将立即听到更多关于这一点的消息。

The second resulted in a growth of the estrangement between Russia and Germany.

第二个结果导致俄罗斯和德国之间的疏远加剧。

The third for a time threatened the very existence of the Russian monarchy and it seemed almost impossible that anything else than revolution and anarchy could be the final outcome.

第三次威胁一度威胁到俄罗斯君主政体的存在，除了革命和无政府状态之外，几乎不可能有其他任何结果。

These were averted only at the last moment by the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War.

这些直到最后一刻才因日俄战争的爆发而避免。

In April, 1902, a treaty had been signed between China and Russia.

1902年4月，中俄签订条约。

According to it Russia agreed to observe the integrity of China and to evacuate Manchuria which it had begun to occupy as early as 1897.

据报道，俄罗斯同意遵守中国的完整，并撤离其早在 1897 年就开始占领的满洲里。

The evacuation was to be stretched over a year and a half and in the beginning Russia lived up to the terms of the treaty.

撤离计划持续了一年半以上，俄罗斯一开始就遵守了条约的条款。

At the end of the first six months, however, further evacuation stopped and when China demanded explanations Russia repudiated the arrangement and refused to proceed with the evacuation unless additional concessions were made by China.

然而，在头六个月结束时，进一步的撤离停止了，当中国要求解释时，俄罗斯否认了这一安排，并拒绝继续撤离，除非中国做出额外的让步。

Throughout 1903 negotiations took place between Japan and Russia concerning this matter which, however, were not very rich in results.

1903年，日本和俄国就此事进行了谈判，但成果并不多。

On January 13, 1904, the Japanese Government, therefore, sent what amounted practically to an ultimatum in regard to Manchuria and Corea.

因此，1904年1月13日，日本政府发出了关于满洲和朝鲜的最后通牒。

This step was followed immediately by warlike preparations on the part of both nations.

这一步骤之后，两国立即进行了战争准备。

Three weeks later on February 6, 1904, diplomatic relations between the two countries were broken off and the Russo-Japanese War was on.

三周后，即1904年2月6日，两国断绝外交关系，日俄战争爆发。

The Japanese showed themselves superior to their European adversaries in every respect, and, after inflicting severe defeats on land and sea, peace was concluded on September 5, 1905, at Portsmouth, U.

日本人在各方面都表现出优于欧洲对手的特点，在陆地和海上遭受严重失败后，于 1905 年 9 月 5 日在美国朴茨茅斯缔结了和平。

S。

The Japanese were very moderate in their terms, waiving their demand for an indemnity, returning to Russia all interned warships and not insisting on any restriction to Russian power in the Far East.

日本人的态度非常温和，放弃了赔偿要求，将所有被扣留的军舰归还给俄罗斯，并且不坚持对俄罗斯在远东的势力进行任何限制。

In the meanwhile affairs at home had progressed rapidly toward revolution.

与此同时，国内事务迅速朝着革命方向发展。

The defeat of the Russian army and fleet, the discovery of immense peculations in connection with their equipment and an increase of economic pressure, all combined to hasten the outbreak which had been preparing for years.

俄罗斯陆军和舰队的失败、装备方面的巨额投机行为的发现以及经济压力的增加，所有这些加在一起加速了酝酿多年的疫情爆发。

Strikes, riots, assassination of officials and general bloodshed were the common order of the day.

罢工、骚乱、暗杀官员和普遍流血是当时的常态。

At the very beginning of these outbreaks a manifest of the czar promised some reforms.

在这些疫情爆发之初，沙皇的一份宣言承诺进行一些改革。

However, he made it clear that in a general way the Government was resolved to retain its autocratic form.

然而，他明确表示，总的来说，政府决心保留其独裁形式。

In a way this manifest is a true picture of the cool attitude which the Government took throughout these troublous times.

从某种意义上说，这就是政府在这些动荡时期所采取的冷静态度的真实写照。

Whenever the Government was forced by especially violent outbreaks to fear the worst, it would announce the introduction of some slight reforms.

每当政府因特别严重的疫情爆发而不得不担心最坏的情况时，就会宣布实行一些轻微的改革。

This usually had the desired result of calming down, at least temporarily, the excited masses, which condition would be followed almost immediately either by a withdrawal of the reforms instituted or by some reactionary laws offsetting their influence.

这通常会达到预期的结果，至少是暂时地平息激动的群众，这种情况几乎立即就会发生，要么撤回所实施的改革，要么通过一些反动法律抵消其影响。

In a general way the revolution, however, improved somewhat internal conditions in Russia.

然而，总体而言，革命在一定程度上改善了俄罗斯的内部状况。

It led to the establishment of a representative form of government by the creation of the Duma, although the limits within which the people were allowed to participate in governmental affairs were and are even now very narrow.

它导致通过杜马的创建建立了代议制政府，尽管允许人民参与政府事务的范围过去和现在仍然非常狭窄。

In fact it was not an unusual procedure for the Government to imprison members of the Duma and to accuse them of treason whenever they promulgated or supported measures of which the Government did not approve, and throughout the following years up to the present time the struggle between a frankly reactionary government and the people demanding more liberty continued.

事实上，每当杜马成员颁布或支持政府不批准的措施时，政府监禁杜马成员并指控他们叛国并不是一种不寻常的做法，并且在接下来的几年中直至目前，坦率的反动政府与要求更多自由的人民之间的斗争仍在继续。

One of the centers of disturbances was Finland.

芬兰是骚乱的中心之一。

This former province of Sweden had been ceded to Russia by the Scandinavian Kingdom as long ago as 1743, after having been practically conquered in 1714.

这个前瑞典省在 1714 年几乎被斯堪的纳维亚王国征服后，早在 1743 年就被割让给了俄罗斯。

At that time certain rights of independency and autonomy were granted to Finland.

当时芬兰被授予一定的独立和自治权。

Throughout the next century and a half Russia lived up to these promises in a fashion.

在接下来的一个半世纪里，俄罗斯以某种方式兑现了这些承诺。

But in 1899 the Finnish Diet was deprived of its exclusive right of legislating for the former grand duchy, and Russia started on a policy of Russification; although the conqueror did not differ to any noticeable extent from other nations who found themselves in similar positions--Prussia and Austria in Poland, Germany in Alsace-Lorraine, England in some of its colonies--Russia had to contend with greater opposition, perhaps, than any of them.

但1899年，芬兰议会被剥夺了为前大公国专门立法的权利，俄罗斯开始实行俄罗斯化政策；尽管征服者与其他处于类似地位的国家没有任何明显的区别——普鲁士和奥地利在波兰，德国在阿尔萨斯-洛林，英国在其一些殖民地——但俄罗斯可能面临着比它们中任何一个都更强大的反对。

For the Finns were a people to whom liberty was as dear as life or even dearer and no particle of it would they give up except if an overwhelming power forced them to do so.

对于芬兰人来说，自由就像生命一样珍贵，甚至更珍贵，他们不会放弃任何自由，除非有压倒性的力量迫使他们这样做。

One Russian governor general after another became the victim of assassination.

一位又一位俄罗斯总督成为暗杀的受害者。

This fact is of particular interest to us only because it resulted in a deep-seated hatred of Russia and all things Russian on the part of all Swedes, indeed, of all Scandinavians who, though Finland had been separated from them for three or four generations, still considered this unhappy country to be part and parcel of Scandinavia.

我们对这一事实特别感兴趣，只是因为它导致了所有瑞典人，实际上是所有斯堪的纳维亚人对俄罗斯和一切俄罗斯事物的根深蒂固的仇恨，尽管芬兰已经与他们分离了三四代人，但他们仍然认为这个不幸的国家是斯堪的纳维亚半岛的重要组成部分。

To a great extent this explains the Scandinavian attitude toward Russia of which we shall hear more presently.

这在很大程度上解释了斯堪的纳维亚人对俄罗斯的态度，我们很快就会听到更多。

Among the more prominent men of Russia who fell under assassins' assaults were Von Plehve, Minister of the Interior, and Grand Duke Sergius, an uncle of the czar, both typical reactionaries and men whose death may well be claimed a gain for Russia rather than a loss.

遭受暗杀的俄罗斯知名人物包括内政部长冯·普列夫和沙皇叔叔塞尔吉乌斯大公，他们都是典型的反动分子，他们的死很可能被认为是俄罗斯的收获而不是损失。

In this period also belongs the killing of hundreds of workingmen of Petrograd who, led by a Russian priest, Father Capon, attempted to march to the Winter Palace of their "Little Father," the Czar, in order to present to him in person their petition for relief from their many oppressions.

这一时期还发生了数百名彼得格勒工人被杀害的事件，他们在一位俄罗斯神父卡彭神父的带领下，试图游行到他们的“小父亲”沙皇的冬宫，以便亲自向他提出请愿书，要求解除他们的许多压迫。

Similar scenes were repeated in Warsaw, in Lodz and in other Russian industrial centers during 1905.

1905 年，类似的场景在华沙、罗兹和其他俄罗斯工业中心上演。

Step by step the revolution of the people seemed to gain in spite of all efforts of the Government.

尽管政府竭尽全力，人民革命似乎还是一步步取得了进展。

It even spread to the army and navy and at Odessa the crew of a large battleship mutinied, seized the boat and bombarded the city, killing more than a thousand of its inhabitants.

它甚至蔓延到了陆军和海军，在敖德萨，一艘大型战舰的船员叛变，夺取了船只并轰炸了这座城市，杀死了一千多名居民。

Strikes broke out in different parts of the country.

全国各地爆发罢工。

Troops murdered their officers and went over to the cause of the people.

军队谋杀了他们的军官，转而支持人民的事业。

Nevertheless the Government finally triumphed, partly by diplomatically granting--temporarily only, of course--some of the demands of the masses, but chiefly by force and unrelenting severity.

尽管如此，政府最终取得了胜利，部分是通过外交上满足——当然只是暂时的——群众的一些要求，但主要是通过武力和无情的严厉。

The latter policy brought about the fall of one of the most able statesmen that Russia had ever produced, Count Witte, who was then Prime Minister and to whose diplomacy and ability Russia owed primarily its easy bargain with Japan after the latter country's victory.

后一项政策导致了俄罗斯有史以来最有能力的政治家之一维特伯爵的垮台，他当时担任总理，俄罗斯在日本胜利后与日本轻松讨价还价主要归功于他的外交和能力。

The next year, 1906, however, brought some relief to the sorely oppressed people.

然而，第二年，即 1906 年，饱受压迫的人民却得到了一些缓解。

The peasants were enabled to acquire the land which heretofore they had tilled almost like slaves for the benefit of the great landowners belonging to the aristocratic and patrician classes.

农民能够获得土地，此前他们几乎像奴隶一样耕种土地，为属于贵族阶级的大地主谋福利。

All were made equal before the law, oppressive taxes and restrictions concerning the choice of residence on the part of peasants were removed and certain electoral reforms were promulgated.

法律面前人人平等，压迫性的税收和对农民选择居住地的限制被取消，并颁布了某些选举改革措施。

The latter, however, were of short duration, for in 1907, when things had quieted down a bit they were either recalled or nullified by technical interpretations which thoroughly defeated their original purposes.

然而，后者持续时间很短，因为在 1907 年，当事情稍微平静下来时，它们要么被召回，要么被技术解释所取消，这彻底击败了它们最初的目的。

During this entire period the persecution of Jews was kept up.

在这整个时期，对犹太人的迫害一直持续着。

In spite of this, however, Russia took prompt steps to stop similar persecutions of Armenians on the part of Turks, one of the few undertakings of the Russian Government of that time which deserves the approval of mankind.

尽管如此，俄罗斯还是迅速采取措施制止了土耳其人对亚美尼亚人的类似迫害，这是当时俄罗斯政府为数不多的值得人类认可的举措之一。

In August of the same year, 1907, Russia also arrived at an understanding with England concerning the respective spheres of influence of these two countries in Asia, an important step toward the completion of the "Triple Entente" of Russia, England, and France.

同年1907年8月，俄国还与英国就两国在亚洲各自的势力范围达成谅解，为完成俄、英、法“三国协约”迈出了重要一步。

The year 1908 was noticeable only for the enaction of further reactionary measures.

1908 年仅因采取了进一步的反动措施而引人注目。

The next year, 1909, saw Russia's participation in the successful effort of the European powers to adjust pacifically the various questions that had arisen from Bulgaria's proclamation as a kingdom and Austria-Hungary's annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina.

第二年，即1909年，俄罗斯参与欧洲列强的成功努力，以和平方式解决因保加利亚宣布成立王国和奥匈帝国吞并波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那而产生的各种问题。

In the same year, 1909, the Russian advance for the possession of Persia began--without opposition on the part of England by that time--and an understanding was reached between the czar's and the Chinese Government concerning the Manchurian railroad.

同年，即 1909 年，俄罗斯开始向波斯进军——当时没有遭到英国方面的反对——沙皇与中国政府就满洲铁路问题达成了谅解。

This made it possible for Russia in the following year, 1910, to reject the suggestion of the United States Government to internationalize this railroad, in which attitude Russia had the support of Japan, England and France.

这使得俄罗斯有可能在次年，即1910年拒绝美国政府将这条铁路国际化的建议，而俄罗斯的这一态度得到了日本、英国和法国的支持。

During the Franco-German difficulties about Morocco in 1911 Russia put itself squarely on the side of France and its announcement to that effect, made officially to the German Government, was a decided step forward toward French intimacy and German enmity.

1911年法德在摩洛哥问题上陷入困境时，俄罗斯坚定地站在法国一边，并正式向德国政府宣布了这一消息，这是朝着法国亲密和德国敌意迈出的决定性一步。

Having helped out France in this manner, Russia promptly pushed its own cause in Persia.

在以这种方式帮助法国之后，俄罗斯迅速在波斯推进了自己的事业。

With England and France indifferent to this unfortunate country's fate, with Germany not sufficiently interested to risk a break with any or all of the members of the "Triple Entente," and with the United States much in the same position as Germany, Russia had its own way and Persia had to submit to Russia's demands and to its gradual enslavement under Russian rule.

由于英国和法国对这个不幸国家的命运漠不关心，德国没有足够的兴趣冒险与“三国协约国”的任何或所有成员决裂，而美国与德国的立场大致相同，俄罗斯有自己的方式，波斯不得不屈服于俄罗斯的要求并逐渐被俄罗斯统治所奴役。

In 1912 and 1913--before, during and after the two Balkan Wars--Russia acted in concert with the other European powers and refrained from active participation although its sympathies were clearly enough with Serbia.

1912年和1913年——两次巴尔干战争之前、期间和之后——俄罗斯与其他欧洲列强一致行动，没有积极参与，尽管它显然对塞尔维亚表示足够的同情。

So promising was the outlook then for a lasting understanding between the nations of Europe that Russia and Austria found it possible--as we have already heard--to agree, in March, 1913, on a demobilization of their armies along their respective borders.

当时欧洲国家之间达成持久谅解的前景如此光明，以至于俄罗斯和奥地利发现有可能——正如我们已经听说的——在 1913 年 3 月就在各自边境复员军队达成一致。

A little more than a year, however, sufficed to bring about a change in this friendly attitude of the two empires, a change fateful alike to both and to all the world.

然而，一年多一点的时间就足以使两个帝国的友好态度发生变化，这种变化对于两国和整个世界来说都是至关重要的。

For one day after Austria-Hungary's declaration of war against Serbia on July 28, 1914, Russia began her mobilization--a necessary measure with Austria at war for increased power in the Balkans.

1914 年 7 月 28 日奥匈帝国对塞尔维亚宣战一天后，俄罗斯就开始了动员——这是与奥地利交战以增强其在巴尔干地区实力的必要措施。

By July 31, 1914, Russia's general mobilization had taken place.

1914年7月31日，俄罗斯进行了总动员。

CHAPTER IV

第四章

FRANCE

法国

The chief characteristic of the second empire established after Napoleon III's coup d'état in 1852 was expansion.

1852年拿破仑三世政变后建立的第二帝国的主要特征是扩张。

Napoleon III's ambition in this direction was twofold.

拿破仑三世在这个方向上的野心是双重的。

He desired to make the French Empire not only the most advanced and strongest state in Europe, but also to have it count as the strongest influence in world politics.

他希望法兰西帝国不仅成为欧洲最先进、最强大的国家，而且成为世界政治中最具影响力的国家。

In regard to the first part of his ambitious plan, both the emperor and his various governments were quite successful.

就他雄心勃勃的计划的第一部分而言，皇帝和他的各个政府都相当成功。

For during the twenty-odd years of the existence of the second empire, the progress of France along industrial, commercial, and agricultural lines was, perhaps, greater than in any other similar period in its history.

因为在第二帝国存在的二十多年里，法国在工业、商业和农业方面的进步也许比其历史上任何其他类似时期都要大。

In regard to the second part, it also seemed for a time as if Napoleon's ambitions were to be realized.

至于第二部分，拿破仑的野心也一度似乎要实现了。

It was under his reign that the French nation's interest in colonies which had gradually disappeared or had at least been submerged by England's immense undertakings along that line was aroused again, and a considerable part of the present very expansive colonial possessions of France is one of the contributions of the second empire.

正是在他的统治下，法兰西民族对殖民地的兴趣再次被唤起，而这些殖民地已经逐渐消失，或者至少已经被英国在这方面的巨大事业所淹没，而法国目前非常广阔的殖民地领土，有相当一部分是第二帝国的贡献之一。

Furthermore in the early part of his rule he was fairly successful, not only in expressing the desires of France in regard to conditions and policies of other European countries, but also in forcing their fulfillment.

此外，在他统治的早期，他相当成功，不仅在表达法国对其他欧洲国家的条件和政策的愿望方面，而且在迫使它们实现方面。

It is very doubtful if, had it not been for Napoleon III's interest and assistance, a united Italy could have been formed.

如果没有拿破仑三世的关心和帮助，统一的意大利是否能够形成，这是非常值得怀疑的。

The part which he played in the unification of Italy has already been touched upon in the latter country's history, and we have also heard how his support of Italian ambitions for unity brought France into conflict with Austria-Hungary.

他在意大利统一过程中所发挥的作用在意大利的历史中已经有所提及，我们也听说过他对意大利统一野心的支持如何导致法国与奥匈帝国发生冲突。

It was, therefore, quite natural that when the French Government was approached in 1865 by Prussia in regard to the proposed Prusso-Italian treaty he should be found a supporter, even if an inactive and silent one, of this new arrangement.

因此，当普鲁士于 1865 年就拟议的普鲁士-意大利条约与法国政府接洽时，很自然地会发现法国政府是这一新安排的支持者，即使是一个不积极和沉默的支持者。

And it was equally natural that during the short war of 1866 between Austria and Prussia he kept aloof from any actual interference.

同样自然的是，在 1866 年奥地利和普鲁士之间的短暂战争期间，他远离任何实际干涉。

It might even have been possible that France indirectly would have been found at that time on the side of Prussia, for there can be no doubt that Napoleon III would have liked to assist at that time Italy against Austria.

甚至有可能法国当时间接地站在普鲁士一边，因为毫无疑问，拿破仑三世当时愿意协助意大利对抗奥地利。

But the Mexican War, which he had started in 1862 and which had been going against France during 1865 and 1866, prevented any active French interference in European affairs at that moment.

但他于 1862 年发动的墨西哥战争在 1865 年和 1866 年期间一直针对法国，阻止了法国当时对欧洲事务的任何积极干涉。

Satisfactory as it was to Napoleon III and France to see Austria forced to relinquish its Italian provinces to Italy, it was almost as unsatisfactory, or perhaps even more so, to notice at the same time the immense and unexpectedly rapid increase of Prussian power and influence.

拿破仑三世和法国对奥地利被迫将其意大利省份让给意大利感到满意，但同时注意到普鲁士实力和影响力的巨大且出人意料的迅速增长几乎同样令人不满意，甚至可能更令人不满意。

Immediately after the war of 1866 Napoleon III took a number of steps with the object of counteracting Prussia's new power or, if possible, of destroying it.

1866 年战争结束后，拿破仑三世立即采取了一系列措施，旨在对抗普鲁士的新势力，或者如果可能的话，摧毁它。

As we have already seen during the consideration of German history of that period, he met with a fair degree of success.

正如我们在回顾那个时期的德国历史时已经看到的那样，他取得了相当程度的成功。

It looked very much, immediately after the Prusso-Austrian War of 1866, as if Prussia could not count then or for some time to come on the support of the south German states in any enterprise in which Prussian influence would be predominant.

1866年普奥战争刚结束时，看起来似乎普鲁士在当时或未来一段时间内无法指望德国南部各州对任何普鲁士影响力占主导地位的事业提供支持。

The attitude of these south German states toward Prussia at that time was of such a nature that the French Government could hardly be blamed in thinking that in a possible conflict between France and Prussia they might be found on the side of France, or at least could be counted upon not to be on the side of Prussia.

当时这些南德意志国家对普鲁士的态度如此性质，以至于法国政府认为在法国和普鲁士之间可能发生的冲突中，它们可能会站在法国一边，或者至少可以指望不站在普鲁士一边，这无可厚非。

This conflict, it was clear, was to come soon.

很明显，这场冲突很快就会到来。

For under the able leadership of the Prussian Prime Minister, Bismarck, Prussia was gradually more and more increasing in power and influence and intruding on the French leadership in European affairs.

在普鲁士首相俾斯麦的英明领导下，普鲁士的实力和影响力逐渐增强，并侵入法国在欧洲事务中的领导地位。

That it came as early as 1870 was partly due to the French expectations of support on the part of the south German states which we have just mentioned, and partly to the general unrest which made itself felt in France as a result of the lack of success of the recent foreign policy of Napoleon III.

它早在1870年就出现了，部分原因是法国期望得到我们刚才提到的德国南部各州的支持，部分原因是由于拿破仑三世最近的外交政策缺乏成功而在法国引起了普遍的骚乱。

It is unnecessary to recite here the immediate causes as well as the details of the result of this war, all of which have been considered in the history of Germany of this period, and we shall, therefore, content ourselves with the repetition of the fact that the south German states disappointed French expectations by not only refusing to support France, but by openly and actively supporting Prussia, because the immediate cause of the Franco-Prussian War was considered by them a matter of national importance affecting all German-speaking people alike.

没有必要在这里复述这场战争的直接原因和结果的细节，所有这些都在这一时期的德国历史中得到了考虑，因此，我们将满足于重复这样一个事实：南德意志国家不仅拒绝支持法国，而且公开积极支持普鲁士，从而令法国失望，因为他们认为普法战争的直接原因是影响所有德语民族的国家重大问题。

The fall of Sedan, resulting in the capture of Napoleon III himself, brought the downfall of the second empire and the end of the monarchistic form of government in France.

色当的陷落导致拿破仑三世本人被俘，带来了第二帝国的垮台和法国君主制政府形式的终结。

The next few years are among the darkest in French history.

接下来的几年是法国历史上最黑暗的几年。

In February, 1871, M.

1871 年 2 月，M.

Thiers had been made the executive head of France, and it became his task to conclude the peace with Germany which was ratified by the French Assembly on May 18, 1871.

梯也尔被任命为法国行政首脑，他的任务是与德国缔结和约，并于 1871 年 5 月 18 日得到法国议会的批准。

Previous to that, on March 18, 1871, insurrection had broken out in Paris, and a separate government had been set up by the people known as the Commune.

在此之前的1871年3月18日，巴黎爆发了起义，人民建立了一个单独的政府，称为公社。

This revolution was put down only after the hardest kind of fighting between the forces of the Commune and the Government troops, and after more than $150,000,000 worth of property in Paris had been destroyed.

直到公社军队和政府军之间发生了最激烈的战斗，并且巴黎价值超过 1.5 亿美元的财产被毁之后，这场革命才被镇压。

On May 31, 1871, however, Thiers was finally elected president for a term of three years.

然而，1871 年 5 月 31 日，梯也尔最终当选总统，任期三年。

Considering the many and difficult problems which the new Government had to solve, it is rather surprising that it lasted as long as it did, even if its end came before the appointed time.

考虑到新政府必须解决的许多困难问题，即使它在指定时间之前结束，它仍然持续了这么长时间，还是令人惊讶的。

For in May, 1873, both the president and his ministry resigned, and General MacMahon was elected president by the Assembly.

1873 年 5 月，总统及其内阁辞职，麦克马洪将军被议会选举为总统。

Early that fall (1873) the last parts of the German army of occupation left France after the last installment of the war indemnity had been paid, and in the latter part of the same year President MacMahon's term was extended to a period of seven years.

那年秋初（1873年），德国占领军的最后一部分在支付了最后一笔战争赔款后离开了法国，同年下半年，麦克马洪总统的任期延长至七年。

The part which England had played during and immediately after the German-French War was typical of England's cleverness in playing foreign politics.

英国在德法战争期间和战争结束后所扮演的角色是英国在外交政治上的聪明才智的典型。

Intimate as at that time were the Prusso-English relations, and inactive as England remained during the war, it still managed to impress the French nation with a strong feeling of gratefulness for the apparently friendly attitude which England felt toward France.

尽管当时普鲁士与英国的关系十分亲密，尽管英国在战争期间仍处于不活跃的状态，但它仍然给法兰西民族留下了深刻的印象，因为英国对法国所表现出的明显友好态度。

In a way this is very remarkable, for after the fall of the empire, England extended its hospitality to ex-Empress Eugenie and her young son, and then, later, after Napoleon Ill's release from German captivity, to the ex-emperor himself.

在某种程度上，这是非常引人注目的，因为在帝国灭亡后，英国向前皇后尤金妮和她年幼的儿子表示了热情好客，后来，在拿破仑三世从德国的囚禁中获释后，又向前皇帝本人表示了热情。

In 1876 France had sufficiently recovered from its apparently complete breakdown of a few years ago to be able to dispose of the largest revenue that had ever been at the disposal of any French Government, and this fact is of interest to us chiefly because it is one of the most definite and most significant proofs of the remarkable inherent strength of the French country and people.

1876年，法国已经从几年前明显完全崩溃的状态中恢复过来，能够支配法国政府有史以来可支配的最大收入，这一事实引起我们的兴趣，主要是因为它是法国国家和人民非凡的内在力量的最明确和最重要的证明之一。

In spite of this quick recovery, France for the next few years played an absolutely inactive and comparatively unimportant part in European affairs.

尽管经济迅速复苏，但法国在接下来的几年里在欧洲事务中扮演了绝对不积极且相对不重要的角色。

During the Russo-Turkish War of 1876, for instance, the republic declared and maintained a strict neutrality.

例如，在 1876 年俄土战争期间，共和国宣布并保持严格的中立。

Internally, the republic continued to have to contend with many difficulties.

在内部，共和国仍然面临着许多困难。

Again and again strong opposition to the republican form of government showed itself, expressed at one time by the followers of the Bonapartist party, at another by those of the Royalist party.

对共和政府形式的强烈反对一次又一次地表现出来，波拿巴党的追随者有时表示反对，保皇党的追随者有时也表示反对。

However, all of these dissensions had no actual result, and in spite of them the republic continued to progress and to flourish to such an extent that, only seven years after one of the most disastrous defeats that any European nation had ever suffered, France was able, in 1878, to invite the rest of the world to witness at Paris the most wonderful international exposition that had ever been staged in the history of mankind.

然而，所有这些争端都没有产生实际结果，尽管如此，共和国仍然继续进步和繁荣，以至于在欧洲国家遭受过的最灾难性的失败之一仅七年后，法国就能够在 1878 年邀请世界其他国家在巴黎见证人类历史上举办过的最精彩的国际博览会。

Early in the following year President MacMahon resigned, having been practically forced to this step by public sentiment which disapproved of and feared his monarchistic leanings.

次年年初，麦克马洪总统辞职，实际上是迫于公众对他的君主主义倾向的不满和恐惧而采取了这一步骤。

M。

Grévy was elected as his successor.

格雷维被选为他的继任者。

The early summer of this year (1879) brought death to the only son of Napoleon III while he was fighting under the English flag during the campaign against the Zulus in South Africa, and this event practically ended all danger of a Napoleonic restoration, because the representatives of the Napoleonic family left were neither closely enough related to Napoleon III nor possessed the necessary ability to accomplish a change of government.

今年初夏（1879年），拿破仑三世的独生子在英国征战南非祖鲁人的战役中身亡，这一事件实际上消除了拿破仑复辟的一切危险，因为拿破仑家族留下的代表既与拿破仑三世关系不够密切，也不具备完成政府更迭的必要能力。

The year 1880 brought the beginning of a strong anti-Catholic movement in France.

1880年，法国掀起了一场强烈的反天主教运动。

At first this movement was directed only against the Jesuits, but it rapidly spread and in a way may be considered the forerunner of the radical legislation along this line which was passed in recent years.

起初，这一运动只针对耶稣会士，但它迅速蔓延，在某种程度上可以被认为是近年来通过的这一路线的激进立法的先驱。

Throughout these years the life of the different ministries was very short and in most instances measured by months rather than by years.

这些年来，不同部委的任期非常短暂，在大多数情况下是以月而不是以年来衡量的。

To go deeper into the causes for this condition is not necessary; but one of its results undoubtedly was that France continued to refrain from active participation in European politics because it stands to reason that a continuous change of the head of the Department of Foreign Affairs made it more or less difficult, if not impossible, for France to establish a definite foreign policy.

没有必要深入探究造成这种情况的原因。但其结果之一无疑是法国继续不积极参与欧洲政治，因为按理说，外交部长的不断更迭，使法国制定明确的外交政策或多或少变得困难，甚至不可能。

However, in 1881 France began again to take a more lively interest in its colonial affairs.

然而，1881年，法国再次开始对其殖民事务表现出更加浓厚的兴趣。

It was in that year that Tunis gave up its resistance to French occupation and from that time on dates the preponderating influence which France has held ever since in north Africa.

正是在那一年，突尼斯放弃了对法国占领的抵抗，从那时起，法国就在北非占据了主导地位。

For our purposes it is important only to remember the fact of this preponderancy, although it may be difficult to understand why this condition should exist, for neither then nor during the years to come has France shown any particular adaptability to colonial problems nor was it able to register in its colonies successes such as England and Germany had to show.

就我们的目的而言，重要的是记住这种优势的事实，尽管可能很难理解为什么这种情况会存在，因为无论是在当时还是在未来的岁月里，法国都没有表现出对殖民问题的任何特殊适应性，也没有能够在其殖民地取得像英国和德国那样的成功。

The colonial expansion of France, however, continued.

然而，法国的殖民扩张仍在继续。

In 1882 new territory was acquired in Annam and, in 1884, Cambodia.

1882 年在安南获得新领土，并于 1884 年在柬埔寨获得新领土。

This aggrandizement of France at the cost of China finally resulted in a declaration of war on the part of the latter country against France in August, 1884, lasting until June, 1885, and resulting in the confirmation of the French possessions in the Far East, not, however, until the French troops had suffered severe reverses.

法国以牺牲中国为代价的扩张最终导致中国于 1884 年 8 月向法国宣战，一直持续到 1885 年 6 月，并确认了法国在远东的领土，但直到法国军队遭受严重挫败。

In 1885 a protectorate was established over Madagascar.

1885年马达加斯加设立保护国。

The beginning and continuation of French expansion in other parts of the world necessarily brought France into closer and more frequent contact with other countries.

法国在世界其他地区的扩张的开始和持续必然使法国与其他国家的接触更加密切和频繁。

French statesmen soon began to see the necessity of making friends amongst the other nations if they hoped to lead France back into the position amongst the great powers which it had a right to occupy on account of its history as well as its extent and ability.

法国政治家很快就开始认识到，如果他们希望带领法国重新跻身于因其历史、疆域和能力而有权占据的强国地位，就必须与其他国家交朋友。

Throughout the first twenty years after the Franco-Prussian War, France may be considered to have been on friendly terms with practically all European nations with the possible exception of Germany; but these friendships during that period had not yet ripened into intimacy nor had they even resulted in the establishment of definite alliances with any one of the nations.

在普法战争后的头二十年里，法国可能被认为与几乎所有欧洲国家都保持着友好关系，德国可能是个例外。但这一时期的这些友谊尚未成熟为亲密关系，甚至还没有导致与任何一个国家建立明确的联盟。

The feeling against Germany, which was, of course, based on the defeat which France had suffered at the hands of its eastern neighbor, was not particularly pronounced during this period and, unless French interests would finally have resulted in the conclusion of alliances with countries which brought it into commercial and political conflict with Germany, there seemed to be no good reason in the late nineties why France and Germany could not have found a common basis of understanding.

当然，基于法国在其东方邻国手中遭受的失败而产生的反德情绪在这一时期并不特别明显，除非法国的利益最终导致与那些使其与德国发生商业和政治冲突的国家结成联盟，否则在九十年代末，法国和德国似乎没有充分的理由不能找到共同的理解基础。

In spite of this fact it is true that French statesmen and especially French politicians had never entirely given up the idea of revenging the defeat of 1870, even though in a great many instances the desire for revenge was secondary only, whereas the desire for the reconquest of lost territory was the chief driving power.

尽管如此，法国政治家，尤其是法国政治家，确实从未完全放弃为1870年的失败复仇的想法，尽管在很多情况下，复仇的愿望只是次要的，而重新征服失地的愿望才是主要的驱动力。

However, as we have said, in 1889 French relations with the world were pleasant enough to make it possible for the republic to again extend an invitation to all civilized nations to come to Paris for another exhibition which was opened in May of that year, 1889.

然而，正如我们所说，1889年法国与世界的关系足够愉快，使共和国有可能再次邀请所有文明国家来巴黎参加另一场于1889年5月开幕的展览。

In the same year a bill was passed making army service universal.

同年，一项法案获得通过，使全民服兵役成为可能。

In 1890 representatives of the various nations again met at Paris at an international commercial conference.

1890年，各国代表再次齐聚巴黎，参加国际商业会议。

In 1891 the first definite signs of an increasing intimacy with some of the European countries showed themselves.

1891 年，与一些欧洲国家关系日益密切的第一个明确迹象显现出来。

In March, 1891, England and France agreed to arbitrate the Newfoundland fisheries question which had been a long standing cause of difficulties and diplomatic dissensions between the two countries.

1891年3月，英国和法国同意对纽芬兰渔业问题进行仲裁，该问题长期以来一直是两国之间的困难和外交争端的根源。

Some time later in July and August, 1891, a large French fleet paid an official visit to Kronstadt, the port of Petrograd, and was received there with the most remarkable expressions of friendship and good will.

一段时间后，即 1891 年 7 月和 8 月，一支大型法国舰队对彼得格勒港喀琅施塔得进行了正式访问，并受到了当地最显着的友谊和善意接待。

This latter event was the beginning of the Franco-Russian alliance.

后一个事件是法俄联盟的开始。

It was followed in October, 1893, by a visit of a Russian fleet to Toulon, which was greeted with similar enthusiasm.

随后，1893 年 10 月，俄罗斯舰队访问了土伦，受到了类似的热情欢迎。

In 1894 the so-called Dreyfus affair was responsible for a revival of the anti-German feeling, because Dreyfus, who was then a captain in the French army, had been accused and found guilty of selling military secrets to a foreign power which was by everybody considered to have been Germany.

1894年，所谓的德雷福斯事件导致了反德情绪的复兴，因为当时担任法国陆军上尉的德雷福斯被指控并被判犯有向一个被所有人认为是德国的外国势力出售军事机密的罪名。

However, beyond intensifying the anti-German sentiment nothing resulted, and in May, 1895, France found it possible to join Germany and Russia in demanding from Japan the return of the Liao-Tung peninsula to China.

然而，除了加剧反德情绪之外，没有任何结果，1895年5月，法国发现有可能与德国和俄罗斯一起要求日本将辽东半岛归还中国。

The popular sentiment in France during the South African War was strongly pro-Boer, although the official attitude was one of neutrality.

南非战争期间，法国的民众情绪强烈支持布尔人，尽管官方态度是中立的。

In September, 1896, France arrived at an understanding with Italy concerning the former's desires for political supremacy in Tunis.

1896年9月，法国与意大利就前者在突尼斯获得政治霸权的愿望达成谅解。

The next month brought a visit from the newly crowned Czar Nicholas who was received in France with great hospitality.

下个月，新加冕的沙皇尼古拉来访，他在法国受到了盛情款待。

The visit was reciprocated in August, 1897, by President Faure and Europe made up its mind then that France and Russia had become allied.

1897 年 8 月，福雷总统对这次访问进行了回访，欧洲当时决定法国和俄罗斯结盟。

In the next month England, too, as Italy had done before, made arrangements to acknowledge French supremacy in Tunis.

在接下来的一个月里，英国也像意大利之前所做的那样，做出安排，承认法国在突尼斯的霸权。

In September, 1898, however, it looked for a short time as if England and France were to go to war with each other on account of further French advances in north Africa.

然而，1898 年 9 月，由于法国在北非的进一步进展，英国和法国在短时间内看起来似乎要开战。

In that month Major Marchand with French troops occupied Fashoda, a town located on the upper Nile in territory which England claimed to belong to its own sphere of interest.

同月，马尔尚少校率领法国军队占领了位于尼罗河上游的小镇法绍达，英国声称该地区属于其利益范围。

Lord, then still Sir Herbert, Kitchener, who was Governor General of the Sudan, demanded the withdrawal of the French troops which demand was refused; but a few months afterward the matter was amicably adjusted and the French withdrew from Fashoda.

勋爵，当时还是苏丹总督的赫伯特·基奇纳爵士，要求法国军队撤出，但遭到拒绝；但几个月后，事情得到了友好调整，法国人从法绍达撤军。

At that time, however, the popular French feeling certainly was not strongly pro-English; for when Major Marchand returned to France in May, 1899, he was received with the most effusive enthusiasm.

然而，当时法国人的普遍情绪肯定不是强烈支持英语。 1899 年 5 月，当马尔尚少校返回法国时，他受到了最热情的接待。

In February, 1899, President Faure died very suddenly and M.

1899 年 2 月，福雷总统突然去世，M.

Loubet was elected as his successor.

卢贝被选为他的继任者。

Throughout that year the Dreyfus scandal continued to occupy public opinion in France to the exclusion of almost everything else.

那一年，德雷福斯丑闻继续占据法国舆论的焦点，几乎排除了其他一切。

A second trial was ordered, but, although Captain Dreyfus was again condemned to ten years' imprisonment, the president pardoned him and in the following year, 1900, the Senate passed a bill as a result of which further criminal prosecutions on account of the Dreyfus affair became impossible.

下令进行第二次审判，但是，尽管德雷福斯上尉再次被判处十年监禁，但总统赦免了他，并在次年，即 1900 年，参议院通过了一项法案，因此不可能对德雷福斯事件进行进一步的刑事起诉。

Additional legislation regulating religious orders was passed in the early part of 1901.

1901 年初通过了规范宗教秩序的附加立法。

In April of the same year, 1901, Toulon enjoyed the visit of an Italian fleet which led to considerable discussion among diplomats in regard to the apparently increasing friendship between France and Italy.

同年 1901 年 4 月，意大利舰队到访土伦，这引起了外交官们对法国与意大利之间日益加深的友谊的热烈讨论。

In August, 1901, the French Government recalled its representative at Constantinople and handed his passports to the Turkish ambassador at Paris because Turkey refused to pay damages which had been adjudged due to some French companies.

1901年8月，由于土耳其拒绝支付法国一些公司的赔偿金，法国政府召回了驻君士坦丁堡的代表，并将其护照交给了土耳其驻巴黎大使。

Although in November, 1901, a French fleet occupied parts of the island of Mitylene and war clouds once more seemed to be gathering, the matter was finally settled amicably by the prompt payment of the damages on the part of Turkey.

尽管1901年11月，法国舰队占领了米特林岛的部分地区，战争阴云似乎再次聚集，但由于土耳其及时支付了赔偿金，此事最终得到友好解决。

In September, 1901, the czar repeated his visit to France, where he witnessed both naval and military maneuvers and was again received with expressions of the most enthusiastic friendship.

1901年9月，沙皇再次访问法国，目睹了海军和军事演习，并再次受到最热烈的友好接待。

Another change of ministry took place in 1902 when M.

1902 年，M. 发生了另一次事工变动。

Waldeck-Rousseau was succeeded by M.

瓦尔德克-卢梭的继任者是 M.

Combes.

库姆斯。

The new ministry caused great excitement by closing by force all religious schools that were not conforming by this time with the new Law of Associations.

新部门强制关闭了所有当时不符合新结社法的宗教学校，引起了极大的兴奋。

Another difficulty which the cabinet had to face was caused by a speech of the minister of marine during which he made remarks which were considered offensive by England and Germany.

内阁必须面对的另一个困难是由海军部长的一次讲话引起的，他在讲话中发表了被英国和德国认为具有冒犯性的言论。

The Government, however, disavowed this speech and declared the expressions used to be of a private and not of an official nature.

然而，政府否认了这一言论，并宣布这些言论属于私人而非官方性质。

The enforcement of the Law of Associations continued to cause serious difficulties in the next year, 1903.

1903年，结社法的执行继续造成严重困难。

Throughout the country the clergy, which of course resented the new regulations, took a more active interest in politics than ever before and thereby caused many serious dissensions between its members and the Government.

全国各地的神职人员当然对新规定感到不满，但他们对政治的兴趣比以往任何时候都更加积极，从而在其成员和政府之间引起了许多严重的分歧。

A very strong demand for absolute separation of church and state began to crystallize which found its final result in May, 1904, in the passage by the chamber of a bill prohibiting all instructions in religious institutions by the end of a period of five years.

对政教绝对分离的强烈要求开始具体化，最终结果是在 1904 年 5 月，众议院通过了一项法案，禁止在五年期结束时对宗教机构发出任何指令。

The attitude of the French Government toward the Catholic Church, of course, was deeply disapproved by the pope, and when President Loubet paid a visit to the King of Italy at Rome in May, 1904, and thereby aroused the pope to an official protest, the French Government promptly withdrew its representative at the Vatican.

法国政府对天主教会的态度当然遭到了教皇的深深不满，当卢贝总统于1904年5月在罗马拜访意大利国王并由此引起教皇的正式抗议时，法国政府立即撤回了驻梵蒂冈的代表。

May, 1903, brought to Paris King Edward of England on one of his many visits to the French capital.

1903 年 5 月，英国国王爱德华多次访问法国首都，其中一次将他带到巴黎。

This time, however, he appeared there in his official capacity and was received with general enthusiasm and expressions of the most sincere friendship on the part of the French nation toward the English people.

然而，这一次他以官方身份出现在那里，受到了普遍的热情接待，并表达了法国民族对英国人民最真诚的友谊。

Throughout 1904 the difficulties between the French Government and the church continued with increasing violence and in November of that year, a bill finally was introduced separating absolutely church and state.

整个 1904 年，法国政府和教会之间的矛盾持续不断，暴力不断增加，同年 11 月，法国终于提出了一项将教会和国家绝对分离的法案。

Relations between France and Germany became considerably strained during 1905.

1905 年，法国和德国之间的关系变得相当紧张。

France resented the advances which German diplomacy and German commercial institutions had succeeded in making at Constantinople and this resentment found its expression in a refusal to finance any more Turkish loans.

法国对德国外交和德国商业机构在君士坦丁堡成功取得的进展感到不满，这种不满情绪通过拒绝为土耳其提供更多贷款而得到体现。

As an official explanation of this attitude it was stated that the French Government objected to supplying funds to the Turkish Government as long as the Turkish Government continued to spend a large part of these funds for army and munition purchases from German firms.

作为对此态度的官方解释，法国政府反对向土耳其政府提供资金，只要土耳其政府继续将大部分资金用于从德国公司购买军队和军火。

More serious than this, however, was Germany's official announcement that the empire would insist firmly on an open-door policy in Morocco.

然而，比这更严重的是德国官方宣布帝国将坚定地坚持对摩洛哥的开放政策。

But fortunately for the peace of Europe this question at that time was settled by a series of conferences which were concluded in the fall of 1905.

但幸运的是，为了欧洲的和平，这个问题在 1905 年秋天结束的一系列会议中得到了解决。

In July, 1905, the French Chamber of Deputies and in September of the same year the French Senate finally adopted a bill for the separation of state and church.

1905年7月，法国众议院和同年9月法国参议院最终通过了政教分离法案。

In January, 1906, France again severed diplomatic relations with another power on account of commercial disputes, this time with Venezuela.

1906年1月，法国因商业纠纷再次与另一个国家断绝外交关系，这次是与委内瑞拉。

In March, 1906, King Edward paid his first visit to the new President, M.

1906 年 3 月，爱德华国王首次拜访新任总统 M.

Fallières, who had been elected to succeed M.

法利埃 (Fallières) 当选为接替 M.

Loubet.

卢贝特。

Other expressions of the growing intimacy between the English and French nations were the visit of the lord mayor of London at Paris, a visit of representatives of French universities at London, and a special invitation extended to General French and other English officers to view the fall maneuvers of the French army.

英法两国之间日益密切的其他表现包括伦敦市长对巴黎的访问、法国大学代表对伦敦的访问，以及特别邀请法国将军和其他英国军官观看法军的陷落演习。

Internally the enforcement of the new Church and State Separation Law caused many difficulties and widened the break between France and the pope.

在国内，新政教分离法的实施造成了许多困难，并扩大了法国与教皇之间的分歧。

A general strike of miners followed the worst mining disaster of the age, which killed over 1,200 miners at Courrières.

在发生了当时最严重的矿难之后，库里耶尔发生了 1,200 多名矿工死亡，随后爆发了矿工总罢工。

Captain Dreyfus was finally completely vindicated.

德雷福斯船长终于得到彻底平反。

Two changes of ministry occurred.

事工发生了两次变动。

M。

Rouvier was succeeded as prime minister by M.

鲁维埃继任总理。

Sarrien, whose resignation, on account of ill health, brought M.

萨里恩因健康状况不佳而辞职，使 M.

Clemenceau to the helm.

克列孟梭掌舵。

The separation of church and state continued to hold the center of the stage in 1907.

1907 年，政教分离继续占据舞台的中心。

Monsignor Montagnini, auditor of the Papal Nunciature, was expelled.

教皇使馆审计员蒙塔尼尼蒙席被驱逐。

The Catholic bishops, though, of course, supporting the pope in his objection to the separation law, finally reached a partial understanding with the Government in regard to the continuation of public worship in Catholic churches.

当然，天主教主教们支持教皇反对分离法，但最终就天主教堂继续进行公共礼拜与政府达成了部分谅解。

Labor troubles and serious riots in the principal wine districts occurred throughout May and June, but, though they were embarrassing the Government, they did not result in any changes in its composition.

整个五月和六月期间，主要葡萄酒产区发生了劳工纠纷和严重骚乱，尽管这些事件让政府感到尴尬，但并没有导致其组成发生任何变化。

France exchanged notes with both Spain and England, establishing the continuation of the _status quo_ in parts of the Mediterranean and Atlantic as far as they affected lines of communication between the contracting powers.

法国与西班牙和英国交换了照会，在地中海和大西洋部分地区维持现状，只要它们影响了签约国之间的交通线。

A Franco-Japanese agreement of June, 1907, was principally commercial in nature, although it expressed the adherence of the two countries to an open-door policy in China.

1907 年 6 月签署的法日协议主要是商业性质的，尽管它表达了两国坚持对华开放政策。

King Edward and Queen Alexandria again visited Paris.

爱德华国王和亚历山大王后再次访问巴黎。

President Fallières, accompanied by M.

法利埃总统在 M.

Pichon, the Foreign Minister, reciprocated with a visit to England in May, 1908, where he was most cordially received.

作为回报，外交部长皮雄于 1908 年 5 月访问英国，并受到最热情的接待。

In July, 1908, the president also paid visits to the kings of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, and to the czar.

1908年7月，总统还拜访了瑞典、挪威和丹麦国王以及沙皇。

Considerable bad feeling was created between France and Germany on account of the action of the German consul at Casablanca in giving shelter to some men of German origin who had deserted from the Foreign Legion.

由于德国驻卡萨布兰卡领事为一些从外籍军团逃兵的德裔男子提供庇护，法国和德国之间产生了相当大的不愉快情绪。

The matter, however, was finally referred for adjustment to the Hague Tribunal.

不过，该案最终被提交海牙法庭进行调整。

Both King Edward and the czar were visitors in France during 1909.

1909 年，爱德华国王和沙皇都曾到访法国。

The French, Italian, and Spanish fleets passed in review before President Fallières at Nice in March, 1909.

1909 年 3 月，法国、意大利和西班牙舰队在尼斯接受了法利埃总统的检阅。

A general strike, though of short duration only, was indicative of the general feeling of unrest which pervaded the country.

总罢工虽然持续时间很短，但却表明了全国普遍存在的不安定情绪。

The Clemenceau Ministry fell under an assault from the ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Delcassé, and was succeeded by one headed by M.

克列孟梭内阁遭到前外交部长德尔卡塞的攻击，并由以 M. 克列孟梭为首的内阁继任。

Briand.

布里安德.

In February, 1909, a new agreement was signed between France and Germany, embodying the general principles of French political preponderance and German commercial equality in Morocco.

1909年2月，法国和德国签署了一项新协议，体现了法国在摩洛哥政治优势和德国商业平等的一般原则。

This year 1910 again brought signs of the general social unrest in the form of various strikes, the most important of which was that of the employees of the Nord Railway.

1910年，社会再次出现了各种罢工的迹象，其中最重要的是北方铁路员工的罢工。

This threatened to assume dangerous proportions, but was suppressed by M.

这有可能达到危险的程度，但被 M 压制住了。

Briand's prompt action by issuing a mobilization order to the strikers, and thereby, having turned them into reservists, made them subject to military law.

布里安德迅速采取行动，向罢工者发出动员令，从而将他们变成预备役军人，使他们受到军事法的管辖。

M。

Briand resigned in February, 1911, and was succeeded by M.

1911 年 2 月，白里安辞职，由 M. 继任。

Monis and a Radical Cabinet, which, however, included M.

莫尼斯和激进内阁，然而，其中包括 M.

Delcassé as Minister of Marine.

德尔卡塞担任海军部长。

New wine riots taxed the ingenuity of the new cabinet to its utmost before order was restored.

在秩序恢复之前，新的葡萄酒骚乱已经使新内阁的聪明才智发挥到了极致。

In June, 1911, M.

1911 年 6 月，M.

Monis, who had been seriously injured in an aeroplane accident which killed Minister of War Berteaux, resigned on account of ill health and was followed by M.

莫尼斯在一场飞机事故中身受重伤，导致陆军部长贝尔托丧生，他因健康状况不佳而辞职，继任者是莫尼斯。

Caillaux, Minister of Finance in the Monis Cabinet.

卡约 (Caillaux)，莫尼斯内阁财政部长。

In the late fall, 1911, the German-French difficulties about Morocco were finally settled by another treaty reiterating the general principles of the 1909 treaty, but arranging also for an exchange of territory between France and Germany in the Congo, by which Germany gained some 100,000 square miles to the east and south of its Cameroons colony.

1911 年深秋，德法在摩洛哥问题上的困难最终通过另一项条约得到解决，该条约重申了 1909 年条约的一般原则，但还安排法国和德国在刚果交换领土，德国由此获得了喀麦隆殖民地东部和南部约 100,000 平方英里的土地。

Although this adjustment was not considered as particularly advantageous to Germany in that country itself, it aroused even more criticism in France, and resulted, in January, 1912, in the downfall of the Caillaux Cabinet.

尽管这一调整在德国国内并没有被认为对德国特别有利，但却在法国引起了更多批评，并导致 1912 年 1 月卡约内阁垮台。

The president called upon M.

总统呼吁M.

Poincaré to form a new cabinet.

庞加莱组建新内阁。

In the meantime an understanding concerning Morocco had also been reached with Spain, and a treaty between the two countries was signed.

与此同时，还与西班牙就摩洛哥问题达成了谅解，并签署了两国之间的条约。

It is significant that during the conferences held at Madrid between the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs and the French Ambassador, the English Ambassador was present at the invitation of both France and Spain.

值得注意的是，在西班牙外交部长与法国大使在马德里举行的会议期间，英国大使应法国和西班牙的邀请出席了会议。

In March, 1912, a French protectorate was established by treaty.

1912年3月，根据条约建立法国保护国。

Hardly had this been accomplished when the natives revolted, and it was not until the fall of 1912 that French troops succeeded in reestablishing order.

此事刚完成，当地人就起义，直到 1912 年秋，法国军队才成功重建秩序。

In August 1912, M.

1912 年 8 月，M.

Poincaré visited Russia, and in September Grand Duke Nicholas of Russia attended the French maneuvers, both signs that the French-Russian friendship was losing nothing in strength.

庞加莱访问了俄罗斯，俄罗斯大公尼古拉斯9月出席了法国的演习，这都表明法俄友谊丝毫没有减弱。

January, 1913, brought once more the presidential election, from which, after two or three ballots, M.

1913 年 1 月，再次举行总统选举，经过两三轮投票，M.

Poincaré emerged as M.

庞加莱以 M 的身份出现。

Fallières's successor.

法利埃的继任者。

He asked M.

他问M。

Briand to form the cabinet and appointed M.

布莱恩德组建内阁并任命 M.

Delcassé Ambassador at Petrograd.

德尔卡塞驻彼得格勒大使。

The Briand Ministry resigned as the result of difficulties over a matter of internal policy in March, 1913, and was succeeded by one headed by M.

1913 年 3 月，白里安部因内部政策问题而辞职，由 M. 白里安部领导的部长继任。

Barthou.

巴尔图。

The new president paid an official visit to the English court in June, 1913, and to the Spanish court in October, 1913.

新任总统于 1913 年 6 月对英国宫廷进行正式访问，并于 1913 年 10 月对西班牙宫廷进行正式访问。

In August, 1913, a three years' service bill was passed to counteract recent legislative measures in Germany, increasing the army's peace strength.

1913年8月，通过了一项三年服役法案，以抵消德国最近的立法措施，增强军队的和平力量。

This bill at first encountered considerable opposition, especially on the part of the Socialists.

该法案最初遭到了相当大的反对，特别是来自社会党的反对。

Like all the other great European powers, France maintained a strict neutrality during the two Balkan wars of 1912 and 1913, and, of course, played an important part in the various unsuccessful attempts of the powers to prevent their outbreak, as well as in the conferences leading up to the final adjustment.

与所有其他欧洲大国一样，法国在1912年和1913年的两次巴尔干战争中保持了严格的中立，当然，在各国阻止战争爆发的各种不成功的尝试以及导致最终调整的会议中，法国也发挥了重要作用。

In the latter the French representatives worked in conjunction with those of the republic's allies, England and Russia.

在后者中，法国代表与共和国的盟友英国和俄罗斯的代表合作。

The year 1914 brought more than the usual number of ministerial changes.

1914 年发生的部长变动比平常多。

First the Barthou Cabinet fell as a result of financial legislation and of an attack on the part of M.

首先，巴图内阁因金融立法和M·巴图的攻击而垮台。

Caillaux.

卡约。

M。

Doumerge, a political associate of the latter, formed a new one with M.

后者的政治伙伴杜梅尔热与 M. 建立了新的关系。

Caillaux in charge of the Finance Ministry.

卡约掌管财政部。

On March 16, 1914, his wife killed M.

1914 年 3 月 16 日，他的妻子杀死了 M.

Calmette, the editor of the Paris "Figaro," in which he had attacked M.

卡尔梅特是巴黎《费加罗报》的编辑，他在该报中攻击了M.

Caillaux most violently and consistently.

卡约最为暴力且始终如一。

The Minister of Finance resigned on the evening of the murder, and the rest of the cabinet followed on June 1, 1914.

财政部长在谋杀案发生当晚辞职，内阁其他成员也于 1914 年 6 月 1 日辞职。

The new cabinet, under M.

新内阁由 M.

Ribot, a moderate Republican, lasted one day and was succeeded by another, headed by M.

温和的共和党人里博特（Ribot）坚持了一天，并由另一位以 M. 为首的人继任。

Viviani.

维维亚尼.

In July, 1914, the president paid a visit to Russia, from where he returned barely in time to be greeted by Germany's declaration of war.

1914 年 7 月，总统访问了俄罗斯，刚从俄罗斯回来，德国就宣战了。

At last the moment had come when it would be seen what fruit the tree of the Russian-English-French Entente was to bear.

俄英法协约国之树将结出什么样的果实的时刻终于到来了。

CHAPTER V

第五章

ENGLAND

英格兰

In two respects England, or, more correctly speaking, the United Kingdom of England and Ireland, occupies a peculiar position among the great European nations.

英国，或者更准确地说，英格兰和爱尔兰联合王国，在两个方面在欧洲大国中占有特殊的地位。

In the first place, it differs from all the other European countries in that it is an island.

首先，它与所有其他欧洲国家的不同之处在于它是一个岛屿。

This fact, of course, makes a great many of its political and economic problems altogether different from those which the other countries have to face.

当然，这一事实使其许多政治和经济问题与其他国家必须面对的问题完全不同。

Its defenses, both military and naval, are naturally greatly influenced by its geographical location, and so are the policies which England has followed in connection with foreign politics.

英国的军事和海军防御自然很大程度上受到其地理位置的影响，英国所奉行的外交政策也是如此。

Nature, having put vast oceans between it and the rest of the world, gave thereby to England the strongest possible natural defenses.

大自然在英国与世界其他地方之间隔着浩瀚的海洋，从而为英国提供了最强大的自然防御。

On the other hand, this gift of Nature necessitated that the island's government should at all times maintain a navy, strong and efficient enough to defend it, not only from the attack of any one other nation, but from the attack of any possible combination of countries.

另一方面，这种自然的恩赐要求该岛政府必须始终保持一支足够强大和高效的海军来保卫自己，不仅免受任何其他国家的攻击，而且免受任何可能的国家组合的攻击。

Inhabited as it is by almost half a hundred million people, crowded into a space of only 120,000 square miles, its economic problems also are strongly influenced by its geographical location.

尽管它居住着近5亿人口，拥挤在仅12万平方英里的空间内，但它的经济问题也很大程度上受到其地理位置的影响。

For it stands to reason that on comparatively so small a space it is impossible to raise sufficient food for the inhabitants, and it also stands to reason that many of the raw materials which in modern times are required by civilized nations have to be secured from outside sources.

因为按理说，在相对狭小的空间里不可能为居民提供足够的食物，而且现代文明国家所需的许多原材料也必须从外部来源获得，这也是理所当然的。

This is a second reason why an immensely strong and efficient navy has been indispensable to England at all times.

这是英国在任何时候都不可或缺的强大而高效的海军的第二个原因。

A second peculiarity of England is found in the fact that, although England itself--by this we mean the United Kingdom of England, Scotland, Ireland--is exceeded in extent by every one of the other important European nations except Italy, it possesses more numerous, more scattered, and more profitable colonies than any of the other countries.

英格兰的第二个特点在于这样一个事实：尽管英格兰本身——我们指的是英格兰联合王国、苏格兰、爱尔兰——在面积上被除意大利以外的所有其他重要欧洲国家所超越，但它拥有比任何其他国家更多、更分散、更有利可图的殖民地。

Just as it was said of the old Spanish colonial empire at the time of Charles V that the sun never set on it, this claim can now be made for the English colonies.

正如人们对查理五世时代的古老西班牙殖民帝国所说的“太阳永不落”一样，现在英国殖民地也可以这样说。

Large parts of every one of the three continents--Africa, Asia, America--are ruled either directly or indirectly by England, and the fourth continent, Australia, it possesses entirely.

非洲、亚洲、美洲这三大洲的大部分地区都直接或间接地受英国统治，而第四大陆澳大利亚则完全由英国统治。

This added only another reason to England's need of a navy.

这为英国需要海军增添了另一个理由。

For unless the home country's lines of communication with its colonies in all parts of the world were kept open at all times, the latter would have lost a great deal of their value.

因为除非母国与其在世界各地的殖民地的交通线路始终保持畅通，否则后者就会失去很大的价值。

In a way it may be claimed that English foreign politics was predicated by these three fundamental conditions: to defend the home country against all comers; to insure a plentiful supply of all raw materials and products needed by the home country at all times; to keep open communication with its colonies in every part of the world against any interference, and to protect these colonial possessions against all attacks.

在某种程度上，可以说英国的外交政治是以这三个基本条件为基础的：保卫祖国免受所有来者的侵害；确保母国所需的所有原材料和产品在任何时候都有充足的供应；与其在世界各地的殖民地保持开放的沟通，免受任何干涉，并保护这些殖民地财产免受任何攻击。

Needless to say, the fact that England possessed colonies in all parts of the world made it at once the greatest, richest, most influential, and most jealous nation.

不用说，英国在世界各地拥有殖民地的事实使其成为最伟大、最富有、最有影响力和最嫉妒的国家。

For one of the chief national characteristics of the English race is its tenacity, and it is loath to let go of anything that has once come into its possession.

因为英国人的主要民族特征之一就是其坚韧，并且不愿意放弃曾经拥有的任何东西。

This characteristic frequently brought it into conflict with other nations who wanted some of England's possessions.

这一特点经常使其与其他想要英格兰部分财产的国家发生冲突。

Furthermore, there were many other instances where other nations were desirous of acquiring territory or, at least, certain rights in other countries, the acquisition of which found England's disapproval and opposition, not because England possessed these lands or wished to possess them, but because English interests apparently did not make it desirable that the nation which was trying to gain these lands should succeed.

此外，还有许多其他例子，其他国家渴望获得领土，或者至少是其他国家的某些权利，而英国的不赞成和反对，并不是因为英国拥有这些土地或希望拥有它们，而是因为英国的利益显然不希望试图获得这些土地的国家取得成功。

If we, however, consider that a great many of England's colonial possessions were wrested at one time or another from other nations, and that in some other cases their acquisition by conquest or treaty ran counter against the interests of some other nations which, however, were not strong or subtle enough to prevent England from carrying out its plans, it becomes clear why England up to comparatively recent times may be said to have possessed more and more bitter enemies than any other nation.

然而，如果我们考虑到英国的许多殖民地领土曾一度从其他国家手中夺取，并且在其他一些情况下，通过征服或签订条约而获得的这些领土与其他一些国家的利益相悖，而这些国家的利益并没有强大或微妙到足以阻止英国实施其计划，那么就很清楚为什么英国迄今为止可以说比任何其他国家拥有越来越多的死敌。

In the consideration of the historical development of the various European nations which we have set forth so far we have seen that, whenever a nation possessed or acquired colonies, it was brought immediately into contact, sometimes friendly and more frequently unfriendly, with other nations, and this, of course, is not only equally true of England, but even more so, because its colonial interests were so much more extensive than any others.

考虑到我们迄今为止所阐述的欧洲各国的历史发展，我们已经看到，每当一个国家拥有或获得殖民地时，它就会立即与其他国家进行接触，有时是友好的，更多的是不友好的，当然，不仅英国同样如此，而且更是如此，因为它的殖民利益比任何其他国家都要广泛得多。

In one other important direction England exerted an immense influence on the rest of the world.

在另一个重要方向上，英国对世界其他地区产生了巨大影响。

From this vast colonial empire there had been flowing for generations a steady stream of unequaled riches into the coffers of England.

世世代代以来，这个庞大的殖民帝国源源不断地向英国金库输送着无与伦比的财富。

And much of the surplus wealth accumulated in this way was invested by Englishmen in other countries, and, even though there were quite a number of countries on the government of which England possessed no direct influence, still there were very few nations who were not financially entirely, or at least partly, dependent on England.

以这种方式积累起来的剩余财富，大部分被英国人投资到了其他国家，尽管有相当多的国家的政府不受英国的直接影响，但仍然有极少数国家在财政上不完全或至少部分依赖于英国。

The vastness of English interests may readily be understood if we remember that out of the total inhabited surface of the earth of about 50,000,000 square miles with 1,750,000,000 inhabitants, 13,500,000 square miles with 500,000,000 inhabitants are under the rule of England.

如果我们记得，在大约 50,000,000 平方英里、拥有 1,750,000,000 名居民的地球总面积中，有 13,500,000 平方英里、拥有 500,000,000 名居民的土地在英国的统治之下，那么英国利益的巨大就很容易理解了。

Comparatively little of this empire was acquired by England during the last half century, but the acquisitions which were made in that period were at once greater and more desirable than similar acquisitions by other nations.

在过去的半个世纪里，英国获得的这个帝国的领土相对较少，但在那个时期获得的领土比其他国家获得的类似领土更大、更令人向往。

With very few exceptions England's new territorial conquests during the last fifty years were made at the expense of uncivilized and unorganized nations, and there was, therefore, comparatively little direct cause for animosity.

除了极少数例外，英国在过去五十年里对新领土的征服都是以牺牲未开化和无组织的民族为代价的，因此，相对而言，引起敌意的直接原因很少。

But, on the other hand, a great many of the choice morsels which England gathered in were desired by some other nation or nations, and England's successes, therefore, gave plenty of indirect causes for animosity, especially if it is borne in mind that English statesmen were not only at all times striving very hard to secure for their country the best of everything, but were also working equally hard to prevent, if at all possible, other nations from getting anything.

但是，另一方面，英国收集到的许多精选食物是其他一些国家或民族所渴望的，因此，英国的成功为敌意提供了许多间接原因，特别是如果记住英国政治家不仅在任何时候都非常努力地为自己的国家争取最好的一切，而且还同样努力地阻止（如果有可能的话）其他国家获得任何东西。

In the period of European history, to which we are restricting our attention, the first milestone of the long line of conflicts between the different nations and countries has been the war between Prussia and Austria on one hand and Denmark on the other for the possession of Schleswig-Holstein.

在我们所关注的欧洲历史时期，不同民族和国家之间的长期冲突中的第一个里程碑是普鲁士与奥地利之间以及丹麦之间为争夺石勒苏益格-荷尔斯泰因州而发生的战争。

In this matter England, previous to the outbreak of actual hostilities, expressed very strongly that anyone who would attack Denmark would have to reckon with other than Denmark; but when the English Foreign Secretary of that period, Lord John Russell, found that he could not get the active support of Napoleon III in opposing Prussia and Austria's aggressive steps, Lord Palmerston's Cabinet, of which Lord Russell was a member, found it necessary to maintain neutrality during the war, especially in view of the fact that Queen Victoria was strongly opposed to any active interference on the part of England.

在这件事上，英国在真正的敌对行动爆发之前就非常强烈地表示，任何想要攻击丹麦的人都必须考虑到丹麦以外的国家；但当当时的英国外交大臣约翰·罗素勋爵发现自己在反对普鲁士和奥地利的侵略行动上无法得到拿破仑三世的积极支持时，罗素勋爵所属的帕默斯顿勋爵内阁发现有必要在战争期间保持中立，特别是考虑到维多利亚女王强烈反对英国方面的任何积极干涉。

In spite of this attitude of the queen a marriage was arranged in 1863 between the Prince of Wales, later King Edward VII, and the daughter of King Christian IX of Denmark, Princess Alexandria.

尽管女王持这种态度，1863 年，威尔士亲王（即后来的国王爱德华七世）与丹麦国王克里斯蒂安九世的女儿亚历山大公主还是安排了婚姻。

Although it is true that the personal relations of the ruling houses of the different European countries did not any longer possess the same importance that they formerly had, this new alliance undoubtedly had, even if not immediately, an important influence on English foreign politics.

尽管欧洲各国统治集团之间的私人关系确实不再像以前那样重要，但这一新联盟无疑对英国外交政治产生了重要影响，即使不是立即产生的。

For not only was the Princess of Wales, later Queen of England, unable to forget and forgive the territorial loss which her father had suffered at the hands of Prussia, but this attitude was shared by her sister, who was to become a few years later, as wife of Alexander III of Russia, a powerful influence at the Russian court.

因为不仅威尔士王妃（后来的英格兰女王）无法忘记和原谅她父亲在普鲁士手中遭受的领土损失，而且她的妹妹也持有这种态度，几年后，她成为俄罗斯亚历山大三世的妻子，在俄罗斯宫廷中具有强大的影响力。

To a certain extent, of course, the influence of the Princess of Wales did not make itself felt until she had become Queen of England, and possibly not very strongly then, and it was also somewhat counteracted by the fact that one of Queen Victoria's daughters was married to the Crown Prince of Prussia, who later, as Frederick III, became for a short time the German Emperor.

当然，在某种程度上，威尔士王妃的影响力直到她成为英国女王后才显现出来，而且当时可能还不是很强烈，而且维多利亚女王的一个女儿嫁给了普鲁士王储，后者后来作为腓特烈三世，短暂地成为了德国皇帝，这一事实也在一定程度上抵消了这种影响力。

During the Austro-Prussian War of 1866 England maintained the strictest neutrality and showed the same attitude during the few years following, covering Napoleon III's attempts to stop the tide of Prussian ascendancy.

在1866年的普奥战争期间，英国保持了最严格的中立，并在随后的几年中表现出同样的态度，掩盖了拿破仑三世阻止普鲁士崛起浪潮的企图。

The English Government of that period was headed by one of the most famous statesmen that England has ever produced, Benjamin Disraeli.

那个时期的英国政府由英国有史以来最著名的政治家之一本杰明·迪斯雷利（Benjamin Disraeli）领导。

There can be no doubt that his attitude toward affairs on the European continent was strongly influenced by Queen Victoria's own attitude, who, it may be frankly acknowledged, was strongly pro-German on account of her personal relations, which not only included a German prince as son-in-law, but also a German prince as husband.

毫无疑问，他对欧洲大陆事务的态度深受维多利亚女王本人态度的影响，坦率地承认，维多利亚女王由于个人关系而强烈亲德，不仅有一位德国王子作为女婿，而且还有一位德国王子作为丈夫。

The official explanation which the prime minister gave of England's policy of noninterference at that time was that England had "outgrown the European continent because she was no longer a mere European power.

英国首相当时对英国不干涉政策的官方解释是，英国“已经超越了欧洲大陆，因为她不再是一个单纯的欧洲强国”。

England is the metropolis of a great maritime empire extending to the boundaries of the furthest oceans ...

英国是一个延伸至最远海洋边界的伟大海洋帝国的大都市......

she is as ready, and as willing even, to interfere as in the old days when the necessity of her position required it.

当她的职位需要时，她像过去一样准备好，甚至愿意干预。

There is no power, indeed, which interferes more than England; she interferes in Asia because she is really more of an Asiatic than of a European power." This undoubtedly was not an explanation made for convenience' sake, but expressed truly and sincerely the broad view which the English Prime Minister took of England's mission, and later events showed that he adhered to this new gospel of English imperialism which was preached then for the first time.

事实上，没有哪个国家比英国更能干涉。她干涉亚洲，因为她实际上更像是一个亚洲国家，而不是一个欧洲国家。”这无疑不是为了方便而作的解释，而是真实地、真诚地表达了英国首相对英国使命的宽广看法，而后来的事件表明，他坚持了当时首次宣扬的英帝国主义新福音。

One result of French jealousy of Prussian success was Napoleon III's effort to gain some territorial compensations.

法国嫉妒普鲁士的成功的结果之一是拿破仑三世努力获得一些领土补偿。

In this connection he even went so far as to propose secretly to Bismarck that Prussia should allow France to invade and annex the kingdom of Belgium provided France would recognize without opposition the new North German Confederation.

在这方面，他甚至秘密向俾斯麦提议，普鲁士应该允许法国入侵并吞并比利时王国，前提是法国在没有反对的情况下承认新的北德意志邦联。

Bismarck refused, and, as a counterstroke, Napoleon III protested against the continuation of Luxemburg's occupation by German troops.

俾斯麦拒绝了，作为反击，拿破仑三世抗议德国军队继续占领卢森堡。

A conference of the powers was finally called at London in May, 1868, and a treaty was arranged according to which the fortifications of the city of Luxemburg were dismantled and the entire duchy received a joint guarantee of continuous neutrality.

最终于 1868 年 5 月在伦敦召开了一次列强会议，并签订了一项条约，根据该条约，卢森堡市的防御工事被拆除，整个公国获得了持续中立的共同保证。

In the meantime, in 1867, Parliament had passed a bill embodying the confederation of the various British provinces in North America and creating a form of self-government under which the Dominion of Canada had existed and flourished since then.

与此同时，1867年，议会通过了一项法案，体现了北美各英国省份的联邦，并建立了一种自治形式，加拿大自治领自那时起就在这种形式下存在并繁荣。

Other internal measures of grave importance occupied the attention of the English nation at that time.

当时其他极其重要的内部措施引起了英国全国的关注。

Certain ritualistic tendencies in the Anglican Church aroused great excitement and apprehension.

英国圣公会的某些仪式倾向引起了极大的兴奋和忧虑。

Disraeli's Prime Ministership, which he had assumed in February, 1867, after Lord Derby's resignation, came to an end in December, 1868, through a victory of the Liberal party at the general election, and Gladstone formed his first ministry.

迪斯雷利于 1867 年 2 月德比勋爵辞职后担任首相，随着自由党在大选中获胜，迪斯雷利于 1868 年 12 月结束首相职务，格莱斯顿组建了他的第一个内阁。

Difficulties in Ireland culminated in a revival of Fenian activities and in the committing of numerous outrages.

爱尔兰的困难最终导致芬尼亚活动的复兴和无数暴行的发生。

With the fate of the reform and other measures of Gladstone's government we are not concerned, for they were almost exclusively of an internal nature.

对于格莱斯顿政府的改革和其他措施的命运，我们并不关心，因为它们几乎完全是内部性质的。

Of England's neutral attitude during the Franco-Prussian War we have already heard; but it is worth mentioning that previous to the outbreak of the war England attempted, even if unsuccessfully, to mediate between France and Prussia.

关于英国在普法战争期间的中立态度我们已经听说过；但值得一提的是，在战争爆发之前，英国曾试图在法国和普鲁士之间进行调解，尽管没有成功。

In spite of the official neutrality observed by England during this war, public sentiment was pro-French, and France undoubtedly received considerable legitimate commercial assistance from England.

尽管英国在这场战争中保持官方中立，但公众情绪却偏向法国，法国无疑从英国获得了大量合法的商业援助。

This claim is well borne out by the fact that a short time after the war, as we have already learned during the consideration of French history, the French Parliament passed a resolution expressing the thanks of the French nation to England for its expressions of friendship during the recent war.

正如我们在回顾法国历史时所了解到的那样，战后不久，法国议会就通过了一项决议，表达了法国民族对英国在最近战争中所表现出的友谊的感谢。

In Germany this attitude of the English public was well known and caused a considerable amount of ill feeling.

在德国，英国公众的这种态度是众所周知的，并引起了相当大的反感。

It was at that time that Bismarck published Napoleon III's suggestion of 1867 in regard to the invasion and annexation of Belgium, and its publication at this particular moment had two results: it made English intervention in favor of France absolutely impossible and it caused the English Government to demand from both belligerents--France and Germany--their signatures to a treaty guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium and arranging that in case either France or Prussia would violate this neutrality Great Britain would intervene in conjunction with the other for the defense of Belgium.

正是在那个时候，俾斯麦发表了拿破仑三世1867年关于入侵和吞并比利时的建议，而它在这个特定时刻的发表产生了两个结果：它使英国绝对不可能为法国而进行干预，并导致英国政府要求法国和德国这两个交战国签署一项保证比利时中立的条约，并安排如果法国或普鲁士违反这一中立性，英国将进行干预与其他人一起保卫比利时。

This treaty was also extended to include Luxemburg.

该条约还扩展到包括卢森堡。

Another indirect result of the Franco-Prussian War, Russia's declaration in October, 1870, that it considered itself no longer bound to the terms of the treaty of Paris, 1856, in regard to the neutrality of the Black Sea, aroused vigorous English protests.

普法战争的另一个间接结果是，俄罗斯于 1870 年 10 月宣布，它认为自己不再受 1856 年巴黎条约有关黑海中立条款的约束，这引起了英国的强烈抗议。

For a time it seemed as if public opinion would force England to go to war against Russia, but a conference of the powers who had signed the 1856 treaty was finally called at London in December, 1870, the results of which we have already learned.

有一段时间，公众舆论似乎会迫使英国对俄罗斯开战，但签署 1856 年条约的列强最终于 1870 年 12 月在伦敦召开会议，会议结果我们已经得知。

In December, 1870, the difficulties between England and the United States, which had held over until then from the Civil War, were satisfactorily settled by international commissioners at Geneva.

1870 年 12 月，英国和美国之间因内战而一直存在的困难，在日内瓦的国际委员们的主持下得到了令人满意的解决。

A revolution of French-Canadians broke out in 1872, but was quickly put down.

1872年，法裔加拿大人爆发了一场革命，但很快就被镇压了。

Cape Colony added to its territory in 1871 by annexing, over the protests of the Orange Free State, territory known then as Griqualand West.

1871 年，开普殖民地不顾奥兰治自由邦的抗议，吞并了当时称为西格里夸兰的领土，从而扩大了自己的领土。

In the same year the Gold Coast was acquired on the West Coast of Africa through a treaty with Holland, Great Britain relinquishing in exchange its claims to Dutch Indian Sumatra.

同年，通过与荷兰签订的条约，英国获得了非洲西海岸的黄金海岸，英国放弃了对荷属印度苏门答腊岛的主权要求。

Russia's increased activity in Asia caused considerable apprehension, which, however, was removed by an understanding between Russia and Great Britain, concluded in 1872, according to which Afghanistan was to be considered not within the sphere of Russian interests in Asia.

俄罗斯在亚洲的活动增加引起了相当大的担忧，但俄罗斯与英国于 1872 年达成的谅解消除了这种担忧，根据该谅解，阿富汗不属于俄罗斯在亚洲的利益范围。

In 1874 the ties of relationship which connected Queen Victoria's family to that of the czar were strengthened by the marriage of her son, the Duke of Edinburgh, to Grand Duchess Marie of Russia.

1874 年，维多利亚女王的儿子爱丁堡公爵与俄罗斯女大公玛丽的婚姻进一步加强了维多利亚女王家族与沙皇家族的关系。

In the same year Czar Alexander II visited London.

同年，沙皇亚历山大二世访问伦敦。

The Gladstone Ministry was succeeded by one headed by Disraeli.

格莱斯顿内阁由迪斯雷利领导的内阁继任。

In 1875 the Government announced the purchase of the Suez Canal shares, then held by the Khedive of Egypt.

1875年，政府宣布购买当时由埃及赫迪夫持有的苏伊士运河股份。

This practically gave England control of the canal, as the khedive's holdings amounted to nine-twentieths of the entire issue.

这实际上让英格兰控制了运河，因为赫迪夫的财产占整个运河的二十分之九。

A great many of the other shares were in the hands of French investors.

许多其他股票都掌握在法国投资者手中。

But the French Government accepted England's purchase without opposition.

但法国政府毫无异议地接受了英国的购买。

This move not only secured to England control of the shortest and safest route to India, but also brought it into closer contact with Egypt, one of the great colonial prizes of the world then still available.

此举不仅确保了英国对通往印度的最短路线和最安全路线的控制，而且还使其与埃及的联系更加密切，埃及是当时世界上最大的殖民战利品之一。

Disraeli soon gave proof of the sincerity of his imperialistic views.

迪斯雷利很快就证明了他的帝国主义观点的诚意。

In 1876, at his suggestion and as a result of his diplomacy, the queen was proclaimed Empress of India.

1876年，在他的建议和他的外交努力下，女王被任命为印度女皇。

In 1877 the Transvaal was annexed by England.

1877年，德兰士瓦被英国吞并。

In the Russo-Turkish War, which broke out that year, England maintained neutrality, but in 1878 a defensive treaty was signed between Great Britain and Turkey which gave the island of Cyprus to England.

在当年爆发的俄土战争中，英国保持中立，但1878年英国与土耳其签署防御条约，将塞浦路斯岛割让给英国。

In 1879 the Zulu War broke out and kept English forces engaged through the greater part of the year.

1879 年，祖鲁战争爆发，英国军队在这一年的大部分时间里都在交战。

The following year, 1880, was marked chiefly by riots and bloodshed in Ireland, the resignation of Disraeli, and the return to the premiership of Gladstone, who in 1881 succeeded in passing the Irish Land Bill.

次年，即 1880 年，爱尔兰发生了骚乱和流血事件，迪斯雷利辞职，格莱斯顿重新担任首相，格莱斯顿于 1881 年成功通过了爱尔兰土地法案。

The Irish difficulties lasted throughout 1882, 1883, and 1884.

爱尔兰的困难持续了整个 1882 年、1883 年和 1884 年。

Throughout that year, 1884 and 1885, English troops fought rebellious natives in Egypt after having announced to Turkey that it felt that it was necessary for the protection of the Suez Canal that British troops should assume the responsibility of restoring order in Egypt.

1884年和1885年这一年，英国军队向土耳其宣布，英国军队有必要承担起恢复埃及秩序的责任，以保护苏伊士运河，之后，英国军队在埃及与叛乱的当地人作战。

The Gladstone Ministry was defeated in 1885 and succeeded by a Conservative Cabinet under the Marquis of Salisbury.

1885 年，格莱斯顿内阁被击败，由索尔兹伯里侯爵领导的保守党内阁继任。

Following the outbreak of a war in Burma in the fall of 1885, English troops entered the capital, and in 1886 Burma's annexation was announced.

1885 年秋缅甸战争爆发后，英国军队进入首都，并于 1886 年宣布吞并缅甸。

Internal dissensions brought about two changes of cabinets in 1886, bringing in Gladstone again, but only for four months, when Lord Salisbury returned to the premiership.

1886年，内部分歧导致两次内阁更迭，格莱斯顿再次上任，但只任职四个月，索尔兹伯里勋爵重返首相职位后。

Zululand was the next addition to Great Britain's possession, its annexation being announced in 1887.

祖鲁兰是英国的下一个领土，于 1887 年宣布吞并。

In the same year the fiftieth anniversary of Queen Victoria's accession to the throne was celebrated with great splendor at London, and became a means of strongly emphasizing Disraeli's imperialistic idea.

同年，维多利亚女王登基五十周年在伦敦举行了盛大的庆祝活动，成为强烈强调迪斯雷利帝国主义思想的一种手段。

It brought together the most noteworthy gathering of rulers of nations, and led undoubtedly to an exchange of views which, at least for a short time, had a beneficial influence on the world's peace.

它汇集了最值得注意的各国统治者的聚会，毫无疑问地交换了意见，至少在短时间内对世界和平产生了有益的影响。

In 1889 the British South African Company was chartered and the foundation was laid thereby for the immense expansion of England in South Africa.

1889 年，英国南非公司获得特许，为英国在南非的大规模扩张奠定了基础。

In 1890 Germany and England adjusted various difficulties in regard to their respective spheres of influence in Africa by signing a treaty.

1890年，德国和英国通过签订条约调整了各自在非洲势力范围的各种困难。

This gave to England a protectorate over Zanzibar, in exchange for which it ceded the island of Helgoland to Germany.

英国获得桑给巴尔的保护权，作为交换，英国将黑尔戈兰岛割让给德国。

Though this adjustment was not popular in either country, and especially not in Germany, it led to a betterment of conditions between England and Germany, as it removed at least one source of continual dissension by adjusting the African question.

尽管这种调整在两国都不受欢迎，尤其是在德国，但它改善了英德之间的条件，因为它通过调整非洲问题消除了至少一个持续分歧的根源。

The young German Emperor accompanied by the Empress, paid a visit to his grandmother, Queen Victoria, in 1891, and thereby emphasized the cordiality of relations existing between the two Governments.

1891年，年轻的德国皇帝在皇后的陪同下拜访了他的祖母维多利亚女王，从而强调了两国政府之间存在的友好关系。

In the summer of 1892 the Salisbury Ministry resigned as the result of renewed difficulties in Ireland, and was again succeeded by a Gladstone Cabinet.

1892 年夏天，由于爱尔兰再次出现困难，索尔兹伯里内阁辞职，并再次由格莱斯顿内阁继任。

In 1893 relations between France and England became temporarily strained on account of English aggressiveness in Egypt, where France had been considerably interested previous to England's purchase of the Suez Canal.

1893年，由于英国对埃及的侵略，法国和英国之间的关系暂时变得紧张，在英国购买苏伊士运河之前，法国一直对埃及非常感兴趣。

In 1894 the Gladstone Ministry resigned once more and was succeeded by one headed by Lord Rosebery.

1894 年，格莱斯顿内阁再次辞职，由罗斯伯里勋爵领导的内阁继任。

Labor difficulties were characteristic of that year, 1894, as well as the preceding one, 1893.

劳工困难是 1894 年以及前一年 1893 年的特点。

Another acquisition was made in 1894 by the establishment of a protectorate over Uganda in East Africa.

另一项收购是 1894 年在东非乌干达建立保护国。

The appearance in 1895 of a British fleet in Nicaragua to enforce the payment of certain indemnities held possibilities of a conflict with the United States on account of the Monroe Doctrine, but the matter was quickly settled and the fleet withdrawn.

1895年，英国舰队出现在尼加拉瓜强制支付某些赔款，有可能因门罗主义而与美国发生冲突，但问题很快得到解决，舰队撤回。

The Rosebery Cabinet was succeeded by one headed by Lord Salisbury in July, 1895, in which month a protectorate was established over British East Africa, and in November Bechuanaland was annexed to Cape Colony.

1895 年 7 月，索尔兹伯里勋爵领导的罗斯伯里内阁继任，同月在英属东非建立了保护国，11 月贝专纳兰被并入开普殖民地。

In December, 1895, the memorable raid of Dr. Jamieson on the Transvaal miscarried.

1895 年 12 月，杰米森博士对德兰士瓦河进行的令人难忘的袭击失败了。

An ultimatum presented to Venezuela caused strained relations between the United States and England, which, however, were adjusted amicably by the end of 1896.

向委内瑞拉发出的最后通牒导致美国和英国关系紧张，但到 1896 年底，两国关系得到了友好调整。

Throughout 1897 and 1898 English troops were busily occupied with the pacification of newly acquired territory in Africa, especially in Egypt and the Sudan.

整个 1897 年和 1898 年，英国军队忙于平息非洲新获得的领土，特别是埃及和苏丹。

Toward the end of 1898 the Fashoda incident, of which we have spoken at greater length under the French history, brought England and France dangerously near to war.

1898 年底，法绍达事件使英国和法国濒临战争边缘，我们在法国历史中对此进行了更详细的讨论。

We have seen now how England, without stirring up a great deal of dust, had been adding continually to her possessions, especially in Africa.

我们现在已经看到，英国如何在没有掀起太多尘埃的情况下，不断地增加她的财产，特别是在非洲。

This, of course, aroused gradually the attention and, to a certain extent, the jealousy of other countries.

这当然逐渐引起了其他国家的关注，并在一定程度上引起了嫉妒。

By 1899 it had become necessary to adjust some of these difficulties, and England succeeded in doing this by treaties with France and Egypt, as she had done before with Germany.

到 1899 年，有必要调整其中一些困难，英国通过与法国和埃及签订条约成功地做到了这一点，就像她之前与德国所做的那样。

Her aggressive policy in South Africa, however, met determined opposition at the hands of the Boers, who had begun to fear for their own independence which, being of Dutch extraction, they valued greater than life.

然而，她在南非的侵略政策遭到了布尔人的坚决反对，布尔人开始担心自己的独立，因为有荷兰血统，他们视独立高于生命。

Conferences between Lord Milner on behalf of England and President Krueger of the Transvaal came to naught.

米尔纳勋爵代表英格兰与德兰士瓦总统克鲁格之间的会议毫无结果。

On October 9, 1899, the latter country presented an ultimatum which England did not answer.

1899年10月9日，后者提出最后通牒，但英国没有回应。

Then the Boer War broke out.

然后布尔战争爆发了。

For our purposes it is not necessary to consider its details.

就我们的目的而言，没有必要考虑其细节。

It suffices to state that it lasted until April, 1902.

只要说它一直持续到 1902 年 4 月就足够了。

For almost three years the brave Boers fought against almost impossible odds.

勇敢的布尔人与几乎不可能的胜算进行了近三年的斗争。

Again and again they defeated the English, but finally they succumbed to the British Empire's inexhaustible resources in men and money, and on May 31, 1902, they were forced to accept England's terms for surrender which cost them their independence.

他们一次又一次地击败了英国人，但最终他们屈服于大英帝国在人力和金钱方面取之不尽的资源，1902年5月31日，他们被迫接受英国的投降条件，这使他们失去了独立。

Indeed, as early as September 1, 1900, the South African Republic was annexed, and on October 25, Transvaal became an English colony.

事实上，早在1900年9月1日，南非共和国就被吞并，10月25日，德兰士瓦成为英国殖民地。

In its international aspect the Boer War cost England temporarily the friendship of many nations, who resented the ruthlessness with which they carried on war, and ridiculed the lack of efficiency which was so noticeable during the early stages of the war.

在国际方面，布尔战争暂时使英国失去了许多国家的友谊，这些国家对他们进行战争的残酷行为感到不满，并嘲笑战争初期阶段如此明显的效率低下。

Relations with Germany became especially strained as a result of the strong pro-Boer sentiment which was evident throughout the German Empire, and which found even official expression in a much-discussed telegram of the German Emperor to President Krueger.

由于整个德意志帝国都存在明显的强烈亲布尔情绪，德国与德国的关系变得尤其紧张，这种情绪甚至在德国皇帝给克鲁格总统的一封备受讨论的电报中得到了正式表达。

Although the Boer War cost England much in lives, money, and prestige, its gain far overshadowed its cost.

尽管布尔战争使英国付出了巨大的生命、金钱和威望，但它的收获远远超过了它的成本。

By it Great Britain won the richest gold-producing mines and the most wonderful diamond mines in the world.

英国由此赢得了世界上最丰富的金矿和最美丽的钻石矿。

It consolidated its South African possessions, and, though hard pushed at times, she emerged from it richer and more powerful than ever.

它巩固了南非的领地，尽管有时受到重重压力，但她却比以往任何时候都更加富有和强大。

Even if this war occupied public attention almost to the exclusion of everything else, a few noteworthy events happened during it.

尽管这场战争占据了公众的注意力，几乎排除了其他一切，但期间还是发生了一些值得注意的事件。

In 1900 the bill providing for the federation of the Australian colonies under the name of the Commonwealth of Australia was approved by the crown, and completed the consolidation of another important part of the British Empire.

1900年，规定以澳大利亚联邦名义将澳大利亚殖民地联合起来的法案得到了英国王室的批准，完成了大英帝国另一个重要部分的巩固。

In January, 1901, Queen Victoria died, after a reign of sixty-four years, and was succeeded by the Prince of Wales as Edward VII.

1901 年 1 月，维多利亚女王在统治六十四年后去世，威尔士亲王继位，即爱德华七世。

While the preparations for the coronation of Edward VII were in progress the king suddenly was taken seriously ill and an operation had to be made to save his life.

当爱德华七世加冕礼的准备工作正在进行时，国王突然病重，必须进行手术才能挽救他的生命。

His coronation finally took place in Westminster Abbey in August, 1902.

1902 年 8 月，他的加冕典礼终于在威斯敏斯特教堂举行。

The rulers of all the important countries of the world attended either personally or were represented by important members of their families, and it may well be said that no other event of modern times had brought together such an assembly of the great of the earth.

世界上所有重要国家的统治者或亲自出席，或由其重要家庭成员代表出席，可以说，近代以来没有任何其他活动能够将地球上的伟人聚集在一起。

Once more England seemed to have assumed a leading part in the affairs of the world, and the nations of it apparently were not only willing but anxious to acknowledge British power and greatness.

英国似乎再次在世界事务中发挥了主导作用，其各国显然不仅愿意而且渴望承认英国的实力和伟大。

Just previous to the coronation, in July, 1902, Lord Salisbury had resigned the premiership and had been succeeded by his nephew, A.

1902 年 7 月加冕典礼之前，索尔兹伯里勋爵辞去了首相职务，由他的侄子 A. 继任。

J。

Balfour.

贝尔福。

Another feature of the coronation was the enthusiastic loyalty which all the British colonies showed for the new king and the mother country.

加冕典礼的另一个特点是英国所有殖民地对新国王和祖国表现出的热情忠诚。

This found even more definite expression in a series of conferences which were held in November of the same year, 1902, between the prime ministers of the different colonies and the British Secretary of the Colonies.

1902 年 11 月，不同殖民地的首相和英国殖民地大臣举行了一系列会议，这一点得到了更明确的体现。

These resulted in resolutions expressing a desire for a closer union of the various parts of the empire and for an arrangement by which the trade with the colonies should receive preferential treatment.

这些决议表达了帝国各部分更紧密联合的愿望，并做出安排，使与殖民地的贸易得到优惠待遇。

In December, 1902, Great Britain and Germany presented a joint ultimatum to Venezuela concerning the payment of debts, and established a joint blockade after having seized the Venezuelan fleet.

1902年12月，英国和德国联合向委内瑞拉发出关于偿还债务的最后通牒，并在扣押委内瑞拉舰队后实施联合封锁。

The South American republic appealed to the United States, at whose suggestion the matter was referred to the Hague Tribunal of International Arbitration.

南美洲共和国向美国提出上诉，美国建议将此事提交海牙国际仲裁法庭。

The friendship between France and Great Britain manifested indisputable signs of rapid growth in 1903 when President Loubet payed a three days' visit to England in July, and was followed later that month by a deputation of French deputies and senators.

1903年，当卢贝总统于7月对英国进行了为期三天的访问时，法国和英国之间的友谊显示出了无可争议的快速发展的迹象，随后法国议员和参议员组成的代表团也于当月晚些时候访问了英国。

In 1903 it was also that Joseph Chamberlain, then Secretary for the Colonies, began his campaign against free trade and for a policy of a retaliatory tariff and reciprocity with the colonies.

1903 年，时任殖民地大臣的约瑟夫·张伯伦 (Joseph Chamberlain) 开始了反对自由贸易以及对殖民地实施报复性关税和互惠政策的运动。

Throughout 1902, 1903, and 1904 British troops were fighting in Somaliland, where a revolution had broken out among the natives under the leadership of the "Mad Mullah." In 1904 the Franco-English entente became still more cordial, and in April of that year, 1904, an agreement was signed between the two countries regulating their relations in Newfoundland, Morocco, Egypt, West Africa, Siam, and Madagascar, and removing thereby a prolific source of misunderstandings and irritation.

1902年、1903年和1904年，英国军队在索马里兰作战，当地当地人在“疯狂毛拉”的领导下爆发了一场革命。 1904年，英法协约变得更加友好，1904年4月，两国签署了一项协议，规范两国在纽芬兰、摩洛哥、埃及、西非、暹罗和马达加斯加的关系，从而消除了误解和恼怒的根源。

A military expedition was sent to Tibet, one of the few important parts of Asia which had hitherto escaped from the attention of European powers.

一支军事远征队被派往西藏，这是亚洲迄今为止逃脱欧洲列强关注的少数重要地区之一。

After many difficulties and considerable fighting this force reached the Tibetan capital, Lhassa, the ancient seat of the Dalai Lama, who fled at the approach of the English.

经过许多困难和激烈的战斗，这支部队到达了西藏首府拉萨，这是达赖喇嘛的古老所在地，英国人逼近时，达赖喇嘛逃走了。

As a result a treaty was signed between Tibet and England giving preferential treatment to English trade and arranging that no other power should thereafter be permitted to have any influence in Tibetan public affairs.

结果，西藏和英国签署了一项条约，给予英国贸易优惠待遇，并安排此后任何其他势力不得对西藏公共事务产生任何影响。

In the meantime war had broken out, in February, 1904, between Japan and Russia over the latter's refusal to withdraw from China.

与此同时，1904 年 2 月，日本和俄罗斯因俄罗斯拒绝从中国撤军而爆发战争。

In accordance with the Anglo-Japanese treaty of 1902, Great Britain maintained neutrality throughout this war, which, however, was of the benevolent kind toward Japan.

根据1902年英日条约，英国在这场战争中保持中立，但对日本却是仁慈的。

English public sympathy was strongly with the latter country.

英国公众对这个国家抱有强烈的同情。

In October, 1904, the continuation of England's neutrality was seriously threatened.

1904年10月，英国中立的继续受到严重威胁。

After the defeat of the Russian fleet in the Far East, the Russian Baltic fleet was ordered to go to the support of the Russian forces.

俄罗斯舰队在远东地区惨败后，俄罗斯波罗的海舰队奉命前去支援俄罗斯军队。

During its progress through the North Sea some shots were fired at an English fishing fleet, killing two men and wounding others.

在穿越北海期间，英国渔船队遭到枪击，造成两人死亡、多人受伤。

War between Russia and England was averted only by the prompt disavowal of this action on the part of Russia, and an equally prompt compensation of the Englishmen affected after the incident had been submitted to an international commission of arbitration, which met in Paris.

俄罗斯和英国之间的战争只有在俄罗斯方面立即否认这一行动后才避免，并且同样迅速地向在巴黎举行会议的国际仲裁委员会提交了对事件后受影响的英国人的赔偿。

It was at this time that the new _entente cordiale_ between France and England had its first test.

正是在这个时候，法国和英国之间的新友好协议迎来了第一次考验。

For there is no doubt that France exerted considerable pressure on its Russian ally in order to hasten a prompt amicable settlement of the matter.

因为毫无疑问，法国向其盟友俄罗斯施加了相当大的压力，以加速此事的迅速友好解决。

In 1905 considerable opposition developed against the increase in naval expenditures, occasioned chiefly by the necessity of keeping step with the accelerated pace in naval armament which Germany began to set at that time.

1905年，人们对增加海军开支提出了相当大的反对，主要原因是必须跟上德国当时开始制定的加快海军军备步伐的步伐。

In July, 1905, Lord Roberts made a speech in the House of Lords in which he called the attention of the country to the fact that the English army was unfit for war both in members and equipment and training.

1905年7月，罗伯茨勋爵在上议院发表演讲，呼吁全国注意英国军队无论是在人员、装备还是训练方面都不适合战争。

In August, 1905, the Anglo-Japanese alliance of 1902 was modified to conform to the new conditions that had been created by the Russo-Japanese War.

1905年8月，1902年的英日同盟进行了修改，以适应日俄战争所创造的新条件。

The terms of this new arrangement have already been considered fully in that section of this book which is devoted to Japan's history.

本书专门介绍日本历史的部分已经充分考虑了这一新安排的条款。

In April, 1906, an Anglo-Chinese conference modified the Anglo-Tibetan treaty allowing China to maintain its suzerainty over Tibet, but giving full protection to all English interests.

1906年4月，英中会议修改了《英藏条约》，允许中国维持对西藏的宗主权，但充分保护所有英国利益。

This year, 1906, also saw the beginning of the agitation for woman suffrage, which in the following years assumed rapidly great proportions and violence.

1906 年，妇女选举权的骚动也开始了，在接下来的几年里，这种骚动迅速扩大并引发了暴力事件。

Other matters of internal importance--educational, religious, financial, and other legislation--made English internal politics during this period more virulent than at any other period in recent times, and gradually led up to the change from a Conservative to a Liberal Government and to a series of very radical legislative measures.

其他重要的内部事务——教育、宗教、金融和其他立法——使得这一时期的英国内部政治比近代任何其他时期都更加激烈，并逐渐导致从保守党政府向自由党政府的转变，并导致一系列非常激进的立法措施。

One of the chief causes of recent friction between Russia and Great Britain was removed in March, 1907, by the signing of an agreement between the two countries regulating their respective interests in Persia.

1907 年 3 月，两国签署了一项规范各自在波斯利益的协议，消除了近期俄罗斯和英国之间摩擦的主要原因之一。

A colonial conference, which met in London in April, 1907, gave new impetus to the imperialistic movement and to the closer union between the United Kingdom and the colonies.

1907 年 4 月在伦敦召开的殖民地会议为帝国主义运动以及联合王国与殖民地之间更紧密的联盟注入了新的动力。

In June of that year, 1907, the great parliamentary struggle between the two Houses of Parliament began with the passage by the House of Commons of a bill reducing very materially the powers of the Upper House.

1907 年 6 月，随着下议院通过一项大幅削减上议院权力的法案，议会两院之间的激烈议会斗争开始了。

As a result of their agreement, Russia and Great Britain decided in December on joint intervention in order to prevent a threatening uprising in Persia.

根据协议，俄罗斯和英国于 12 月决定联合干预，以防止波斯发生威胁性的起义。

Slight friction between Japan and Great Britain, which had been caused by strong popular demonstrations in Canada against the increased Japanese immigration, was removed by Japan's announcement of its intention to limit extensively this immigration.

日本和英国之间因加拿大反对日本移民增加而举行的强烈民众示威引起的轻微摩擦，因日本宣布打算广泛限制日本移民而消除。

In April, 1908, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman resigned the premiership and was succeeded by Mr. Asquith and a Liberal Cabinet, in which David Lloyd-George held the position of Chancellor of the Exchequer, and soon began to push the most radical financial and social measures which have ever been advanced in England.

1908年4月，亨利·坎贝尔-班纳曼爵士辞去首相职务，由阿斯奎斯先生和自由党内阁继任，其中大卫·劳埃德-乔治担任财政大臣，并很快开始推行英国有史以来最激进的金融和社会措施。

In May, 1908, Great Britain, together with France, Russia, and Italy, withdrew her troops from the island of Crete, and in October joined France and Russia in preventing the outbreak of war in the Balkans.

1908年5月，英国与法国、俄罗斯和意大利一起从克里特岛撤军，并于10月与法国和俄罗斯一起阻止了巴尔干地区战争的爆发。

After the Franco-German agreement in regard to Morocco had been signed in February, 1909, a conference was held between the German Chancellor, Prince von Bülow, and Sir Charles Hardinge, with the result that the German-English relations, which had been far from cordial for a number of years, were adjusted.

1909年2月法德关于摩洛哥的协定签署后，德国总理冯·比洛亲王与查尔斯·哈丁爵士举行了一次会议，使多年来不和睦的德英关系得到了调整。

The refusal of the House of Lords to pass Lloyd-George's budget, containing revolutionary provisions for taxation, resulted in the dissolution of Parliament by King Edward in February, 1910.

上议院拒绝通过包含革命性税收规定的劳合·乔治预算，导致爱德华国王于 1910 年 2 月解散议会。

The election of the new Parliament clearly showed that the country was in favor of the Liberal Government, which shortly after the opening of the new Parliament showed its disapproval of the rejection of its budget by the House of Lords by the introduction of a Parliament Reform Bill.

新议会的选举清楚地表明该国对自由党政府的支持，新议会开幕后不久，自由党政府通过提出议会改革法案，表明了对上议院否决其预算的不满。

The budget was passed by the Upper House in April, 1910, but not until after the Commons had passed a resolution limiting greatly the veto power of the House of Lords.

该预算于 1910 年 4 月由上议院通过，但直到下议院通过一项大幅限制上议院否决权的决议后才通过。

King Edward VII died on May 6, 1910, after a short illness and was succeeded by his son as George V.

爱德华七世国王在短暂患病后于 1910 年 5 月 6 日去世，由他的儿子乔治五世继位。

Just how much King Edward's personal influence was responsible for the shaping of his country's foreign politics during his reign it is hard to determine.

爱德华国王的个人影响力在多大程度上影响了他统治期间该国的外交政治，目前很难确定。

Much has been written about this question, and more undoubtedly will be said in the years to come.

关于这个问题已经有很多文章了，毫无疑问，在未来的几年里还会有更多的文章。

The fact remains, however, that he had a strong dislike of his nephew, the German Emperor, and an almost equally strong aversion of German customs and ideals.

然而，事实仍然是，他非常不喜欢他的侄子德国皇帝，并且几乎同样强烈地厌恶德国的习俗和理想。

On the other hand he had long been an admirer of French culture and life, and he was a frequent visitor in the French capital.

另一方面，他一直是法国文化和生活的崇拜者，也是法国首都的常客。

The rapid growth of the Franco-British friendships undoubtedly was helped along by him to his best ability.

法英友谊的迅速发展无疑是他尽其所能的帮助的。

Naturally he was influenced in this matter, not only by personal prejudices, but chiefly by a conviction that his country's interests were endangered by Germany's wonderful growth, and that they could be preserved and improved more by strong alliances with other great powers than by reaching an understanding with Germany herself.

当然，他在这件事上受到了影响，不仅受到个人偏见的影响，而且主要是因为他坚信德国的飞速发展危及了他的国家的利益，而通过与其他大国结成强有力的联盟而不是与德国本身达成谅解，这些利益更能得到维护和改善。

The latter half of 1910 witnessed again violent parliamentary dissensions in connection with the attempted reduction of the powers of the House of Lords, resulting finally in another general election in November, 1910, which gave to the Government a majority of 126.

1910年下半年，议会再次因试图削减上议院权力而发生激烈分歧，最终导致1910年11月再次举行大选，政府获得126席多数席位。

That month also brought an announcement that English banks had signed an agreement with German and French financial institutions to join an American syndicate in advancing $50,000,000 to China, one of the few instances of a joint financial undertaking by German and British interests.

同月还宣布，英国银行已与德国和法国金融机构签署协议，加入美国银团，向中国预付 5000 万美元，这是德国和英国利益集团联合开展金融业务的为数不多的例子之一。

The greater part of 1911 was taken up with the settlement of the difficulties between the Commons and the Lords, resulting finally in the surrender of the latter and the adoption by them of the Commons' bill depriving the Upper House of much of its former power.

1911年的大部分时间都在解决下议院和上议院之间的困难，最终导致上议院投降，并通过下议院法案，剥夺了上议院以前的大部分权力。

Hardly had this troublesome question been adjusted when the question of Home Rule for Ireland caused new difficulties of the severest nature.

这个棘手的问题刚得到解决，爱尔兰地方自治问题就引起了最严重的新困难。

So strong was the opposition of one part of Ireland to Home Rule, and so strong the demand of the other part for it, that the dissensions gradually reached the point where open revolution seemed to be imminent.

爱尔兰一方对地方自治的反对如此强烈，而另一方对此的要求又如此强烈，以至于分歧逐渐达到了公开革命似乎迫在眉睫的地步。

In July, 1911, the Anglo-Japanese alliance was renewed for a period of ten years.

1911年7月，英日同盟续签十年。

During the Franco-German dispute about Morocco, which threatened to disrupt the peace of Europe, Great Britain's influence was thrown on the side of France, a fact which, of course, resulted in increased bitterness against Great Britain on the part of Germany.

在法德关于摩洛哥的争端威胁到欧洲的和平时，英国的影响力被投到了法国一边，这一事实当然导致了德国对英国的怨恨加剧。

In November the king and queen left England on a trip to India in order to be crowned as Emperor and Empress of India.

十一月，国王和王后离开英国前往印度，加冕为印度皇帝和皇后。

In common with other countries, England experienced in 1912 a great deal of social unrest, which found expression in strikes as well as in extremely radical legislation.

与其他国家一样，英国在 1912 年经历了大规模的社会动荡，其表现形式包括罢工和极其激进的立法。

The Irish question and the agitation for woman suffrage continued to occupy public attention in 1912.

1912年，爱尔兰问题和争取妇女选举权的呼声继续引起公众的关注。

In August of that year, 1912, Great Britain joined with France and Germany in accepting Austria-Hungary's invitation to confer on the Balkan situation, which was rapidly assuming grave importance.

1912年8月，英国与法国和德国一起接受奥匈帝国的邀请，商讨巴尔干局势，巴尔干局势迅速变得极为重要。

In conjunction with these powers, as well as Italy and Russia, it maintained a strict neutrality during the Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913, just as it had done during the Turko-Italian War of 1911 and 1912.

它与这些强国以及意大利和俄罗斯一起，在 1912 年和 1913 年巴尔干战争期间保持了严格的中立，就像它在 1911 年和 1912 年土耳其-意大利战争期间所做的那样。

At England's invitation the ambassadors of the powers met in London in December, 1912, to discuss the Balkan question while the representatives of the Balkan States and Turkey conferred concerning peace.

1912年12月，应英国邀请，各国大使在伦敦举行会议，讨论巴尔干问题，巴尔干国家和土耳其代表则就和平问题进行了协商。

Almost coincident with Germany's increased efforts to upbuild its navy, a change had been made in the incumbency of the admiralty.

几乎与德国加大力度建设海军的同时，海军部的职务也发生了变化。

One of the younger and most active members of the Liberal party, Winston Churchill, a member of the House of Marlborough, became First Lord.

自由党中最年轻、最活跃的成员之一、马尔伯勒众议院议员温斯顿·丘吉尔成为第一勋爵。

He created a sensation by a speech made in the Commons in March, 1913, suggesting that Germany and Great Britain should agree to stop naval construction for a period of a year.

1913 年 3 月，他在下议院发表演讲，建议德国和英国同意停止海军建设一年，引起轰动。

Although this proposal received a great deal of attention, it had no tangible result, and the race for increased armament continued.

尽管这一提议受到了广泛关注，但并没有取得实际成果，增加军备的竞赛仍在继续。

Neither 1913 nor 1914 brought about any diminution in the difficulties regarding the Irish question, in fact rather the opposite, and the Government even went so far as to prohibit the importation of arms into Ireland.

1913年和1914年都没有减少爱尔兰问题上的困难，事实上恰恰相反，政府甚至禁止向爱尔兰进口武器。

Armed resistance against Home Rule on the part of Ulster seemed to be unavoidable.

阿尔斯特对地方自治的武装抵抗似乎是不可避免的。

Agitation in England and Ireland over Home Rule had become so violent that the murder of the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne in June, 1914, did not arouse as much interest and attention in England as it would have done otherwise.

英格兰和爱尔兰对地方自治的骚动变得如此激烈，以至于 1914 年 6 月奥匈帝国王位继承人被谋杀并没有在英格兰引起像其他情况那样多的兴趣和关注。

Revolution in Ireland was a matter that England expected at that particular moment, rather than a general European war.

爱尔兰的革命是英国在那个特定时刻所期待的事情，而不是一场全面的欧洲战争。

Not until the British fleet, assembled at Portsmouth for maneuvers, left there on July 29, 1914, under sealed orders, was the country aroused to the possibility of a world war, which had been considered for so many years impossible by some and inevitable by others, and which was now about to break out.

直到英国舰队于 1914 年 7 月 29 日在朴茨茅斯集结进行演习并根据密封命令离开那里时，这个国家才意识到爆发世界大战的可能性。多年来，一些人认为这场战争是不可能的，而另一些人则认为这是不可避免的，而现在这场战争即将爆发。

CHAPTER VI

第六章

ITALY

意大利

In the middle of the nineteenth century the position of Italy was somewhat analogous to that of Germany.

十九世纪中叶，意大利的地位与德国有些相似。

It consisted of a number of separate states, and, in spite of the fact that all of these states were inhabited by people speaking the same language and having the same ideals and customs, they seemed to be unable to combine.

它由许多独立的国家组成，尽管所有这些国家都居住着使用相同语言、拥有相同理想和习俗的人们，但他们似乎无法结合在一起。

One of the results of this was the fact that the country adjoining on the north, Austria, was meddling continually with Italian affairs and attempting to gain a lasting influence over them.

其结果之一就是北部邻国奥地利不断插手意大利事务，并试图对意大利产生持久影响。

There were too many racial differences, however, between the two countries to permit an arrangement of this nature to continue for any length of time without causing serious conflicts.

然而，两国之间存在太多的种族差异，因此这种性质的安排不可能在不引起严重冲突的情况下持续很长一段时间。

Statesmen in the various Italian states finally became convinced that it would be only a question of time before some foreign nation would succeed in dominating them unless they would be able to consolidate and show a united front to any and all outsiders.

意大利各邦的政治家们终于相信，除非他们能够巩固并向所有外来者展示统一战线，否则某个外国成功统治他们只是时间问题。

The difficulties in the way of Italian unification were manifold.

意大利统一之路上的困难是多方面的。

For our purposes, however, we are not interested in them or in the means by which they were overcome beyond the fact that they finally were overcome, and that as early as 1859 a large number of the different Italian states had been united with the assistance of Napoleon III under the rule of Victor Emmanuel II, originally King of Sardinia and Piedmont.

然而，就我们的目的而言，我们对它们或它们被征服的方式不感兴趣，除了它们最终被征服的事实之外，早在1859年，许多不同的意大利国家就在拿破仑三世的帮助下统一在原撒丁岛和皮埃蒙特国王维克托·伊曼纽尔二世的统治下。

In that year, however, after Austria had been driven out of Lombardy through the combined efforts of Italian and French troops, Napoleon III suddenly arrived at an understanding with Francis Joseph, and peace was concluded between France and Austria.

然而这一年，在意法联军将奥地利赶出伦巴第后，拿破仑三世突然与弗朗西斯·约瑟夫达成谅解，法奥缔结了和平。

This left in the hands of the Austrians still an important part of northern Italy known as the Quadrilateral.

这使得奥地利人手中仍然掌握着意大利北部的一个重要部分，即所谓的四边形。

Rome, too, and a considerable territory surrounding it, known as the Papal State, was not included in the newly formed kingdom of Italy, the pope refusing to give up his temporal powers and Napoleon III supporting him in that refusal to the extent of maintaining French troops in Rome.

罗马以及它周围的大片领土，即教皇国，也没有被纳入新成立的意大利王国，教皇拒绝放弃他的世俗权力，而拿破仑三世也支持他拒绝在罗马保留法国军队。

The Austro-Prussian War of 1866, as we have already shown, had important results for Italy.

正如我们已经表明的那样，1866 年的普奥战争给意大利带来了重要成果。

For previous to its breaking out Prussia had concluded a treaty with Italy, and when hostilities began between Austria and Prussia, Italy immediately attacked her old enemy.

因为普鲁士在爆发之前已经与意大利缔结了条约，当奥地利和普鲁士之间开始敌对行动时，意大利立即攻击了她的宿敌。

When peace was concluded between Prussia and Austria, Prussia insisted, in order to reward her southern ally, that Austria should relinquish practically all of her Italian possessions.

当普鲁士和奥地利缔结和平时，为了奖励她的南方盟友，普鲁士坚持要求奥地利放弃几乎所有的意大利领土。

Four years later, in 1870, the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War necessitated the withdrawal of the French troops from Rome, and immediately after that event the forces of King Victor Emmanuel appeared before Rome and occupied it to the great satisfaction of the Romans, and in spite of all the protests of the pope.

四年后，即 1870 年，普法战争爆发，法国军队必须从罗马撤军，事件发生后，维克多·伊曼纽尔国王的军队立即出现在罗马面前，并占领了罗马，尽管教皇极力抗议，但罗马人对此非常满意。

The latter lost his temporal powers, although he was permitted to retain the Vatican.

后者失去了世俗权力，尽管他被允许保留梵蒂冈。

This completed the unification of Italy.

至此，意大利完成了统一。

The completion of the unification of Italy, of course, created many difficult internal problems, chief of which was the adjustment between the state and the church.

意大利统一的完成当然带来了许多棘手的内部问题，其中最主要的是国家与教会之间的调整。

The latter, as represented by the pope, refused to become reconciled to the new conditions or to acknowledge the legality of the so-called Laws of the Guarantees, according to which he was given all the privileges of a sovereign, the possession of the Vatican and Lateran palaces, and a considerable annual income.

以教皇为代表的后者拒绝接受新的条件，也拒绝承认所谓的保障法的合法性，根据该法，他被赋予了主权者的所有特权、梵蒂冈和拉特兰宫殿的所有权以及可观的年收入。

None of these appeased the church, which steadfastly refused to recognize the existence of the Italian state.

这些都无法安抚教会，教会坚决拒绝承认意大利国家的存在。

The difficulties created thereby can readily be understood if one considers the immense influence that the Roman Catholic Church possesses over the minds of its members, and if one further remembers that practically all Italians are devout Catholics.

如果人们考虑到罗马天主教会对其成员的思想所具有的巨大影响力，并且如果进一步记住几乎所有意大利人都是虔诚的天主教徒，那么由此造成的困难就很容易理解。

For many years after the unification of Italy and the destruction of the church's temporal power, continuous and strong efforts were made by the latter's adherents to restore to the pope that of which, as they claimed, he had been deprived illegally.

在意大利统一和教会世俗权力被摧毁之后的许多年里，后者的追随者不断做出强有力的努力，以恢复教皇的权利，正如他们声称的那样，教皇被非法剥夺了权力。

The only way in which the Italian Government could subdue and overcome these efforts was by legislation which would make these efforts not only futile but also dangerous to the pope's friends, and these repressive practices naturally resulted in a strong undercurrent of dissatisfaction.

意大利政府能够压制和克服这些努力的唯一方法是通过立法，这将使这些努力不仅徒劳，而且对教皇的朋友来说也是危险的，而这些镇压做法自然会导致强烈的不满暗流。

These conditions, as well as a great many economic problems, very difficult of solution, kept the new kingdom sufficiently occupied to keep it out of international politics for a considerable period of time.

这些条件，以及许多很难解决的经济问题，使这个新王国在相当长的一段时间内处于充分的状态，使其远离国际政治。

It was not long, however, before Italy was bound to be drawn into the general scramble for colonial possessions.

然而，没过多久，意大利就注定要卷入对殖民地财产的全面争夺之中。

Italy's interests in this direction were rather restricted, but within these restrictions they were very intense.

意大利在这方面的兴趣相当有限，但在这些限制内，兴趣非常强烈。

Its geographical situation made it evident that any attempt on the part of any foreign power to gain or increase its influence in northern Africa would be a matter of grave concern to Italy.

其地理位置表明，任何外国势力在北非获得或增强其影响力的任何企图都将引起意大利的严重关切。

France had been deeply interested for many years in north Africa, and when the French Republic showed signs of strengthening and enlarging its interests, immediately after it had somewhat recuperated from its defeat by Germany in 1871, it was quite natural that Italy should look to Germany for an alliance to counteract France's colonial policy.

法国多年来一直对北非有着浓厚的兴趣，当法兰西共和国从1871年被德国击败的情况中稍稍恢复过来后，就表现出了加强和扩大其利益的迹象，意大利很自然地会寻求与德国结盟以对抗法国的殖民政策。

The seizure of Tunis by France in 1881 undoubtedly was more responsible than any other single factor for Italy's decision to ally itself as closely as possible with Germany.

1881 年法国占领突尼斯无疑是意大利决定与德国尽可能紧密结盟的最重要因素。

Inasmuch as the latter country in the meanwhile had arrived at a very close understanding with Austria-Hungary, there were considerable difficulties in the way of an Italian-German arrangement.

由于后者当时已与奥匈帝国达成了非常密切的谅解，因此意大利与德国的安排存在相当大的困难。

For not only was it difficult for Italy to forget its old struggles and quarrels with Austria, but the southern kingdom felt very keenly on the subject of the retention on the part of Austria of territory inhabited by Italians, even though this territory was comparatively small in extent.

因为意大利不仅难以忘记与奥地利的旧有斗争和争吵，而且南方王国对于奥地利保留意大利人居住的领土的问题也非常敏感，尽管这片领土面积较小。

This attitude of Italy toward Austria may be called typical of one nation's attitude toward another.

意大利对奥地利的这种态度可以说是一个国家对另一个国家态度的典型。

It shows clearly the unreasonableness of national sentiments.

这清楚地表明了民族情绪的不合理性。

For even granting that Italy had a good cause for resenting Austrian rule over Italian-speaking people, the necessity of possessing this particular strip of country was much greater to Austria than it was to Italy, giving, as it did, to Austria the only seaport available, whereas Italy stood in no need whatsoever of additional opportunities of this nature.

即使意大利有充分的理由憎恨奥地利对意大利语人民的统治，奥地利拥有这片特殊地带的必要性也比意大利大得多，因为它确实为奥地利提供了唯一可用的海港，而意大利则不需要任何额外的这种性质的机会。

However, Italy finally reached the decision that, between the danger of having to face alone the further extension of French power in north Africa or burying the hatchet with Austria, the latter proposition was the easier and more advantageous.

然而，意大利最终做出决定，在独自面对法国势力在北非进一步扩张的危险和与奥地利和解的危险之间，后者的主张更容易、更有利。

As a result of this decision a treaty was arranged finally between Germany, Austria, and Italy in 1883, and this new alignment of three central European powers has since been known as the Triple Alliance.

由于这一决定，德国、奥地利和意大利最终于 1883 年签订了一项条约，三个中欧国家的新联盟从此被称为“三国联盟”。

We must not forget, however, that in spite of this arrangement Italy never really has been a sincere friend or well-wisher of Austria, and it is this fact which formed the basis for the final disruption of the Triple Alliance and the entrance of Italy in the war of 1914 on the side of the Triple Entente.

然而，我们决不能忘记，尽管有这样的安排，意大利从未真正成为奥地利的真诚朋友或祝福者，正是这一事实构成了三国同盟最终破裂和意大利在1914年战争中加入三国协约国的基础。

The arrangement with Austria and Germany enabled Italy to enter upon a colonial policy in Africa in the vicinity of the Red Sea.

与奥地利和德国的安排使意大利能够在红海附近的非洲实行殖民政策。

As has been the case of all other colonial powers, this undertaking was wrought with a great many difficulties.

与所有其他殖民国家的情况一样，这项事业的完成也遇到了许多困难。

It forced Italy to fight wars in distant countries, expensive in money as well as in human life, and though, in spite of repeated defeats, Italy's colonial enterprises have made considerable progress, the losses entailed up to the present time outweigh to a considerable extent the gains.

它迫使意大利在遥远的国家进行战争，这些战争耗费大量金钱和生命，尽管意大利的殖民事业尽管屡屡失败，但仍取得了相当大的进展，但迄今为止所造成的损失在很大程度上超过了所得。

In 1887 the Triple Alliance was renewed for the first time.

1887年，三国同盟首次续签。

In the meantime Italy had continued to make considerable progress with its colonial expansion.

与此同时，意大利的殖民扩张继续取得长足进展。

Another renewal of the Triple Alliance took place in 1891.

1891年，三国同盟再次更新。

In 1893 Italy passed through a period of public scandals in connection with the failure of some of the state banks, involving one of its most prominent and able statesmen, Premier Crispi.

1893 年，意大利经历了一段与一些国有银行倒闭有关的公共丑闻，其中包括该国最著名、最有能力的政治家之一克里斯皮总理。

All these years the Italian Government found it more and more difficult to raise the necessary revenues to sustain its colonial policy and to provide for the increases in army and navy which the possession of colonies naturally required.

这些年来，意大利政府发现越来越难以筹集必要的收入来维持其殖民政策，并为拥有殖民地自然需要的陆军和海军的增加提供资金。

Rioting took place in a great many parts of the kingdom, and had to be suppressed by force.

王国很多地方都发生了骚乱，不得不用武力镇压。

Socialism rapidly spread, and in October, 1894, the Government finally found it necessary to suppress socialistic and similar organizations.

社会主义迅速传播，1894年10月，政府终于发现有必要镇压社会主义和类似组织。

Earlier in that year, 1894, fighting took place between the Italian forces and dervishes in Abyssinia, which ended in success for the Italian arms.

1894年早些时候，意大利军队与阿比西尼亚托钵僧之间发生了战斗，最终意大利军队获胜。

But in December of 1895 the Italian army in Abyssinia suffered a severe defeat at the hands of King Menelik.

但1895年12月，意大利军队在阿比西尼亚惨败于国王梅尼利克之手。

The same thing happened in March of 1896, and the continued inability of the Italian army to make headway in Abyssinia finally resulted in the overthrow of the Government and the resignation of Premier Crispi, who was succeeded by Rudini.

1896年3月也发生了同样的事情，意大利军队在阿比西尼亚始终无法取得进展，最终导致政府被推翻，总理克里斯皮辞职，由鲁迪尼继任。

The loss of Italian prestige had been so severe, however, that Italy was forced in the fall of 1896 to conclude a treaty at Addis-Abeba with Abyssinia, by which Italy relinquished all its claims to a protectorate over the ancient African kingdom.

然而，意大利威望的损失如此严重，以至于意大利被迫于 1896 年秋天在亚的斯亚贝巴与阿比西尼亚缔结了一项条约，根据该条约，意大利放弃了对这个古老非洲王国的所有保护权要求。

The year 1898 was marked again with a series of riots, caused by the high price of grain, and resulting in clashes between the people and the military forces with considerable loss on both sides.

1898年又发生了一系列由粮价高涨引起的骚乱，引发了人民和军队之间的冲突，双方都损失惨重。

Another result was the fall of the new cabinet, which was succeeded by one formed by General Pelloux, which, however, lasted less than one year.

另一个结果是新内阁垮台，佩卢将军组建的内阁继任，但任期不到一年。

In July, 1900, King Humbert was assassinated during a visit to Monza by an Italian anarchist who had just returned from the United States.

1900年7月，亨伯特国王在访问蒙扎时被一名刚从美国回来的意大利无政府主义者刺杀。

The crown prince succeeded the murdered king as Victor Emmanuel III.

王储继承了被谋杀的国王，成为维克托·伊曼纽尔三世。

In 1901 a delegation of representative English Roman Catholics, headed by the Duke of Norfolk, paid a visit to the pope, and expressed the hope of the English Catholics for a restoration of the pope's temporal powers, an action which caused considerable offense in Italian Government circles.

1901年，以诺福克公爵为首的英国罗马天主教徒代表团拜访了教皇，表达了英国天主教徒恢复教皇世俗权力的希望，此举引起了意大利政府的极大不满。

[Illustration: Europe in 1793-1815, Historical Map.]

[插图：1793-1815 年的欧洲，历史地图。]

In 1902 the Triple Alliance was renewed, in spite of rumors to the effect that Italy was contemplating a change in its international politics.

1902 年，尽管有传言称意大利正在考虑改变其国际政治，但三国同盟仍得以续签。

Previous to the announcement of this renewal, it had become known that France and Italy had arrived at an understanding in regard to their north African interests, as well as concerning all questions affecting the Mediterranean.

在宣布续约之前，众所周知，法国和意大利已就其北非利益以及影响地中海的所有问题达成了谅解。

This in conjunction with an announcement made by the French Foreign Minister, M.

这与法国外交部长 M.

Delcassé, to the effect that assurances had been given to France by the Italian Government that no part of its treaty with Germany and Austria was in any manner directed against France or contemplating an aggressive attitude toward the republic, made it clear that the Franco-Italian rapprochement was progressing rapidly.

德尔卡塞表示，意大利政府已向法国保证，其与德国和奥地利签订的条约中的任何部分都不会以任何方式针对法国或考虑对共和国采取侵略态度，这表明法意和解正在迅速进展。

The same year also brought a severance of diplomatic relations between Italy and Switzerland, caused by a difference of opinion between the Swiss Government and the Italian Ambassador at Bern.

同年，由于瑞士政府与意大利驻伯尔尼大使之间的意见分歧，意大利与瑞士也断绝了外交关系。

However, matters were adjusted amicably later in the year.

然而，事情在今年晚些时候得到了友好调整。

The improvement in Franco-Russian relations apparently had a similar result in regard to Italy's relations with Russia, for the King of Italy paid a visit to the czar, during which--even if only semiofficially--international politics were discussed.

法俄关系的改善显然对意大利与俄罗斯的关系产生了类似的结果，因为意大利国王拜访了沙皇，期间讨论了国际政治——即使只是半官方的。

A little later, however, the king also visited the German court.

然而不久之后，国王也访问了德国宫廷。

These exchanges of visits with the rulers of other countries continued in 1903.

1903年，与其他国家统治者的这些互访仍在继续。

King Edward VII of England, as well as the German Emperor, paid visits to Rome, both calling on the pope during their stay.

英国国王爱德华七世和德国皇帝访问了罗马，并在逗留期间拜会了教皇。

The King and Queen of Italy made an official visit at Paris and London.

意大利国王和王后对巴黎和伦敦进行正式访问。

The internal difficulties were somewhat less marked.

内部困难不太明显。

In July, 1902, Pope Leo XIII died, and was succeeded by Cardinal Sarto, Archbishop of Venice, as Pius X.

1902年7月，教皇利奥十三世去世，威尼斯大主教萨尔托红衣主教继任为庇护十世。

Again, in 1904, the German Emperor visited at Naples.

1904年，德国皇帝再次访问那不勒斯。

President Loubet returned the king's and queen's visit to Paris in April, 1904, and thereby caused the break between France and the pope, on account of the latter's protest against the official recognition on the part of the head of a Catholic nation of the state which had deprived the head of the Catholic religion of his dominions.

1904年4月，卢贝总统返回国王和王后访问巴黎，从而导致法国与教皇之间的决裂，原因是后者抗议官方承认天主教国家的国家元首，剥夺了天主教元首的统治权。

Throughout 1905 Italy was occupied with internal affairs, the most important of which were the resignation on account of ill health of Prime Minister Giolitti, the formation of a new cabinet under Signor Fortis, and the purchase of the railways by the state.

整个1905年，意大利都忙于处理内政，其中最重要的是总理乔利蒂因健康问题辞职、福蒂斯先生领导的新内阁的组建以及国家购买铁路。

The Fortis ministry lasted only until February, 1906, when it was succeeded by one headed by Baron Sonnino, and in May by another under Signor Giolitti.

富蒂斯内阁只持续到 1906 年 2 月，随后由桑尼诺男爵领导的内阁继任，并于 5 月由乔利蒂先生领导的另一内阁继任。

Although Italy had supported Germany at the Algeciras conference, the support had not been all that had been expected, and considerable resentment at Italy's lukewarm attitude was expressed in the German newspapers.

尽管意大利在阿尔赫西拉斯会议上支持了德国，但支持力度并没有达到预期，德国报纸对意大利的冷淡态度表达了相当大的不满。

The Government disclaimed any change in its attitude toward the Triple Alliance, announcing, however, at the same time its intention to maintain good relations with France and Great Britain.

政府否认对三国同盟的态度有任何改变，但同时宣布打算与法国和英国保持良好关系。

The latter were confirmed by a visit of King Edward and Queen Alexandra in April, 1907.

1907 年 4 月，爱德华国王和亚历山德拉王后的到访证实了后者。

Early in 1908 difficulties of a commercial nature between Turkey and Italy led to the mobilization of the Italian fleet.

1908 年初，土耳其和意大利之间的商业困难导致意大利舰队的动员。

Turkey, however, thereupon acceded to all of Italy's demands.

然而，土耳其随后同意了意大利的所有要求。

Foreign affairs were overshadowed entirely throughout 1909 by the frightful destruction wrought by a series of violent earthquakes which shook the Strait of Messina on December 28, 1908, killing over 50,000 people.

1908 年 12 月 28 日，墨西拿海峡发生一系列剧烈地震，造成 50,000 多人死亡，造成了可怕的破坏，整个 1909 年的外交事务都笼罩在阴影之中。

King Edward, Emperor William, and Czar Nicholas again visited Italy at different times in 1909.

1909年，爱德华国王、威廉皇帝和沙皇尼古拉在不同时间再次访问意大利。

On September 29, 1911, Italy declared war against Turkey, which latter country had not answered satisfactorily an Italian ultimatum concerning Tripoli.

1911 年 9 月 29 日，意大利对土耳其宣战，土耳其没有满意地回应意大利关于的黎波里的最后通牒。

The war, which was principally fought in Africa, lasted until October 18, 1912, when a treaty of peace was signed at Lausanne, Switzerland, arranging for the immediate occupation of Tripoli and Cyrenaica by Italy against an annual payment to Turkey.

这场战争主要在非洲进行，一直持续到 1912 年 10 月 18 日，当时在瑞士洛桑签署了和平条约，安排意大利立即占领的黎波里和昔兰尼加，但每年向土耳其付款。

Throughout the war the other European powers had maintained strict neutrality.

在整个战争期间，其他欧洲列强一直保持严格的中立。

A few days before peace was concluded, October 8, 1912, Montenegro had started that war against Turkey which was destined to grow finally into the Balkan War.

1912 年 10 月 8 日，在和平缔结前几天，黑山开始了对土耳其的战争，这场战争注定最终会发展成巴尔干战争。

Italy, in common with the other European powers, maintained strict neutrality throughout the two Balkan wars, and participated in the conference of London which settled the Balkan question, at least temporarily, in May, 1913.

与其他欧洲强国一样，意大利在两次巴尔干战争中保持严格中立，并参加了 1913 年 5 月至少暂时解决了巴尔干问题的伦敦会议。

Throughout that year (1913) Italian troops found considerable difficulty in keeping order among the natives of Cyrenaica, and in suppressing uprisings in various parts of this colony.

那一年（1913 年），意大利军队在维持昔兰尼加原住民的秩序以及镇压该殖民地各地的起义方面遇到了相当大的困难。

The outbreak of the war found Italy still a member of the Triple Alliance; but the southern kingdom stoutly maintained that the terms of the alliance did not call for its active participation.

战争爆发后，意大利仍然是三国同盟的成员；但南方王国坚称联盟的条款并不要求其积极参与。

The latter, at any rate, would have been an absolute impossibility, for public opinion was too strong against Austria-Hungary to permit ever that Italian troops should fight side by side with Austrians.

无论如何，后者是绝对不可能的，因为反对奥匈帝国的公众舆论太强烈，不允许意大利军队与奥地利人并肩作战。

In a general way Italy found itself in a most unfortunate position.

总体而言，意大利发现自己处于最不幸的境地。

Moral obligations undoubtedly strongly called, at least, for its neutrality in any war in which both its allies were involved.

毫无疑问，道义义务强烈要求它至少在其两个盟友卷入的任何战争中保持中立。

Political considerations equally strongly demanded that Italy should avoid offending the French-English-Russian combination, which could have ruined Italy in no time by an even superficial blockade.

政治考虑同样强烈要求意大利避免冒犯法国、英国和俄罗斯的联合体，因为即使是表面的封锁也可能会立即毁掉意大利。

In regard to Albania its position was equally difficult.

至于阿尔巴尼亚，其处境同样困难。

Its own interests there conflicted both with Austrian and Serbian ambitions.

它自己在那里的利益与奥地利和塞尔维亚的野心相冲突。

The result was naturally--neutrality and diplomatic shilly-shallying.

结果自然是——中立和外交上的犹豫不决。

One of the most ardent supporters of the Triple Alliance was the Marquis di San Giuliano, who had been minister of foreign affairs since 1905.

圣朱利亚诺侯爵是三国同盟最热心的支持者之一，他自 1905 年起一直担任外交部长。

His death in October, 1914, undoubtedly had a great influence on Italy's further attitude.

他于1914年10月去世，无疑对意大利进一步的态度产生了重大影响。

In October, 1914, Signor Salandra's cabinet was reconstructed.

1914 年 10 月，萨兰德拉先生的内阁进行了重建。

At that time the prime minister was still in more or less sympathy with the Giolitti party, which were in favor of continuing the Triple Alliance, at least to the extent of maintaining neutrality.

当时首相多少还是对乔利蒂党抱有同情的，他们赞成继续三国同盟，至少在保持中立的程度上。

The war party, however, gained rapidly in strength, and finally brought about a reversal of the country's foreign policy by denouncing the Triple Alliance of almost half a century's standing.

然而，战争党却迅速壮大，最终通过谴责近半个世纪的三国同盟而导致国家外交政策的逆转。

The next step, of course, was Italy's declaration of war against Austria in May, 1915.

当然，下一步是意大利于 1915 年 5 月对奥地利宣战。

On May 10, 1915, the German and Austrian Consuls were removed from their respective posts.

1915年5月10日，德国和奥地利领事被解除职务。

Events progressed so rapidly that by May 20, 1915, the War Party under the ministership of Salandra was placed in power.

事态进展如此之快，以至于到 1915 年 5 月 20 日，萨兰德拉部长领导下的战党掌权。

CHAPTER VII

第七章

BELGIUM

比利时

The geographical location of Belgium is at once its blessing and its curse.

比利时的地理位置既是它的福也是祸。

Its possession of a valuable seacoast, its proximity to the rich and highly developed countries of Germany, France, and England have made it, in spite of its comparatively very small extent, one of the richest countries.

它拥有宝贵的海岸，靠近德国、法国和英国等富裕和高度发达的国家，这使得它尽管面积相对较小，但却是最富裕的国家之一。

Its ships have carried the goods of many other nations, and its ports have been the gateway of an immense international commerce.

它的船只运载着许多其他国家的货物，它的港口一直是巨大国际商业的门户。

But these very nations which in time of peace have been the source of much of Belgium's wealth, have brought many wars upon this country.

但正是这些在和平时期为比利时提供大部分财富的国家，却给这个国家带来了许多战争。

Again and again it has been Europe's battle ground.

它一次又一次成为欧洲的战场。

Whenever France and Germany have gone to war against each other it has always been a question which one would get at the other first--through Belgium.

每当法国和德国交战时，总是有一个问题：谁会先通过比利时向对方发起进攻。

And then through it lies the shortest road to rich and proud Albion.

然后穿过它就是通向富有和骄傲的阿尔比恩的最短路线。

A change for the better seemed to have come for the little kingdom as a result of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870.

1870 年的普法战争让这个小王国似乎迎来了好转。

At its outbreak both of the belligerents reaffirmed the treaty of London of 1831 and 1839, by which they as well as Great Britain, Austria, and Russia were bound to respect Belgium's neutrality and integrity, and to Great Britain it is that Belgium was especially indebted for this promise.

战争爆发时，交战双方都重申了 1831 年和 1839 年的《伦敦条约》，根据该条约，他们以及英国、奥地利和俄罗斯有义务尊重比利时的中立性和完整性，而比利时尤其要感谢英国的这一承诺。

For the island kingdom made it plain to both Russia and France that it could not and would not stand by idly if Belgium were invaded.

因为这个岛国向俄罗斯和法国明确表示，如果比利时遭到入侵，它不能也不会袖手旁观。

After the end of the war had come, Russia, France, and Great Britain signed a new agreement by which they arranged to respect forever Belgium's neutrality, and if one of the signatories should break the arrangement the other two were to combine for the protection of Belgium.

战争结束后，俄罗斯、法国和英国签署了一项新协议，其中他们安排永远尊重比利时的中立地位，如果其中一个签署国打破这一安排，其他两个签署国将联合起来保护比利时。

Although this pact has been kept officially ever since, it seems in the light of recent discoveries in Belgian archives as if Belgium itself had placed itself outside of it by arriving at a secret understanding with both England and France that both of these countries should be permitted certain privileges in case of war with Germany.

尽管此后该条约一直被正式保留，但根据比利时档案中最近的发现，比利时似乎已将自己排除在该条约之外，因为它与英国和法国达成了一项秘密谅解，即在与德国发生战争的情况下，这两个国家都应获得某些特权。

How much truth there is to these claims history will undoubtedly discover and announce.

这些说法到底有多少真实性，历史无疑会发现并揭晓。

The fact remains that, secure in its guaranteed neutrality, Belgium has prospered and grown.

事实仍然是，在保证中立的情况下，比利时已经繁荣和发展。

In spite of its smallness it has become one of the great industrial and commercial countries in Europe.

尽管它很小，但它已成为欧洲伟大的工商业国家之一。

To a great extent this was due to the remarkable gifts possessed by one of its recent rulers, Leopold II, the uncle and predecessor of the present king, Albert I.

这在很大程度上要归功于其最近的统治者利奥波德二世（现任国王阿尔伯特一世的叔叔和前任）所拥有的非凡天赋。

Leopold succeeded his father, Leopold I, in 1865.

1865 年，利奥波德继承了他父亲利奥波德一世的王位。

The latter had been on very friendly terms with Queen Victoria, and, in a way, English friendship for Belgium dates from that period, although Leopold II was not popular at the English court.

后者与维多利亚女王关系非常友好，在某种程度上，英国与比利时的友谊可以追溯到那个时期，尽管利奥波德二世在英国宫廷中并不受欢迎。

Leopold II was married to an Austrian archduchess.

利奥波德二世与一位奥地利大公夫人结婚。

His sister was the wife of the unfortunate Maximilian who, as Emperor of Mexico, betrayed by Napoleon III in his hour of need, was stood up against the walls of a Mexican town and shot by his rebellious subjects.

他的妹妹是不幸的马克西米利安的妻子，马克西米利安作为墨西哥皇帝，在需要的时候被拿破仑三世背叛，站在墨西哥小镇的墙边，被叛逆的臣民射杀。

One of his daughters, Stefanie, married the unhappy Crown Prince Rudolf of Austria-Hungary, who died mysteriously at a hunting lodge long before his time.

他的一个女儿斯蒂芬妮嫁给了不幸的奥匈帝国王储鲁道夫，鲁道夫早在他的时代之前就在狩猎小屋神秘死亡。

But Leopold II himself was of a different mold than all his relations.

但利奥波德二世本人却与他所有的亲戚不同。

He was a man of powerful intellect, shrewd business sense, and remarkable foresight.

他是一个具有强大智慧、精明的商业头脑和非凡远见的人。

Much against his people's will he became first the promoter and then the king of an immense and wonderfully valuable African empire, the Congo Free State.

他在很大程度上违背了人民的意愿，首先成为了一个巨大而宝贵的非洲帝国刚果自由国的发起人，然后成为了国王。

This enterprise was not at all popular in Belgium.

这个企业在比利时根本不受欢迎。

But the king had a will of his own and saw it through, much to the final advantage of his country.

但国王有自己的意愿，并且坚持到底，这对他的国家的最终有利。

By a will made in 1889 he left the Congo State to Belgium, which annexed it in 1908, and which has found it not an unprofitable investment.

根据 1889 年制定的遗嘱，他将刚果国家留给了比利时，比利时于 1908 年将其吞并，并发现这是一项并非无利可图的投资。

The Congo question--its finances, development, and administration--is the main feature of internal politics of Belgium in modern times.

刚果问题——其财政、发展和管理——是近代比利时内部政治的主要特征。

Of course there were other questions--electoral reform, financial legislation, military expenditures--that offered plenty of causes for political discussions and difficulties, but they were always more or less overshadowed by the affairs of the African colony.

当然，还有其他问题——选举改革、金融立法、军事开支——为政治讨论和困难提供了充足的理由，但它们总是或多或少地被非洲殖民地的事务所掩盖。

In foreign politics Belgium--on account of its neutrality--had no cause to mix.

在外交政治中，比利时——由于其中立性——没有理由混在一起。

It stood on the same footing with each of the other nations: it expected from each and gave to each friendly consideration.

它与其他国家站在同一立场上：它对每个国家都有期望，并给予每个国家友好的考虑。

It might almost be called the irony of fate that the country which kept, due to its special status, out of all international disturbances of the last seventy-five years should be drawn into the Great War deeper than almost any other country.

这几乎可以说是命运的讽刺，因为其特殊地位，这个在过去七十五年里一直远离所有国际骚乱的国家，竟然比几乎任何其他国家都更深地卷入了第一次世界大战。

It is quite possible that had Leopold II still been at the helm in 1914, his country's fate might have been different.

如果 1914 年利奥波德二世仍在掌权，他的国家的命运很可能会有所不同。

His successor was his younger brother's younger son, Albert I, a man who, though lacking, of course, his uncle's greater experience, seemed to have inherited some of his intellectual qualities.

他的继任者是他弟弟的小儿子阿尔伯特一世，虽然他当然缺乏他叔叔的丰富经验，但他似乎继承了他叔叔的一些智力品质。

He married a Bavarian princess, a sister of the late Crown Princess of Bavaria, and a niece of the late Empress Elizabeth of Austria and the ex-Queen Mother of Portugal.

他娶了一位巴伐利亚公主、已故巴伐利亚王储妃的妹妹、已故奥地利伊丽莎白女王和葡萄牙前王太后的侄女。

Belgium's populace consists of two widely different parts--Flemings and French.

比利时的人口由两个截然不同的部分组成——弗拉芒人和法国人。

The former are closely related racially to the Dutch inhabitants of Holland, with which country Belgium formerly was united.

前者在种族上与荷兰的荷兰居民密切相关，比利时以前曾与荷兰合并。

The French portion of the populace is very much in sympathy with French ideals and ideas, and has suppressed the Flemish half as much as possible, a great deal of strife resulting.

法国部分民众非常同情法国的理想和思想，并尽可能地镇压佛兰德一半，从而导致了大量的冲突。

Racially and socially Belgium felt itself closely allied to France, economically its interests were much greater with Germany.

在种族和社会上，比利时认为自己与法国紧密结盟，在经济上，它与德国的利益要大得多。

If one can speak at all of Belgium's foreign politics previous to the outbreak of the war, one must say that they were influenced by sentiments rather than anything else.

如果我们能够全面地谈论战争爆发之前比利时的外交政治，我们必须说它们受到情绪的影响，而不是其他任何因素。

CHAPTER VIII

第八章

JAPAN

日本

The awakening of modern Japan may be said to be coincident with Commodore Perry's mission to the Far East in 1859.

现代日本的觉醒可以说与 1859 年佩里准将出使远东同时发生。

His was not only the first of a long series of foreign embassies, but it resulted in a treaty between Japan and the United States, and aroused the curiosity of the Japanese sufficiently to send special ambassadors of their own to the United States, and later to other countries.

他不仅是一系列外国使馆中的第一个，而且促成了日本和美国之间的一项条约，并引起了日本人的好奇心，足以向美国派遣特使，后来又向其他国家派遣特使。

This interest in western affairs at first found considerable opposition at home on the part of the conservative element, opposition which even resulted in civil war.

这种对西方事务的兴趣起初遭到了国内保守派的强烈反对，这种反对甚至导致了内战。

The more liberal attitude, however, carried the day.

然而，更加自由的态度占据了上风。

By 1879 Tokyo had been made the capital and western laws had been introduced.

到 1879 年，东京成为首都，西方法律也被引入。

At the same time that Tokyo was made the capital the present form of imperial government was adopted and the new emperor promised on his oath to give to his people a constitution.

在东京定都的同时，采用了目前的帝国政府形式，新天皇在宣誓时承诺为他的人民制定宪法。

This latter was proclaimed in 1889 and the diet met for the first time in 1891.

后者于 1889 年宣布，议会于 1891 年首次召开。

Only three years later the Chino-Japanese War began.

仅仅三年后，中日战争就爆发了。

Its cause was Chinese oppression of Korea.

其原因是中国对朝鲜的压迫。

In one short year the ancient empire of China was thoroughly beaten by its new rival for supremacy in the Far East.

短短一年之内，古老的中华帝国就被新的远东霸主彻底击败。

As a result Japan received at the conclusion of peace in 1895 Formosa, a huge indemnity, and independence was granted to Korea.

结果，日本在 1895 年签订和约时获得了巨额赔款，朝鲜也获得了独立。

This was a wonderful achievement for the young empire, and the entire world's attention was centered on Japan.

对于这个年轻的帝国来说，这是一个了不起的成就，全世界的目光都集中在日本身上。

Some of the European powers interested in China began to fear for their interests and Germany, Russia, and France combined to restrain Japan and moderate its terms to China.

一些对中国感兴趣的欧洲大国开始担心自己的利益，德国、俄罗斯和法国联合起来限制日本并缓和其对中国的条件。

This aroused considerable ill feeling in Japan against the three powers whose influences were said to have deprived Japan of some of the fruits of its dearly bought victory.

这引起了日本对三个大国的强烈反感，据说这三个大国的影响剥夺了日本付出昂贵代价买来的胜利的一些果实。

Especially was this feeling directed against Russia whose interests in China clashed directly with those of Japan.

这种感觉尤其针对俄罗斯，因为俄罗斯在中国的利益与日本的利益直接发生冲突。

However, in 1898, these two countries concluded a treaty in which they both acknowledged Korea's independence and promised to respect it.

然而，1898年，两国缔结了一项条约，承认朝鲜的独立并承诺尊重它。

As soon as commercial interests of the various foreign countries had grown, Japan had to suffer the installment of consular courts of the more important European nations.

一旦各国的商业利益增长，日本就不得不忍受更重要的欧洲国家设立的领事法庭。

This soon was felt by the Japanese as an intrusion on their sovereignty.

日本人很快就认为这是对其主权的侵犯。

In 1899 treaties which had been arranged during the preceding years between Japan and these countries abolishing the consular courts went into effect.

1899年，日本与这些国家在前几年达成的废除领事法庭的条约生效。

Greater and greater became Japan's influence in the Far East.

日本在远东的影响力越来越大。

The superiority of its armies over the Chinese forces during the short war of 1894-1895, the apparently wonderful adaptability of the Japanese, their equally wonderfully rapid progress along commercial and scientific lines soon made Japan a desirable ally.

在 1894 年至 1895 年的短暂战争中，日本军队相对于中国军队的优势，日本人明显出色的适应能力，以及他们在商业和科学方面同样惊人的快速进步，很快使日本成为一个理想的盟友。

As many times before in history Great Britain's statesmen showed greater foresight than those of other countries.

历史上曾多次表现出英国政治家比其他国家的政治家更有远见。

In 1902 they arranged an alliance between their country and Japan which more than offset the Franco-Russo-German bloc of 1895.

1902 年，他们安排了自己的国家与日本结盟，这远远抵消了 1895 年法俄德联盟的影响。

It was signed at London in August, 1905, by Lord Lansdowne and Count Hayastu and provided for: (a) The consolidation and maintenance of the general peace in the regions of eastern Asia and of India; (b) The preservation of the common interests of all powers in China by insuring the independence and integrity of the Chinese Empire and the principle of equal opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations in China; (c) The maintenance of the territorial rights of the high contracting parties in the regions of eastern Asia and of India, and the defense of their special interests in the said regions.

该协议于 1905 年 8 月由兰斯当勋爵和哈亚斯图伯爵在伦敦签署，规定： (a) 巩固和维护东亚和印度地区的总体和平； (b) 通过确保中华帝国的独立和完整以及中国各民族工商业机会均等的原则，维护中国所有列强的共同利益； (c) 维护东亚和印度地区各缔约方的领土权利，并捍卫其在上述地区的特殊利益。

If the rights and interests referred to above are in jeopardy, the two governments will communicate with one another fully and frankly as to the measures which should be taken to safeguard those menaced rights or interests, and will act in common in case of unprovoked attack or aggressive action, wherever arising, or the attack or aggressive action, whenever arising, on the part of any other power or powers.

如果上述权益受到威胁，两国政府将就应采取的措施来保护这些受到威胁的权益进行充分、坦诚的沟通，并在发生无端攻击或侵略行为（无论何时发生）或任何其他国家的攻击或侵略行为（无论何时发生）时采取共同行动。

This agreement was modified in 1911 to fit the changed conditions in China and a new article was added which provided that "should either high contracting party conclude a treaty of general arbitration with a third power, it is agreed that nothing in this agreement shall entail upon such contracting party an obligation to go to war with the power with whom such treaty of arbitration is in force." At the same time it was arranged that the alliance should remain in force for ten years and "unless denounced twelve months before the expiration of the said ten years, it will remain binding until the expiration of one year from the day on which either of the high contracting parties shall have denounced it.

1911年，为了适应中国变化的情况，该协定进行了修改，并增加了新的条款，规定“如果任何一方与第三国缔结一般仲裁条约，则同意本协定的任何内容均不导致该缔约方有义务与该仲裁条约对其生效的国家开战”。同时规定，该联盟有效期为十年，“除非在该十年期满前十二个月宣布退出，否则该联盟将保持约束力，直至任一缔约方退出之日起一年期满为止”。

But if, when the date fixed for its expiration arrives, either ally is actually engaged in war, the alliance shall, _ipso facto_, continue until peace is concluded."

但是，如果在规定的到期日期到来时，任何一个盟友实际上正在进行战争，那么该联盟实际上应继续下去，直到缔结和平。”

In the meantime, however, difficulties had arisen between Russia and Japan, over the former country's refusal to evacuate certain parts of Manchuria, occupied as a result of the Boxer uprising in the suppression of which Japanese troops had participated successfully with those of the other great nations.

然而，与此同时，俄罗斯和日本之间出现了困难，因为俄罗斯拒绝撤离因义和团起义而占领的满洲某些地区，日本军队与其他大国一起成功镇压了这些地区。

Japan sent an ultimatum to Russia which did not receive prompt enough attention and war was declared in 1904.

日本向俄罗斯发出最后通牒，但没有得到及时足够的重视，最终于 1904 年宣战。

For the second time the world's attention was centered on Japan, and to the amazement of the western world the eastern empire defeated the Russian Colossus most severely and consistently both on land and on sea.

世界的注意力第二次集中在日本身上，令西方世界惊讶的是，东方帝国在陆地和海上都以最严厉、最持续的方式击败了俄罗斯巨人。

The financial burden of the war, however, was a severe strain on the limited resources of the young world power and it was forced to accept mediation proffered by the United States at a time when not all its objects had been accomplished.

然而，战争的财政负担给这个年轻的世界强国的有限资源带来了严重压力，在其所有目标尚未实现的情况下，它被迫接受美国的调解。

Peace was concluded at Portsmouth in the United States.

和约在美国朴茨茅斯缔结。

Japan was very moderate in the consideration of the terms as we have already seen during the review of the history of Russia.

正如我们在回顾俄罗斯历史时已经看到的那样，日本在考虑这些条款时非常温和。

In 1907 both France and Russia signed agreements with Japan in regard to the independence and integrity of China and acknowledging the "open door" policy in commercial matters for all nations alike.

1907年，法国和俄罗斯与日本签署了关于中国的独立和完整的协议，并承认在商业事务上对所有国家实行“门户开放”政策。

In 1910 Korea was annexed, much against the desire of the natives who made Japan's task a difficult one by means of many uprisings and conspiracies.

1910年，朝鲜被吞并，这很大程度上违背了当地人的意愿，他们通过多次起义和阴谋使日本的任务变得困难。

Internal affairs during the last ten years also have given cause for anxiety.

过去十年的内政也令人担忧。

The two great wars in rapid succession have put a heavy financial burden on the shoulders of the great masses and socialistic tendencies have found a fertile soil in Japan.

接连发生的两次大战，给广大人民群众带来了沉重的经济负担，社会主义思潮在日本找到了沃土。

Labor disturbances have sometimes assumed serious proportions and so have demonstrations against other nations who had aroused the animosity of the Japanese people by some acts.

劳工骚乱有时会变得严重，针对其他国家的示威活动也同样如此，这些国家的某些行为引起了日本人民的敌意。

In general, however, the progress of the country continues.

但总体而言，该国的进步仍在继续。

Japan's attitude in the Great European War was, of course, influenced chiefly by its alliance with Great Britain.

当然，日本在欧洲大战中的态度主要受到其与英国结盟的影响。

Its general attitude toward Germany had always been a friendly one.

它对德国的总体态度一直是友好的。

For as Germany has played the successful schoolmaster along military and scientific lines for many nations, it has also done for Japan.

正如德国在许多国家的军事和科学领域扮演了成功的校长一样，它也为日本做了同样的事。

The efficiency of the Japanese army is due chiefly to what Japanese officers have learned in German regiments and military schools.

日本军队的效率主要归功于日本军官在德国军团和军校学到的知识。

CHAPTER IX

第九章

THE NEUTRAL STATES--PORTUGAL AND SPAIN

中立国——葡萄牙和西班牙

Now that we have reviewed the historical development of all the belligerents, it becomes necessary to pay some attention to the few European states which so far have not yet actually become involved.

既然我们已经回顾了所有交战方的历史发展，那么有必要关注一下迄今为止尚未真正介入的少数欧洲国家。

For our purposes it will not be necessary to go into any great detail concerning the political history of these noncombatant nations.

出于我们的目的，没有必要详细介绍这些非战斗国家的政治历史。

We are only interested in those features of their political development which have some bearing on the reasons for their present neutrality and on their attitude toward the various nations at war.

我们只对他们政治发展的那些特征感兴趣，这些特征与他们目前保持中立的原因以及他们对交战各国的态度有一定的关系。

In our consideration of the neutral states there will not be included either Greece or Rumania, because they will be covered together with the other Balkan nations in a separate section of this work.

在我们考虑的中立国家中，希腊和罗马尼亚都不会被包括在内，因为它们将与其他巴尔干国家一起在本文的单独部分中讨论。

Up to the beginning of 1916 there were two countries in southern Europe which had managed to remain in a condition of neutrality, Spain and Portugal.

截至1916年初，南欧有两个国家设法保持中立状态：西班牙和葡萄牙。

In the month of March the latter country, however, precipitated a declaration of war on the part of the Central European Powers and their allies by seizing the mercantile steamers of these various countries which at the outbreak of the war had sought refuge in Portuguese ports and had been interned there.

然而，在三月份，后者通过扣押这些国家的商船，促使中欧列强及其盟国宣战，这些商船在战争爆发时曾在葡萄牙港口寻求庇护并被扣留在那里。

Before we determine why Portugal took this step which was sure to provoke a declaration of war, it will be necessary to consider shortly the history of this country in modern times.

在我们确定葡萄牙为何采取这肯定会引发宣战的步骤之前，有必要简单地回顾一下这个国家的近代历史。

It is many centuries since Portugal has lost its former importance as a European nation which was based primarily on its extensive colonial possessions.

许多世纪以来，葡萄牙已经失去了其作为一个主要建立在其广泛的殖民地领土之上的欧洲国家的重要性。

Its last really valuable and important colony, however, Brazil, was not lost until the early part of the nineteenth century, and even now Portugal possesses colonies in Asia and Africa which are twenty times as large in extent as its European territory.

然而，它最后一个真正有价值和重要的殖民地巴西直到十九世纪初期才失去，甚至现在葡萄牙在亚洲和非洲也拥有殖民地，其面积是其欧洲领土的二十倍。

Its African possessions are adjoining chiefly British colonies and this close proximity to parts of the British Empire has resulted at times in some difficulties between the two countries, the most recent and important of which occurred in 1890 and in 1894.

它的非洲属地主要毗邻英国殖民地，而且与大英帝国部分地区的密切关系有时导致两国之间出现一些困难，其中最近一次也是最重要的一次发生在 1890 年和 1894 年。

In spite of these slight disagreements, however, Portugal made an arrangement, quite some time ago, according to which it was under certain conditions to furnish limited subsidiary forces to England, in exchange for which England promised to assume the friendly rôle of a protector in times of need.

然而，尽管存在这些细微的分歧，葡萄牙很早以前就做出了一项安排，根据该安排，在一定条件下向英国提供有限的辅助部队，作为交换，英国承诺在需要时承担友好的保护者角色。

It is undoubtedly this arrangement with England which finally resulted in the aggressive action on the part of Portugal of which we have just heard.

毫无疑问，正是与英格兰的这种安排最终导致了我们刚才听到的葡萄牙方面的侵略行动。

Up to 1910 Portugal was a kingdom.

1910 年之前，葡萄牙还是一个王国。

In that year, however, a revolution broke out chiefly on account of oppressive financial measures which the Government had been in the habit of passing and the reigning King, Manuel, was forced to flee the country.

然而，那一年爆发了一场革命，主要是由于政府惯于采取的压迫性财政措施，现任国王曼努埃尔被迫逃离该国。

Shortly afterward his former subjects exiled him and decided for a republican form of government which in spite of various slight monarchial revolutions has been maintained since.

不久之后，他的前臣民将他流放，并决定建立共和政体，尽管发生了各种轻微的君主革命，但此后一直维持这种政体。

The 1910 revolution was preceded by two years by the murder of King Manuel's father, Carlos I, and his older brother, Luis.

1910 年革命爆发前两年，曼努埃尔国王的父亲卡洛斯一世和他的哥哥路易斯被谋杀。

After King Manuel had been exiled, England assumed toward Portugal a part very similar to that which England had assumed toward France after the fall of the second empire.

曼努埃尔国王被流放后，英国对葡萄牙的态度与第二帝国灭亡后英国对法国的态度非常相似。

It offered a haven of refuge for the exiled king and his relatives, but at the same time acknowledged the establishment of the Portuguese Republic and showed in various ways that it was in sympathy with the liberal movement in Portugal.

它为流亡国王及其亲属提供了避难所，但同时承认葡萄牙共和国的成立，并以各种方式表明了对葡萄牙自由运动的同情。

Immediately adjoining Portugal on the east is Spain, which is separated from France on the north by the Pyrenees.

东边紧邻葡萄牙的是西班牙，北边被比利牛斯山脉与法国隔开。

Just as Portugal, Spain had been in times past one of the great colonial powers of the world, greater even than its neighbor.

正如葡萄牙一样，西班牙曾经是世界上最大的殖民列强之一，甚至比其邻国还要强大。

In fact, at one time in the world's history Spain occupied very much the same position that England occupies to-day.

事实上，在世界历史上的某个时期，西班牙所占据的地位与今天的英格兰非常相似。

But this splendor belongs to the past and gradually Spain has lost practically all of its colonies with the single exception of the few comparatively small settlements and islands in Western Africa which, however, still total 82,000 square miles.

但这种辉煌已经成为过去，西班牙逐渐失去了几乎所有的殖民地，只有西非少数相对较小的定居点和岛屿除外，但总面积仍达 82,000 平方英里。

Its last really important and valuable colonies in the West Indies (Cuba, Porto Rico), and the Philippine Islands in the Far East were lost as a result of the Spanish-American War of 1898.

它在西印度群岛（古巴、波多黎各）和远东菲律宾群岛的最后一个真正重要且有价值的殖民地因 1898 年美西战争而丧失。

Some other islands in the Pacific Ocean were sold in the year following, 1899, to Germany.

1899 年，太平洋上的其他一些岛屿被出售给德国。

In more recent times, however, Spain has shown again more aggressiveness in connection with the acquisition of colonial possessions which chiefly centered in that part of north Africa which is immediately opposite the south coast of Spain.

然而，近代以来，西班牙在获取殖民领地方面再次表现出更强的侵略性，这些领地主要集中在与西班牙南海岸紧邻的北非地区。

Its activities in that territory were not appreciated by the natives who at various times with more or less success revolted against the foreign rule and finally brought about the Moorish War of 1909, which was terminated by Spain only after the Spanish troops had experienced a number of defeats and after a considerable expenditure of money and life.

它在该地区的活动并未得到当地人的赞赏，他们在不同时期反抗外国统治，并取得了或多或少的成功，并最终引发了1909年的摩尔人战争，直到西班牙军队经历了多次失败并付出了相当大的金钱和生命之后，西班牙才结束了这场战争。

[Illustration: Wilhelm II, German Emperor and King of Prussia.]

[插图：威廉二世，德国皇帝和普鲁士国王。]

During the second half of the nineteenth century Spain went through a comparatively large number of revolutions, dynastic changes and other internal difficulties.

十九世纪下半叶，西班牙经历了较多的革命、王朝更迭和其他内部困难。

In 1886 Queen Isabella, a member of the Bourbon family, was driven out of the country by a revolution of her subjects.

1886 年，波旁家族的伊莎贝拉女王因臣民革命而被驱逐出境。

The latter, however, decided in favor of a continuation of the monarchial form of government and thereupon set out to find some European prince who would be willing to assume the burden of the Spanish crown.

然而，后者决定继续实行君主制政府，并开始寻找一位愿意承担西班牙王位负担的欧洲王子。

We have already heard that this quest was one of the principal direct causes of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, because Napoleon III attempted to force a promise from King William of Prussia to the effect that the latter would not permit his relative, the Prince of Hohenzollern, to accept the crown of Spain which had been offered to him.

我们已经听说，这一追求是1870年普法战争的主要直接原因之一，因为拿破仑三世试图迫使普鲁士国王威廉做出承诺，即后者不会允许他的亲戚霍亨索伦亲王接受向他提供的西班牙王冠。

In 1870, however, the Spanish people succeeded in inducing Amadeus of Italy, a relative of the ruler of the newly formed Italian kingdom, to become King of Spain.

然而，1870年，西班牙人民成功地诱使新成立的意大利王国统治者的亲戚意大利的阿玛迪斯成为西班牙国王。

Only two years later, in 1872, the so-called Carlist War broke out which had its basis in the attempt of Don Carlos, also a member of the Bourbon family, to secure the crown of Spain to which he claimed to have prior rights to those of Queen Isabella's branch of the family.

仅仅两年后，即 1872 年，所谓的卡洛斯战争爆发，其根源是同为波旁家族成员的唐·卡洛斯试图夺取西班牙王位，他声称对伊莎贝拉女王的家族分支拥有优先权。

This war, which really was a civil war, was accompanied by a great deal of bloodshed and cruelty and finally brought about the abdication of King Amadeus.

这场战争实际上是一场内战，伴随着大量的流血和残酷，最终导致了阿玛迪斯国王的退位。

For a short time after that Spain became a republic, but in 1874 the people decided that their interests would be better served by a monarchy and they made the son of Queen Isabella, Alfonso XII, their King.

此后不久，西班牙成为共和国，但在 1874 年，人民认为君主制更能满足他们的利益，于是他们任命伊莎贝拉女王的儿子阿方索十二世为国王。

The latter was married twice, first to Princess Mercedes and after her death to Archduchess Marie Christine of Austria.

后者结过两次婚，第一次是与梅赛德斯公主结婚，在她去世后与奥地利大公夫人玛丽·克里斯蒂娜结婚。

Of the former marriage the issue was one girl, Mercedes, who at the death of Alfonso XII in 1885 became Queen of Spain with her stepmother as regent.

前一段婚姻的问题是一个名叫梅赛德斯的女孩，1885 年阿方索十二世去世后，她成为西班牙女王，她的继母担任摄政王。

In 1886, however, a posthumous male heir was born who immediately upon his birth became legally King of Spain as Alfonso XIII.

然而，1886 年，一位死后的男性继承人出生，他出生后立即成为合法的西班牙国王，即阿方索十三世。

Of course Queen Christine's regency continued until Alfonso XIII became of age.

当然，克里斯汀女王的摄政一直持续到阿方索十三世成年为止。

During her regency Queen Marie Christine faced an arduous task in her attempt to maintain for her minor son the throne of his father, but in spite of the many difficulties that she had to face she succeeded.

在摄政期间，玛丽·克里斯蒂娜女王面临着一项艰巨的任务，她试图为她的小儿子维持其父亲的王位，但尽管她必须面对许多困难，她还是成功了。

These difficulties were chiefly internal and of an economic nature, although those in connection with Spain's West Indian possessions were almost as vexing.

这些困难主要是内部的和经济性质的，尽管与西班牙西印度属地有关的困难几乎同样令人烦恼。

For many years of this period Spain was more or less in a state of anarchy, and labor disturbances throughout the country took on a most violent form.

这一时期的许多年里，西班牙或多或少处于无政府状态，全国各地的劳工骚乱呈现出最暴力的形式。

In recent years, however, conditions have improved considerably and to-day the future of Spain is more promising than it has been for many decades.

然而，近年来，情况有了很大改善，今天西班牙的未来比几十年来更加充满希望。

In foreign politics Spain did not play a very important part, especially not since the loss of most of its colonies.

在外交政治中，西班牙并没有发挥非常重要的作用，尤其是在失去大部分殖民地之后。

It participated in a number of the more important international conferences held during the last thirty-five or forty years and, generally speaking, managed to maintain friendly relations with most of the other nations.

它参加了过去三十五年或四十年来举行的许多较重要的国际会议，总的来说，它与大多数其他国家保持了友好关系。

During the long regency of Queen Marie Christine her personal influence, of course, was bound to be felt to a considerable extent and to that extent Spain may be said to have been more inclined toward the Central European Powers and especially toward Austria than toward any other countries.

当然，在玛丽·克里斯蒂娜女王的长期摄政期间，她的个人影响力必然会在相当大的程度上受到影响，在这个程度上，西班牙可以说比其他任何国家都更倾向于中欧列强，特别是奥地利。

This is due to the fact that the Queen Regent was a member of the Hapsburg family and that one of her late husband's sisters is married to a prince of the reigning house of Bavaria.

这是因为摄政王是哈布斯堡家族的成员，而她已故丈夫的一个姐妹嫁给了巴伐利亚王室的王子。

On the other hand the Spanish people are, of course, in customs and language, more closely related to the French and Italian people and this racial relationship is found expressed in a more or less strong sympathy for France.

另一方面，西班牙人民当然在风俗和语言上与法国和意大利人民的关系更为密切，这种种族关系或多或少地表现为对法国的强烈同情。

In 1906 King Alfonso XIII married Princess Victoria of Battenberg, daughter of one of the daughters of Queen Victoria of England and of a German prince, but thoroughly English in her bringing up and sympathies.

1906 年，阿方索十三世国王与巴滕贝格的维多利亚公主结婚，她是英国维多利亚女王和德国王子的女儿之一的女儿，但她的成长和同情心完全是英国式的。

This alliance of course brought Spain into closer contact with England.

这一联盟当然使西班牙与英格兰的联系更加密切。

Considering these various conditions it is clear that Spain has about as many sentimental reasons for supporting the Allies as it has for supporting the Central Powers, and this balanced its sentiments so well that its neutrality has been really fair and sincere.

考虑到这些不同的条件，很明显，西班牙支持同盟国的情感理由与支持同盟国的情感理由一样多，这很好地平衡了其情感，使其中立态度真正公平而真诚。

The entrance of Portugal into the war, however, may have an important bearing on Spain's future attitude.

然而，葡萄牙的参战可能对西班牙未来的态度产生重要影响。

CHAPTER X

第十章

DENMARK, SWEDEN, NORWAY, HOLLAND, AND LUXEMBURG

丹麦、瑞典、挪威、荷兰和卢森堡

The reasons for the neutrality which the three Scandinavian kingdoms have maintained in the Great European War are chiefly economic and geographical.

斯堪的纳维亚三个王国在欧洲大战中保持中立的原因主要是经济和地理原因。

Neither one alone nor all three combined are strong enough in men or money to take sides with either the Allies or the Central European Powers.

无论是其中一个国家，还是三个国家联合起来，在人力或财力上都不足以支持同盟国或中欧国家。

Furthermore through their continued neutrality they have been able to reap a rich harvest by means of an immensely extended trade with practically all of the belligerents, especially, however, with England, Germany, and Russia.

此外，通过他们持续的中立，他们能够通过与几乎所有交战国，特别是与英国、德国和俄罗斯的广泛贸易来获得丰富的收获。

These conditions of course influence chiefly the official attitude of these countries, but have less influence on popular opinion which is more or less subject to sentimental influences.

这些情况当然主要影响这些国家的官方态度，但对民意影响较小，民意或多或少地受到情感的影响。

In that direction both Denmark and Norway lean toward the Allies, while Sweden leans toward the Central European Powers.

在这个方向上，丹麦和挪威都倾向于同盟国，而瑞典则倾向于中欧国家。

Denmark has never forgotten or forgiven the mutilation which it suffered at the hands of Prussia and Austria in 1864, and which resulted in the loss of Schleswig-Holstein, a comparatively large slice of Denmark.

丹麦从未忘记或原谅1864年在普鲁士和奥地利手中遭受的残害，导致丹麦失去了石勒苏益格-荷尔斯泰因州这一较大的领土。

This resentment toward Germany has been intensified since then by the severe measures which from time to time have been taken against the inhabitants of northern Schleswig, who have adhered consistently to their Danish language and customs.

从那时起，由于石勒苏益格北部居民不时采取严厉措施，这种对德国的怨恨情绪进一步加剧，而石勒苏益格北部的居民一直坚持丹麦的语言和习俗。

Its ruling family also is closely related to the rulers of England and Russia.

其统治家族还与英国和俄罗斯的统治者关系密切。

The latter may also be said of the ruling family of Norway, but in the case of Norway matters have been somewhat complicated by its peculiar relation to Sweden.

后者也可以指挪威的统治家族，但就挪威而言，由于其与瑞典的特殊关系，事情变得有些复杂。

Up to 1905 these two countries were known as the United Kingdoms of Sweden and Norway and were governed on the basis of a very close union.

1905 年之前，这两个国家被称为瑞典和挪威联合王国，并在非常紧密的联盟基础上进行治理。

In that year, however, the union was dissolved after the Norwegians had shown for many years previous their dislike of existing conditions.

然而，在那一年，由于挪威人多年来表现出对现有条件的不满，该联盟解散了。

After the dissolution they chose as their king a Prince of Denmark who is married to a sister of King George of England; this as well as the very fact that Sweden is leaning toward Germany is chiefly responsible for Norway's sentimental preference for the cause of the Allies.

解散后，他们选择了一位与英国国王乔治的妹妹结婚的丹麦亲王作为国王。这一事实以及瑞典倾向于德国这一事实是挪威在情感上偏爱协约国的主要原因。

Sweden's tendency to support the Central European Powers is based primarily on its fear of and hatred for Russia.

瑞典支持中欧国家的倾向主要是基于对俄罗斯的恐惧和仇恨。

The former sentiment is due to Russia's well-known desire for a port which is ice-free all year around and which it could, of course, acquire by the conquest of Sweden.

前一种情绪是由于众所周知，俄罗斯渴望拥有一个常年不冻的港口，当然，它可以通过征服瑞典来获得这个港口。

The latter sentiment, which has always been strong in Sweden, has its origin in Russia's conquest of the former Swedish province of Finland and in the oppressive and most cruel treatment which Russia has given to the populace of this unfortunate country which consistently have tried to adhere to their Swedish habits and civilization.

后一种情绪在瑞典一直很强烈，其根源在于俄罗斯征服了前瑞典省芬兰，以及俄罗斯对这个不幸国家的人民所给予的压迫和最残酷的待遇，这些人民一直试图坚持自己的瑞典习惯和文明。

The fact that the present Queen of Sweden is a German princess, closely related to the imperial family as well as to some of the other German reigning families, and that this Queen of Sweden is very popular in her adopted country, undoubtedly also had some bearing on Sweden's attitude toward the various countries at war.

现任瑞典女王是一位德国公主，与皇室以及其他一些德国统治家族关系密切，而且这位瑞典女王在她的移居国很受欢迎，这无疑也对瑞典对交战各国的态度产生了一些影响。

Like Portugal and Spain, Holland of to-day is only a mere shadow of its past glory.

与葡萄牙和西班牙一样，今天的荷兰也只是过去辉煌的影子。

Most of its colonial possessions have passed out of its hands.

它的大部分殖民地财产已经脱离了它的控制。

Those, however, that still remain are chiefly in the Far East and are very valuable, especially Java.

然而，那些仍然存在的主要在远东，并且非常有价值，尤其是爪哇。

The possession of these colonies by as small a country as Holland, of course, raised many difficult problems of a financial and political nature.

当然，像荷兰这样的小国拥有这些殖民地，引发了许多金融和政治方面的难题。

As a result, Holland's participation in international politics was naturally very restricted, and the general policy of the country was to maintain the strictest neutrality and to keep up friendly relations with the rest of the world.

这样一来，荷兰对国际政治的参与自然就受到很大限制，该国的总体政策就是保持最严格的中立，与世界各国保持友好关系。

Its neutrality in the present war is based on the same reasons.

它在当前战争中的中立也是基于同样的原因。

Furthermore, public sentiment is rather anti-English, partly as a result of the resentment of English aggression during the Napoleonic wars, which almost ended in the loss to Holland of its colonies, and partly as a result of the intense sympathy felt for the Boers, who are of Dutch descent, during the South African War.

此外，公众情绪相当反英国，部分原因是拿破仑战争期间对英国侵略的不满，这场战争几乎以荷兰失去殖民地而告终，部分原因是南非战争期间对荷兰后裔布尔人的强烈同情。

At the same time they have no particularly strong liking for Germany, suspecting it of having designs on their absolute independence, which the Dutch guard most jealously.

与此同时，他们对德国并没有特别强烈的好感，怀疑德国对他们的绝对独立有图谋，而荷兰人最嫉妒的是这种独立。

The history of Holland during the last fifty years is, therefore, concerned chiefly with internal affairs, and covers few events of international importance.

因此，荷兰过去五十年的历史主要关注的是内政，很少涉及具有国际重要性的事件。

Its chief claim to international fame rests on its selection by the other civilized nations as the center of the international peace conferences and the seat of the International Court of Arbitration.

它享有国际声誉的主要原因在于它被其他文明国家选为国际和平会议的中心和国际仲裁法院的所在地。

On May 18, 1899, the First Peace Conference assembled at The Hague at the invitation of Czar Nicholas II of Russia.

1899年5月18日，应俄罗斯沙皇尼古拉二世的邀请，第一次和平会议在海牙召开。

In it there participated, besides twenty-one European states, the United States, Mexico, China, Japan, Persia, and Siam.

除二十一个欧洲国家外，还有美国、墨西哥、中国、日本、波斯和暹罗参加。

During sessions lasting over ten weeks international questions of the greatest importance, chiefly relating to the conduct of war, were discussed.

在持续十多周的会议期间，讨论了最重要的国际问题，主要与战争行为有关。

As a result the convention adopted certain resolutions and declarations which modified warfare on land and sea, and regulated it by means of certain rules which were to be observed by all signatories.

结果，该公约通过了某些决议和宣言，修改了陆地和海上战争，并通过所有签署国都必须遵守的某些规则来规范战争。

It also created a permanent court of arbitration, consisting of eminent jurists from all the countries represented, before which international disputes were to be brought for pacific settlement.

它还设立了一个常设仲裁法院，由来自所有出席国家的杰出法学家组成，国际争端将提交该法院和平解决。

At the suggestion of the United States (1904) the czar invited the countries to a second peace conference, which met on June 15, 1907.

根据美国的建议（1904 年），沙皇邀请各国参加 1907 年 6 月 15 日举行的第二次和平会议。

Besides the former signatories, all the South American States were represented.

除前签署国外，所有南美国家均派代表出席。

Its results were similar to those of the first conference, and as the years passed by the various countries concluded among each other a total of over 150 arbitration treaties.

其结果与第一届会议类似，多年来各国相互缔结的仲裁条约总数超过150项。

In spite of being the center of the modern peace movement, Holland found it necessary for its own protection to keep up with the general increase in armament which was carried on in Europe.

尽管荷兰是现代和平运动的中心，但荷兰发现自己的保护有必要跟上欧洲军备的普遍增长。

In 1913 the Coast Defense Bill provided for the fortification of Flushing and for the expenditure of a comparatively large sum, and created considerable discussion and some ill feeling, especially in England.

1913年，《海岸防御法案》规定要在法拉盛修建防御工事，并支出较大数额的资金，引起了相当多的讨论和一些反感，尤其是在英国。

The Duchy of Luxemburg is ruled by the same dynasty that now occupies the throne of Holland, the House of Orange-Nassau.

卢森堡公国由现在占据荷兰王位的同一王朝奥兰治-拿骚王朝统治。

Until 1866 it was a member of the North German Federation, but in 1867 a conference of the powers, held at London, declared it to be neutral territory, and ordered the demolition of its fortifications.

1866 年之前它是北德意志联邦的成员，但 1867 年在伦敦举行的一次权力会议宣布它为中立领土，并下令拆除其防御工事。

At that time the succession in both Holland and Luxemburg descended in the direct male line only.

当时荷兰和卢森堡的王位继承都只由男性直系继承。

William III was King of Holland and Grand Duke of Luxemburg.

威廉三世是荷兰国王和卢森堡大公。

In 1879 the king's only brother and his oldest son, and in 1881 the king's second son died.

1879 年，国王唯一的兄弟和长子去世，1881 年，国王的次子去世。

This left that branch of the house without male heirs.

这使得这个家族的分支没有男性继承人。

In 1879 William III had married a second time, and had chosen Emma, Princess of Waldeck-Pyrmont, one of the smallest German states.

1879 年，威廉三世第二次结婚，并选择了德国最小州之一瓦尔德克-皮尔蒙特的公主艾玛。

In 1880 a daughter, the present Queen Wilhelmina, was born.

1880年，女儿出生，即现在的威廉明娜女王。

As the king was aging rapidly and was not likely to have any further issue, it became necessary to change the law of succession, in order to prevent Holland's throne from coming into the hands of the next male member of the House of Orange-Nassau, the Duke of Nassau, who was practically a German prince, and, therefore, not acceptable to Holland's people.

由于国王年事已高，不太可能出现任何进一步的问题，因此有必要改变继承法，以防止荷兰的王位落入奥兰治-拿骚家族的下一任男性成员拿骚公爵手中，他实际上是德国王子，因此不被荷兰人民接受。

In 1884 it was arranged that in case of lack of male issue the succession in Holland should descend to direct female heirs.

1884年，荷兰规定，如果缺乏男性继承人，继承权应由女性直系继承人继承。

When, therefore, William III died in 1890 his minor daughter became queen under the regency of Queen Emma.

因此，当威廉三世于 1890 年去世时，他的小女儿在艾玛女王摄政下成为女王。

Luxemburg, however, descended to the Duke of Nassau, who, upon his death was succeeded by his son, and upon the latter's death by his granddaughter, the present Grand Duchess Marie Adelaide.

然而，卢森堡的继承人是拿骚公爵，他死后由他的儿子继承，后者死后由他的孙女，现任大公夫人玛丽·阿德莱德继承。

Queen Wilhelmina, the idol of her people, assumed the reins of government upon reaching her majority in 1898 after her mother's skillful regency of eight years.

威廉敏娜女王是人民的偶像，在她母亲巧妙地摄政八年后，她于 1898 年成年后接管了政府。

In 1901 she married a German prince, Henry, Duke of Mecklenburg.

1901年，她与德国王子梅克伦堡公爵亨利结婚。

This marriage was blessed with one daughter, Princess Juliana, who is heir apparent to the throne of Holland.

这段婚姻孕育了一个女儿，朱莉安娜公主，她是荷兰王位的法定继承人。

Otherwise, though, it did not prove very happy, and, therefore, did certainly not increase Dutch friendship for Germany.

但除此之外，事实证明它并不是很高兴，因此肯定不会增加荷兰与德国的友谊。

CHAPTER XI

第十一章

SUMMARY OF POLITICAL HISTORY

政治史概要

From the preceding narration of the political histories of Europe's nations during the last half century there stand out very clearly two facts.

从前面对欧洲各国近半个世纪政治历史的叙述中，可以非常清楚地看出两个事实。

All the bigger countries and even one or two of the smaller ones displayed a strong desire for expansion and the gratification of this desire resulted in a crude form of international cooperation between various groups of nations, crude because each separate nation at all times was guided primarily by its own interests and demanded cooperation on the part of some other nation or nations much more readily than it was willing to grant cooperation to its ally or allies.

所有较大的国家，甚至一两个较小的国家都表现出强烈的扩张愿望，而这种愿望的满足导致了不同国家集团之间的一种粗糙形式的国际合作，之所以粗糙，是因为每个单独的国家在任何时候都主要以自己的利益为导向，并且更愿意要求其他国家的合作，而不是愿意给予其盟友合作。

The motive of this desire for expansion, it is true, was in all cases chiefly an economic need.

诚然，这种扩张欲望的动机在任何情况下都主要是出于经济需要。

But the very fact that the various efforts at expansion, at least in their early stages, found almost always popular approval, shows that there usually was a secondary motive, a desire for aggrandizement.

但事实上，各种扩张努力，至少在早期阶段，几乎总是得到民众的认可，这一事实表明，通常还有一个次要动机，即扩张的愿望。

For it is very rare, indeed, that public opinion possesses sufficient foresight to either appreciate or be guided by economic necessities, while undertakings which can be made to appeal to the sentiments of jealousy, of nationalism, and of rivalry, readily find public support.

事实上，公众舆论很少有足够的远见，能够理解或受经济需要的引导，而那些能够引起嫉妒、民族主义和竞争情绪的事业，很容易得到公众的支持。

The second of these--nationalism--especially was reawakened and in many an instance grew into chauvinism, endangering frequently the peace of the world.

其中第二种——民族主义——尤其被重新唤醒，并在许多情况下发展成为沙文主义，经常危及世界和平。

This, in a way, was very remarkable; for hand in hand with the increase of nationalism went an increase of internationalism to a degree that never before had been achieved in the history of the world.

从某种意义上说，这是非常了不起的。因为与民族主义的增长同时发生的是，国际主义的增长达到了世界历史上前所未有的程度。

Indeed, for a considerable period it looked as if the world nations were rapidly approaching that happy state when war would be unnecessary because a peaceful method of adjusting international difficulties had been found and had been universally adopted.

事实上，在相当长的一段时间内，世界各国似乎正在迅速接近那种幸福的状态：战争不再必要，因为解决国际困难的和平方法已经找到并被普遍采用。

Whether the Great War of 1914 has destroyed all that was accomplished in the years preceding to make peace lasting, or whether it was only one of the obstacles in the path of this revolutionary undertaking, remains to be seen.

1914 年的第一次世界大战是否摧毁了前几年为实现持久和平所取得的一切成果，或者它是否只是这一革命事业道路上的障碍之一，还有待观察。

The international cooperation of which we have just spoken was, of course, nothing new.

我们刚才谈到的国际合作当然不是什么新鲜事。

For treaties have been signed and alliances have been concluded between nations ever since they have been developed far enough to be capable of definite, deliberate political efforts.

因为自从国家发展到足以进行明确的、深思熟虑的政治努力以来，国家之间就已经签署了条约并缔结了联盟。

But never before have treaties and alliances been so plentiful or gone so far, and only rarely have they resulted in such a definite alignment of the European nations into two groups.

但条约和联盟从来没有如此丰富或如此广泛，而且也很少有它们导致欧洲国家如此明确地分成两个集团。

The inception of this policy the world owes to the great modern German statesman, Bismarck.

世界这一政策的创始应归功于伟大的现代德国政治家俾斯麦。

It was through his efforts that the Triple Alliance was created soon after the Franco-Prussian War and after the foundation of the new German Empire which chose as its companions Austria-Hungary and Italy.

正是在他的努力下，普法战争后不久，以及选择奥匈帝国和意大利作为伙伴的新德意志帝国建立后，三国同盟成立了。

That Bismarck built well then is clearly shown by the wonderful progress that Germany especially has been able to make since the Triple Alliance was founded and insured European peace for a long period of years.

俾斯麦当时的建设之好，从德国特别是自三国同盟成立以来所取得的巨大进步和确保欧洲长期和平就可以清楚地看出。

But that either he did not build well enough for all exigencies or else that his successors were not as capable as he, is shown equally clearly by the fact that at the most crucial moment in Germany's modern history one member of the Triple Alliance, Italy, deserted.

但要么是他的建设不够好以应对所有紧急情况，要么是他的继任者没有他那么有能力，这一事实同样清楚地表明，在德国现代历史上最关键的时刻，三国同盟的一个成员意大利的叛逃。

The second group of European nations, in a way, was the logical result of the first, for the latter, as it were, left high and dry on the sea of international cooperation the three powerful countries of England, France, and Russia.

从某种意义上说，第二组欧洲国家是第一组欧洲国家的逻辑结果，因为后者可以说把英国、法国和俄罗斯这三个强国抛在了国际合作的海洋上。

At the time of the formation of the Triple Alliance France, of course, was disabled through its defeat by Germany to such an extent that alliances were, at least temporarily, out of the question.

当然，在三国同盟成立时，法国因被德国击败而陷入瘫痪，以至于至少暂时不可能结盟。

Its wonderfully quick recovery soon changed that, however, and resulted in very definite efforts on the part of French statesmen to form a defensive alliance which would insure France from any aggressiveness on the part of the Triple Alliance.

然而，其惊人的快速恢复很快就改变了这一状况，并导致法国政治家做出非常明确的努力，建立一个防御性联盟，以确保法国免受三国同盟的任何侵略。

This finally brought about the Franco-Russian Alliance.

这最终促成了法俄联盟。

That Russia was available then was due to the fact that Germany's old intimacy with its eastern neighbor had received a serious setback when it chose Austria as its ally.

当时可以利用俄罗斯，是因为德国与东部邻国的往日亲密关系在选择奥地利作为盟友后受到了严重挫折。

For, though Austria and Russia had once been friends and for a short time even allies, conditions had changed and in modern times the interests of the two countries had become so conflicting that an alliance was entirely out of the question.

因为，尽管奥地利和俄罗斯曾经是朋友，甚至在短时间内甚至是盟友，但情况发生了变化，在现代，两国的利益变得如此冲突，结盟是完全不可能的。

After France and Russia had gotten together it was not long before England found it necessary to choose between these two international groups.

法国和俄罗斯合并后不久，英国就发现有必要在这两个国际集团之间做出选择。

That in spite of its close racial relation to the Germanic countries it preferred the Gallo-Slavic combination, was due to a number of reasons.

尽管它与日耳曼国家有着密切的种族关系，但它更喜欢高卢-斯拉夫混合体，这是由于多种原因造成的。

In the first place it was found easier to adjust whatever conflicts there were between England on the one side and France and Russia on the other than those in existence between England and Germany.

首先，人们发现，调整英国与法国和俄罗斯之间存在的任何冲突比英国和德国之间存在的冲突更容易。

In the second place English modern culture was clearly more interested in and more influenced by French than by German achievements.

其次，英国现代文化显然对法国的成就比德国的成就更感兴趣，也更受其影响。

And last, but not least, an alliance between Germany and England became impossible, because in such an alliance neither country would have gracefully yielded the leadership to the other, whereas in an Anglo-Franco-Russian concert all England had to do was to signify its willingness to join and the leadership was England's without question or contest.

最后但并非最不重要的一点是，德国和英国之间的联盟变得不可能，因为在这样的联盟中，任何一个国家都不会优雅地将领导权让给对方，而在英法俄三国的协奏曲中，英国所要做的就是表明其加入的意愿，而领导权则毫无疑问或竞争地属于英国。

It was England, then, which gave up its international isolation later than any of the others.

那么，英格兰比其他国家更晚放弃国际孤立。

But it did not lose thereby; for just as its Franco-Russian alliance assured to it cooperation against the Triple Alliance, if such cooperation was needed, it secured to itself protection for its immense Far Eastern interests by an alliance with the new world power of the Far East, Japan.

但它并没有因此而失败；因为，正如法俄联盟保证其与三国同盟的合作一样，如果需要这种合作，它也可以通过与远东新的世界强国日本结盟来保护其巨大的远东利益。

The outbreak of the war of 1914, then, saw these two great groups of nations: The Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy, and the Quadruple Entente of England, France, Russia and Japan.

1914年战争爆发后，出现了两大国家集团：德国、奥匈帝国和意大利的三国同盟，以及英国、法国、俄罗斯和日本的四国协约国。

To foretell the result of the gigantic struggle in international relations is obviously impossible.

预测国际关系中这场巨大斗争的结果显然是不可能的。

Its end may bring a revival of internationalism on a greater scale than ever before, it may result in a new and severe separatism, it may cause a rearrangement of the present alliances or it may simply mean a return to the _status quo_ of August, 1914.

它的结束可能会带来比以往任何时候都更大规模的国际主义复兴，可能会导致新的、严重的分裂主义，可能会导致现有联盟的重新安排，或者可能仅仅意味着回到 1914 年 8 月的“现状”。

PART II--THE BALKANS

第二部分——巴尔干半岛

CHAPTER XII

第十二章

THE BALKAN PEOPLES

巴尔干人民

While it is of course impossible to assign the causes of the Great War to any one circumstance, there can be no doubt that at least one of the chief causes may be found in that snarl of diplomatic intrigues, whose setting has been the Balkans peninsula.

当然，不可能将第一次世界大战的原因归因于任何一种情况，但毫无疑问，至少一个主要原因可以在以巴尔干半岛为背景的外交阴谋中找到。

There is not a close student of European history and politics who has not predicted the "Great European War." Indeed, it required no special powers of prophecy to foresee that this constantly smoldering, and sometimes blazing corner of Europe, would one day burst into a sweeping conflagration.

所有研究欧洲历史和政治的学生都预言过“欧洲大战”。事实上，不需要特殊的预言能力就能预见到欧洲这个不断闷烧、有时甚至炽热的角落有一天会爆发一场席卷大火的大火。

The chief cause of this constant turmoil and conflict in the Balkans lay in its geographical relation to the expansion plan of Austria and Germany and all the other European states, the Balkans being the gate and roadway to the Orient.

巴尔干地区持续动荡和冲突的主要原因在于它与奥地利、德国以及所有其他欧洲国家的扩张计划的地理关系，巴尔干地区是通往东方的门户和道路。

The first essential to an understanding of the situation is a general knowledge of the races and nations that inhabit this portion of the European Continent.

了解情况的首要条件是对居住在欧洲大陆这一地区的种族和国家有一般了解。

As the reader of ancient history knows, it was within this territory that the Macedon of Philip and Alexander was situated, their capital being not far from the present city of Saloniki.

了解古代历史的读者都知道，腓力和亚历山大的马其顿就位于这片领土内，他们的首都距离现在的萨洛尼基市不远。

Then came the great eastern Roman Empire, which later developed into the Byzantine Empire, whose inhabitants were the degenerated descendants of the ancient Greeks.

然后是伟大的东罗马帝国，后来发展成为拜占庭帝国，其居民是古希腊人的堕落后裔。

Western Rome was constantly threatened by the northern barbarian tribes, so the Greek emperors of Byzantium were in perpetual conflict with barbarian hordes that pressed down on them from the north, more than once driving them within the walls of their capital, the present Constantinople.

西罗马不断受到北方蛮族部落的威胁，因此拜占庭的希腊皇帝与从北方压来的蛮族部落永远处于冲突之中，不止一次将他们驱赶到首都（现在的君士坦丁堡）的城墙内。

These northern barbarians were wild Slavic tribes which had come out of the steppes of Russia and swept down the Balkan peninsula, penetrating as far as Mt. Olympus itself.

这些北方野蛮人是来自俄罗斯大草原的野生斯拉夫部落，他们横扫巴尔干半岛，最远到达奥林匹斯山。

After them came a tribe of Asiatic origin, the Volgars, so called because they had for a period inhabited the banks of the Volga, and they first conquered and then mixed with the Slavs who lived in that section which is now Bulgaria.

在他们之后出现了一个亚洲血统的部落，伏尔加人，之所以如此称呼，是因为他们曾在伏尔加河沿岸居住一段时间，他们首先征服了居住在现在的保加利亚地区的斯拉夫人，然后与他们混在一起。

And finally came the Moslem Turks, who first conquered Asia Minor from the degenerated Greeks, then took Constantinople from them in 1453.

最后是穆斯林土耳其人，他们首先从堕落的希腊人手中征服了小亚细亚，然后于 1453 年从他们手中夺取了君士坦丁堡。

After that the Turks swept up the entire Balkan peninsula, conquering all except that little mountainous corner up against the Adriatic, which is now Montenegro, and subjugating all the peoples, Greeks and Slavs alike.

此后，土耳其人席卷了整个巴尔干半岛，征服了除了亚得里亚海沿岸的小山角（即现在的黑山）之外的所有半岛，并征服了所有民族，无论是希腊人还是斯拉夫人。

Nor did the Turkish conquest stop here; it swept onward, up into Europe, and was not definitely checked until it had advanced as far as Vienna itself.

土耳其的征服并没有就此停止。它继续席卷欧洲，直到到达维也纳才受到真正的遏制。

Then the tide turned, and little by little the Turks were driven back, until now they are on the very verge of being forced across the Bosphorus.

随后形势逆转，土耳其人逐渐被击退，直到现在他们已经濒临被迫渡过博斯普鲁斯海峡的边缘。

And as the Turkish flood ebbed, the Balkan peoples gradually emerged, one after another springing up into independent nationalities.

随着土耳其洪水退去，巴尔干各民族逐渐崛起，一个又一个独立的民族涌现。

Now the two great forces that had been driving back the Turks during the centuries were the Austrians and the Russians.

现在，几个世纪以来一直击退土耳其人的两支强大力量是奥地利人和俄罗斯人。

And though these two great Christian powers fought against the same enemy, there gradually arose between them a bitter jealousy.

尽管这两个伟大的基督教势力对抗同一个敌人，但他们之间逐渐产生了强烈的嫉妒。

Each was determined that the Turk should be driven out of Europe, but each realized that their two paths after the retreating Turk must soon converge in the Balkan peninsula.

每个人都决心将土耳其人赶出欧洲，但每个人都意识到，他们在土耳其人撤退后的两条道路必须很快在巴尔干半岛汇合。

Neither cared anything for the Christian peoples who had been and were being oppressed by the Turks; that they were freed from this oppression was merely incidental, though it was the pretext for much of the warfare during this long period.

他们都不关心曾经和正在遭受土耳其人压迫的基督教民族。他们从这种压迫中解放出来只是偶然的，尽管这是这段漫长时期内大部分战争的借口。

But each of these two great powers coveted the Balkan peninsula.

但这两个大国都觊觎巴尔干半岛。

To Austria Saloniki would be an excellent seaport opening out on the Mediterranean, for the Adriatic was dominated by Italy.

对于奥地利来说，萨洛尼基将是一个通往地中海的绝佳海港，因为亚得里亚海由意大利控制。

Russia, on her part, had her eyes on the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles, which would offer her an opening into the Mediterranean, to which she had no access at all.

俄罗斯则把目光投向了博斯普鲁斯海峡和达达尼尔海峡，这将为她提供进入地中海的入口，而她根本无法进入地中海。

Added to that, the people of the Balkans were Slavs, blood kindred of the Russians, and could speedily be made into loyal subjects of the czar.

除此之外，巴尔干地区的人民是斯拉夫人，与俄罗斯人有血缘关系，可以很快成为沙皇的忠诚臣民。

Such was the situation which gradually evolved; which became more and more acute as the Turks retreated into the Balkan peninsula proper, across the Danube.

情况就是这样逐渐发展起来的。随着土耳其人越过多瑙河撤退到巴尔干半岛本身，这种情况变得越来越严重。

And the first of the two grim powers to lead the pursuit down into the peninsula was Russia in 1877, when she hurled her armies over the Danube to "liberate" the Bulgars.

1877 年，俄罗斯率先发起了对半岛的追击，当时它派出军队越过多瑙河“解放”保加利亚人。

From then on the Balkan problem demanded the most serious attention of European diplomats.

从那时起，巴尔干问题就成为欧洲外交官最重视的问题。

[Illustration: Balkan States Before the First Balkan War.]

[插图：第一次巴尔干战争前的巴尔干国家。]

But the Balkan peoples that emerged, as the Turkish flood receded, were very different from those that had been engulfed four centuries previously.

但随着土耳其洪水退去，巴尔干地区的人民与四个世纪前被淹没的巴尔干人民截然不同。

The Greeks had accepted the conquest, they bent rather than broke.

希腊人接受了征服，他们屈服而不是崩溃。

Therefore the Turks had granted them special privileges.

因此土耳其人给予了他们特殊的特权。

Their church and its clergy were spared and even given full spiritual authority over the other Christian peoples.

他们的教会及其神职人员幸免于难，甚至被赋予了对其他基督教民族的完全精神权威。

But the Slavs fought stubbornly, not giving way until all their leaders were slain, and what culture they possessed was thoroughly wiped out.

但斯拉夫人顽强地战斗，直到他们的首领全部被杀，他们所拥有的文化被彻底消灭才屈服。

The Bulgars suffered especially, because they dwelt in the less mountainous regions of the peninsula.

保加利亚人遭受的苦难尤其严重，因为他们居住在半岛上山区较少的地区。

The Serbians could, occasionally, take refuge in the mountains of Montenegro, where their traditions and national spirit smoldered through the darker periods.

塞尔维亚人偶尔可以在黑山的山区避难，在那里，他们的传统和民族精神在黑暗时期逐渐消逝。

Just how many there were of these various peoples in the Balkans when Russia invaded the peninsula nearly forty years ago can only be left to surmise.

近四十年前，当俄罗斯入侵巴尔干半岛时，巴尔干地区到底有多少这些不同民族，只能靠猜测。

In no country in the world has the question of population caused so much bitter dispute as in the Balkans.

世界上没有哪个国家像巴尔干地区那样因人口问题引起如此激烈的争论。

Because of racial and national jealousies, census figures have been deliberately padded and falsified by church and state alike.

由于种族和民族嫉妒，教会和国家都故意填充和伪造人口普查数据。

This is especially true of that part of the peninsula (Thrace and Macedonia) which was still under Turkish rule when the First Balkan War broke out in 1912.

对于 1912 年第一次巴尔干战争爆发时仍在土耳其统治下的半岛部分地区（色雷斯和马其顿）尤其如此。

Only in what were then Serbia, Greece, and Bulgaria proper were genuine census enumerations made.

只有在当时的塞尔维亚、希腊和保加利亚本土才进行了真正的人口普查。

Bulgaria claims to have had a population in 1910 of about 4,337,000, this being increased by half a million after the two wars.

保加利亚声称 1910 年人口约为 4,337,000 人，两次战争后增加了 50 万。

Serbia reported 2,900,000 in 1910, the new territory increasing this by more than 1,500,000.

1910 年，塞尔维亚报告人口为 2,900,000，新领土增加了 1,500,000 以上。

In Greece the population was 2,730,000 before the wars and then became 4,400,000.

希腊的人口在战前为 2,730,000，战后增至 4,400,000。

Little Montenegro contributed another 800,000 Serbs.

小黑山又贡献了80万塞族人。

In Albania the population has been estimated roughly at 800,000.

阿尔巴尼亚的人口估计约为 80 万。

Add all these figures together, and the result is the total population of the Balkan peninsula proper, less that which covers what was still Turkish territory when the present war broke out.

将所有这些数字加在一起，结果就是巴尔干半岛本身的总人口，减去当前战争爆发时仍属于土耳其领土的人口。

It is in the proportionate numbers of the various races and nationalities, however, that the greatest confusion and uncertainty exists.

然而，最大的混乱和不确定性在于不同种族和民族的比例。

Nowhere in the world is there such an intermingling of various and differing peoples.

世界上没有任何地方有如此不同的不同民族的混合。

Here official figures are especially misleading, and should be considered only within the boundaries of Bulgaria, Serbia, and Greece as they were before the Balkan wars.

这里的官方数据尤其具有误导性，应该只在巴尔干战争之前的保加利亚、塞尔维亚和希腊境内进行考虑。

For the peninsula as a whole the testimony or the reports of impartial foreigners who have traveled through the country is likely to be far more trustworthy.

对于整个半岛来说，去过该国的公正外国人的证词或报告可能更值得信赖。

The consensus of opinion would indicate that along the seacoast the Greeks predominate, and that they are also numerous in the large towns and cities.

一致的意见表明，希腊人在沿海地区占主导地位，而且在大城市中也有很多希腊人。

In the interior they are not found much north of Saloniki, and even in that city the majority of the population is Jewish.

在萨洛尼基以北的内陆地区，他们的踪迹并不多，即使在那个城市，大多数人口都是犹太人。

As traders, as the business elements in the cities, however, they are found even up in Varna and Bourgas in Bulgaria.

然而，作为商人，作为城市的商业元素，他们甚至在保加利亚的瓦尔纳和布尔加斯也能找到。

In the interior there can be no doubt that the Slavs are in the vast majority over all the other peoples.

毫无疑问，在内陆地区，斯拉夫人比其他民族占绝大多数。

The names of the smallest villages, as indicated on Austrian maps, the most trustworthy that have been made, are obviously Slavic.

正如奥地利地图上所标明的，最值得信赖的最小村庄的名称显然是斯拉夫的。

Down through Thrace, almost to Constantinople, over to a few miles outside Saloniki, sweeping over almost into the mountains of Albania, up to Montenegro, the people are Slavic.

向下穿过色雷斯，几乎到君士坦丁堡，再到萨洛尼基郊外几英里，几乎横扫阿尔巴尼亚的山区，一直到黑山，这里的人民都是斯拉夫人。

The Slavs, again, are subdivided into two families: Serbs and Bulgars.

斯拉夫人又分为两个家族：塞尔维亚人和保加利亚人。

And here it is more difficult to distinguish the dividing line, for although there is a marked difference between the characteristics of the two peoples, both physical and temperamental, so nearly alike are their languages that speech forms no sure guide to distinguishing, especially in Macedonia, where dialects vary with a day's travel.

在这里，区分界限就更困难了，因为尽管两个民族的特征（无论是身体还是气质）之间存在显着差异，但他们的语言几乎相似，以至于言语无法确定区分的指导，特别是在马其顿，那里的方言随着一天的旅行而变化。

The trend of popular feeling seems the only guide.

流行趋势似乎是唯一的指导。

The main population west of the Struma and nearly up to Saloniki are Serb, descendants of the Serbs, who were the inhabitants of the old Serb Kingdom and Empire in that region.

斯特鲁马以西和萨洛尼基附近的主要人口是塞尔维亚人，他们是塞尔维亚人的后裔，他们是该地区旧塞尔维亚王国和帝国的居民。

In Thrace and east of the Struma the people are Bulgars.

在色雷斯和斯特鲁马以东，人们是保加利亚人。

Next to the Slavs in importance come the Turks, but these are nowhere found in a solid mass; they are scattered all over the peninsula, and even up into Bosnia and Herzegovina in Austria.

土耳其人的重要性仅次于斯拉夫人，但他们的数量并不多。他们遍布整个半岛，甚至延伸到奥地利的波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那。

Nowhere are they more numerous than in northern Bulgaria, along the banks of the Danube, and in the seaport cities on the Black Sea--Varna and Bourgas.

在保加利亚北部、多瑙河沿岸以及黑海海港城市瓦尔纳和布尔加斯，他们的人数最多。

The Bulgarian census figures give their number as about half a million in Bulgaria proper--about a seventh of the total population.

保加利亚人口普查数据显示，保加利亚本土约有五十万人，约占总人口的七分之一。

Bulgaria, though she suffered most from the oppression and fanatical outbursts of the Turks in the old days, has always been the most tolerant.

保加利亚虽然昔日饱受土耳其人的压迫和狂热，却一直是最宽容的。

Because of this there was comparatively little emigration of the Turkish population after freedom gave the Christian majority control.

因此，在自由给予基督徒多数控制权之后，土耳其人口的移民相对较少。

Serbia reports only about 14,000 in her territory, but this is probably an underestimate.

塞尔维亚报告称其领土上只有约 14,000 人，但这可能是低估的。

Down in Macedonia and southern Thrace the Turkish element is naturally very strong, increasing in mass toward Constantinople.

在马其顿和色雷斯南部，土耳其势力自然非常强大，并向君士坦丁堡方向不断增加。

Of the minor race divisions the Albanians deserve first mention, not only because of their number, but because of their being more concentrated within a certain territory, which gives them some political significance.

在较小的种族划分中，阿尔巴尼亚人值得首先提及，不仅因为他们的数量，而且因为他们更集中在一定的领土内，这赋予他们一些政治意义。

Though they have certain fine primitive qualities, they are not much higher in the scale of intelligence and civilization than were our North American Indians in the early days of our history.

尽管他们具有某些优良的原始品质，但他们的智力和文明水平并不比我们历史早期的北美印第安人高出多少。

It is supposed that they are the direct descendants of the ancient Illyrians; if this be so, they have certainly not developed at all in the past two thousand years.

据推测，他们是古代伊利里亚人的直系后裔。如果真是这样，那么它们在过去的两千多年里肯定根本没有发展起来。

The majority have long since accepted the Mohammedan faith of the Turks, but they differ markedly from the Turks in that they are rough in their manners, less fanatical in matters of religion, though violently prejudiced against all their Christian neighbors.

大多数人早已接受了土耳其人的伊斯兰教信仰，但他们与土耳其人的显着不同之处在于，他们的举止粗鲁，在宗教问题上不那么狂热，尽管对所有基督教邻居抱有强烈的偏见。

Steady work of any kind is their horror.

任何形式的稳定工作都是他们的恐惧。

As a fighting force they can give much trouble, but they are not yet sufficiently developed to form a nation.

作为一支战斗力量，他们可以制造很多麻烦，但他们还没有充分发展到形成一个国家。

Next to the Albanians come the Jews.

紧接着阿尔巴尼亚人的是犹太人。

These differ very much from the Jews known to us in our American cities.

他们与我们在美国城市所认识的犹太人有很大不同。

They are the direct descendants of the Jews who were driven out of Spain by Torquemada during the Spanish Inquisition, and found refuge under the protection of the sultan.

他们是在西班牙宗教裁判所期间被托克马达驱逐出西班牙并在苏丹保护下避难的犹太人的直系后裔。

They still speak a curious old obsolete Spanish that can be understood by a Mexican or a Spaniard quite easily.

他们仍然说着一种奇怪的、古老的、过时的西班牙语，墨西哥人或西班牙人很容易听懂。

The special privileges and the life of comparative ease which they enjoyed under Ottoman rule seems to have weakened them, for among them are not found the men of marked ability in the fields of art, science, and philosophy that may be found among the German or the Russian Jews.

他们在奥斯曼帝国统治下享有的特权和相对安逸的生活似乎削弱了他们的力量，因为在他们中间找不到像德国或俄罗斯犹太人那样在艺术、科学和哲学领域具有显着才能的人。

In Bulgaria, where the Government has given them equal rights with its Christian citizens, they number about 40,000, nearly all of them being engaged in small commercial pursuits.

在保加利亚，政府赋予他们与基督教公民平等的权利，他们的人数约为 40,000，几乎所有人都从事小型商业活动。

Farther south they increase in number.

再往南，它们的数量就会增加。

In Saloniki, now a Greek city, they form a huge majority of the total population--about 100,000 out of a mixed population of 175,000.

在现在的希腊城市萨洛尼基，他们占总人口的绝大多数——在 175,000 的混合人口中大约有 100,000 人。

The Wallachs or Vlachs are another considerable portion of the Balkan population, especially in the mountain regions.

瓦拉几人或瓦拉几人是巴尔干人口的另一个相当大的部分，特别是在山区。

They are generally considered as Rumanians, and have enjoyed the special protection of the Rumanian diplomatic agents in Turkey, but they differ somewhat from the Rumanians in Rumania proper.

他们一般被认为是罗马尼亚人，并受到罗马尼亚驻土耳其外交代表的特殊保护，但他们与罗马尼亚境内的罗马尼亚人有些不同。

A gentle, peaceful people, most of them are engaged in pastoral pursuits, tending their flocks up in the mountains in the summer and coming down into the lowlands in the winter.

他们是一个温和、和平的民族，大多数人从事田园生活，夏天在山上放牧，冬天则下到低地。

In some places they have settled down to a civic life, as in Bersa, a town not far out of Saloniki along the Monastir railroad, where the majority of the population is Wallachian.

在一些地方，他们已经安定下来过公民生活，比如贝尔萨，这是一个距离萨洛尼基不远的莫纳斯提尔铁路沿线的小镇，那里的大多数人口是瓦拉几亚人。

It is said that their dialect is the nearest approach to a survival of the ancient Latin of any spoken tongue, from which it is deduced that they are the descendants of the Roman colonists that were sent by Rome into this country when it was under her rule.

据说他们的方言是所有口语中最接近古拉丁语残存的，由此推断他们是罗马统治时期派遣到这个国家的罗马殖民者的后裔。

Another scattered element are the Gypsies; they are especially numerous in Bulgaria and Serbia.

另一个分散的群体是吉普赛人。他们在保加利亚和塞尔维亚尤其多。

These people are the lowest in their standard of living and culture of all the Balkan races.

这些人的生活水平和文化水平是所有巴尔干种族中最低的。

All of them speak Turkish, but their natural tongue differs from any other Balkan dialect.

他们都说土耳其语，但他们的自然语言不同于任何其他巴尔干方言。

Among themselves they are known as "Copts," which would rather indicate a comparatively recent Egyptian origin.

他们内部被称为“科普特人”，这更表明他们起源于相对较新的埃及。

However, as they are absolutely of no significance, either politically or in any other sense, they need not be considered further.

然而，由于它们无论在政治上还是在任何其他意义上都毫无意义，因此无需进一步考虑。

Rumania, though not properly a Balkan State, has played some part in Balkan politics.

罗马尼亚虽然不是真正的巴尔干国家，但在巴尔干政治中发挥了一定作用。

The Danube forms not only a political, but a natural boundary, between Bulgaria and Rumania.

多瑙河不仅构成保加利亚和罗马尼亚之间的政治边界，而且构成自然边界。

Along either of their respective banks the population is solidly Bulgarian or Rumanian; there has been comparatively little mixing.

沿各自的河岸，居民主要是保加利亚人或罗马尼亚人。混合情况相对较少。

Though Rumania boasts of a distinct cultured class, and her larger cities, especially Bucharest, present all the physical appearances of a higher order of civilization, on account of the longer period of independence enjoyed from the Turk, it is doubtful if the Rumanian people as a whole possess the hardy qualities of the Serbians and Bulgars.

尽管罗马尼亚拥有独特的文化阶层，其较大的城市，尤其是布加勒斯特，由于从土耳其人手中享有较长时间的独立，呈现出更高等级文明的所有外观，但罗马尼亚人民作为一个整体是否具有塞尔维亚人和保加利亚人的坚韧品质值得怀疑。

At any rate the level of education among the peasantry is much lower.

无论如何，农民的教育水平要低得多。

In race the Rumanians are of Latin blood with some admixture of Slavic.

在人种上，罗马尼亚人有拉丁血统和斯拉夫血统。

As has been stated elsewhere, they extend as a people up into Transylvania and Bukowina in Austria, and into the Russian province of Bessarabia.

正如其他地方所述，他们作为一个民族延伸到奥地利的特兰西瓦尼亚和布科维纳，以及俄罗斯的比萨拉比亚省。

As will now be seen, the Slavs, including both Bulgars and Serbs, form the predominating element in the Balkans.

正如现在所看到的，斯拉夫人，包括保加利亚人和塞尔维亚人，构成了巴尔干地区的主要力量。

Yet, in spite of the similarity between their speech, they differ strongly in temperament, as has already been stated.

然而，尽管他们的言语相似，但正如已经指出的那样，他们的气质却截然不同。

Possibly it is because of the mixture of Asiatic blood in the Bulgars.

可能是因为保加利亚人混有亚洲血统。

The Bulgar, slow, heavy, inclined to be morose and suspicious of all strangers, does not give so pleasant a first impression.

保加利亚人缓慢、笨重、忧郁、对所有陌生人都持怀疑态度，给人的第一印象并不那么令人愉快。

The Serb is light-hearted, inclined to be frivolous, and is much more adaptable.

塞尔维亚人性格轻松，容易轻浮，适应能力也更强。

Give the Bulgar a patch of ground and he will immediately plant vegetables; the Serb will devote at least some of it to flowers.

给保加利亚人一块地，他会立即种植蔬菜；塞尔维亚人至少会把其中一部分用于鲜花。

Then will come the Greek trader and make a fatter profit out of the product of their toil than either of them.

然后希腊商人就会从他们的辛劳产品中获得比他们任何一个都更丰厚的利润。

But what is of especial political significance, in considering these various Balkan peoples, is the mutual distrust and hatred that exists between them, sown and sedulously fostered by outside powers.

但考虑到这些不同的巴尔干民族，具有特殊政治意义的是他们之间存在的相互不信任和仇恨，这些不信任和仇恨是由外部势力播下和精心培育的。

For had they been able to weld themselves into one people, one nation, they would have been able to withstand the aggressive intentions of both Austria and Russia, presented a solid front to both those powers, and able to maintain the independence and peace in the Balkans, and, very possibly, no great war at present.

因为如果他们能够将自己融合成一个民族、一个国家，他们就能够抵御奥地利和俄罗斯的侵略意图，为这两个国家提供坚实的战线，并能够维护巴尔干地区的独立与和平，而且很可能目前不会发生大战。

The Turk is universally hated, but he is not despised.

土耳其人受到普遍的憎恨，但并没有被鄙视。

Except when his fanaticism is aroused there is no better neighbor than the Turk, he is courteous, tolerant in his quieter moments, and very much inclined to be a good fellow in the disposal of his money.

除非他的狂热被激起，否则没有比土耳其人更好的邻居了，他在安静的时候彬彬有礼，宽容，而且在支配金钱方面非常愿意成为一个好人。

Moreover, he is a hard fighter, and that quality always excites respect.

此外，他是一位顽强的战士，这种品质总是令人尊敬。

Nor is he at all underhand--he never makes a good spy.

他也一点也不狡猾——他从来都不是一个好的间谍。

The Greek, and more especially the Greek who lives on Turkish soil, has not possessed these qualities.

希腊人，尤其是生活在土耳其土地上的希腊人，不具备这些品质。

He has accepted and bent to the Turk, and in his rôle of a willing slave, he has played a very questionable part toward the other Christian peoples.

他已经接受并屈服于土耳其人，并且在他自愿奴隶的角色中，他对其他基督教民族扮演了一个非常值得怀疑的角色。

However, there is a political reason for his unpopularity.

然而，他不受欢迎有一个政治原因。

On account of his acceptance of Turkish rule the Greek was allowed special privileges.

由于接受土耳其的统治，希腊人获得了特权。

The Turks acknowledged the Greek Church as the representative of all the Christian peoples under their rule.

土耳其人承认希腊教会是他们统治下所有基督教民族的代表。

This gave the patriarch of the Greek Church not only a spiritual but a temporal authority over the Bulgars and the Serbs, as well as over his own people, a power which was backed by Turkish troops.

这使希腊教会的宗主教不仅获得了精神上的权威，而且获得了对保加利亚人和塞尔维亚人以及他自己的人民的世俗权威，这种权力得到了土耳其军队的支持。

Putting aside those frantic outbursts of barbarity against the Christian inhabitants of his country, of which the Turk has frequently been guilty, yet never has he been so oppressive as the Greek patriarch.

土耳其人经常犯下针对本国基督徒居民的疯狂暴行，但土耳其人从来没有像希腊族长那样暴虐过。

Given power over the Slav population, the patriarch used it to its limit.

由于拥有对斯拉夫人的权力，族长将其运用到了极限。

Not only did he tax them oppressively to support a church with which they had no sympathy, but he used all efforts to stamp out every little spark of national feeling that had survived the centuries of Turkish rule.

他不仅向他们征收重税来支持一个他们不同情的教会，而且还竭尽全力消灭在土耳其统治的几个世纪中幸存下来的每一点民族感情的火花。

He forced Greek teachers on their children, and finally he made it a crime for any Slav to be heard speaking his own tongue.

他强迫孩子们上希腊语老师，最后他把任何斯拉夫人说自己的语言定为犯罪。

It was the aim to make all Turkish Christians into Greeks, and to attain this end no means was too severe.

目标是让所有土耳其基督徒变成希腊人，要达到这个目的，不惜采取任何严厉的手段。

Later, some years before the liberation of Bulgaria, the sultan gave the Bulgars the right to establish a church of their own.

后来，在保加利亚解放前几年，苏丹授予保加利亚人建立自己的教堂的权利。

And then, when he could no longer employ Turkish troops to force adherence to his church, the patriarch did not hesitate to organize secret bands of terrorists to take their place.

然后，当他无法再使用土耳其军队来强迫人们遵守他的教会时，这位宗主教毫不犹豫地组织秘密恐怖分子团体来取代他们的位置。

And this policy was followed up until just before the First Balkan War, then resumed with renewed ferocity afterward in the territory acquired after the Second Balkan War.

这一政策一直延续到第一次巴尔干战争之前，然后又在第二次巴尔干战争后获得的领土上重新变得更加残酷。

Between the Serbs and the Bulgars the hatred may be very intense at this present moment on account of the Second Balkan War and because King Ferdinand, helped by Austria and Germany, has at last accomplished his long-prepared ambition to crush Serbia.

由于第二次巴尔干战争，以及斐迪南国王在奥地利和德国的帮助下，终于实现了他准备已久的粉碎塞尔维亚的野心，塞尔维亚人和保加利亚人之间的仇恨目前可能非常激烈。

When Bulgar meets Serb they naturally fraternize.

当保加利亚人遇到塞尔维亚人时，他们自然会成为兄弟。

The prejudice between them is really artificial.

他们之间的偏见实在是人为的。

It has been partly created and wholly fanned into flame by the governing cliques for political reasons.

它部分是由统治集团出于政治原因而创造的，但又完全是由统治集团煽动起来的。

In fact, it may be said that all these hatreds would gradually die out were it not for the artificial irritation that has been kept up by the governing cliques of the respective states.

事实上，可以说，如果不是各国统治集团的人为刺激，所有这些仇恨都会逐渐消失。

The fact that they could all combine against the Turks in the First Balkan War seems evidence enough that union is not impossible, if only the various kings and their supporters would suppress their personal ambitions and greed and consider the welfare of their respective people as of the first importance.

他们在第一次巴尔干战争中联合起来对抗土耳其人的事实似乎足以证明，只要各个国王及其支持者抑制个人野心和贪婪，并把各自人民的福祉放在第一位，联合起来并非不可能。

CHAPTER XIII

第十三章

BULGARIA

保加利亚

The present war is the logical sequel of the successive scenes of the drama enacted in the Balkan theatre.

当前的战争是巴尔干剧院连续上演的戏剧场景的逻辑续集。

And though original causes may be found still farther back in history, by beginning with the liberation of Bulgaria, the whole story may be fairly well unfolded.

尽管最初的原因可以追溯到更早的历史上，但从保加利亚的解放开始，整个故事可能已经相当清楚地展开了。

All students of Balkan history are fairly well agreed on the point that the Treaty of Berlin is responsible for most of the troubles that have come since.

所有研究巴尔干历史的学生都相当同意这一点：《柏林条约》造成了此后出现的大部分麻烦。

At that time in 1877 Turkey still controlled all of the Balkan Peninsula except Greece, including Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Rumania.

1877年，土耳其仍然控制着除希腊以外的整个巴尔干半岛，包括波斯尼亚、黑塞哥维那和罗马尼亚。

Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro, however, were only nominally part of Turkey, since they were allowed to have their own ruling princes and enjoyed almost complete independence.

然而，罗马尼亚、塞尔维亚和黑山只是名义上的土耳其一部分，因为它们被允许拥有自己的执政王子并享有几乎完全的独立。

The Bulgars were still governed by Turkish pashas, and were in no way allowed to participate in their own government.

保加利亚人仍然受土耳其帕夏统治，决不允许参与自己的政府。

For many years there had been revolutionary activities among them, whose aim was to prepare and stir up the peasants to active revolt against the rule of the Turks.

他们多年来一直进行革命活动，其目的是准备和煽动农民积极反抗土耳其人的统治。

It was part of Russia's policy to encourage these conspirators, for a strong revolutionary uprising might always be the opportunity for intervention and ultimate annexation.

鼓励这些阴谋家是俄罗斯政策的一部分，因为强大的革命起义可能永远是干预和最终吞并的机会。

In the spring of 1876 a slight uprising took place under the leadership of some schoolmasters, some of whom had been educated in Russia and had there imbibed the Panslavist idea: the ultimate union of all Slavs under the autocracy of the czar.

1876年春天，在一些校长的领导下发生了一场轻微的起义，其中一些人曾在俄罗斯接受过教育，并在那里吸收了泛斯拉夫主义的思想：所有斯拉夫人最终在沙皇的独裁统治下联合起来。

At first the uprising attracted little attention; it had occurred down in southern Rumania, not far from Philippopolis.

起义一开始并没有引起多少关注。事情发生在罗马尼亚南部，距离菲利普波利斯不远。

Nor did its suppression at first attract notice, until MacGhan, the American correspondent of an English newspaper, went down to the scene of the troubles and began sending in reports to his paper, and as the European public read these descriptions in the British newspaper, their indignation rose and presently swept all over Europe in a storm of fury against the Turks.

这场镇压一开始也没有引起人们的注意，直到一家英国报纸的美国记者麦克甘亲临事发现场，开始向他的报纸发送报道。当欧洲公众在英国报纸上读到这些描述时，他们的义愤高涨，很快就以一场针对土耳其人的愤怒风暴席卷了整个欧洲。

These were what afterward became known as the Bulgarian atrocities.

这些就是后来被称为保加利亚暴行的事情。

The villagers of Batak had been preparing for some days to join the insurrection when a force of bashi-bazouks, Turkish irregulars, under the command of Achmet Agha and Mohammed Agha arrived at the place.

巴塔克的村民已经准备加入叛乱几天了，这时一支由阿赫梅特·阿加和穆罕默德·阿加指挥的土耳其非正规军巴什巴祖克部队抵达该地。

On the two Turkish leaders giving their word of honor that no harm should come to them, the villagers surrendered.

在两位土耳其领导人以名誉保证他们不会受到伤害后，村民们投降了。

No sooner had they laid down their arms than a general massacre of the whole population began; not only the men, but women and children were tortured, outraged, and hacked to pieces.

他们刚放下武器，一场针对全体人民的大屠杀就开始了。不仅男人，连女人和儿童都受到折磨、激怒，甚至被砍成碎片。

When a British commission appeared on the scene two months later to investigate, the little village church was still piled up to the windows with the corpses of those that had fled there for sanctuary.

两个月后，当英国委员会出现在现场进行调查时，村里的小教堂里仍然堆满了逃到那里避难的人的尸体。

Skulls with gray hairs still attached to them, tresses which had once adorned the heads of young girls, and the rotting limbs of small children were mingled in one gruesome heap.

仍然附着着灰色头发的头骨、曾经装饰过年轻女孩头上的头发、以及小孩子腐烂的四肢，混杂在一堆可怕的东西中。

It is said that the Ottoman High Commissioner, who was sent by the Turkish Government with the British commission to investigate, on beholding this sight, turned to one of the perpetrators who was present and asked him how much Russia had paid him for a deed which, as he phrased it, would be "the beginning of the end of the Ottoman Empire." The Turkish Government evidently did not share this pessimistic view, for it decorated the two Turks who had led the bashi-bazouks in the massacre.

据说，由土耳其政府和英国委员会派来调查的奥斯曼高级专员看到这一景象后，转向在场的一名肇事者，询问他俄罗斯为他的这一行为付了多少钱，用他的话说，这将是“奥斯曼帝国终结的开始”。土耳其政府显然不同意这种悲观的观点，因为它表彰了在大屠杀中领导巴什巴祖克的两名土耳其人。

It presently developed that Batak was not an isolated example.

目前看来，巴塔克并不是一个孤立的例子。

Mr. Baring of the British commission estimated that the total number of Bulgars slaughtered in that district during the month of May must have been 12,000.

英国委员会的巴林先生估计，5月份该地区被屠杀的保加利亚人总数一定有12,000人。

In Batak 5,000 out of a population of 7,000 had been killed.

在巴塔克，7,000 人中有 5,000 人被杀。

Never was Europe more aroused.

欧洲从未如此激动过。

Mr. Gladstone's famous pamphlet, denouncing the Turkish administration in its European provinces, went through edition after edition.

格莱斯顿先生著名的小册子谴责了土耳其在其欧洲省份的政府，该小册子一版又一版地出版。

Lord Derby, on behalf of the British Government, telegraphed that "any renewal of the outrages would be more fatal to the Turkish Government than the loss of a battle." Bulgaria, which had been forgotten for centuries, became a household word.

德比勋爵代表英国政府发电报称，“对土耳其政府来说，任何再次发生的暴行都将比一场战斗的失败更为致命”。几个世纪以来一直被遗忘的保加利亚，如今却成为家喻户晓的词。

All over the world swept a fierce popular demand that the Turk be immediately driven out of Europe.

世界各地掀起强烈的民众要求，要求立即将土耳其人赶出欧洲。

Here was Russia's opportunity.

这就是俄罗斯的机会。

In the face of this world-wide popular sentiment the policy of the European powers, especially of Austria, that Russia should not be allowed to acquire more Turkish territory, could not very well be enforced.

面对这种世界范围内的普遍情绪，欧洲列强，特别是奥地利的政策，即不应该允许俄罗斯获得更多的土耳其领土，无法得到很好的执行。

The Austrian diplomat who would object to Russia hurrying to the aid of the outraged Bulgars, her own blood kindred, would have been mobbed in his own country.

如果奥地利外交官反对俄罗斯急忙向她的亲族——愤怒的保加利亚人提供援助，那么他在自己的国家就会遭到围攻。

The hearts of people were so moved that they forgot the dark intrigues of diplomats.

人们的心被感动得忘记了外交官的黑暗阴谋。

So in the following spring Russia declared war against Turkey, and Rumania taking this opportunity to declare her complete independence, sent an army into the field to aid the Russians.

于是在第二年春天，俄罗斯对土耳其宣战，罗马尼亚借此机会宣布完全独立，派出一支军队前往战场援助俄罗斯。

The Bulgars, unorganized and untrained as they were, also gave what aid they could, especially in the storming of Shipka Pass, through which the invaders burst out into the plains of Thrace and advanced triumphantly on to the gates of Constantinople.

尽管缺乏组织和训练，保加利亚人也提供了力所能及的援助，特别是在席普卡山口的猛攻中，入侵者从这里冲进了色雷斯平原，并凯旋而至君士坦丁堡的城门。

Then the Turks cried for terms, and the famous Treaty of San Stefano, drawn up in the small town by that name just outside the Turkish capital, was the result.

然后土耳其人大声要求条款，结果就是著名的《圣斯特凡诺条约》在土耳其首都郊外的一个同名小镇上签订。

By this treaty there would have been created the "Greater Bulgaria," of which the Bulgarians have been dreaming of and fighting for ever since.

通过这项条约，将会创建“大保加利亚”，保加利亚人从那时起就一直梦想着并为之奋斗。

The Bulgaria of the San Stefano Treaty would have cut the European territories of the sultan in two, and thus effectively dismembered the Ottoman Empire.

圣斯特凡诺条约的保加利亚将把苏丹的欧洲领土一分为二，从而有效地肢解奥斯曼帝国。

In addition to a coast line on the Black Sea extending a little farther north, and considerably farther south than Bulgaria now possesses, she would have had a frontage on the Ægean Sea.

除了黑海沿岸的海岸线比保加利亚现在向北延伸一点、向南延伸相当远之外，她还将拥有一条面向爱琴海的海岸线。

Practically all of Macedonia, over to the lakes of Ochrida and Prespa, and down to near Saloniki, would have been included; the Vardar and the Struma would have been Bulgarian streams from their sources to their mouths.

实际上，整个马其顿，一直到奥赫里达湖和普雷斯帕湖，一直到萨洛尼基附近，都包括在内；瓦尔达尔河和斯特鲁马河从源头到入海口都是保加利亚的河流。

But by this time the great popular indignation against the Turks had spent itself and the diplomatic machinery of the powers began revolving again.

但此时，民众对土耳其人的巨大愤慨已经平息，列强的外交机制再次开始运转。

England, who had protested against the Bulgarian atrocities strongest, was the first to veto the plan that was to give all the Bulgarians their independence of Turkey.

英国对保加利亚的暴行提出了最强烈的抗议，并率先否决了让所有保加利亚人摆脱土耳其独立的计划。

To Lord Beaconsfield, Disraeli, himself one of a race which has suffered oppression for centuries, and then prime minister of Great Britain, belongs the honor of being the first diplomat to set in motion that intervention by the powers which was to give the Bulgars of Macedonia back into the hands of the Turks.

对于比肯斯菲尔德勋爵来说，迪斯雷利本人是一个遭受了几个世纪压迫的种族之一，后来又担任英国首相，他有幸成为第一位发起干预行动、将马其顿保加利亚人交还土耳其人手中的外交官。

There was a conference of the powers in Berlin, and there it was decided that the Treaty of San Stefano must be revised.

在柏林召开了一次列强会议，会议决定必须修改《圣斯特凡诺条约》。

The reason was that it was feared that Bulgaria would become merely a Russian province; that through Bulgaria Russia would all but have her hands on the Bosphorus, the aim of all her ambitions.

原因是人们担心保加利亚只会成为俄罗斯的一个省；通过保加利亚，俄罗斯几乎可以掌控博斯普鲁斯海峡，这是她所有野心的目标。

So the Treaty of San Stefano was torn up and the Treaty of Berlin was substituted in its place.

因此，《圣斯特凡诺条约》被撕毁，取而代之的是《柏林条约》。

By this new document, which was in force practically up until the First Balkan War, Bulgaria was created an "autonomous and tributary principality under the suzerainty of his Imperial Majesty the Sultan"; its limits were defined to be the Balkans on the south, eastern Rumelia being thus excluded from it; the Danube on the north, the Black Sea from just south of Mangalia to near Cape Emineh on the east, and Serbia on the west from the point where the Timok River joins the Danube to the point at which the two principalities and Macedonia should meet.

根据这份实际上一直有效到第一次巴尔干战争之前的新文件，保加利亚被创建为“苏丹帝国陛下宗主权下的自治附属公国”；它的边界被定义为南部的巴尔干半岛，因此东鲁米利亚被排除在外。北临多瑙河，从曼加利亚以南到东边埃米内角附近的黑海，西临塞尔维亚，从蒂莫克河与多瑙河交汇处到两个公国和马其顿的交汇点。

Thus were not only the Bulgars of eastern Rumelia and Macedonia separated from their kinsmen in the new principality, but the district of Pirot was handed over to Serbia, who had participated in both wars of 1876 and of 1877-78.

因此，不仅东鲁米利亚和马其顿的保加利亚人与新公国的亲属分离，而且皮罗特地区也被移交给塞尔维亚，后者参加了 1876 年和 1877-78 年的两次战争。

Austria's share in the spoils was Bosnia and Herzegovina, though ostensibly these two provinces were only to be under her temporary administration.

奥地利的战利品是波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那，尽管表面上这两个省份只是在她的临时管理之下。

The Berlin Treaty also provided for certain reforms of the Turkish Government in the Macedonian provinces, but as these were never carried out, and were never expected to be carried out by either the Turkish or European statesmen concerned, these provisions, known as "Article XXIII of the Treaty of Berlin," need not be described.

《柏林条约》还规定了土耳其政府在马其顿省份进行的某些改革，但由于这些改革从未实施过，而且土耳其或欧洲有关政治家也从未期望实施这些改革，因此无需描述这些被称为“柏林条约第二十三条”的规定。

This article was a mere sop thrown to whatever might be left of that public opinion which had thundered through Europe a year previously.

这篇文章只不过是对一年前席卷欧洲的公众舆论所留下的任何一点安慰。

Macedonia was handed back body and soul to Turkey, to be done with as she pleased.

马其顿的肉体和灵魂都归还给了土耳其，由她随心所欲地处理。

Herein was the cause of all the trouble that was to follow; one of the chief causes of the present Great War.

这就是接下来所有麻烦的根源。当前世界大战的主要原因之一。

It would be a mistake, however, to assume that Russia's motives had been entirely or even largely altruistic.

然而，如果认为俄罗斯的动机完全甚至很大程度上是利他主义，那就错了。

The powers had expressed the fear that a greater Bulgaria would gradually become part of the Russian Empire.

列强表示担心更大的保加利亚将逐渐成为俄罗斯帝国的一部分。

There can be no doubt that Russia thought so too.

毫无疑问，俄罗斯也是这么想的。

All her later actions point to that fact.

她后来的所有举动都指向了这一事实。

The only mistake, and this was shared by all who participated in the Treaty of Berlin alike, was the assumption that Bulgaria herself would allow this to be done.

唯一的错误是所有参加《柏林条约》的人都犯的错误，那就是假设保加利亚自己会允许这样做。

It only developed later what a stiff-necked people the Bulgars could be.

后来才发现保加利亚人是一个多么顽固的民族。

Bulgaria, as Prince Bismarck expressed it, had been put into the saddle.

正如俾斯麦亲王所说，保加利亚已被置于马鞍上。

Her next task was to learn to ride.

她的下一个任务是学习骑马。

Under the rule of the Turks there had been no opportunity to acquire political or administrative experience; all the public offices had been filled by Turks or Greeks.

在土耳其人的统治下，没有机会获得政治或行政经验；所有公职均由土耳其人或希腊人担任。

All the natural leaders of the people having been killed off by Turks and Greeks alike for centuries, the Bulgars that emerged into independence in 1878 were essentially a nation of peasants.

几个世纪以来，所有天生的人民领袖都被土耳其人和希腊人杀害，1878 年独立的保加利亚人本质上是一个农民国家。

There were very few of them who could read or write; there were no printed Bulgarian books.

他们中很少有人会读或写；没有印刷的保加利亚书籍。

Small wonder if all Europe and Russia thought that these people would not be able to govern themselves.

难怪整个欧洲和俄罗斯都认为这些人无法自治。

Until the Government of the new little nation could be organized and a ruler chosen, a Russian prince was left in the country, with a Russian army to support him to maintain order.

在这个新的小国政府组建起来并选出统治者之前，俄罗斯王子被留在该国，并有一支俄罗斯军队支持他维持秩序。

And he acted indeed as though he were governing a Russian province.

他的表现确实就像他在统治俄罗斯的一个省一样。

He gave the Bulgarians a taste of what real Russian authority might be like, and they did not like it.

他让保加利亚人尝到了真正的俄罗斯权威是什么样子，但他们不喜欢它。

This was Russia's first mistake in her capacity as guide through the first difficulties of self-government.

这是俄罗斯作为引导者克服自治的第一个困难时所犯的第一个错误。

Eventually, however, a General Assembly was called, a constitution drafted and the first ruler was selected.

然而，最终召开了大会，起草了宪法并选出了第一任统治者。

The choice fell on Prince Alexander of Battenberg, a nephew of the Russian Czar Alexander II.

选择落在了巴滕贝格的亚历山大王子身上，他是俄罗斯沙皇亚历山大二世的侄子。

At the time of his election he was only twenty-two years of age, and lived as a simple military officer in the barracks of Potsdam in Germany.

当选时他年仅二十二岁，在德国波茨坦的军营里过着简单的军官生活。

It is said that he asked the advice of Bismarck, when his election first became known to him, as to whether he should accept, and that Bismarck replied, "at least, a reign in Bulgaria will always be a pleasant reminiscence." Bismarck was one of those who had drafted the Treaty of Berlin and had no faith in the stability of any possible government the Bulgars could organize for themselves.

据说，当他第一次知道自己当选时，他曾向俾斯麦询问是否应该接受，俾斯麦回答说：“至少，在保加利亚的统治将永远是一个愉快的回忆。”俾斯麦是《柏林条约》的起草者之一，他对保加利亚人可以为自己组建的任何可能的政府的稳定性不抱任何信心。

On July 9, 1879, Prince Alexander took the oath to the constitution at Tirnovo.

1879 年 7 月 9 日，亚历山大王子在特尔诺沃宣誓制定宪法。

A week later the Russian army of occupation evacuated the country.

一周后，俄罗斯占领军撤离该国。

But if the Russian soldiers had left the country there were still plenty of Russians left in Bulgaria.

但即使俄罗斯士兵离开了这个国家，保加利亚仍然有很多俄罗斯人。

The president of the council, the minister of war, the chief of police, the governor of Sofia, the capital, and 300 superior officers in the Bulgarian army that was presently organized, were all Russians.

委员会主席、战争部长、警察局长、首都索非亚总督以及目前组建的保加利亚军队中的300名高级军官都是俄罗斯人。

The Russian agent, M.

俄罗斯特工，M.

Hitrovo, cleverly worked on the national dread of Austria, and tried to play the part of a British political resident at the court of an Indian prince.

希特罗沃巧妙地利用了奥地利的民族恐惧，并试图扮演印度王子宫廷中的英国政治居民的角色。

This continued until 1883, when suddenly Prince Alexander dismissed all his Russian advisers, and Bulgarians were established in their places.

这种情况一直持续到 1883 年，亚历山大王子突然解雇了他所有的俄罗斯顾问，保加利亚人取代了他们的位置。

Naturally, Russia was enraged.

俄罗斯自然被激怒了。

By this time Alexander's uncle, the Czar of Russia, had died, and Czar Alexander III, his cousin, was now ruler of Russia.

此时亚历山大的叔叔、俄罗斯沙皇已经去世，他的表弟沙皇亚历山大三世现在是俄罗斯的统治者。

One night not long after the dismissal of the Russian advisers two Russian generals, Skobeleff and Kaulbars, arrived at the palace and demanded an audience of the prince.

俄罗斯顾问被解职后不久的一天晚上，两名俄罗斯将军斯科贝莱夫和考尔巴尔抵达宫殿，要求觐见王子。

The sentry refused them admittance, and when they attempted to force their way past him the soldier drew his side arm and threatened to strike them down.

哨兵拒绝他们进入，当他们试图强行越过哨兵时，士兵抽出侧臂威胁要击倒他们。

The guard was called; a carriage which stood at the palace gates and from which the two Russian generals had alighted was searched, and evidence was discovered that the prince was to have been kidnapped to the Danube, thence over into Russia.

警卫被叫来了；两名俄罗斯将军在宫门口下车的一辆马车遭到搜查，发现的证据表明王子将被绑架到多瑙河，从那里进入俄罗斯。

Proclamations announcing Alexander's expulsion from Bulgaria, and the formation of a provisional government under the two leading conspirators, proved conclusively the complicity of Russia.

宣布亚历山大被驱逐出保加利亚，并在两个主要阴谋者的领导下组建临时政府，最终证明了俄罗斯的同谋。

Thanks to the support that he received from the Bulgarian officers about him, Alexander was saved and the plot was exposed to Russia's humiliation.

由于保加利亚军官的支持，亚历山大得救了，阴谋也暴露在俄罗斯的耻辱之下。

Also, it showed the Bulgars to what measures Russia would resort to force her will upon them.

此外，它还向保加利亚人展示了俄罗斯将采取哪些措施将自己的意志强加于他们。

CHAPTER XIV

第十四章

WAR WITH SERBIA

与塞尔维亚的战争

Meanwhile down in Eastern Rumelia the bitter disappointment caused by the separation of the two Bulgarias by the Treaty of Berlin had increased.

与此同时，在东鲁米利亚，柏林条约将两个保加利亚分开所造成的痛苦失望情绪与日俱增。

On the morning of September 18, 1885, as Gavril Pasha, the Turkish governor, was quietly sipping his coffee in his home in Philippopolis a group of Bulgarian officers rushed in and took him prisoner.

1885 年 9 月 18 日早晨，当土耳其总督加夫里尔帕夏在菲利波波利斯的家中静静地喝咖啡时，一群保加利亚军官冲进来将他俘虏。

The pasha yielded to superior force; without the shedding of a drop of blood the revolutionists took possession.

帕夏屈服于优势力量。革命者不流一滴血就占领了这里。

Union with Bulgaria was proclaimed.

与保加利亚的联盟宣告成立。

Prince Alexander, fearing the international complications that might follow, hesitated, but his Bulgarian advisers insisted, so on September 20 he issued a proclamation announcing himself as "Prince of North and South Bulgaria."

亚历山大王子担心随之而来的国际复杂情况犹豫不决，但他的保加利亚顾问坚持认为，因此他于 9 月 20 日发布公告，宣布自己为“保加利亚南北王子”。

Naturally, in the commotion among the diplomats which followed, it might be supposed that those who had drafted the Treaty of Berlin would insist on its being observed, and that Russia would welcome the Greater Bulgaria she had planned at San Stefano.

当然，在随后外交官们的骚动中，人们可能会认为，《柏林条约》的起草者会坚持要求遵守该条约，而俄罗斯也会欢迎她在圣斯特凡诺计划的大保加利亚。

But just the contrary happened.

但事实恰恰相反。

England, now under the guidance of Gladstone, threatened a naval demonstration before the Dardanelles if Turkey interfered.

现在在格莱斯顿的指导下，英国威胁说，如果土耳其干涉，他们将在达达尼尔海峡前进行海军示威。

Russia, on her part, was furious; she pressed Turkey to march an army up into south Bulgaria.

俄罗斯方面则非常愤怒。她敦促土耳其向保加利亚南部进军。

Turkey, however, had no desire to be interviewed by the British ships.

然而，土耳其并不想接受英国船只的采访。

Thus Russia and England had changed places in their attitude toward Bulgaria.

因此，俄罗斯和英国对保加利亚的态度发生了转变。

Both had realized that they had made a mistake seven years previously; that Bulgaria herself would have a word to say as to whether she was to become a Russian province.

两人都意识到七年前自己犯了一个错误；保加利亚本人对于是否成为俄罗斯的一个省有话要说。

Having failed to persuade Turkey to take military steps to bring Eastern Rumelia back under her rule, Russia now turned to Serbia.

由于未能说服土耳其采取军事措施将东鲁米利亚重新置于其统治之下，俄罗斯现在转向塞尔维亚。

Greece and Serbia were also furious that Bulgaria should suddenly acquire territory without their having a share in it, thus making her the biggest nation of the Balkans.

希腊和塞尔维亚也对保加利亚突然获得领土而自己没有参与感到愤怒，从而使保加利亚成为巴尔干地区最大的国家。

So Serbia and Russia intrigued together.

于是塞尔维亚和俄罗斯勾结在一起。

The result was that, like the proverbial bolt out of a clear sky, Serbia hurled a declaration of war at Bulgaria and began marching her army across the frontier toward Sofia.

结果，就像众所周知的晴天霹雳一样，塞尔维亚向保加利亚宣战，并开始率军越过边境向索非亚进军。

The Bulgarian army was in Eastern Rumelia at the time, expecting trouble from the Turks.

当时保加利亚军队正在东鲁米利亚，期待土耳其人的麻烦。

When the news came that the Serbians were attacking them from the rear, they began rushing up north.

当塞尔维亚人从后方攻击他们的消息传来时，他们开始向北冲去。

They packed themselves into the box cars on the railroad like dried fish, and they clung to the tops like insects.

他们像干鱼一样挤进铁路上的车厢，又像昆虫一样攀附在车顶上。

Meanwhile the people of Belgrade toasted their sovereign, King Milan, as "King of Serbia and Macedonia."

与此同时，贝尔格莱德人民庆祝他们的君主米兰国王为“塞尔维亚和马其顿国王”。

Three days later the Serbian army was well on the road over the frontier toward the Bulgarian capital.

三天后，塞尔维亚军队已经越过边境，向保加利亚首都进发。

Suddenly, at Slivnitza, a small town just over the frontier, the Bulgars burst down on them.

突然，在边境附近的一个小镇斯利夫尼察，保加利亚人突然向他们发起进攻。

At their head rushed a brigade of 3,000 Macedonian "brigands," natives of that territory that the Treaty of Berlin had cut off from Bulgaria.

率领他们的是一支由 3,000 名马其顿“强盗”组成的旅，他们是柏林条约与保加利亚隔绝的那片领土上的当地人。

With the Bulgarian army was also a corps of 6,000 Mohammedan volunteers who rushed into the battle with as much enthusiasm as their Christian fellows.

保加利亚军队中还有一支由 6,000 名伊斯兰教志愿者组成的军团，他们像基督徒同伴一样热情地投入战斗。

At that moment Bulgaria reaped the benefits of the tolerance she had shown the Mohammedan population during the seven years of her independence.

在那一刻，保加利亚受益于她在独立七年中对穆斯林人民表现出的宽容。

They were now good Bulgarian citizens.

他们现在是保加利亚的好公民。

The war with Serbia lasted just three days.

与塞尔维亚的战争只持续了三天。

At the end of that time the Serbians were flying, a panic-stricken mob, back across the frontier toward Belgrade, the Bulgars at their heels.

在那段时间结束时，塞尔维亚人像一群惊慌失措的暴民一样，飞奔穿过边境，向贝尔格莱德方向飞去，保加利亚人紧随其后。

At their head, in the midst of the flying bullets, rode Prince Alexander.

在他们的头头，在飞舞的子弹中间，骑着亚历山大王子。

The war was won in spite of the fact that all the Russian officers, acting on secret instruction from home, had resigned on the day before the battle.

尽管所有俄罗斯军官都按照国内秘密指示在战斗前一天辞职，但战争还是取得了胜利。

The Bulgarian army had already advanced to and occupied Pirot, and was preparing to continue on to Belgrade, when Count Khevenhüller, the Austrian Minister to Serbia, arrived at Bulgarian headquarters and informed Prince Alexander that if the Bulgarians continued their advance the Serbians would be joined by Austrian troops.

保加利亚军队已经挺进并占领了皮罗特，并准备继续向贝尔格莱德进军，这时奥地利驻塞尔维亚公使赫芬胡勒伯爵抵达保加利亚总部，通知亚历山大亲王，如果保加利亚人继续前进，奥地利军队将与塞尔维亚人会合。

The prince yielded to superior force, and in March, 1886, a treaty of peace was signed at Bucharest.

王子屈服于优势武力，并于 1886 年 3 月在布加勒斯特签署了和平条约。

Serbia did not cede a single yard of territory, nor did she pay one cent of indemnity.

塞尔维亚没有割让一码领土，也没有支付一分钱的赔款。

Not only Russia, but Austria, was beginning to fear Bulgaria; neither wanted a really formidable power in the Balkans.

不仅俄罗斯，奥地利也开始害怕保加利亚。两人都不希望在巴尔干地区拥有真正强大的力量。

But at any rate the union with Eastern Rumelia was accomplished and remained a fact.

但无论如何，与东鲁米利亚的联合已经完成，并且仍然是事实。

Again Russian intrigue had failed; again Bulgaria had not only shown her capacity for managing her own affairs, but she had also shown that her soldiers could fight.

俄罗斯的阴谋再次失败。保加利亚不仅再次展示了她管理自己事务的能力，而且还展示了她的士兵能够战斗。

All Europe was surprised.

全欧洲都感到惊讶。

It was not supposed that the army of this little nation, whose people only eight years ago had been all slaves, could meet trained troops in action.

人们不认为这个小国的军队能够在战斗中遇到训练有素的军队，八年前，这个小国的人民还都是奴隶。

Russia now made immediately another mistake in attributing her humiliation to Prince Alexander, the good-natured boy who was supposed to rule Bulgaria.

俄罗斯立即犯了另一个错误，将自己的耻辱归咎于亚历山大王子，这个本应统治保加利亚的好心男孩。

She was now determined to be revenged on him.

她现在下定决心，一定要向他报仇。

Nor did the Russian agents wait long before taking action.

俄罗斯特工也没有等待太久就采取了行动。

Peace had hardly been declared between Bulgaria and Serbia when they began laying their plans.

保加利亚和塞尔维亚刚刚宣布和平就开始制定计划。

A rumor having been spread that the Serbians were going to resume their attack, all the troops were taken out of Sofia and sent away toward the frontier.

谣言四起，塞尔维亚人要恢复进攻，所有军队都被撤出索非亚，送往边境。

Then a regiment, on which the conspirators, the Russian agents and some Bulgarian officers whom they had bribed, felt they could count, was smuggled into the capital.

然后，密谋者、俄罗斯特工和他们贿赂的一些保加利亚军官认为他们可以信赖的一个团被偷运到首都。

At two o'clock in the morning on August 21, 1886, the Bulgarian officers in the pay of the conspirators rushed into the palace, forced the prince at the point of a revolver to sign his own abdication, then kidnapped him in a carriage, taking him off to the Danube, where he was put on board of a boat under heavy guard and taken to Russia.

1886年8月21日凌晨两点，受阴谋者雇佣的保加利亚军官冲进王宫，用左轮手枪逼迫王子签署退位书，然后将他绑架到一辆马车上，把他带到多瑙河，在重兵把守下，把他押上一艘小船，带到了俄罗斯。

Meanwhile the conspirators, among whom was the metropolitan of the Bulgarian Church, Clement, issued a proclamation establishing themselves as the provisional government, and assuring the people that it would have the hearty support of the "Little White Father" in St. Petersburg.

与此同时，包括保加利亚教会都主教克莱门特在内的阴谋者发布了一份公告，成立临时政府，并向人民保证，它将得到圣彼得堡“小白神父”的衷心支持。

This proclamation had hardly been launched when Stambuloff, the Speaker of the National Assembly, issued another proclamation, in his official capacity, in which he declared the metropolitan, Clement, and the other known conspirators outlaws, and appealed to the Bulgarian people to defend the independence of their Government.

这项公告刚发布，国民议会议长斯坦布洛夫就以官方身份发布了另一项公告，宣布都主教克莱门特和其他已知的阴谋者为非法分子，并呼吁保加利亚人民捍卫政府的独立性。

And the people did rise to his support, all over the country, so decidedly and with so much enthusiasm that the members of the provisional government fled.

全国各地的人民确实如此坚定、如此热情地支持他，以至于临时政府的成员纷纷逃离。

Thereupon Stambuloff and two other officials of the National Assembly assumed control of the Government until the prince could be found.

随后，斯坦布洛夫和国民议会的另外两名官员接管了政府，直到找到王子为止。

Telegrams were sent all over Europe, and finally the Russian authorities were obliged to set the prince free, whereupon he reappeared in Lemberg, whence he returned to Bulgaria.

电报被发送到整个欧洲，最后俄罗斯当局被迫释放了王子，随后他再次出现在伦贝格，并从那里返回了保加利亚。

But the experience had apparently thoroughly frightened the prince.

但这次经历显然彻底吓坏了王子。

On landing at Rustchuk on the Danube, he sent a telegram to the czar, saying: "Russia gave me my crown; I am ready to return it to her sovereign." So on September 7, in spite of the protests of Stambuloff and the other members of the Government, he abdicated in earnest and next day he left Bulgaria forever.

在多瑙河上的鲁斯特楚克登陆后，他给沙皇发了一封电报，说道：“俄罗斯给了我我的王冠；我准备将其归还给她的君主。”于是，9月7日，他不顾斯坦布洛夫和其他政府成员的抗议，认真退位，第二天就永远离开了保加利亚。

CHAPTER XV

第十五章

WORK OF STAMBULOFF

斯坦布洛夫的作品

A delegation was then sent wandering around Europe for another sovereign, and after much difficulty the final choice fell on Prince Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, whose mother, Princess Clementine, was the granddaughter of King Louis Philippe, his father being an Austrian nobleman of large means.

随后派出一个代表团在欧洲各地寻找另一位君主，经过一番艰难之后，最终的选择落到了萨克森-科堡-哥达的斐迪南亲王身上，他的母亲克莱门汀公主是路易·菲利普国王的孙女，他的父亲是一位富有的奥地利贵族。

On August 14, 1887, he took the oath and was installed on the throne which he still occupies, though now as king.

1887 年 8 月 14 日，他宣誓就位，尽管现在是国王，但他仍然占据着王位。

He immediately did what made him ever afterward bitterly hated by the Russian Government, namely, requested Stambuloff, he who had uncovered Russia's latest intrigue and conspiracy, to become prime minister, a post which he occupied for the next seven years, constantly fighting Russian influence.

他立即做出了令他日后被俄罗斯政府痛恨的事情，即要求揭露俄罗斯最新阴谋和阴谋的斯坦布洛夫出任总理，并在接下来的七年里一直担任该职位，不断与俄罗斯的影响作斗争。

Stephen Stambuloff, the son of an innkeeper, born in 1854, and one of the early revolutionary agitators among his own people, has often been referred to as the "Bismarck of the Balkans." He was, undoubtedly, the biggest statesman that the Balkans has yet produced, unless time shall decide that Venizelos is another such as he.

史蒂芬·斯坦布洛夫 (Stephen Stambuloff) 是一位旅店老板的儿子，出生于 1854 年，是本国人民中早期的革命煽动者之一，经常被称为“巴尔干半岛的俾斯麦”。毫无疑问，他是巴尔干地区迄今为止最伟大的政治家，除非时间决定韦尼泽洛斯是另一个像他这样的人。

In the hands of Stambuloff Prince Ferdinand was nothing but a puppet, and so he continued for some years, until he became acquainted with the language, customs, and mental qualities of his people.

在斯坦布洛夫手中，斐迪南王子只不过是一个傀儡，所以他继续了几年，直到他熟悉了他的人民的语言、习俗和精神品质。

Then the two fell out.

然后两人就摔倒了。

But to the end Stambuloff was the real ruler, and under his guidance Bulgaria made that progress, both in military organization and in education, which was the surprise of the world when the First Balkan War broke out.

但最终斯坦布洛夫才是真正的统治者，在他的指导下，保加利亚无论是在军事组织还是在教育方面都取得了进步，这在第一次巴尔干战争爆发时令世界惊讶。

It now dawned on Russia that it was Bulgaria herself that was opposed to her intrigues and not the princes who happened to occupy her throne.

俄罗斯现在意识到，反对她的阴谋的是保加利亚本人，而不是碰巧占据她王位的王子。

And the leader of the Bulgarians was undoubtedly Stambuloff, a peasant himself and the son of a peasant.

保加利亚人的领袖无疑是斯坦布洛夫，他本人就是农民，也是农民的儿子。

His downfall must be brought about.

必须让他垮台。

From the very beginning of his reign Ferdinand had not been recognized by the Russian Government.

从斐迪南统治之初起，他就没有得到俄罗斯政府的承认。

As he began to feel himself more secure in his throne he began to work for this recognition, as well as for the favor of all the reigning monarchs of Europe.

当他开始感到自己的王位更加安全时，他开始努力争取这种认可，并争取欧洲所有在位君主的青睐。

With this end in view he began intriguing, and as an intriguer, Ferdinand is the cleverest of all the Balkan monarchs.

带着这个目的，费迪南德开始了阴谋，而作为一个阴谋家，费迪南德是所有巴尔干君主中最聪明的。

Thus it was that he finally dismissed Stambuloff from office on May 31, 1894, an act which he found all the easier because Stambuloff had made many enemies among his own people by his brusque, almost brutal, ways.

因此，他最终于 1894 年 5 月 31 日解除了斯坦布洛夫的职务，他发现这一行动变得更加容易，因为斯坦布洛夫以其粗暴、近乎残酷的方式在自己的人民中树敌很多。

But in spite of the wave of unpopularity that happened to be sweeping over him at the time, there could be no doubt that a man of Stambuloff's abilities would again rise to power.

尽管当时不受欢迎的浪潮席卷了他，但毫无疑问，像斯坦布洛夫这样有能力的人将再次掌权。

Only one thing could prevent that.

只有一件事可以阻止这种情况发生。

And that one thing was brought to pass by his enemies.

而这一件事是他的敌人促成的。

In the evening of July 15, 1895, as he was driving home from his club, three men sprang up on his carriage and literally hacked him to pieces.

1895 年 7 月 15 日晚上，当他从俱乐部开车回家时，三名男子跳上他的马车，把他砍成了碎片。

Thus ended the comparatively short career of the man who had most to do with defeating Russian intrigues in Bulgaria.

至此，这位与击败俄罗斯在保加利亚的阴谋做出了最大贡献的人相对较短的职业生涯就结束了。

His murderers, though identified, were never arrested or punished, and found safe refuge in Russia.

谋杀他的凶手虽然已被查明，但从未被捕或受到惩罚，并在俄罗斯找到了安全的避难所。

But for all that his enemies gained by his death, Stambuloff might as well have continued to live.

如果不是他的敌人因他的死而获得的一切，斯坦布洛夫还不如继续活下去。

One of the strongest political parties in Bulgaria is still named after him, and bases its appeal on his policies.

保加利亚最强大的政党之一仍然以他的名字命名，并以他的政策为基础。

And ever after every Bulgarian who knows the short history of his country has hated the Russian Government, though this sentiment does not include the Russian people.

从此以后，每一个了解自己国家短暂历史的保加利亚人都憎恨俄罗斯政府，尽管这种情绪不包括俄罗斯人民。

In fact, nowhere in all Europe have Russian political exiles found more secure refuge than in Bulgaria, where they are received with hearty welcome, and the abler ones of them offered Government employment.

事实上，在整个欧洲，俄罗斯政治流亡者找不到比保加利亚更安全的避难所，他们在那里受到热烈欢迎，其中更有能力的人还为政府提供了就业机会。

As an instance: the national university in Sofia was founded by a Russian scholar upon the invitation of the Bulgarian Government.

例如：索非亚国立大学是一位俄罗斯学者应保加利亚政府邀请创办的。

Had this same Russian scholar dared to cross over the Russian frontier he would have been arrested immediately, and, if not hung, have been sent into exile to Siberia.

如果这位俄罗斯学者胆敢越过俄罗斯边境，他就会立即被捕，如果没有绞死，就会被流放到西伯利亚。

Again and again Russia has demanded that certain notable refugees living in Bulgaria be delivered up to her, but always Bulgaria has refused.

俄罗斯一次又一次要求将居住在保加利亚的某些著名难民交给她，但保加利亚总是拒绝。

The Bulgars love the Russian people; they hate the Russian autocracy.

保加利亚人热爱俄罗斯人民；他们讨厌俄罗斯的独裁统治。

Meanwhile important events were developing down in Macedonia.

与此同时，马其顿正在发生重要事件。

The people throughout this region, with the exception of the few Greeks along the sea shores, had been bitterly disappointed by the Treaty of Berlin, which delivered them back into the hands of the Turks.

除了沿海的少数希腊人外，整个地区的人民都对《柏林条约》感到非常失望，该条约将他们重新交到了土耳其人手中。

It soon became obvious that even the reforms promised by the XXIII Article of that document were to remain meaningless; the Turkish Government did not even pretend to put them into effect.

很快人们就发现，即使该文件第 23 条所承诺的改革也毫无意义。土耳其政府甚至没有假装将其付诸实施。

During this period many young Macedonian peasant boys crossed the frontier over into free Bulgaria, where the excellent schools being established offered them opportunity to obtain an education that had never before been available to Bulgars.

在此期间，许多年轻的马其顿农民男孩越过边境进入自由的保加利亚，在那里建立的优秀学校为他们提供了获得保加利亚人从未获得过的教育的机会。

These young fellows returned to Macedonia unobtrusively and quietly by exerting their influence on the peasants.

这些年轻人悄悄地回到马其顿，对农民施加了影响。

At first they merely instructed them in reading and writing; then they inaugurated evening gatherings where things of the outside world were discussed.

起初，他们只是指导他们阅读和写作；然后他们开始晚上聚会，讨论外面世界的事情。

Two of the most prominent of these young educators were Damyan Grueff and Gotze Deltcheff, now worshipped by the common peasants as the martyr heroes of their movement for freedom.

这些年轻教育家中最著名的两位是达米安·格鲁夫和格策·德尔切夫，他们现在被普通农民崇拜为自由运动的烈士英雄。

It was Grueff and Deltcheff who first gave these early efforts a definite turn.

格鲁夫和德尔切夫首先给这些早期的努力带来了明确的转变。

They began organizing the villagers into societies whose object was distinctly revolutionary.

他们开始将村民组织成具有明显革命目标的社团。

But during all their careers neither of these two men advocated union with Bulgaria.

但在他们的整个职业生涯中，这两个人都没有主张与保加利亚合并。

Later on, as will be shown, they became bitterly opposed to that idea, as did all of their followers and disciples.

后来，正如我们将要展示的那样，他们和他们所有的追随者和门徒一样强烈反对这个想法。

They wanted to create a program for their organization which should be acceptable to all the people of Macedonia; Greeks, Serbs, Vlachs and even Mohammedans, as well as Bulgars.

他们希望为他们的组织制定一个应该为所有马其顿人民所接受的计划；希腊人、塞尔维亚人、瓦拉几人，甚至伊斯兰教徒，还有保加利亚人。

So they preached the idea of "Macedonia for the Macedonians;" Macedonia to be either an entirely separate nation by itself, or an autonomous state, under Turkish suzerainty.

因此他们宣扬“马其顿人的马其顿”的理念；马其顿要么成为一个完全独立的国家，要么成为土耳其宗主权下的自治国家。

Their organization had a more immediate purpose, however.

然而，他们的组织有一个更直接的目的。

And that was to establish some sort of order in the midst of Turkish anarchy.

那就是在土耳其的无政府状态中建立某种秩序。

The trouble with the Turkish rule was not that it ruled too much, but that it ruled too little.

土耳其统治的问题不是统治太多，而是统治太少。

Brigands, both Mohammedan and Christian, ranged the mountain regions, preying on the poor peasants.

伊斯兰教徒和基督教徒的强盗在山区横行，掠夺贫苦农民。

Turkish troops made no special efforts to check them.

土耳其军队没有采取特别措施来阻止他们。

Turkish courts were so corrupt that justice was a joke.

土耳其法院腐败至极，正义就是个笑话。

Though there was a tendency on the part of the courts to favor their own people, all other things being equal, still that was not the chief grievance of the Macedonian peasants.

尽管在其他条件相同的情况下，法院倾向于偏袒自己的人民，但这仍然不是马其顿农民的主要不满。

The trouble was that the courts could always be bought and a case always went against the poor man, whether he was Christian or Mohammedan.

问题在于，法院总是可以被收买的，而案件总是针对穷人，无论他是基督徒还是伊斯兰教徒。

And finally, in some sections of Macedonia, especially down around Monastir, toward the Greek frontier, the Greek Church was still enjoying the same authority over Bulgar communities that it had once enjoyed up in Bulgaria.

最后，在马其顿的一些地区，特别是莫纳斯提尔周围，靠近希腊边境的地方，希腊教会仍然享有对保加利亚社区的同样权威，就像它曾经在保加利亚享有的那样。

To add to this trouble, the Greek patriarch was again attempting to push his propaganda all over the country, employing armed bands to terrorize the villagers into declaring themselves Greeks.

雪上加霜的是，希腊族长再次试图在全国范围内进行宣传，使用武装团体恐吓村民，让他们宣称自己是希腊人。

This, of course, was a campaign carried on in conjunction with the Greek Government, which wished to Hellenize Macedonia against the day when Turkey should be driven out, so that it could lay claim to the country on the strength of "blood kindred."

当然，这是与希腊政府联合进行的一场运动，希腊政府希望在土耳其被驱逐的那一天将马其顿希腊化，以便它可以凭借“血缘亲属”的力量对这个国家提出主权要求。

Over and over again the Bulgar communities sent delegations to the Turkish padisha complaining of these evils, but no measures were ever taken to remedy them.

保加利亚社区一次又一次地派代表团到土耳其帕迪沙抱怨这些罪恶，但从未采取任何措施予以纠正。

The brigands continued unmolested, the courts remained corrupt and as for curtailing the power of the Greek Church, that was distinctly against the policy of the sultan.

强盗继续不受干扰，法院仍然腐败，至于限制希腊教会的权力，这显然违背了苏丹的政策。

With the Bulgars in overwhelming majority, he considered it wise to confer his privileges on the fewer Greeks, thus to rouse a mutual hatred between the two peoples, so they should not join together and make common cause against him.

由于保加利亚人占绝大多数，他认为明智的做法是将自己的特权授予少数希腊人，从而激起两国人民之间的相互仇恨，使他们不应该联合起来反对他。

CHAPTER XVI

第十六章

ATTEMPTS AT REFORM IN MACEDONIA

马其顿的改革尝试

The first object of the organization which Grueff and Deltcheff set about forming was to remedy this evil.

格鲁夫和德尔切夫着手组建的组织的首要目标就是纠正这一弊病。

In each village they established a local committee, composed of the more intelligent villagers, whose function it should be to take the place of the Turkish courts.

他们在每个村庄建立了一个地方委员会，由更聪明的村民组成，其职能应该是取代土耳其法院。

The members of these secret tribunals were elected democratically by the villagers themselves.

这些秘密法庭的成员是由村民自己民主选举产生的。

Later on they elected local delegates to provincial committees, which acted as courts of higher appeal, to which a defendant on trial might appeal should he feel that local sentiment was prejudiced against him.

后来，他们选举了省级委员会的地方代表，省级委员会充当高级上诉法院，如果受审的被告认为当地情绪对他有偏见，他可以向该法院提出上诉。

Later on, when these committees spread all over the country, yearly congresses were held, the first of which drew up a constitution for what was nothing less than a secret provisional government for the underground republic of Macedonia.

后来，当这些委员会遍布全国时，每年举行代表大会，第一次代表大会起草了一部宪法，该宪法实际上是马其顿地下共和国的秘密临时政府。

Such was the beginning and the first purposes of the famous Macedonian Committee, so called because authority was always vested in the hands of committees, rather than with individuals, so strong was the democratic sentiment of the people.

这就是著名的马其顿委员会的起源和首要目的，之所以如此称呼，是因为权力始终掌握在委员会而不是个人手中，人民的民主情绪如此强烈。

The next thing was to get rid of the brigands.

接下来的事情就是除掉土匪。

To accomplish that the provincial committees organized and maintained armed bands, which patrolled the mountains of the territory assigned to them.

为了实现这一目标，各省委员会组织并维持了武装部队，在指定的地区的山区巡逻。

Numbering all the way from ten men to fifty each, these bands protected the villages from the bandits and even hunted them down.

这些队伍的人数从十到五十人不等，他们保护村庄免受土匪侵害，甚至追捕他们。

And, naturally, when the terrorist bands of the Greek Church became active, they were confronted by the armed bands of the committee.

当然，当希腊教会的恐怖团伙活跃起来时，他们就会遇到委员会的武装团伙。

It is notable that when the existence of the Macedonian Committee and its small local armed forces first became known to the outside world, it was not the Turkish Government which showed most animosity.

值得注意的是，当马其顿委员会及其小型地方武装部队的存在首次为外界所知时，表现出最大敌意的并不是土耳其政府。

In fact, for a long time the Turks rather treated the committee much as they had treated the brigands; that is, let them alone, so long as they did not cross their path, and the committee did not set out to molest the Turks.

事实上，长期以来，土耳其人对待委员会就像对待强盗一样。也就是说，不要打扰他们，只要他们不妨碍他们，而且委员会也没有打算骚扰土耳其人。

It was the Greek Church, and the Greek and Serbian Governments that became most excited.

最兴奋的是希腊教会、希腊和塞尔维亚政府。

Both the Greeks and the Serbians had been making every effort to arouse a "spirit of nationalism" of their own brand among the Macedonians.

希腊人和塞尔维亚人一直在尽一切努力在马其顿人中激发他们自己品牌的“民族主义精神”。

The committee was distinctly going to counteract their influence and efforts by arousing a spirit of nationality among the Macedonians which was neither Serbian nor Bulgarian nor Greek.

该委员会显然要通过激发马其顿人的民族精神来抵消他们的影响和努力，这种民族精神既不是塞尔维亚人，也不是保加利亚人，也不是希腊人。

And when the Bulgarian Government understood this thoroughly it showed itself equally unfriendly.

当保加利亚政府彻底理解这一点时，它也表现出同样的不友好。

For Prince Ferdinand and his clique dreamed of the Greater Bulgaria which they should rule.

因为斐迪南王子和他的集团梦想着他们应该统治的大保加利亚。

They wanted no autonomous Macedonia; even less did they want an independent Macedonia.

他们不想要自治的马其顿；他们更不想要一个独立的马其顿。

It was along in the later nineties that the Macedonian Committee began assuming such proportions as to attract the attention of the Balkan Governments.

直到九十年代后期，马其顿委员会的规模才开始吸引巴尔干各国政府的注意。

They began preparations for counteracting its influence, even for its destruction.

他们开始准备抵消它的影响，甚至摧毁它。

So they organized armed bands, commanded by army officers "on furlough," or, in some cases, by the very brigand chiefs whom the committee had driven out.

因此，他们组织了武装团体，由“休假”的军官指挥，或者在某些情况下，由委员会驱逐的强盗首领指挥。

These bands were sent across the frontier to "arouse the national spirit" among the peasants.

这些乐队被派往边境，以“激发农民的民族精神”。

From the very first the Bulgarian bands fought the forces of the committee as did the Greeks.

从一开始，保加利亚乐队就和希腊乐队一样与委员会的势力作斗争。

Neither ever penetrated very far into the country from their respective frontiers, for the peasants were opposed to them and would not feed them, though they had plenty of money and did succeed in bribing some.

他们都没有从各自的边境深入到这个国家很远的地方，因为农民反对他们，不肯养活他们，尽管他们有很多钱，而且确实成功地贿赂了一些人。

They did, however, do a great deal of damage among the villages near the frontiers and, instead of arousing any national spirit, only planted a deep hatred in the hearts of the Macedonians for their respective governments.

然而，他们确实对边境附近的村庄造成了巨大的破坏，不但没有唤起任何民族精神，反而在马其顿人心中埋下了对各自政府的深深仇恨。

But of the three forces, Greek, Bulgarian, and Serbian, the Bulgars and Greeks were by far the most ferocious.

但在希腊人、保加利亚人和塞尔维亚人这三支军队中，保加利亚人和希腊人是迄今为止最凶猛的。

The Serbs were inclined to fight fair, attacking only the committee's bands and such villages as sheltered them.

塞尔维亚人倾向于公平战斗，只攻击委员会的乐队和庇护他们的村庄。

The Greeks and Bulgars knew no such restrictions.

希腊人和保加利亚人不知道这样的限制。

They burned whole villages, massacred whole communities, including women and children, and frequently outraged women.

他们烧毁了整个村庄，屠杀了整个社区，包括妇女和儿童，并经常激怒妇女。

And wherever they left their bloody marks behind, there they also left the official seal of their master, rudely drawn on rocks or charred timbers--a bishop's miter and cross.

无论他们在哪里留下血迹，他们也留下了主人的官方印章，粗暴地画在岩石或烧焦的木头上——主教的法冠和十字架。

Between the committee's armed forces and the propagandist bands sent over by Prince Ferdinand's Government there were open hostilities.

委员会的武装部队和斐迪南亲王政府派来的宣传乐队之间存在着公开的敌对行动。

The peasants complained to the committee that some of Ferdinand's band leaders, those who had formerly been brigands, were beginning to resort to their old practices, though now they described their robberies as "contributions to the cause of the revolution." The Macedonians fought Bulgars as bitterly and fiercely as they fought Greeks and Serbs.

农民们向委员会抱怨说，费迪南德的一些帮派头目，那些以前是强盗的人，开始重蹈覆辙，尽管现在他们将自己的抢劫描述为“对革命事业的贡献”。马其顿人与保加利亚人的战斗就像他们与希腊人和塞尔维亚人的战斗一样激烈。

For months a bloody war was waged in the mountain forests of northern Macedonia.

几个月来，马其顿北部的山区森林里发生了一场血腥的战争。

The committee's forces had the support of the population.

该委员会的力量得到了民众的支持。

The invaders had the advantage of a bigger supply of arms and ammunition, and that finally told.

入侵者拥有更多武器和弹药供应的优势，这一点最终说明了一切。

Little by little the bands of the committee were driven back.

委员会的成员们逐渐被赶了回来。

And just at that juncture an authority of the organization, the Executive Committee, was betrayed by a Greek spy.

就在这个时候，该组织的一个权威——执行委员会——被一名希腊间谍出卖了。

These leaders, who had charge of the organization's funds, were arrested and imprisoned.

这些负责该组织资金的领导人遭到逮捕和监禁。

Without funds the bands in the field were cut off from further supplies of arms and ammunition, which had been supplied in large part by illicit Greek and Turkish traders.

由于没有资金，战场上的部队被切断了武器和弹药的进一步供应，而这些武器和弹药大部分是由希腊和土耳其的非法商人提供的。

Only two leaders, and less than a hundred armed men, were left in northern Macedonia to resist the further advance of the Bulgarian propagandists.

马其顿北部只剩下两名领导人和不到一百名武装人员来抵抗保加利亚宣传人员的进一步推进。

In 1901 a Macedonian leader, whose headquarters were in Thrace and in the country east of the Struma, of the name of Yani Sandanski, who later became prominent in connection with the Young Turk movement, kidnapped the American missionary, Miss Ellen Stone, and held her for a ransom of $60,000.

1901 年，总部设在色雷斯和斯特鲁马以东国家的马其顿领导人雅尼·桑丹斯基 (Yani Sandanski) 绑架了美国传教士艾伦·斯通 (Ellen Stone) 小姐，勒索了她 6 万美元的赎金。

His desperate venture succeeded.

他孤注一掷的冒险成功了。

The ransom was paid, arms and ammunition were bought in large quantities, and his committee was able to meet the Bulgarian propagandists with stronger forces than ever in the country east of the Struma.

赎金已经支付，武器和弹药也被大量购买，他的委员会能够在斯特鲁马以东的国家与保加利亚宣传人员会面，他们的力量比以往任何时候都强大。

The committee had men in plenty.

委员会人员众多。

The Miss Stone episode, however, had given the Macedonian situation a great deal of publicity in the Bulgarian press, and the Bulgarian public began protesting.

然而，斯通小姐事件让马其顿局势在保加利亚媒体上得到了大量宣传，保加利亚公众开始抗议。

Thousands of students in Bulgaria were Macedonians; others were government officials.

保加利亚有数千名马其顿学生；其他人是政府官员。

Thousands also were prospering merchants.

数千人也是繁荣的商人。

Popular demonstrations against Ferdinand's policy were reported all over the country, and finally he was compelled to withdraw his armed forces from Macedonia.

据报道，全国各地爆发了反对费迪南德政策的民众示威活动，最终他被迫从马其顿撤军。

Thus was his first intrigue in that direction defeated.

就这样，他在这个方向上的第一次阴谋被挫败了。

It should be obvious by this time that the Macedonian Committee was the key to the whole Balkan problem, in so far as it was an internal problem at least.

此时很明显，马其顿委员会是整个巴尔干问题的关键，至少就其内部问题而言。

All the little states surrounding Macedonia wanted to grab her, and Macedonia did not want to be grabbed by any of them.

马其顿周围的所有小国都想抢她，而马其顿不想被任何一个小国抢。

In their selfish greed the governing cliques of all the little states absolutely disregarded the will of the people of Macedonia.

所有小国的统治集团都出于自私的贪婪，完全无视马其顿人民的意愿。

In their efforts they were only reviving the old hatreds and creating new ones.

他们的努力只是在重燃旧的仇恨并制造新的仇恨。

Little wonder that the Turks sat back and refrained from interfering too actively.

难怪土耳其人袖手旁观，没有过度积极地干预。

Meanwhile the people of Europe, seeing that the Balkan Christians fought more among themselves than they fought the Turks, believed they were only barbarians, little dreaming that the fight was not so much between Turk and Christian, as between Democracy and Imperialism; the democracy of the Macedonians against the imperialistic ambitions of the selfish little states around them.

与此同时，欧洲人民看到巴尔干基督徒之间的斗争比他们与土耳其人的斗争更多，他们相信他们只是野蛮人，却没想到这场斗争与其说是土耳其人和基督徒之间的斗争，不如说是民主和帝国主义之间的斗争；马其顿人的民主反对他们周围自私小国的帝国主义野心。

This point should be realized and emphasized, for this fight culminated in the next big act of the Balkan drama; the rise of Young Turkey.

应该认识并强调这一点，因为这场战斗在巴尔干戏剧的下一场大戏中达到了高潮；年轻土耳其的崛起。

If the little Balkan States were opposed to the Macedonian Committee, for the very same reason Russia and Austria were opposed, though to these two powers it was not so vital a matter.

如果巴尔干小国反对马其顿委员会，俄罗斯和奥地利也出于同样的原因反对，尽管对这两个国家来说这并不是那么重要的事情。

For the present they, with the rest of Europe were maintaining the _status quo_.

目前，他们与欧洲其他国家一起维持现状。

For a number of years Russia had been busy in another quarter in the Far East, and had not much thought to give to the Balkans.

多年来，俄罗斯一直忙于远东的另一个地区，并没有太多考虑巴尔干地区。

Then came her defeat at the hands of the Japanese in 1905 and her hopes of emerging on the open sea in that direction were effectually doomed.

随后，她于 1905 年败于日本人之手，而她在公海上朝这个方向崛起的希望实际上也落空了。

Austria, too, was willing to defer the realization of her ambitions, so long as Russia made no move.

只要俄罗斯不采取行动，奥地利也愿意推迟实现其野心。

Yet both realized that they must do battle for their interests in the Balkans.

然而，双方都意识到他们必须为自己在巴尔干地区的利益而战。

In 1903 the Macedonian Committee, rendered desperate by the pressure of the Greek, Bulgar, and Serbian propagandists, as well as by the Turks, who were beginning to take more active measures against the "comitlara," or "committee people," as they called the revolutionists, precipitated an uprising in the Monastir district, under the leadership of Damyan Grueff, Deltcheff having been killed by soldiers some time previous.

1903年，马其顿委员会在希腊、保加利亚和塞尔维亚宣传者以及土耳其人的压力下陷入绝望，他们开始对“comitlara”或“委员会人民”（他们称之为革命者）采取更积极的措施，在达米安·格鲁夫（Damyan Grueff）的领导下，在莫纳斯提尔地区引发了一场起义，德尔切夫此前已被士兵杀害。

The object was not so much a successful revolution as to create a crisis in the Balkan problem; to disturb the _status quo_ of the European statesmen.

其目的与其说是一场成功的革命，不如说是在巴尔干问题上制造一场危机；扰乱欧洲政治家的现状。

For, as Grueff expressed it, "horror with an end is better than horror without an end."

因为，正如格鲁夫所说，“有终结的恐怖比没有终结的恐怖要好。”

The uprising was suppressed with the customary Turkish severity, though not with such atrocities as had occurred in Bulgaria twenty-eight years previously.

起义被土耳其一贯的严厉镇压，尽管没有像二十八年前在保加利亚发生的那样暴行。

Nor did the burning of hundreds of villages ruffle the European statesmen.

数百个村庄的烧毁也没有激怒欧洲政治家。

A conference of the powers was indeed called and an attempt made to institute such reforms as had been contemplated by the XXIII Article of the Berlin Treaty, which included foreign police officers, in command of the Turkish police in Macedonia.

确实召开了一次权力会议，并试图实施《柏林条约》第二十三条所设想的改革，其中包括指挥驻马其顿土耳其警察的外国警察。

Each of the powers did indeed send some officers down there, but they had little more influence than so many tourists.

各个势力确实派遣了一些官员前往那里，但他们的影响力并不比这么多游客大多少。

After the uprising the same old situation continued.

起义后，同样的旧情况仍在继续。

The Greek Church was now making desperate attempts to overrun Macedonia with its terrorist bands and Ferdinand started another intrigue on behalf of Bulgarian propaganda which came near proving more fatal to the committee than any of the Greek attacks.

希腊教会现在正在孤注一掷地试图用其恐怖组织占领马其顿，费迪南德代表保加利亚的宣传开始了另一场阴谋，这对委员会来说几乎比任何希腊袭击都更加致命。

Ferdinand, through a young Macedonian who had been an officer in his army and was now an active member of the committee, Boris Sarafoff, began a propaganda of bribery within the organization itself.

费迪南德通过一位年轻的马其顿人鲍里斯·萨拉夫（Boris Sarafoff）开始在该组织内部宣传贿赂行为。鲍里斯·萨拉夫曾是他的军队中的一名军官，现在是该委员会的积极成员。

By this means he hoped to work up a majority within the committee in favor of annexation with Bulgaria.

他希望通过这种方式在委员会中赢得多数支持吞并保加利亚。

At this juncture Yani Sandanski reappeared on the scene.

就在这个时候，亚尼·桑丹斯基又出现了。

Grueff had recently been killed in a skirmish with soldiers.

格鲁夫最近在与士兵的一场小冲突中被杀。

Sandanski sent one of his men down into Sofia, where Sarafoff was conferring with Ferdinand at the time, and had him shot down in the streets of the capital.

桑丹斯基派了一名手下前往索非亚，萨拉夫当时正在索非亚与费迪南德商议，并在首都的街道上将他枪杀。

At the same time he sent an open message to Ferdinand, warning the prince that if he continued his interference in Macedonia's internal affairs, he would share the fate of Sarafoff.

同时他向费迪南发出公开信息，警告王子，如果他继续干涉马其顿内政，他将遭受萨拉夫的命运。

That ended Ferdinand's second intrigue in Macedonia.

斐迪南在马其顿的第二次阴谋就此结束。

Sandanski, who was now the recognized leader of the Macedonian organization, was of course outlawed in Bulgaria.

桑丹斯基现在是马其顿组织公认的领导人，当然在保加利亚被取缔。

But the time was presently to come when Ferdinand would seek his friendship most humbly.

但斐迪南将最谦卑地寻求友谊的时刻即将到来。

It must not be supposed that the Macedo-Slovenes, though they formed an overpowering majority in the membership of the committee, were the only ones who were discontented with the rule of Abdul Hamid.

尽管马其顿-斯洛文尼亚人在委员会成员中占据压倒性多数，但我们不能认为他们是唯一对阿卜杜勒·哈米德统治不满的人。

The Vlachs of Macedonia stood solidly beside the Macedo-Slovenes.

马其顿的瓦拉几人坚定地站在马其顿-斯洛文尼亚人一边。

In the beginning some Greeks, too, had joined, but as the Greek Church excommunicated all who enrolled under the banner of the committee, and, moreover, as excommunication meant certain assassination, those few Greeks who really felt sympathy for the cause of a free Macedonia found it expedient to remain quiet.

一开始也有一些希腊人加入，但随着希腊教会将所有打着委员会旗号加入的人逐出教会，而且，逐出教会意味着一定的暗杀，那些真正同情自由马其顿事业的少数希腊人发现保持沉默是权宜之计。

The Mohammedans, however, though they did belong to the ruling race and had more reason to hold aloof than the Greeks, were by no means solidly against the committee.

然而，伊斯兰教徒虽然确实属于统治种族，并且比希腊人更有理由保持冷漠，但他们绝不坚决反对该委员会。

Whole communities of them, too, joined, or at least offered shelter and comfort to the armed bands of the committee.

他们的整个社区也加入了委员会的武装团体，或者至少为委员会的武装团体提供了庇护和安慰。

The Albanians especially were sympathetic, and great numbers of them were active in the work.

阿尔巴尼亚人尤其富有同情心，他们中的很多人积极参与这项工作。

But the discontent of the Turks with the Government was more fully represented in a movement of separate origin.

但土耳其人对政府的不满在一场不同起源的运动中得到了更充分的体现。

Young Turkish men had been going abroad to study in foreign universities for a generation past and had begun imbibing advanced ideas.

上一代土耳其年轻人一直在国外大学求学，开始吸收先进思想。

They returned and began spreading those ideas among their followers at home.

他们回来后开始在国内的追随者中传播这些想法。

Finally they too organized, and this was the beginning of the Young Turk party.

最后他们也组织起来了，这就是青年土耳其党的开始。

The Young Turks had aims that differed very little from those of the committee.

青年土耳其党的目标与委员会的目标几乎没有什么不同。

They wanted a constitutional Turkey, under which all the subjects of the sultan should be allowed to enjoy equal rights, regardless of creed or race.

他们想要一个立宪的土耳其，根据该宪法，苏丹的所有臣民都应享有平等的权利，无论信仰或种族如何。

Many of them were, in fact, in favor of a republic.

事实上，他们中的许多人都赞成共和制。

It was not long before their leaders came in contact with the leaders of the committee.

没过多久，他们的领导就和委员会的领导取得了联系。

And for some years they worked quietly together.

多年来，他们默默地一起工作。

The Young Turks, it should be remembered, were especially active in the army.

应该记住，青年土耳其党在军队中特别活跃。

CHAPTER XVII

第十七章

CRISIS IN TURKEY

土耳其危机

Then, suddenly, in 1908, occurred what was probably the most alarming event that had yet happened, from the point of view of Austria and Russia.

然后，1908 年突然发生了对奥地利和俄罗斯来说可能是迄今为止最令人震惊的事件。

The sultan had decided to begin taking more severe measures with the Young Turks, with the result that he precipitated a crisis.

苏丹决定开始对青年土耳其党采取更严厉的措施，结果引发了一场危机。

Enver Bey and Niazi Bey, two of the Young Turk leaders, openly revolted in Monastir and took to the near-by mountains, calling on all Turkish subjects to support them.

青年土耳其党的两位领导人恩维尔·贝伊和尼亚齐·贝伊在莫纳斯提尔公开叛乱，并前往附近的山区，呼吁所有土耳其臣民支持他们。

The revolt spread rapidly.

叛乱迅速蔓延。

The Young Turks captured the city of Monastir and then the garrison at Saloniki handed that city over to them.

青年土耳其党占领了莫纳斯提尔市，然后萨洛尼基的驻军将该市移交给了他们。

The sultan, seeing that the whole army was against him, suddenly decided to temporize and finally agreed to proclaim a constitution for Turkey.

苏丹见全军反对，突然决定缓兵之计，最终同意为土耳其颁布宪法。

In November of 1908 elections were held for the new Parliament and all the various nationalities were given an opportunity to send in their deputies.

1908 年 11 月举行了新议会选举，所有不同国籍的人都有机会派出代表。

But Abdul Hamid was not going to accept the new régime without another effort to regain his old control.

但阿卜杜勒·哈米德如果不再次努力重新获得旧的控制权，就不会接受新政权。

The following winter, after the Parliament had met, he gathered together his old supporters and, having made sure that he could count on the loyalty of the garrison in Constantinople, suddenly abolished all that he had proclaimed and declared the old régime restored.

第二年冬天，议会召开后，他召集了他的老支持者，在确保君士坦丁堡驻军对他的忠诚后，突然废除了他所宣布的一切，并宣布恢复旧政权。

Then Mahmud Shevket Pasha, the military leader of the Young Turks, established himself in Macedonia and called on all the people to support him.

随后，青年土耳其党军事领袖马哈茂德·谢夫凯特·帕夏在马其顿站稳脚跟，并号召全国人民支持他。

The events which followed will ever rank as among the most dramatic and picturesque of recent Turkish history.

随后发生的事件将成为土耳其近代历史上最具戏剧性和风景如画的事件之一。

First of all the fighting bands of the committee, which had already laid down their arms, reorganized again and came down from the mountains to join Shevket's army.

首先，已经放下武器的委员会的战斗队伍再次重新整编，从山上下来加入谢夫凯特的军队。

At their head marched Yani Sandanski, the leader of the committee and the hated enemy of Prince Ferdinand.

走在他们前面的是委员会领导人雅尼·桑丹斯基（Yani Sandanski），他是斐迪南亲王的死敌。

The comitajis, however, were not the only ones to respond.

然而，comitajis 并不是唯一做出回应的人。

When Shevket finally began to march on the capital, he had in his army whole brigades of Greeks, Jews, Vlachs as well as Turks and Bulgars.

当舍夫凯特最终开始向首都进军时，他的军队中有希腊人、犹太人、瓦拉几人、土耳其人和保加利亚人组成的整个旅。

When this army finally appeared outside the gates of Constantinople, the sultan and his soldiers realized that all was lost, but it was now too late to temporize again.

当这支军队最终出现在君士坦丁堡城外时，苏丹和他的士兵们意识到一切都已经失败了，但现在再犹豫已经为时已晚了。

A large force was sent in to disarm the garrison and to drag Abdul Hamid off his throne.

一支大部队被派去解除驻军的武装，并将阿卜杜勒·哈米德从王位上拉下来。

And at the very head of that force, together with a hundred of his best men, marched Yani Sandanski, the abductor of Miss Stone, the slayer of Prince Ferdinand's chief conspirator in Macedonia, Boris Sarafoff, the brigand chief who represented the people of Macedonia, but had been outlawed in every Balkan State.

在这支部队的最前面，与他的一百名精锐一起行进的是亚尼·桑丹斯基（Yani Sandanski），他是斯通小姐的绑架者，是斐迪南亲王在马其顿的主要阴谋者的杀害者，而鲍里斯·萨拉夫（Boris Sarafoff）是代表马其顿人民的强盗首领，但在每个巴尔干国家都被宣布为非法。

What could be more symbolical of the partnership between the Macedonia Committee and Young Turkey than that Yani Sandanski should be one of those who were to drag Abdul Hamid off his throne and send him a prisoner to Saloniki?

对于马其顿委员会和青年土耳其之间的伙伴关系来说，还有什么比亚尼·桑丹斯基（Yani Sandanski）成为将阿卜杜勒·哈米德从王位上拉下来并把他囚禁到萨洛尼基的人之一更能象征的呢？

At that moment, and for some months after, it looked indeed as though this union of previously antagonistic elements in European Turkey would effectually balk all the intrigues, not only of the little Balkan States, but of Austria and Russia as well.

在那一刻以及之后的几个月里，土耳其欧洲部分以前的敌对势力的联合看起来确实会有效地阻止所有的阴谋，不仅是巴尔干小国的阴谋，还有奥地利和俄罗斯的阴谋。

Nothing could have been more disappointing to the tribe of diplomats than this unexpected turn of events.

对于外交官们来说，没有什么比这出乎意料的事态转变更令人失望的了。

Undoubtedly most of the Young Turk leaders were sincere and really wished to establish a new Ottoman Empire based on a broad citizenship of all its peoples and the elimination of religious and racial differences from politics.

毫无疑问，大多数青年土耳其党领导人都是真诚的，并真正希望建立一个新的奥斯曼帝国，其基础是所有人民的广泛公民权，并消除政治上的宗教和种族差异。

Many of them were out-and-out Socialists, as was Yani Sandanski himself, who saw far-off visions of a great European, if not a world, confederation which should banish war entirely from the earth.

他们中的许多人都是彻头彻尾的社会主义者，亚尼·桑丹斯基本人也是如此，他看到了一个遥远的愿景：一个伟大的欧洲联盟，如果不是一个世界联盟，应该将战争从地球上完全消除。

But unfortunately Young Turkey had a bigger task on its hands than it could swing.

但不幸的是，年轻的土耳其面临着一项比其所能承担的更艰巨的任务。

The Mohammedans of Macedonia and Thrace had been won over to its progressive ideas.

马其顿和色雷斯的伊斯兰教徒被其进步思想所吸引。

But the people of Islam on the other side of the Bosphorus had yet to be heard from.

但博斯普鲁斯海峡对岸的伊斯兰教徒还没有收到任何消息。

And when they did make their voices heard, it was not in favor of recognizing the giaours as their political equals.

当他们确实发出自己的声音时，人们并不赞成承认吉奥人在政治上与他们平等。

Perhaps, even, if left to itself, Turkey, under the guidance of the new and younger elements, might eventually have emerged triumphant against the dark forces of fanaticism and reaction.

甚至，如果放任不管，土耳其在新的、更年轻的分子的指导下，也许最终会战胜狂热和反动的黑暗势力。

But it was not to have that opportunity.

但它没有这个机会。

The solidarity of all the Turkish subjects, especially in European Turkey, would be nothing less than a calamity to all the Balkan States.

所有土耳其臣民的团结，特别是欧洲土耳其的团结，对于所有巴尔干国家来说无异于一场灾难。

There would be no "oppressed" brothers to rescue, consequently no pretext for that territorial expansion which they had all counted on to take place some day in the future.

不再有“受压迫”的兄弟需要拯救，因此他们也没有借口进行领土扩张，而他们都指望有一天会发生这种情况。

There could be no Greater Hellas, a Byzantine Empire reestablished, with Constantinople as its capital; there could be no Greater Bulgaria, with Czar Ferdinand as its ruler.

不可能有大希腊，即重建的拜占庭帝国，以君士坦丁堡为首都；不可能存在以沙皇斐迪南为统治者的大保加利亚。

Russia, too, when her opportunity came to take Constantinople, would come, not as a liberator of the Macedonian Slavs, but as an invading enemy.

俄罗斯也一样，当她有机会占领君士坦丁堡时，她不是作为马其顿斯拉夫人的解放者，而是作为入侵的敌人来的。

And Austria would find her pathway to Saloniki blocked by a stronger Turkey than she had counted upon.

奥地利会发现，通往萨洛尼基的道路被比她预想的更强大的土耳其所封锁。

All these powers were against the success of Young Turkey.

所有这些力量都阻碍了青年土耳其的成功。

But they did not stand shoulder to shoulder against it.

但他们并没有并肩反对。

Between the Balkan States and the two big powers was another division of interest quite as deep.

巴尔干国家和这两个大国之间还存在着同样深刻的利益分歧。

It was the rivalry of the wolves and the bears.

这是狼和熊的竞争。

The Young Turks' revolution may definitely be considered the first jar to the _status quo_, as established by the Treaty of Berlin, to be followed in quick succession by other similar shocks, which were presently to culminate in its complete upset and the present war.

青年土耳其党的革命绝对可以被认为是对《柏林条约》所确立的现状的第一个冲击，紧随其后的是其他类似的冲击，这些冲击很快就导致了它的彻底颠覆和当前的战争。

Turkey herself had broken the compact to remain quiescent, to stand pat.

土耳其自己却打破了保持沉默、按兵不动的契约。

With the exception of the union of Eastern Rumelia with Bulgaria, there had been no changes during those twenty-nine years.

除了东鲁米利亚与保加利亚合并外，这二十九年里没有发生任何变化。

The next event in the chain happened almost immediately.

链中的下一个事件几乎立即发生。

Hardly had the revolution in Turkey occurred when Austria, who had, by the terms of the Berlin Treaty, been simply administrating the two provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina, annexed them without any ceremony.

土耳其革命刚刚发生，奥地利就根据《柏林条约》的规定，简单地管理着波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那两个省，不经任何仪式就吞并了这两个省。

In actual fact this was merely making theory conform to the practical situation, but it put the Young Turks in an awkward predicament.

事实上，这只是让理论符合实际，却让少壮派陷入了尴尬的困境。

The old régime under Abdul Hamid would not have been able to do more than accept, and that was what the Young Turks were compelled to do, handicapped as they were by the confusion attending their own affairs at home.

阿卜杜勒·哈米德领导下的旧政权只能接受，而这正是青年土耳其党被迫做的事情，因为他们因国内事务的混乱而受到阻碍。

But it roused the anger of the conservative Turks, and they somehow attributed it to the new régime.

但这激起了土耳其保守派的愤怒，他们以某种方式将其归咎于新政权。

And at almost the same moment, as though to increase the irritation, Prince Ferdinand kicked over another theory--that his principality was under the suzerainty of the sultan--and declared himself king, or as he called himself, czar of the independent kingdom of the Bulgars and of all Bulgars elsewhere.

几乎在同一时刻，斐迪南王子似乎是为了加剧愤怒，推翻了另一种理论——他的公国处于苏丹的宗主权之下——并宣布自己为国王，或者如他所称，保加利亚人和其他地方的所有保加利亚人的独立王国的沙皇。

Practically it meant nothing more than that he was making faces at the new régime in Turkey, but it served the purpose of irritating the masses of Islam.

实际上，这只不过是他在向土耳其新政权做鬼脸，但其目的却是激怒伊斯兰教群众。

But if the act of Austria in annexing Bosnia and Herzegovina irritated the Turks, it almost maddened the Serbians, who had no cards to play in this little game of diplomacy just at that moment.

但如果奥地利吞并波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的行为激怒了土耳其人，那么它几乎激怒了塞尔维亚人，他们在这场小小的外交游戏中没有牌可打。

Serbia, like all her neighbors, had her dreams of empire; she aspired not only to the possession of Macedonia, but to the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well, because of Serb population.

塞尔维亚和她所有的邻国一样，也有她的帝国梦想。她不仅渴望拥有马其顿，而且还渴望拥有波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的省份，因为那里有塞族人口。

Their annexation by Austria meant to Serbia that there could now be no rearrangement.

被奥地利吞并对塞尔维亚来说意味着现在不可能进行重新安排。

And it meant, too, that Austria was still determined to work her way south, down to Saloniki, when time and opportunity were ripe.

这也意味着奥地利仍然决心在时机和机会成熟时向南推进，直至萨洛尼基。

It was, in fact, as much of a threat to Serbia as to the Turks.

事实上，它对塞尔维亚的威胁和对土耳其的威胁一样大。

Meanwhile the Young Turks continued with their attempt to establish democracy in Constantinople.

与此同时，青年土耳其党继续尝试在君士坦丁堡建立民主。

During the winter of 1908-9 the first Parliament met.

1908 年 9 月冬季，第一届议会召开。

And naturally, the deputies representing the backward and fanatical Mussulmans of Asia were in the majority, so that in the very beginning it became obvious that democracy itself was going to defeat its own ends.

当然，代表亚洲落后而狂热的穆斯林的代表占多数，因此从一开始就很明显，民主本身将达到自己的目的。

The reactionary elements, being in a majority in the empire as a whole, it was only natural that their representatives in the Parliament should be in a majority.

反动分子在整个帝国中占多数，他们在议会中的代表自然占多数。

In the spring of 1910 there was a violent uprising of the more fanatical Albanian tribes, who resisted the efforts of the new Government to disarm the whole of the population, which was undertaken as a first step toward establishing that law and order which had never yet been known in the empire and which the committee had organized to establish, within the limits of its own communities, at least.

1910年春天，更狂热的阿尔巴尼亚部落发生了暴力起义，他们抵制新政府解除全体人民武装的努力，这是建立帝国中从未有过的法律和秩序的第一步，而委员会组织了至少在其自己的社区范围内建立的法律和秩序。

The schools, too, were taken out of the hands of the priests of the respective peoples and put under the control of a Ministry of Education, and this roused bitter resentment on the part of the Greeks, who, unlike the Serbs and Bulgars, are under the complete domination of their church.

学校也从各自民族的牧师手中被夺走，并置于教育部的控制之下，这引起了希腊人的强烈不满，与塞尔维亚人和保加利亚人不同，希腊人完全处于教会的统治之下。

Under the influence of the reactionary elements that had gained majority control through the Parliament, the old repressive measures began gradually to be reestablished.

在通过议会获得多数控制权的反动分子的影响下，旧的镇压措施开始逐渐恢复。

To Sandanski and his colleagues it soon became evident that their fond hopes of a truly democratic Turkish Empire was not to be realized.

对于桑丹斯基和他的同事来说，他们很快就发现，他们对真正民主的土耳其帝国的美好希望无法实现。

It was not under a constitutional Turkey that the Macedonians would be accorded civic justice; that could only be accomplished through a Macedonia enjoying home rule, whether as an independent state or under the mere suzerainty of the sultan.

在土耳其宪法的保护下，马其顿人无法获得公民正义。这只能通过马其顿享有地方自治来实现，无论是作为一个独立国家还是仅仅在苏丹的宗主权之下。

This was the state of mind toward which the Macedonians were tending when the next serious event began developing.

当下一个严重事件开始发生时，马其顿人就倾向于这种心态。

CHAPTER XVIII

第十八章

FORMATION OF THE BALKAN LEAGUE

巴尔干联盟的成立

Even to a school child it must have been obvious all along that the solution of the whole Balkan trouble, from an internal point of view, at least, lay in a union of all the peoples and the establishment of one great nation, or federation of nations.

即使对于一个小学生来说，也一定一直很明显，至少从内部角度来看，整个巴尔干问题的解决办法在于所有人民的联盟和建立一个伟大的国家或国家联盟。

Such a power, capable of putting two million soldiers into the field, would not only be able to push the Turk out of Europe, but it would be such an obstacle to the aggressive ambitions of Russia and Austria that either would think twice before attempting to overcome it by force.

这样一个能够派遣两百万士兵上战场的力量，不仅能够将土耳其人赶出欧洲，而且会成为俄罗斯和奥地利侵略野心的障碍，以至于任何一方在试图用武力克服它之前都会三思而后行。

This solution had been suggested at various times by various Balkan statesmen during the past twenty years, statesmen with broader visions than most of their colleagues.

在过去的二十年中，巴尔干的多位政治家在不同时期提出了这一解决方案，这些政治家比大多数同事拥有更广阔的视野。

Stambuloff had been one of them.

斯坦布洛夫就是其中之一。

But such a union, or confederation, while it might prove of great benefit to the general population, would mean a complete end to the ambitions indulged in by the various Balkan monarchs and their cliques.

但是，这样的联盟或联盟虽然可能会给普通民众带来巨大利益，但也意味着巴尔干各国君主及其派系的野心彻底终结。

Each hoped to build a great empire which should include all the rest as inferior possessions.

每个人都希望建立一个伟大的帝国，将其他所有国家都视为劣等财产。

Thus their selfish ambitions stood in the way of the only feasible plan for a true remedy for the political ills of the people.

因此，他们的自私野心阻碍了真正治愈人民政治弊病的唯一可行计划。

But the new régime in Turkey seemed likely to put an end to their imperial ambitions anyhow.

但土耳其的新政权似乎无论如何都会终结他们的帝国野心。

The Young Turks were spending huge amounts of money in equipping their army with modern guns and the admission of Christians into the army was increasing its size too.

青年土耳其党花费巨额资金为军队装备现代化枪支，而接纳基督徒入伍也扩大了军队规模。

Within a few years Turkey would be in such a state of preparedness, from a military point of view, as to make the task of driving her out of Europe forever impossible.

几年之内，从军事角度来看，土耳其将处于这样一种准备状态，以至于永远不可能将其赶出欧洲。

For each state had been building up its army for years past with this ultimate end in view.

因为每个州多年来一直在建设自己的军队，以实现这一最终目标。

The time had come to act.

是时候采取行动了。

It was now or never.

要么现在，要么永远。

The Balkan States must bury their mutual jealousies, temporarily at least, and form a temporary alliance with the object of defeating the Turks before it should be too late.

巴尔干国家必须至少暂时埋葬彼此的嫉妒，并结成临时联盟，目标是在为时已晚之前击败土耳其人。

For the time being the spoils could be divided equally.

暂时可以平分战利品。

Later on each might find an opportunity to force rearrangements.

稍后，每个人都可能会找到机会强制重新安排。

Such an alliance might temporarily suspend, but it would not end, the individual ambitions of each governing clique.

这样的联盟可能会暂时中止，但不会结束每个统治集团的个人野心。

The idea may not have presented itself so cynically to the man who first conceived it, but that was the spirit in which it was later on acceded to by the Governments of the states concerned.

对于第一个提出这个想法的人来说，这个想法可能并没有那么愤世嫉俗，但这就是后来有关国家政府所接受的精神。

It seems now to be generally conceded that it was the Prime Minister of Greece, Eleutheorios Venizelos, to whom the credit belongs for having initiated this new move.

现在人们似乎普遍承认，发起这一新举措的功劳应归于希腊总理埃留西奥里奥斯·韦尼泽洛斯(Eleutheorios Venizelos)。

Of all the Balkan statesmen, not omitting the monarchs, Venizelos stands out prominently not only as the most able, but as being by far the most liberal and as possessed of the broadest vision.

在所有巴尔干政治家中（不包括君主），韦尼泽洛斯脱颖而出，不仅因为他是最有能力的人，而且因为他是迄今为止最自由和拥有最广阔视野的人。

Toleration has been the keynote to all his utterances and actions.

宽容是他所有言论和行动的基调。

He seems to have been the one man of them all who, without ceasing to be a Greek, has been able to rise above the atmosphere of petty jealousy, greed, and hatred that pervades the politics of the Balkan States, especially in their mutual relations.

他似乎是他们中唯一一个能够超越巴尔干国家政治中普遍存在的嫉妒、贪婪和仇恨气氛的人，同时又不丧失希腊人的身份，尤其是在相互关系中。

Though Italian by blood extraction, descendant of the old Dukes of Athens, Venizelos is a Cretan by birth.

韦尼泽洛斯虽然有意大利血统，是老雅典公爵的后裔，但他却是克里特岛人。

Beginning his public career in his native island as a "brigand" insurgent against Turkish power, he finally became the leader of his people, being Prime Minister of the Cretan Government in 1909.

他在自己的家乡作为反抗土耳其势力的“强盗”叛乱分子开始了自己的公共生涯，最终成为人民的领袖，于 1909 年担任克里特岛政府总理。

In that year, shortly after the revolution of the Young Turks, there had also been a revolution in Greece, though not of so progressive a character.

那一年，青年土耳其党革命后不久，希腊也发生了一场革命，尽管革命的性质不那么进步。

The "Military League," composed of the army officers, had been organized and began to institute certain reforms that should end the corruption and inefficiency that had been characteristic of Greek politics.

由军官组成的“军事联盟”已经组织起来，并开始进行某些改革，以结束希腊政治特有的腐败和低效。

The members of the league being military men, were also modest enough to realize their unfitness to undertake the task unaided, so they called upon Venizelos to take charge, he being then the cleanest Greek in politics.

联盟成员都是军人，也很谦虚，认识到自己不适合独自承担这项任务，因此他们呼吁韦尼泽洛斯负责，他是当时政治上最干净的希腊人。

This task he assumed, as prime minister, with such ability and effectiveness that he at once became the most popular man in Greece.

作为总理，他以如此出色的能力和效率承担了这项任务，使他立即成为希腊最受欢迎的人。

Among other things he undertook a complete reorganization of the army under the supervision of foreign officers.

除其他事项外，他在外国军官的监督下对军队进行了彻底的重组。

In April of 1911 Venizelos, through a British journalist, sent an unofficial note to the Bulgarian Government suggesting an alliance against Turkey.

1911 年 4 月，韦尼泽洛斯通过一名英国记者向保加利亚政府发出非正式照会，建议与土耳其结盟。

Five months later negotiations were also commenced with Serbia, where a Serbo-Bulgarian alliance was suggested.

五个月后，与塞尔维亚也开始了谈判，并建议建立塞尔维亚-保加利亚联盟。

But for a while nothing definite was done, until suddenly the bigger powers began showing signs of action.

但有一段时间没有采取任何明确的行动，直到突然间更大的力量开始显示出行动的迹象。

Italy, the ally of Austria, declared war on Turkey in September, 1911, with the avowed purpose of possessing herself of Tripoli.

1911 年 9 月，奥地利的盟友意大利向土耳其宣战，公开宣称其目的是占领的黎波里。

This hurried the Balkan States.

这让巴尔干国家急了。

In March, 1912, Serbia and Bulgaria signed a treaty of alliance.

1912年3月，塞尔维亚和保加利亚签署同盟条约。

In April Greece and Bulgaria signed a similar treaty, and a fortnight later Serbia and Greece signed another document which made the Balkan League complete, Montenegro acting in agreement with Serbia.

四月，希腊和保加利亚签署了类似的条约，两周后，塞尔维亚和希腊签署了另一份文件，使巴尔干联盟得以完成，黑山与塞尔维亚达成协议。

According to the Serbo-Bulgarian agreement, should the Turks be defeated, Bulgaria was to take the whole of the territory south and east of the Rhodope Mountains and the Struma River, while Serbia was to take that north of the Shar Mountains, including Old Serbia and Kossovo.

根据塞尔维亚-保加利亚协议，如果土耳其人被击败，保加利亚将占领罗多彼山脉和斯特鲁马河以南和以东的全部领土，而塞尔维亚则将占领沙尔山脉以北的全部领土，包括旧塞尔维亚和科索沃。

The rest, comprising all of Macedonia, was to be established as an independent state.

其余地区，包括整个马其顿，将建立一个独立国家。

Should this, for any reason, be impossible, a line was to be drawn from the point at which the Bulgarian, Serbian, and Turkish frontiers met, a little northwest of Kustendil, to Struga at the north end of Lake Ochrida, leaving Kratovo, Veles, Monastir, and Ochrida to Bulgaria, all purely Slav districts, while the Czar of Russia was to act as arbitrator with regard to the rest of the region, including Kumanovo, Uskub, Krushevo, and Dibra.

如果出于某种原因不可能做到这一点，则应从库斯滕迪尔西北一点的保加利亚、塞尔维亚和土耳其边境交界处划一条线，到奥赫里达湖北端的斯特鲁加，将克拉托沃、韦莱斯、莫纳斯提尔和奥赫里达留给保加利亚，这些都是纯粹的斯拉夫地区，而俄罗斯沙皇将担任该地区其他地区（包括库马诺沃）的仲裁人。乌斯库布、克鲁舍沃和迪布拉。

To this was added a clause by which Bulgaria agreed to send 200,000 men to the support of Serbia should Austria threaten her.

除此之外，还增加了一项条款，规定如果奥地利威胁塞尔维亚，保加利亚同意派遣 20 万人支援塞尔维亚。

The agreement with Greece did not definitely provide for her share, but it was understood she should have Epirus in southern Albania, Crete, what islands in the Ægean her naval forces might capture, and a slice of the Ægean seacoast where the population was mostly Greek.

与希腊的协议并没有明确规定她的份额，但据了解，她应该拥有阿尔巴尼亚南部的伊庇鲁斯、克里特岛、她的海军可能占领的爱琴海岛屿，以及人口主要是希腊人的爱琴海海岸的一小部分。

Montenegro was to have what she could take from the Turkish forces in her vicinity.

黑山将从附近的土耳其军队手中夺取一切。

Albania was not mentioned, but it was understood that Serbia was to obtain her outlet on the Adriatic.

阿尔巴尼亚没有被提及，但据了解，塞尔维亚将获得亚得里亚海的出海口。

The clause in the agreement between Serbia and Bulgaria, providing for an independent Macedonia, is especially significant.

塞尔维亚和保加利亚之间的协议中规定马其顿独立的条款尤其重要。

It was inserted for the special consideration of Sandanski and the other Macedonian committee leaders.

插入它是为了桑丹斯基和其他马其顿委员会领导人的特别考虑。

Shortly after the committee had made common cause with the Young Turks, an attempt had been made to assassinate Sandanski in Saloniki.

在该委员会与青年土耳其党达成共同目标后不久，有人试图在萨洛尼基刺杀桑丹斯基。

And although it did not succeed, the attempt did not serve to warm the hearts of the Macedonians toward King Ferdinand.

虽然没有成功，但这一尝试并没有温暖马其顿人对斐迪南国王的好感。

None but he could have had any interest in Sandanski's death at that time.

当时除了他之外没有人会对桑丹斯基的死感兴趣。

But by the summer of 1912 the Macedonians were pretty well disillusioned regarding a constitutional Turkey.

但到了 1912 年夏天，马其顿人对立宪土耳其的幻想已经彻底幻灭。

Many of the old leaders had taken to the hills again, determined to take up the old fight where they had left off.

许多老领导人又回到山上，决心继续他们中断的旧斗争。

Even that fight seemed more hopeless than ever, for the Turkish army was now being speedily reorganized and rendered more effective, which meant that the pursuit of the guerrilla bands would be more deadly than it had ever been under the old régime.

甚至那场战斗也似乎比以往任何时候都更加无望，因为土耳其军队现在正在迅速重组并变得更加有效，这意味着对游击队的追击将比旧政权下的任何时候都更加致命。

How the knowledge of the clause providing for an independent Macedonia was conveyed to them is not recorded, but that Sandanski and his colleagues were approached by the Bulgarian agents cannot be doubted.

没有记录如何向他们传达关于马其顿独立的条款的信息，但保加利亚特工与桑丹斯基和他的同事接触是不容置疑的。

Certain it is that just before hostilities broke out the blood feud between Ferdinand and Sandanski had been put aside, and Sandanski, the slayer of Sarafoff, the outlawed bandit, walked through the streets of Sofia unmolested.

可以肯定的是，就在敌对行动爆发之前，费迪南德和桑丹斯基之间的血仇已经被搁置了，杀死非法强盗萨拉夫的桑丹斯基毫发无伤地走过索非亚的街道。

And when the war did actually break out, Sandanski was leading some thousands of his Macedonian comitajis against the Turks in the Razlog district, which he conquered and turned over to the Bulgarian authorities when they came there to establish a civil government.

当战争真正爆发时，桑丹斯基率领数千名马其顿军队在拉兹洛格地区对抗土耳其人，他征服了该地区，并在保加利亚当局来到那里建立文官政府时将其移交给保加利亚当局。

The league, having been established, was now anxious to begin operations as soon as possible, for the reason that beginning hostilities against Turkey while she was still at war with Italy would put the latter in the position of being their ally.

该联盟已经成立，现在急于尽快开始运作，因为在土耳其与意大利交战期间开始对土耳其采取敌对行动将使后者成为他们的盟友。

But that was just a position in which Italy, as an ally of Austria, did not wish to find herself.

但这只是意大利作为奥地利盟友所不希望看到的局面。

So when it became evident that the Balkan league had been formed and meant to take action, Italy and Turkey both hastened to arrange terms of peace, the former to save herself from an awkward situation, the latter so that she might give her full attention to the new danger.

因此，当巴尔干联盟已经成立并准备采取行动的迹象明显时，意大利和土耳其都急忙安排和平条款，前者是为了摆脱尴尬的局面，后者是为了让自己能够充分关注新的危险。

CHAPTER XIX

第十九章

FIRST AND SECOND BALKAN WARS

第一次和第二次巴尔干战争

The war finally broke out on September 30, 1912, precipitated by Montenegro before the other members of the league were quite ready.

战争最终于 1912 年 9 月 30 日爆发，在联盟其他成员国尚未做好准备之前，黑山就促成了战争。

The wonderful victories of the Serbian and Bulgarian armies were the surprise and wonder of the world at the time.

塞尔维亚和保加利亚军队的精彩胜利，令当时的世界惊叹不已。

The Bulgarians were victorious at Lule Burges, and the Serbians at Kumanovo.

保加利亚人在吕勒布尔吉斯取得胜利，塞尔维亚人则在库马诺沃取得胜利。

The Greeks advanced as far as Saloniki, while their fleet bottled up the ships of the Turks in the Dardanelles.

希腊人一直推进到萨洛尼基，而他们的舰队则将土耳其人的船只封锁在达达尼尔海峡。

Finally the Bulgarians swept the Turks in Thrace into Constantinople and were battering down the gates of the capital itself.

最后，保加利亚人将色雷斯的土耳其人扫入君士坦丁堡，并攻破了首都的城门。

The Serbians marched an army over the mountains to Durazzo on the Adriatic, and the Montenegrins took Scutari.

塞尔维亚人率军翻山越岭，到达亚得里亚海的杜拉佐，黑山人占领了斯库塔里。

And by the following spring Turkey was suing for peace, which was finally brought about by the Treaty of London on May 30, 1913.

第二年春天，土耳其开始求和，最终于 1913 年 5 月 30 日签订了《伦敦条约》。

But the very success of the Balkan allies opened up new dangers of deep gravity.

但巴尔干盟友的成功却带来了新的深层引力危险。

And now Austria, who had not quite dared to attack Serbia during the hostilities, saw an opportunity whereby she might defeat the league by opening up the dangers engendered by their very success.

现在，在敌对行动期间不太敢进攻塞尔维亚的奥地利看到了一个机会，可以通过暴露他们的成功所带来的危险来击败联盟。

Had it not been for her intrigues there would have been no Second Balkan War.

如果没有她的阴谋，就不会有第二次巴尔干战争。

But she hated Serbia and was already determined on her destruction.

但她憎恨塞尔维亚，并且已经下定决心要毁灭她。

Largely because of the determined stand taken by Austria in the London conference, Albania was made an independent principality, Serbia was denied her longed-for outlet on the Adriatic, Greece was deprived of Epirus, and Montenegro had to give up Scutari, the taking of which cost her so much blood.

主要是因为奥地利在伦敦会议上采取的坚定立场，阿尔巴尼亚成为一个独立公国，塞尔维亚被剥夺了她渴望的亚得里亚海出口，希腊被剥夺了伊庇鲁斯，黑山不得不放弃斯库塔里，而斯库塔里的夺取让她付出了巨大的代价。

Now it had also happened that the operations of the various armies of the Balkan allies had been in territories different from what had at first been anticipated.

现在，巴尔干盟国各支军队的行动地点也与最初的预期不同。

The Turks had put up their main fight down in Thrace, leaving the greater area of Macedonia comparatively undefended.

土耳其人在色雷斯进行了主战，使得马其顿大片地区相对不设防。

Thus the Bulgarians, while doing the heaviest fighting, had been concentrated in a small territory, hammering away at the main forces of the Turks, while the Serbian and Greek armies had been able to overrun much larger territories with comparative ease.

因此，保加利亚人虽然进行了最激烈的战斗，但却集中在一个小领土上，对土耳其人的主力进行猛烈攻击，而塞尔维亚和希腊军队则能够相对轻松地占领更大的领土。

Thus Bulgaria, though she had done most of the fighting and had lost the heaviest, occupied only a broad pathway from her own southern frontier, down through Thrace to Constantinople, while Serbia occupied most of Macedonia, and Greece was in possession of Saloniki.

因此，保加利亚虽然承担了大部分战斗，损失最惨重，但只占领了从其南部边境穿过色雷斯到君士坦丁堡的一条宽阔道路，而塞尔维亚则占领了马其顿的大部分地区，而希腊则拥有萨洛尼基。

Greece and Serbia, and especially Serbia, having been cheated of most of the territory they had counted on annexing by the Treaty of London, now demanded a revision of the treaties by which they had gone into the war.

希腊和塞尔维亚，特别是塞尔维亚，原本指望通过《伦敦条约》吞并大部分领土，但被骗了，现在要求修改他们参战的条约。

Moreover, the Treaty of London confirmed them in the possession of the territory they now occupied.

此外，《伦敦条约》确认他们拥有现在占领的领土。

The bitterest feelings were at once rekindled.

最苦涩的情绪立刻又被点燃了。

Both sides had grievances.

双方都有恩怨。

Serbia maintained that at the conference in London Bulgaria had failed to back up her claim for Albania.

塞尔维亚坚称，在伦敦会议上，保加利亚未能支持其对阿尔巴尼亚的主张。

Therefore she was entitled to compensation in Macedonia.

因此她有权在马其顿获得赔偿。

Bulgaria asserted that Macedonia was inhabited by Bulgars who did not wish to become Serbian subjects.

保加利亚声称马其顿居住着不愿成为塞尔维亚臣民的保加利亚人。

[Illustration: Balkans After the Second Balkan War.]

[插图：第二次巴尔干战争后的巴尔干。]

At this juncture Austria again appeared on the scene and whispered in Bulgaria's ear that she should take what she wanted by force of arms; was not her army equal to the armies of Greece and Serbia combined?

就在这个时候，奥地利再次出面，在保加利亚耳边低声说，她应该用武力夺取她想要的东西。她的军队不等于希腊和塞尔维亚军队的总和吗？

Meanwhile she, Austria, would see that there was no intervention from the outside.

与此同时，她，奥地利，将看到没有来自外部的干预。

This was one motive that drove Bulgaria into the Second Balkan War.

这是促使保加利亚卷入第二次巴尔干战争的动机之一。

For the past generation Macedonian boys had been coming up into Bulgaria.

在过去的一代人中，马其顿男孩一直来到保加利亚。

Many had gone back to Macedonia, but the majority had remained and settled in Bulgaria.

许多人回到了马其顿，但大多数人留下来并定居在保加利亚。

Hundreds of them had entered the army and many of them had acquired high rank.

他们中有数百人加入了军队，其中许多人获得了很高的军衔。

Others, again, had entered the Government service, and dozens had been sent to the National Assembly by Bulgarian constituencies.

其他人再次进入政府部门，保加利亚选区将数十人送往国民议会。

And several, among them Ghenadieff, had become ministers in the cabinet.

其中包括格纳迪耶夫在内的一些人已成为内阁部长。

To a still greater extent Macedonians have poured into Serbia.

马其顿人在更大程度上涌入塞尔维亚。

During the past hundred years, ever since the pashalic of Belgrade became free from the Turks, thousands of Macedonians have come up into Serbia for education and a life.

在过去的一百年里，自从贝尔格莱德教皇摆脱土耳其人的统治以来，成千上万的马其顿人来到塞尔维亚接受教育和生活。

They entered the army, Parliament, and every department of state, in large numbers, they became educationalists and swelled the ranks of commerce.

他们大量进入军队、议会和国家各部门，成为教育家，并壮大了商业队伍。

Among the members of the Serb Cabinet during this war born in Macedonia are: the Prime Minister Nikola Pashich, from Tetovo; Dr. Lazar Patchou, Minister of Finance, from Monastir; Nicola Stefanovich, Cabinet Minister at the war's outbreak, from Navrovo; Kosta Stoyanovich, former Minister of Commerce, from Monastir; General Dimitriye Tzintzar-Markovich, from Ochrida; General Lazar Lazarevich, from Moskopolye, Monastir; former Prime Minister Milan Christich, the Serb Minister Plenipotentiary in Rome; Michael Ristich; former Prime Minister Dr. Vladam Georgevich; Svetolick Popovich, from Uskub; Under-Secretary of State for Public Works, Petar Popovich, from Prilep; Head of Public Works, Professor Lazarevich, from Ghevgheli; Professor Alexich, from Kumanovo; General Lazar Petrovich, from Bashino Selo; Veles, and many others.

这场战争期间出生在马其顿的塞尔维亚内阁成员包括：来自泰托沃的总理尼古拉·帕希奇；莫纳斯提尔财政部长 Lazar Patchou 博士；尼古拉·斯特凡诺维奇 (Nicola Stefanovich)，战争爆发时的内阁部长，来自纳夫罗沃；科斯塔·斯托亚诺维奇 (Kosta Stoyanovich)，前商务部长，来自莫纳斯提尔；来自奥赫里达的迪米特里耶·钦察·马尔科维奇将军；拉扎尔·拉扎列维奇将军，来自莫纳斯提尔莫斯科波耶；前总理米兰·克里斯蒂奇、塞族驻罗马全权代表；迈克尔·里斯蒂奇；前总理弗拉达姆·乔治维奇博士；斯维托利克·波波维奇（Svetolick Popovich），来自乌斯库布；来自普里莱普的负责公共工程的副国务卿佩塔尔·波波维奇；公共工程主管，Lazarevich 教授，来自 Ghevgheli； Alexich教授，来自库马诺沃；巴希诺村的拉扎尔·彼得罗维奇将军；韦莱斯，还有许多其他人。

The names of the distinguished and prominent Macedonians in army, state, and education services, and those in trade and other useful occupations in Serbia fill a considerable space in the Post Office Directory.

在塞尔维亚的军队、国家和教育部门以及从事贸易和其他有用职业的杰出马其顿人的名字在邮局目录中占据了相当大的空间。

The ambition of the Coburg King Ferdinand, since his coming to Bulgaria, has steadily aimed at the conquest and annexation of neighboring countries with the view of forming for himself an extended state.

科堡国王费迪南德自来到保加利亚以来，他的野心就坚定地瞄准了征服和吞并邻国，以期为自己建立一个扩张的国家。

In this idea Bulgaria has been developed by him on lines _de facto_ tending toward creating rather a feudal domain than a free, modern constitutional state.

在这个想法中，他所发展的保加利亚事实上倾向于建立一个封建领地，而不是一个自由的、现代的宪政国家。

He encouraged a large number of political parties which could be easily played one against another, duplicating somewhat the Hapsburg principle as applied in the Austrian system of counterbalancing the various nationalities; the educational system was not developed to the extent nor along lines to produce a truly free and powerful people evidenced by the large number of young men and women students finding it necessary to go for higher education to the American Roberts College at Constantinople.

他鼓励建立大量的政党，这些政党很容易相互竞争，这在某种程度上重复了奥地利制衡各个民族体系中所应用的哈布斯堡原则；教育体系的发展还没有达到培养真正自由和强大的人民的程度，也没有达到培养真正自由和强大的人民的程度，大量年轻男女学生发现有必要去君士坦丁堡的美国罗伯茨学院接受高等教育。

Ferdinand, always supported by Austria, with whom he has always been in secret alliance, has devoted large sums to anti-Serb and anti-Greek propaganda in Bulgaria, Macedonia, and throughout the world, preparing for the day when his designs of conquest could be carried into effect.

费迪南德始终得到奥地利的支持，并一直与奥地利保持秘密联盟，他投入大量资金在保加利亚、马其顿和全世界进行反塞尔维亚和反希腊的宣传，为他的征服计划得以实施的那一天做准备。

As the First Balkan War drew to a finish, when King Ferdinand's grip had hardly closed on the golden prize of that war, Adrianople, which the Serbs helped their Bulgar brothers to conquer, and whose Turkish commander and his staff, as fate decreed, were actually captured by the Serbs and handed over by them to the Bulgarians, Ferdinand turned his army westward to attack the Serbs, leaving Adrianople and Thracia, rich territory which the Bulgars had just reconquered at such cost of blood and which was confirmed to Bulgaria by the Treaty of London, to fall back unprotected into the hands of the Turks.

第一次巴尔干战争接近尾声时，费迪南国王刚刚夺取了这场战争的黄金战利品阿德里安堡，塞尔维亚人帮助他们的保加利亚兄弟征服了阿德里安堡，而阿德里安堡的土耳其指挥官和他的幕僚，正如命运所定，实际上被塞尔维亚人俘虏并交给了保加利亚人，费迪南德调遣军队向西攻击塞尔维亚人，留下阿德里安堡和色雷斯这两个保加利亚人拥有的富饶领土。保加利亚刚刚以流血的代价重新被征服，伦敦条约确认了保加利亚将在没有保护的情况下落入土耳其人手中。

On the night of June 29, 1913, without any declaration of war, the Bulgarian army suddenly attacked the Serbians and Greeks all along the line, over 250 miles in length.

1913年6月29日夜，保加利亚军队在没有宣战的情况下，突然对全线250多英里的塞尔维亚人和希腊人发起进攻。

Apparently General Savoff, the Bulgarian commander, had taken the initiative upon himself, for all that night and the next day the Government in Sofia kept sending telegrams ordering the operations to cease.

显然，保加利亚指挥官萨沃夫将军主动采取了行动，整个晚上和第二天，索非亚政府不断发出电报，命令停止行动。

All through July the fighting continued, and the battles were far more bloody than those that had been fought with the Turks in the first war.

整个七月，战斗仍在继续，而且比第一次战争中与土耳其人进行的战斗更加血腥。

In the south the Bulgarians were decidedly beaten, but this was because they had counted on holding the Greeks back with only 70,000 men.

在南部，保加利亚人明显被击败，但这是因为他们指望仅用七万人就能阻挡希腊人。

The main fighting was on the Bregalnitza River, between the Serbians and the Bulgarians.

主要战斗发生在塞尔维亚人和保加利亚人之间的布雷加尔尼察河上。

Here the Bulgarians also suffered a reverse.

保加利亚人在这里也遭遇了逆转。

And the Serbians were suffering losses that they could less afford than the Bulgarians.

塞尔维亚人所遭受的损失比保加利亚人更难以承受。

Whether the Bulgarians might eventually have won out, as their lines were contracted and the Greeks were drawn away from their base at Saloniki, was a military question that was not to be decided.

保加利亚人最终是否会获胜，因为他们的战线被收缩，希腊人被从他们在萨洛尼基的基地撤走，这是一个尚未决定的军事问题。

For at this juncture Rumania took unexpected action.

因为就在这个时候，罗马尼亚采取了意想不到的行动。

She suddenly on July 10 began an invasion of Bulgaria from the north, and by the end of the month her cavalry screens were within twenty miles of the Bulgarian capital.

7 月 10 日，她突然开始从北部入侵保加利亚，到月底，她的骑兵屏障已到达距保加利亚首都二十英里以内。

The Turks, too, had recrossed the frontier and were once more in possession of Adrianople, which the small Bulgarian garrison surrendered without resistance.

土耳其人也重新越过边境，再次占领阿德里安堡，而保加利亚小规模驻军毫无抵抗地投降了阿德里安堡。

Literally the armies of all her neighbors were invading Bulgaria.

从字面上看，她所有邻国的军队都在入侵保加利亚。

Further resistance was useless.

进一步的抵抗是没有用的。

On July 31, after just one month of fighting, an armistice was signed, and representatives from all the belligerents met in Bucharest to negotiate terms of peace.

7月31日，经过仅仅一个月的战斗，停战协议签署，所有交战方代表在布加勒斯特会面，谈判和平条款。

On August 10 the Treaty of Bucharest was finally signed.

8月10日，《布加勒斯特条约》最终签署。

As a result of the Second Balkan War Bulgaria was left in a much worse position than she was in after the first war.

第二次巴尔干战争导致保加利亚的处境比第一次战争后糟糕得多。

First of all she had to give a slice of her Danubian territory to Rumania, as her price for entering the war.

首先，她必须将一部分多瑙河领土割让给罗马尼亚，作为她参战的代价。

Then she had to return part of Thrace, including Adrianople, to the Turks.

然后她必须将色雷斯的部分地区，包括阿德里安堡，归还给土耳其人。

Serbia retained southeastern Macedonia, and Greece kept Saloniki and its hinterland for fifty miles inward, including Kavala, the natural economic outlet for Bulgaria on the Ægean.

塞尔维亚保留了马其顿东南部，希腊则保留了萨洛尼基及其向内五十英里的腹地，其中包括卡瓦拉，保加利亚在爱琴海上的天然经济出口。

PART III--DIRECT CAUSES OF THE WAR

第三部分——战争的直接原因

CHAPTER XX

第二十章

ASSASSINATION OF FRANZ FERDINAND--AUSTRIA'S ULTIMATUM

刺杀弗朗茨·费迪南德——奥地利的最后通牒

It was the boast of the greater European powers, during the Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913, and after, that the "conflagration in the Balkans had been localized"--i.e., that none of the western nations would be involved in the complications growing out of the trouble in the Balkans.

在1912年和1913年的巴尔干战争期间以及此后，欧洲大国夸口说“巴尔干的战火已经局部化”——也就是说，没有哪个西方国家会卷入因巴尔干问题而产生的复杂局面。

The conflagration in the mountainous peninsula had been "localized," it was true; but the smouldering fire that remained after the Balkan Wars was to flare forth, during the summer of 1914, to spread over Europe from the Shetland Islands to Crete in one grand flame, and to drop sparks on the remaining four continents.

确实，多山半岛的大火是“局部的”。但巴尔干战争后余下的阴燃之火在 1914 年夏天突然爆发，从设得兰群岛到克里特岛，在整个欧洲蔓延开来，并在其余四大洲上留下了火花。

That smouldering fire was the doctrine known as Greater Serbianism, sometimes wrongly spoken of as Pan-Serbianism.

那股阴燃之火就是被称为“大塞尔维亚主义”的学说，有时被错误地称为“泛塞尔维亚主义”。

As during the nineteenth century one after another the Balkan States gained independence from Turkish sovereignty and the germ of what is called Nationalism was born in them, each looked about to see in what direction its boundaries might be extended.

十九世纪，巴尔干国家相继从土耳其主权中获得独立，民族主义的萌芽在这些国家中诞生，每个国家都在考虑将自己的边界延伸到哪个方向。

The appetite of Nationalism, with these small states as with the greater countries, demanded that under the flag of a given nation must be gathered all the peoples of that nation; if some of them dwell in foreign lands those lands must be conquered; if foreigners live within the borders of the country those foreigners must be "ironed out"--the crushing machinery of despotic government must be brought into use to force them to adopt the language, literature, traditions, and religion of the nation which considered them alien.

无论是小国还是大国，民族主义的胃口都要求该国的所有人民都必须聚集在某个国家的旗帜下。如果他们中的一些人居住在外国，那么这些土地就必须被征服；如果外国人居住在该国境内，那么这些外国人就必须被“消除”——必须使用专制政府的镇压机器，迫使他们接受被视为外国人的国家的语言、文学、传统和宗教。

And the appetite of Nationalism demanded one thing more--that the political boundaries of a nation conform with the "natural boundaries" as they seemed to be delimited by mountains, rivers, and coasts.

民族主义的胃口还要求一件事——一个国家的政治边界符合“自然边界”，因为它们似乎是由山脉、河流和海岸划定的。

The kingdoms of Serbia and Montenegro had shown symptoms of Nationalism long before the Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913; when they emerged from those wars with their territories almost doubled the idea took even greater hold on them.

早在 1912 年和 1913 年巴尔干战争之前，塞尔维亚和黑山王国就已经表现出了民族主义的症状；当他们从这些战争中摆脱出来，领土几乎增加了一倍时，这个想法就更加牢牢地控制了他们。

As Turkish sovereignty and influence became less feared, Austrian dominance replaced them.

随着土耳其的主权和影响力不再那么令人恐惧，奥地利的统治地位取代了它们。

Austria did nothing to allay this fear; she stood as a Teutonic bulwark between a growing Slavic menace (in Serbia and Montenegro) on the south and the already formidable Slavic menace (Russia) on the east.

奥地利没有采取任何措施来减轻这种恐惧。她是条顿人的堡垒，位于南部日益增长的斯拉夫威胁（塞尔维亚和黑山）和东部已经强大的斯拉夫威胁（俄罗斯）之间。

In her provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which were transformed from protectorates to integral parts of the Austrian Empire in 1908, there dwelt thousands of peasants who were of Serbian nationality; in more concise terms they were of the same racial stock as the Serbians.

1908 年，波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那省从保护国转变为奥地利帝国不可分割的一部分，那里居住着数千名塞尔维亚籍农民。更简洁地说，他们与塞尔维亚人属于同一种族。

After Serbian prestige rose as a result of the Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913 these Serbian subjects of Austria desired more than ever to be a part of the Slav kingdom; this desire was shared by the leading factions in Serbia itself; the doctrine of "Greater Serbia" demanded that the aims of the desire be materialized.

1912 年和 1913 年的巴尔干战争使塞尔维亚的威望得到提升，奥地利的这些塞尔维亚臣民比以往任何时候都更渴望成为斯拉夫王国的一部分。塞尔维亚国内的主要派别也有同样的愿望； “大塞尔维亚”的学说要求实现这一愿望的目标。

Besides, the "natural boundaries" of Serbia seemed to take in the greater part, if not all, of Bosnia and Herzegovina, for they stretched along the eastern shores of the Adriatic and shut Serbia and Montenegro off from that sea.

此外，塞尔维亚的“自然边界”似乎涵盖了波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的大部分（如果不是全部的话），因为它们沿着亚得里亚海东岸延伸，将塞尔维亚和黑山与该海域隔绝。

Propaganda began to spread throughout Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, reminding the Serbs in all three places that they must work to bring themselves under one government, and that government their own; they were urged to keep up their efforts to standardize their religion, their speech, their traditions; they were called upon, by this same propaganda, to substitute Austria for Turkey as the object of national Serbian hate.

宣传开始在塞尔维亚和波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那蔓延，提醒这三个地方的塞尔维亚人，他们必须努力将自己置于一个政府之下，而且这个政府是他们自己的政府；敦促他们继续努力使他们的宗教、言论和传统标准化；同样的宣传呼吁他们用奥地利取代土耳其，成为塞尔维亚民族仇恨的对象。

But Austria, too, had the disease of Nationalism, and she had been engaged since 1908 in "ironing out" the Serbs within her borders.

但奥地利也患有民族主义病，自 1908 年以来，她一直致力于“消灭”境内的塞尔维亚人。

Thus great friction was engendered, and when, on June 28, 1914, the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, the crown prince and his morganatic wife visited the Bosnian city of Sarajevo, they and the officials of the city and province knew that the lives of the pair were in danger from Serbian intrigue.

由此产生了巨大的摩擦，1914年6月28日，当王储弗朗西斯·斐迪南大公和他的贵族妻子访问波斯尼亚城市萨拉热窝时，他们以及该市和省的官员都知道，两人的生命正受到塞尔维亚阴谋的威胁。

The archduke had gone to Bosnia on his first visit to take charge of military maneuvers there, and before he left the Austrian capital the Serbian minister had expressed doubt as to the wisdom of the visit, telling the court that the Serbian population in Bosnia might make unfavorable demonstrations.

大公第一次访问波斯尼亚是为了在那里负责军事演习，在他离开奥地利首都之前，塞尔维亚部长对这次访问的明智性表示怀疑，并告诉法庭，波斯尼亚的塞尔维亚人可能会举行不利的示威活动。

The fears of the Serbian minister proved to be well founded; Sarajevo displayed many Serbian flags on the day of his arrival.

事实证明，塞尔维亚部长的担忧是有根据的。他抵达当天，萨拉热窝展示了许多塞尔维亚国旗。

The archduke's party, in automobiles, proceeded to the Town Hall after leaving the railway station, passing through crowded streets.

大公一行人从火车站出来，乘坐汽车，穿过拥挤的街道，前往市政厅。

The city officials were gathered at the Town Hall to give him an official welcome.

市政府官员聚集在市政厅对他表示正式欢迎。

A bomb, hurled from a roof, fell into the archduke's car; he caught it and threw it to the pavement, where it exploded, doing no damage to either him or his wife, but injuring two adjutants in the car following.

一枚炸弹从屋顶投下，落入大公的汽车中；他接住了它，把它扔到人行道上，它爆炸了，没有对他或他的妻子造成伤害，但炸伤了后面车里的两名副官。

One Gabrinovics, a Serbian from Trebinje, was arrested as the assailant.

来自特雷比涅的塞尔维亚人加布里诺维奇（Gabrinovics）作为袭击者被捕。

The archduke proceeded to the Town Hall, and after berating the city officials listened to the speeches of welcome.

大公前往市政厅，斥责了市政官员后，听取了欢迎致辞。

As he and his wife were departing a Serbian student, named Prinzip, who was later arrested, rushed out from the crowd and fired point-blank at the couple with a revolver.

当他和妻子离开时，一名名叫普林齐普（后来被捕）的塞尔维亚学生从人群中冲出来，用左轮手枪向这对夫妇开枪。

Both were hit a number of times and died some hours later from their wounds.

两人都被击中多次，几小时后因伤身亡。

Great excitement immediately prevailed in Sofia and Vienna, and in Berlin and St. Petersburg to a lesser degree.

索非亚和维也纳立即掀起了巨大的兴奋，柏林和圣彼得堡的热情也稍高一些。

What retribution would Austria demand?

奥地利会要求什么报复？

The Austrian press openly avowed that the plot on the archduke's life had been hatched in official circles in Serbia, and the Austrian Government made no attempt to suppress these statements.

奥地利媒体公开宣称刺杀大公的阴谋是塞尔维亚官方圈子策划的，奥地利政府也没有试图压制这些言论。

One hour after the tragedy had taken place it had assumed an official and international complexion.

悲剧发生一小时后，它就呈现出官方和国际化的面貌。

A punitive war against Serbia was immediately urged in Vienna.

维也纳立即敦促对塞尔维亚发动惩罚性战争。

On June 29, 1914, anti-Serbian riots broke out in Bosnia, Sarajevo was put under martial law, and the bodies of the assassinated couple began the mournful journey to Vienna.

1914年6月29日，波斯尼亚爆发反塞尔维亚骚乱，萨拉热窝实行戒严，被暗杀夫妇的尸体开始了前往维也纳的悲痛之旅。

On July 2, 1914, Prinzip confessed that he had apprised the Pan-Serbian Union of his attempt to kill the archduke, and on the same day the first intimation came that the matter was considered a serious one in Germany--the kaiser became "diplomatically ill." Then, for twenty days there was an outward calm in the capitals of Europe, but behind the scenes the diplomats were at work; the great question was how far Russia would go in defending her Slavic sister state against the impending demands of Austria.

1914 年 7 月 2 日，普林齐普承认，他已向泛塞尔维亚联盟通报了他企图刺杀大公的情况，同一天，第一个消息传来，此事在德国被视为严重事件——德皇患上了“外交疾病”。接下来的二十天里，欧洲各国首都表面上一片平静，但在幕后，外交官们却在忙碌。最大的问题是，俄罗斯将在多大程度上保卫其斯拉夫姐妹国家，抵御奥地利即将提出的要求。

These demands were made public in a note which Austria sent to Serbia on July 23, 1914.

这些要求在奥地利于 1914 年 7 月 23 日致塞尔维亚的照会中公开。

Serbia was given till 6 p.

塞尔维亚的比赛一直持续到下午 6 点。

m., July 25, 1914, to comply with the ultimatum, which read as follows:

1914 年 7 月 25 日，遵守最后通牒，内容如下：

"On March 31, 1909, the Royal Serbian Minister in Vienna, on the instructions of the Serbian Government, made the following statements to the Imperial and Royal Government:

“1909 年 3 月 31 日，维也纳的塞尔维亚皇家大臣根据塞尔维亚政府的指示，向帝国和王国政府发表了以下声明：

"'Serbia recognizes that the _fait accompli_ regarding Bosnia has not affected her rights, and consequently she will conform to the decisions that the powers will take in conformity with Article XXV of the Treaty of Berlin.

“塞尔维亚认识到，关于波斯尼亚的既成事实并没有影响她的权利，因此她将遵守有关国家根据《柏林条约》第二十五条作出的决定。

At the same time that Serbia submits to the advice of the powers she undertakes to renounce the attitude of protest and opposition which she has adopted since October last.

与此同时，塞尔维亚接受当局的建议，承诺放弃自去年十月以来采取的抗议和反对态度。

She undertakes on the other hand to modify the direction of her policy with regard to Austria-Hungary and to live in future on good neighborly terms with the latter.'

另一方面，她承诺修改其对奥匈帝国的政策方向，并在未来与奥匈帝国睦邻友好。

"The history of recent years, and in particular the painful events on June 28 last, have shown the existence in Serbia of subversive movement with the object of detaching a part of Austria-Hungary from the monarchy.

“近年来的历史，特别是去年 6 月 28 日发生的痛苦事件，表明塞尔维亚存在颠覆运动，其目的是将奥匈帝国的一部分从君主制中分离出来。

The movement which had its birth under the eyes of the Serbian Government, has had consequences on both sides of the Serbian frontier in the shape of acts of terrorism and a series of outrages and murders.

该运动在塞尔维亚政府的注视下诞生，以恐怖主义行为和一系列暴行和谋杀的形式对塞尔维亚边境两侧产生了影响。

"Far from carrying out the formal undertakings contained in the declaration of March 31, 1909, the Royal Serbian Government has done nothing to repress these movements.

“塞尔维亚皇家政府不但没有履行 1909 年 3 月 31 日声明中所载的正式承诺，而且没有采取任何行动来镇压这些运动。

It has permitted the criminal machinations of various societies and associations, and has tolerated unrestrained language on the part of the press, apologies for the perpetrators of outrage and the participation of officers and functionaries in subversive agitation.

它允许各种社团和协会的犯罪阴谋，并容忍新闻界无节制的语言、对暴行者的道歉以及官员和工作人员参与颠覆性鼓动。

It has permitted an unwholesome propaganda in public instruction.

它允许在公共教育中进行不健康的宣传。

In short, it has permitted all the manifestations which have incited the Serbian population to hatred of the monarchy and contempt of its institutions.

简而言之，它允许一切煽动塞尔维亚人民仇恨君主制和蔑视其制度的表现。

"This culpable tolerance of the Royal Serbian Government had not ceased at the moment when the events of June 28 last proved its fatal consequences to the whole world.

“当 6 月 28 日的事件最后证明其对全世界造成致命后果时，塞尔维亚皇家政府的这种应受谴责的容忍并没有停止。

"It results from the depositions and confessions of the criminal perpetrators of the outrage of June 28 that the Sarajevo assassinations were hatched in Belgrade, that the arms and explosives with which the murderers were provided had been given to them by Serbian officers and functionaries belonging to the Narodna Obrava, and, finally, that the passage into Bosnia of the criminals and their arms was organized and effected by the chiefs of the Serbian Frontier Service.

“根据 6 月 28 日暴行的罪犯的证词和供述，萨拉热窝暗杀事件是在贝尔格莱德策划的，向凶手提供的武器和爆炸物是塞尔维亚军官和国民党的工作人员给他们的，最后，罪犯及其武器进入波斯尼亚是由塞尔维亚边防局负责人组织和实施的。

"The above-mentioned results of the magisterial investigation do not permit the Austro-Hungarian Government to pursue any longer the attitude of expectant forbearance which it has maintained for years in face of the machinations hatched in Belgrade and thence propagated in the territories of the monarchy.

“上述司法调查结果不允许奥匈帝国政府再采取多年来面对在贝尔格莱德酝酿并随后在君主国领土上传播的阴谋而保持的预期克制态度。

These results, on the contrary, impose on it the duty of putting an end to intrigues which form a perpetual menace to the tranquility of the monarchy.

相反，这些结果迫使它有责任制止对君主政体的安宁构成永久威胁的阴谋。

"To achieve this end the Imperial and Royal Government sees itself compelled to demand from the Serbian Government a formal assurance that it condemns this dangerous propaganda against the monarchy and the territories belonging to it, and that the Royal Serbian Government shall no longer permit these machinations and this criminal and perverse propaganda.

“为了实现这一目标，帝国和王国政府认为自己必须要求塞尔维亚政府做出正式保证，谴责这种针对君主制及其所属领土的危险宣传，并且塞尔维亚皇家政府将不再允许这些阴谋和这种犯罪和不正当的宣传。

"In order to give a formal character to this undertaking the Royal Serbian Government shall publish on the front page of its official journal for July 26 the following declaration:

“为了使这项承诺具有正式性质，塞尔维亚皇家政府应在 7 月 26 日的官方公报的头版上发表以下声明：

"'The Royal Government of Serbia condemns the propaganda directed against Austria-Hungary, i.

“‘塞尔维亚王国政府谴责针对奥匈帝国的宣传，即。

e., the ensemble of tendencies of which the final aim is to detach from Austro-Hungarian monarchy territories belonging to it, and it sincerely deplores the fatal consequences of these criminal proceedings.

其最终目的是脱离属于其的奥匈帝国领土，它对这些刑事诉讼所造成的致命后果表示诚挚的谴责。

"'The Royal Government regrets that Serbian officers and functionaries participated in the above-mentioned propaganda and thus compromised the good, neighborly relations to which the Royal Government was solemnly pledged by its declaration of March 31, 1909.

“王国政府对塞尔维亚军官和工作人员参与上述宣传活动表示遗憾，从而损害了王国政府在 1909 年 3 月 31 日声明中庄严承诺的睦邻友好关系。

The Royal Government, which disapproves and repudiates all idea of interfering or attempt to interfere with the destinies of the inhabitants of any part whatsoever of Austria-Hungary, considers it its duty formally to warn officers and functionaries, and the whole population of the kingdom, that henceforward it will proceed with the utmost rigor against persons who may be guilty of such machinations, which it will use all its efforts to anticipate and suppress.'

王国政府不赞成和否认任何干涉或试图干涉奥匈帝国任何地区居民命运的想法，认为有责任正式警告官员和工作人员以及王国全体人民，从今以后，它将对可能犯下此类阴谋的人采取最严厉的打击，并将尽一切努力来预测和镇压这些阴谋。

"The Royal Serbian Government further undertakes:

“塞尔维亚皇家政府进一步承诺：

"1.

“1.

To suppress any publications which incite to hatred and contempt of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and the general tendency of which is directed against its territorial integrity.

压制任何煽动对奥匈帝国君主制的仇恨和蔑视以及其总体倾向反对其领土完整的出版物。

"2.

”2.

To dissolve immediately the society styled Narodna Obrava, to confiscate all its means of propaganda, and to proceed in the same manner against other societies and their branches which are addicted to propaganda against the Austro-Hungarian monarchy.

立即解散名为“国民党”的社团，没收其所有宣传手段，并以同样的方式打击其他沉迷于反对奥匈帝国宣传的社团及其分支机构。

The Royal Government shall take the necessary measures to prevent the societies dissolved from continuing their activity under another name and form.

王国政府应采取必要措施，防止解散的社团以其他名称和形式继续其活动。

"3.

”3.

To eliminate without delay from public instruction in Serbia, not only as regards the teaching body, but also as regards the methods of instruction, everything that serves or might serve to foment the propaganda against Austria-Hungary.

毫不拖延地从塞尔维亚的公共教育中消除一切有助于或可能有助于煽动反奥匈帝国宣传的事物，不仅在教学机构方面，而且在教学方法方面。

"4.

”4.

To remove from the military service and from the Administration in general all officers and functionaries guilty of propaganda against the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, whose names and deeds the Austro-Hungarian Government reserves to itself the right of communicating to the Royal Government.

将所有从事反奥匈帝国宣传的军官和工作人员从军队和行政部门中除名，奥匈帝国政府保留向王国政府通报其姓名和行为的权利。

"5.

“5.

To accept the collaboration in Serbia of representatives of the Austro-Hungarian Government in the suppression of the subversive movement directed against the territorial integrity of the monarchy.

接受奥匈帝国政府代表在塞尔维亚镇压针对君主国领土完整的颠覆运动的合作。

"6.

“6.

To take judicial proceedings against accessories to the plot of June 28 who are on Serbian territory.

对塞尔维亚领土上的 6 月 28 日阴谋同伙提起司法诉讼。

Delegates of the Austro-Hungarian Government will take part in the investigation relating thereto.

奥匈政府代表将参加相关调查。

"7.

” 7.

To proceed without delay to the arrest of Major Voija Tankositch and of the individual named Milan Ciganovitch, a Serbian state employee, who have been compromised by the results of the magisterial inquiry at Sarajevo.

毫不拖延地逮捕沃伊亚·坦科西奇少校和塞尔维亚国家雇员米兰·西加诺维奇，他们因萨拉热窝司法调查的结果而受到损害。

"8.

” 8.

To prevent by effective measures the cooperation of the Serbian authorities in the illicit traffic in arms and explosives across the frontier, and to dismiss and punish severely officials of the frontier service at Schabatz and Loznica guilty of having assisted the perpetrators of the Sarajevo crime by facilitating the passage of the frontier for them.

采取有效措施，防止塞尔维亚当局合作越境非法贩运武器和爆炸物，并解雇和严惩沙巴茨和洛兹尼察边防官员，这些官员因协助萨拉热窝罪行的犯罪者通过边境而犯有罪。

"9.

“9.

To furnish the Austro-Hungarian Government with explanations regarding the unjustifiable utterances of high Serbian officials, both in Serbia and abroad, who, notwithstanding their official position, did not hesitate after the crime of June 28 to express themselves in interviews in terms of hostility to the Austro-Hungarian Government, and finally;

就塞尔维亚境内外塞尔维亚高级官员的无理言论向奥匈帝国政府提供解释，这些官员尽管持有官方立场，但在 6 月 28 日犯罪事件发生后毫不犹豫地在采访中表达了对奥匈帝国政府的敌意，最后；

"10.

” 10.

To notify the Austro-Hungarian Government without delay of the execution of the measures comprised under the preceding heads.

毫不拖延地将上述措施的执行情况通知奥匈帝国政府。

"The Austro-Hungarian Government expects the reply of the Serbian Government at the latest by six o'clock on Saturday evening, July 26, 1914."

“奥匈帝国政府希望塞尔维亚政府最迟在 1914 年 7 月 26 日星期六晚上六点之前得到答复。”

[Illustration: Austria, 1815-1914.]

[插图：奥地利，1815-1914 年。]

CHAPTER XXI

第二十一章

SERBIA'S REPLY

塞尔维亚的答复

Because this note was so specific in its demands it is best to give in full the Serbian reply to it, which was issued within the period set by the Austro-Hungarian note.

由于该照会的要求非常具体，因此最好完整地给出塞尔维亚的答复，该答复是在奥匈照会规定的期限内发出的。

The Serbian answer in full was as follows:

塞尔维亚答复全文如下：

"The Royal Serbian Government has received the communication of the Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Government, and it is persuaded that its reply will remove all misunderstanding tending to threaten or to prejudice the friendly and neighborly relations between the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and the kingdom of Serbia.

“塞尔维亚王国政府已收到奥匈帝国帝国和皇家政府的来函，相信其答复将消除一切可能威胁或损害奥匈帝国与塞尔维亚王国之间友好睦邻关系的误解。

"The Royal Government is aware that the protests made both at the tribune of the National Skupshtina (the Serbian legislative body) and in the declarations and the acts of responsible representatives of the state--protests which were cut short by the declaration of the Serbian Government made on March 18--have not been renewed toward the great neighboring monarchy on any occasion and that since this time, both on the part of the Royal Governments which have followed on one another, and on the part of their organs, no attempt has been made with the purpose of changing the political and judicial state of things in this respect.

“王国政府意识到，在国家Skupshtina（塞尔维亚立法机构）的讲坛上以及在国家负责代表的声明和行动中提出的抗议——这些抗议因塞尔维亚政府3月18日的声明而中断——在任何场合都没有再次针对伟大的邻国君主国，并且从那时起，无论是在相互追随的王国政府方面，还是在其机构方面，都没有尝试过制定的目的是改变这方面的政治和司法状况。

"The Imperial and Royal Government has made no representations save concerning a scholastic book regarding which the Imperial and Royal Government has received an entirely satisfactory explanation.

“除了一本学术书籍之外，帝国和王国政府没有做出任何陈述，对此帝国和王国政府已经收到了完全令人满意的解释。

Serbia has repeatedly given proofs of her pacific and moderate policy during the Balkan crises, and it is thanks to Serbia and the sacrifice she made exclusively in the interest of the peace of Europe that this peace has been preserved.

塞尔维亚在巴尔干危机期间多次证明了其和平和温和的政策，正是由于塞尔维亚和她专门为了欧洲和平而做出的牺牲，才得以维持这种和平。

The Royal Government cannot be held responsible for manifestations of a private nature, such as newspaper articles and the peaceful work of societies--manifestations which occur in almost all countries as a matter of course, and which, as a general rule, escape official control--all the less in that the Royal Government when solving a whole series of questions which came up between Serbia and Austria-Hungary has displayed a great readiness to treat prevenance, and in this way succeeded in settling the greater number to the advantage of the progress of the two neighboring countries.

王国政府不能对私人性质的表现负责，例如报纸文章和社会的和平工作——几乎所有国家的表现都是理所当然的，而且一般来说不受官方控制——更何况王国政府在解决塞尔维亚和奥匈帝国之间出现的一系列问题时表现出了对待预防的极大意愿，并以这种方式成功地解决了更多的问题，有利于两个邻国的进步。

"It is for this reason that the Royal Government has been painfully surprised by the statements according to which persons of the Kingdom of Serbia are said to have taken part in the preparation of the outrage committed at Sarajevo.

“正是出于这个原因，王国政府对据称塞尔维亚王国人士参与准备在萨拉热窝犯下的暴行的声明感到痛苦和惊讶。

It expected that it would be invited to collaborate in the investigation of everything bearing on this crime, and it was ready to prove by its actions its entire correctness to take steps against all persons with regard to whom communications had been made to it, thus acquiescing in the desire of the Imperial and Royal Government.

它期望它会被邀请合作调查与这一罪行有关的一切，并且它准备用它的行动来证明它对所有与之通信的人采取措施的完全正确性，从而默许了帝国和王国政府的愿望。

"The Royal Government is disposed to hand over to the courts any Serbian subject, without regard to his situation and rank, for whose complicity in the crime of Sarajevo it shall have been furnished with proofs, and especially it engages itself to have published on the front page of the official journal of July 13-26 the following announcement:

“王国政府准备将任何塞尔维亚公民移交给法院，无论其处境和级别如何，只要其在萨拉热窝罪行中共谋，王国政府就应提供证据，并特别承诺在 7 月 13 日至 26 日的官方公报的头版上发表以下公告：

"'The Royal Serbian Government condemns all propaganda directed against Austria-Hungary, that is to say, all tendencies as a whole of which the ultimate object is to detach from the Austro-Hungarian monarchy territories which form part of it, and it sincerely deplores the fatal consequences of these criminal actions.

“塞尔维亚王国政府谴责一切针对奥匈帝国的宣传，也就是说，谴责所有其最终目的是脱离奥匈帝国领土的倾向，并对这些犯罪行为造成的致命后果表示诚挚的谴责。

The Royal Government regrets that Serbian officers and officials should, according to the communication of the Imperial and Royal Government, have participated in the above-mentioned propaganda, thereby compromising the good neighborly relations to which the Royal Government solemnly pledged itself by its declaration of March 31, 1909.

王国政府感到遗憾的是，根据帝国和王国政府的来函，塞尔维亚军官和官员参与了上述宣传，从而损害了王国政府在 1909 年 3 月 31 日声明中庄严承诺的睦邻关系。

The Government, which disapproves and repudiates any idea or attempt to interfere in the destinies of the inhabitants of any part of Austria-Hungary whatsoever, considers it its duty to utter a formal warning to the officers, the officials, and the whole population of the kingdom that henceforth it will proceed with the utmost rigor against persons who render themselves guilty of such actions, which it will use all its force to prevent and repress.'

政府不赞成和否认任何干涉奥匈帝国任何地区居民命运的想法或企图，认为有责任向王国的军官、官员和全体人民发出正式警告，从今以后，政府将对犯下此类行为的人采取最严厉的打击，并将竭尽全力阻止和镇压。

"This announcement shall be brought to the cognizance of the Royal army by an order of the day issued in the name of his Majesty the King by H.

“这一公告应通过 H.

R。

the Crown Prince Alexander, and shall be published in the next official bulletin of the army.

亚历山大王储，并将在下一次军队官方公报中公布。

"1.

“1.

The Royal Government engages itself, furthermore, to lay before the next meeting of the Skupshtina an amendment to the press law, punishing in the severest manner incitements to hate and contempt of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, and also all publications of which the general tendency is directed against the territorial integrity of the monarchy.

此外，王国政府还承诺在下次议会会议上提出一项新闻法修正案，以最严厉的方式惩罚煽动仇恨和蔑视奥匈帝国君主制的行为，以及所有总体倾向反对君主制领土完整的出版物。

It undertakes at the forthcoming revision of the constitution to introduce an amendment whereby the above publications may be confiscated, which is at present forbidden by the terms of Article XXII of the constitution.

它承诺在即将修订的宪法中提出一项修正案，规定可以没收上述出版物，而目前宪法第二十二条的条款禁止这样做。

"2.

”2.

The Government does not possess any proof, nor does the note of the Imperial and Royal Government furnish such, that the Society Narodna Obrana and other similar societies have up to the present committed any criminal acts of this kind through the instrumentality of one of their members.

政府没有任何证据，帝国和王国政府的照会也没有提供任何证据表明，全国人民协会和其他类似协会迄今为止通过其一名成员实施了任何此类犯罪行为。

Nevertheless, the Royal Government will accept the demand of the Imperial and Royal Government and will dissolve the Narodna Obrana Society and any other society which shall agitate against Austria-Hungary.

尽管如此，王国政府将接受帝国和王国政府的要求，并将解散国民党协会和任何其他煽动反对奥匈帝国的协会。

"3.

”3.

The Royal Serbian Government engages itself to eliminate without delay for public instruction in Serbia everything which aids or might aid in fomenting the propaganda against Austria-Hungary when the Imperial and Royal Government furnishes facts and proofs of this propaganda.

当帝国和王国政府提供事实和证据时，塞尔维亚皇家政府致力于立即消除塞尔维亚境内一切有助于或可能有助于煽动反奥匈帝国宣传的公共教育。

"4.

”4.

The Royal Government also agrees to remove from the military service (all persons) whom the judicial inquiry proves to have been guilty of acts directed against the integrity of the territory of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, and it expects the Imperial and Royal Government to communicate at an ulterior date the names and the deeds of these officers and officials for the purposes of the proceedings which will have to be taken.

王国政府还同意将司法调查证明犯有危害奥匈帝国领土完整行为的人（所有人员）开除出兵役，并希望帝国和王国政府在最终日期通报这些军官和官员的姓名和行为，以便进行必须采取的诉讼。

"5.

“5.

The Royal Government must confess that it is not quite clear as to the sense and object of the demands of the Imperial and Royal Government that Serbia should undertake to accept on her territory the collaboration of delegates of the Imperial and Royal Government, but it declares that it will admit whatever collaboration which may be in accord with the principles of international law and criminal procedure, as well as with good neighborly relations.

王国政府必须承认，对于帝国和王国政府要求塞尔维亚承诺在其领土上接受帝国和王国政府代表的合作的意义和目的还不太清楚，但它声明它将接受任何符合国际法和刑事诉讼原则以及睦邻关系原则的合作。

"6.

“6.

The Royal Government, as goes without saying, considers it to be its duty to open an inquiry against all those who are, or shall eventually prove to have been, involved in the plot of June 28, and who are in Serbian territory.

不言而喻，王国政府认为有责任对塞尔维亚境内所有参与或最终证明参与 6 月 28 日阴谋的人展开调查。

As to the participation at this investigation of agents of the Austro-Hungarian authorities delegated for this purpose by the Imperial and Royal Government, the Royal Government cannot accept this demand, for it would be a violation of the constitution and of the law of criminal procedure.

至于帝国和王国政府为此目的委托奥匈帝国当局特工参与此次调查，王国政府不能接受这一要求，因为这将违反宪法和刑事诉讼法。

Nevertheless, in concrete cases it might be found possible to communicate the results of the investigation in question to the Austro-Hungarian representatives.

然而，在具体情况下，也许可以将有关调查的结果传达给奥匈帝国代表。

"7.

” 7.

On the very evening that the note was handed in the Royal Government arrested Major Voija Tankositch.

就在这张纸条递交给王国政府的当天晚上，沃伊亚·坦科西奇少校被捕。

As for Milan Ciganovitch, who is a subject of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, and who until June 15 was employed as a beginner in the administration of the railways, it has not yet been possible to (arrest) him.

至于米兰·齐加诺维奇（Milan Ciganovitch），他是奥匈帝国的臣民，直到6月15日才被聘为铁路管理新手，目前还不可能（逮捕）他。

In view of the ultimate inquiry the Imperial and Royal Government is requested to have the goodness to communicate in the usual form as soon as possible the presumptions of guilt, as well as the eventual proofs of guilt, against these persons which have been collected up to the present in the investigations at Sarajevo.

鉴于最终调查，请帝国和王国政府尽快以通常的形式通报萨拉热窝调查中迄今为止收集到的针对这些人的有罪推定以及最终有罪证据。

"8.

” 8.

The Serbian Government will strengthen and extend the measures taken to prevent the illicit traffic of arms and explosives across the frontier.

塞尔维亚政府将加强和扩大为防止边境非法贩运武器和爆炸物而采取的措施。

It goes without saying that it will immediately order an investigation and will severely punish the frontier officials along the line Schabatz-Losnitza who have been lacking in their duties and who allowed the authors of the crime of Sarajevo to pass.

不言而喻，它将立即下令进行调查，并将严惩沙巴茨-洛斯尼察沿线失职、纵容萨拉热窝罪行的边防官员。

"9.

“9.

The Royal Government will willingly give explanations regarding the remarks made in interviews by its officials, both in Serbia and abroad, after the attempt, and which, according to the statement of the Imperial and Royal Government, were hostile toward the monarchy, as soon as the Imperial and Royal Government has (forwarded) it the passages in question of these remarks and as soon as it has shown that the remarks made were really made by the officials regarding whom the Royal Government itself will see about collecting proofs.

一旦帝国和王国政府转发了这些言论的相关段落，并且一旦表明这些言论确实是由王国政府本身将收集证据的官员所发表的，王国政府将愿意就塞尔维亚和国外的官员在采访中发表的言论做出解释，根据帝国和王国政府的声明，这些言论对君主制怀有敌意。

[Illustration: Franz Josef I, Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary.]

[插图：弗朗茨约瑟夫一世，奥地利皇帝和匈牙利国王。]

"10.

” 10.

The Royal Government will inform the Imperial and Royal Government of the execution of the measures comprised in the preceding points, in so far as that has not already been done by the present note, as soon as such measure has been ordered and executed.

王国政府将在下令并执行上述措施后，立即通知帝国和王国政府执行上述措施（如果本照会尚未执行）。

"In the event of the Imperial and Royal Government considering that it is to the common interest not to precipitate the solution of this question, it is ready, as always, to accept a pacific understanding, either by referring this question to the decision of The Hague International Tribunal or to the great powers which took part in the drawing up of the declaration made by the Serbian Government on March 18-31, 1909."

“如果帝国和王国政府认为不急于解决这一问题符合共同利益，那么它愿意一如既往地接受和平谅解，要么将此问题提交给海牙国际法庭的裁决，要么提交给参与起草塞尔维亚政府于 1909 年 3 月 18 日至 31 日发表的声明的大国。”

CHAPTER XXII

第二十二章

DIPLOMATIC EXCHANGES

外交交往

This reply from Serbia was not deemed satisfactory by Austria-Hungary and relations with Serbia were immediately broken off.

奥匈帝国对塞尔维亚的答复不满意，立即断绝了与塞尔维亚的关系。

On the following day, July 26, 1914, "diplomatic conversations," the object of which was to smooth over the differences between Austria-Hungary and Serbia, took place in Berlin, St. Petersburg and Vienna between representatives of the three nations whose capitals these were.

第二天，即 1914 年 7 月 26 日，以缓和奥匈帝国和塞尔维亚两国首都为目的的三个国家的代表在柏林、圣彼得堡和维也纳进行了“外交对话”。

Austria-Hungary sent to the various governments the following "circular note" on July 27, 1914:

奥匈帝国于1914年7月27日向各国政府发出如下“通函”：

"The object of the Serbian note is to create the false impression that the Serbian Government is prepared in great measure to comply with our demands.

“塞尔维亚照会的目的是制造一种错误印象，即塞尔维亚政府已做好充分准备满足我们的要求。

"As a matter of fact, however, Serbia's note is filled with the spirit of dishonesty, which clearly lets it be seen that the Serbian Government is not seriously determined to put an end to the culpable tolerance it hitherto has extended to intrigues against the Austro-Hungarian monarchy.

“然而，事实上，塞尔维亚的照会充满了不诚实的精神，这清楚地表明，塞尔维亚政府并没有认真决心结束迄今为止对反对奥匈帝国君主制的阴谋的应受谴责的容忍。

"The Serbian note contains such far-reaching reservations and limitations not only regarding the general principles of our Action, but also in regard to the individual claims we have put forward, that the concessions actually made by Serbia become insignificant.

“塞尔维亚的照会包含如此深远的保留和限制，不仅涉及我们行动的一般原则，而且还涉及我们提出的个别主张，以致塞尔维亚实际做出的让步变得微不足道。

"In particular, our demand for the participation of the Austro-Hungarian authorities in investigations to detect accomplices in the conspiracy on Serbian territory has been rejected, while our request that measures be taken against that section of the Serbian press hostile to Austria-Hungary has been declined, and our wish that the Serbian Government take the necessary measures to prevent the dissolved Austrophobe associations continuing their activity under another name and under another form has not even been considered.

“特别是，我们要求奥匈当局参与调查以查明塞尔维亚境内阴谋同谋的要求遭到拒绝，而我们要求对敌视奥匈帝国的塞尔维亚新闻界采取措施的要求也遭到拒绝，我们希望塞尔维亚政府采取必要措施防止已解散的恐奥协会以另一个名义和形式继续开展活动的愿望甚至没有得到考虑。

"Since the claims in the Austro-Hungarian note of July 23, regard being had to the attitude hitherto adopted by Serbia, represent the minimum of what is necessary for the establishment of permanent peace with the southeastern monarchy, the Serbian answer must be regarded as unsatisfactory.

“鉴于7月23日奥匈照会中的主张，考虑到塞尔维亚迄今为止所采取的态度，代表了与东南部君主国建立永久和平所需的最低限度，因此塞尔维亚的答复必须被认为是不能令人满意的。

"That the Serbian Government itself is conscious that its note is not acceptable to us is proved by the circumstances that it proposes at the end of the note to submit the dispute to arbitration--an invitation which is thrown into its proper light by the fact that three hours before handing in the note, a few minutes before the expiration of the time limit, the mobilization of the Serbian army took place."

“塞尔维亚政府本身意识到它的照会不为我们所接受，这一点可以从它在照会末尾提议将争端提交仲裁的情况得到证明——在提交照会前三小时，即时限到期前几分钟，塞尔维亚军队进行了动员，这一事实充分说明了这一邀请。”

The Great powers were not willing to go to war without first trying mediation between the two kingdoms in southeastern Europe, and even Russia, which was known to be a potential ally of Serbia, showed a disposition to use diplomacy before force.

在没有首先尝试在东南欧两个王国之间进行调解的情况下，大国不愿意开战，甚至连被认为是塞尔维亚潜在盟友的俄罗斯也表现出了先使用外交而不是使用武力的倾向。

When the demands made by Austria-Hungary in her note of July 25, 1914, became known in the Russian capital, the following note was immediately telegraphed to Vienna:

当奥匈帝国在 1914 年 7 月 25 日照会中提出的要求在俄罗斯首都得知后，立即将以下照会电报至维也纳：

"The communication [the circular note quoted above] made by Austria-Hungary to the powers the day after the presentation of the ultimatum at Belgrade leaves a period to the powers which is quite insufficient to enable them to take any steps which might help to smooth away the difficulties that have arisen.

“在贝尔格莱德提出最后通牒的第二天，奥匈帝国向列强发出的通知（上面引用的通函）给列强留下了一段时间，这段时间不足以让他们采取任何可能有助于消除已经出现的困难的步骤。

"In order to prevent the consequences, equally incalculable and fatal to all the powers, which may result from the course of action followed by the Austro-Hungarian Government, it seems to us to be above all essential that the period allowed for the Serbian reply should be extended.

“为了防止奥匈政府采取的行动可能对所有国家造成同样不可估量和致命的后果，我们认为最重要的是延长塞尔维亚答复的期限。

Austria-Hungary, having declared her readiness to inform the powers of the results of the inquiry upon which the Imperial and Royal Government base their accusations, should equally allow them sufficient time to study them.

奥匈帝国已宣布准备向各国通报帝国和王国政府指控的调查结果，同时也应给予他们足够的时间进行研究。

"In this case, if the powers were convinced that certain of the Austrian demands were well founded, they would be in a position to offer advice to the Serbian Government.

“在这种情况下，如果列强确信奥地利的某些要求是有根据的，他们将能够向塞尔维亚政府提供建议。

"A refusal to prolong the term of the ultimatum would render nugatory the proposals made by the Austro-Hungarian Government to the powers, and would be in contradiction to the very bases of international relations."

“拒绝延长最后通牒的期限将使奥匈帝国政府向列强提出的建议变得无效，并且与国际关系的基础相矛盾。”

A copy of this note was at the same time sent to London with the addenda: "M.

这张纸条的副本同时被发送到伦敦，并附有附录：“M.

Sazonoff (Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs) hopes that his Britannic Majesty's Government will share the point of view set forth above, and he trusts that Sir E.

萨佐诺夫（俄罗斯外交部长）希望英国政府能够认同上述观点，他相信E.

Grey will see his way to furnish similar instructions to the British Ambassador at Vienna."

格雷将设法向英国驻维也纳大使发出类似的指示。”

But on the same day, July 25, 1914, the Government at Vienna informed the powers that the note to Serbia was not an ultimatum; it was merely a démarche, and in it Austria had threatened to start military preparations, not operations.

但就在同一天，即 1914 年 7 月 25 日，维也纳政府通知各国，给塞尔维亚的照会不是最后通牒；这只是一份外交协定，奥地利在其中威胁要开始军事准备，而不是行动。

The requested delay, therefore, was not granted.

因此，所请求的延迟未获批准。

That day was eventful in London, too, for the Foreign Office was notified by the German Ambassador that though Germany had not been apprised beforehand of the contents of Austria's note to Serbia, the German nation would nevertheless stand by its ally.

那天伦敦也发生了多事，因为德国大使通知外交部，虽然德国事先没有获悉奥地利给塞尔维亚的照会的内容，但德国民族仍然会支持其盟友。

"The German Ambassador read to me," said Sir Edward Grey in a telegram to the British Ambassador at Vienna, "a telegram from the German Foreign Office saying that his Government had not known beforehand, and had had no more than other powers to do with the stiff terms of the Austrian note to Serbia, but that once she had launched the note, Austria could not draw back." Prince Lichnowsky (German Ambassador at London) said, however, that "if what I contemplated was mediation between Austria and Russia, Austria might be able with dignity to accept it." He expressed himself as personally favorable to this suggestion.

爱德华·格雷爵士在给英国驻维也纳大使的一封电报中说：“德国大使向我宣读了一封来自德国外交部的电报，称德国政府事先并不知道，并且对奥地利给塞尔维亚的照会的严格条款没有其他权力，但一旦发出照会，奥地利就无法撤回。”然而，利希诺夫斯基亲王（德国驻伦敦大使）表示，“如果我考虑的是奥地利和俄罗斯之间的调解，奥地利也许能够有尊严地接受它。”他表示他个人赞成这一建议。

"I concurred in his observation, and said that I felt I had no title to intervene between Austria and Serbia, but as soon as the question became one as between Austria and Russia, the peace of Europe was affected, in which we must all take a hand.

“我同意他的看法，并说我觉得我没有权利介入奥地利和塞尔维亚之间，但一旦问题变成奥地利和俄罗斯之间的问题，欧洲的和平就会受到影响，我们都必须出手。

"I impressed upon the ambassador that, in the event of Russian and Austrian mobilization, the participation of Germany would be essential to any diplomatic peace.

“我让大使印象深刻的是，如果俄罗斯和奥地利动员起来，德国的参与对于任何外交和平都至关重要。

Alone we could do nothing.

独自一人我们什么也做不了。

The German Government agreed with my suggestion, to tell the French Government that I thought it the right thing to act upon it."

德国政府同意我的建议，告诉法国政府我认为采取行动是正确的。”

On July 26, 1914, the Russian Ambassador at Berlin informed the German Government that he was instructed to state that any annexation by Austria-Hungary of Serbian territory would not be looked upon by Russia with indifference.

1914年7月26日，俄罗斯驻柏林大使通知德国政府，他奉命声明，俄罗斯不会对奥匈帝国吞并塞尔维亚领土的任何行为漠不关心。

The German Emperor, who had been away from Berlin, returned hastily to the capital.

离开柏林的德国皇帝匆匆返回首都。

As the crisis approached the British Government once more attempted to have the matters in dispute settled by mediation.

随着危机的临近，英国政府再次试图通过调解解决争议问题。

The following telegram was dispatched from Downing Street to the British Ambassadors at Paris and Rome: "London, Foreign Office, July 26, 1914.

以下电报是从唐宁街发给英国驻巴黎和罗马大使的：“伦敦，外交部，1914 年 7 月 26 日。

Would Minister of Foreign Affairs be disposed to instruct ambassador here to join with representatives of France, Italy, and Germany, and myself to meet here in conference immediately for the purpose of discovering an issue which would prevent complications?

外交部长是否愿意指示这里的大使与法国、意大利和德国的代表以及我本人立即在这里开会，以发现一个可以避免复杂化的问题？

You should ask the Minister of Foreign Affairs whether he would do this.

你应该问问外交部长他是否会这样做。

If so, when bringing the above suggestions to the notice of the Governments to which they are accredited, representatives of Belgrade, Vienna, and St. Petersburg, could be authorized to request that all active military operations should be suspended pending results of the conference."

如果是这样，在将上述建议提请其派驻的政府注意时，贝尔格莱德、维也纳和圣彼得堡的代表可有权要求暂停所有正在进行的军事行动，等待会议结果。”

But this move had come too late.

但这一举措来得太晚了。

The British Ambassador to Berlin reported by telegraph to his Government on July 27, 1914, that the Imperial German Government considered that the proposed conference amounted practically to a court of arbitration and could not be called except at the behest of Austria-Hungary and Russia.

1914 年 7 月 27 日，英国驻柏林大使通过电报向英国政府报告，德意志帝国政府认为，拟议的会议实际上相当于仲裁法庭，除非奥匈帝国和俄国要求，否则不能召开。

The German Government therefore turned down the British proposal.

德国政府因此拒绝了英国的提议。

But Germany was not for provoking a war; the German Ambassador at London informed the British Foreign Office that his Government was willing to accept in principle the mediation of the powers between Austria and Russia.

但德国并不是为了挑起战争；而是为了挑起战争。德国驻伦敦大使通知英国外交部，德国政府原则上愿意接受奥地利和俄罗斯之间的调解。

The question of whether the alliances between the various nations would hold under a strain now became pointed.

各国之间的联盟是否能在压力下维持下去的问题现在变得尖锐起来。

The Russian Government informed the British Government on July 27, 1914, that the impression prevailed in Berlin and Vienna that England would stand aloof under any circumstances, differences between Russia and Austria notwithstanding.

1914 年 7 月 27 日，俄罗斯政府通知英国政府，柏林和维也纳普遍存在这样的印象：尽管俄罗斯和奥地利之间存在分歧，但英国在任何情况下都会袖手旁观。

But on the same day Sir Edward Grey, British Minister for Foreign Affairs, dispelled these impressions in a telegram to the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg.

但就在同一天，英国外交部长爱德华·格雷爵士在给英国驻圣彼得堡大使的电报中打消了这些印象。

"The impression ought to be dispelled by the orders we have given to the First Fleet," it read in part, "which is concentrated, as it happens, at Portland, not to disperse for maneuver leave." On July 28, 1914, the British Government was informed that France and Russia were agreeable to having a conference called in London; the Italian Government had already reported that it agreed to this plan, but the refusal of Germany, mentioned above, rendered these communications useless.

“我们向第一舰队发出的命令应该会消除这种印象，”它的部分内容是这样的，“它恰好集中在波特兰，而不是分散进行机动休假。” 1914年7月28日，英国政府获悉法国和俄国同意在伦敦召开会议；意大利政府已经报告说它同意这一计划，但德国的拒绝（如上所述）使这些通信毫无用处。

On July 28, 1914, the British Government was informed by telegram from its Ambassador at Vienna that "Austria-Hungary cannot delay warlike proceedings against Serbia, and would have to decline any suggestions of negotiations on basis of Serbian reply.

1914年7月28日，英国政府从其驻维也纳大使的电报中得知，“奥匈帝国不能拖延对塞尔维亚的军事行动，并且必须拒绝任何根据塞尔维亚答复进行谈判的建议。

"Prestige of Dual Monarchy was engaged, and nothing could now prevent conflict." This telegram, be it noted, made use of the term "military proceedings" instead of "military preparations" and therefore had the effect of changing Austria-Hungary's note to Serbia into an ultimatum.

“双重君主制的威望已经介入，现在没有什么可以阻止冲突。”值得注意的是，这份电报使用了“军事诉讼”一词，而不是“军事准备”，因此具有将奥匈帝国给塞尔维亚的照会变成最后通牒的效果。

Russia, on July 28, 1914, began to mobilize troops near Odessa, Moscow, Kieff and Kazan, and on the following day this fact was communicated officially to the Government at Berlin.

1914 年 7 月 28 日，俄罗斯开始在敖德萨、莫斯科、基辅和喀山附近调动军队，并于第二天将这一事实正式通报给柏林政府。

As Austria-Hungary and Russia were about to come to grips Germany made it plain that she would stand by her ally, Austria-Hungary.

当奥匈帝国和俄罗斯即将交锋时，德国明确表示她将支持其盟友奥匈帝国。

In times of peace there may have been doubt throughout Europe as to the strength of the bonds of the Triple Entente, but the German Government was not disposed to rely on these doubts when the critical moment came.

在和平时期，整个欧洲可能都会对三国协约的力量产生怀疑，但在关键时刻到来时，德国政府并不打算依赖这些怀疑。

The British Ambassador at Berlin was asked to visit the German Chancellor and as a result of this visit the former sent the following telegram to the British Foreign Office:

英国驻柏林大使应邀拜访德国总理，此次访问后，前者向英国外交部发出了以下电报：

"Berlin, July 29, 1914.

“柏林，1914 年 7 月 29 日。

I was asked to call upon the chancellor to-night.

我被要求今晚去拜访财政大臣。

His excellency had just returned from Potsdam.

阁下刚刚从波茨坦回来。

"He said that should Austria be attacked by Russia a European conflagration might, he feared, become inevitable, owing to Germany's obligations as Austria's ally, in spite of his continued efforts to maintain peace.

“他说，如果奥地利受到俄罗斯的攻击，他担心，由于德国作为奥地利盟友的义务，尽管他继续努力维护和平，欧洲的大火可能会不可避免。

He then proceeded to make the following strong bid for British neutrality.

然后，他继续强烈要求英国保持中立。

He said that it was clear, so far as he was able to judge the main principle which governed British policy, that Great Britain would never stand by and allow France to be crushed in any conflict there might be.

他说，就他能够判断英国政策的主要原则而言，很明显，英国绝不会袖手旁观，让法国在任何可能发生的冲突中被压垮。

That, however, was not the object at which Germany aimed.

然而，这并不是德国的目标。

Provided that neutrality of Great Britain were certain, every assurance would be given to the British Government that the Imperial Government aimed at no territorial acquisitions at the expense of France should they prove victorious in any war that might ensue.

如果英国的中立性是确定的，那么将向英国政府保证，如果他们在可能发生的任何战争中取得胜利，帝国政府不会以牺牲法国为代价来获取领土。

"I questioned his excellency about the French colonies, and he said that he was unable to give a similar undertaking in that respect.

“我向阁下询问有关法国殖民地的问题，他说他无法在这方面做出类似的承诺。

As regards Holland, however, his excellency said that, so long as Germany's adversaries respected the integrity and neutrality of the Netherlands, Germany was ready to give his Majesty's Government an assurance that she would do likewise.

然而，至于荷兰，阁下表示，只要德国的对手尊重荷兰的完整性和中立性，德国就准备好向国王陛下政府保证，她也会这样做。

It depended upon the action of France what operations Germany might be forced to enter upon in Belgium, but when the war was over Belgian integrity would be respected if she had not sided against Germany.

德国可能被迫在比利时采取什么行动取决于法国的行动，但战争结束后，如果比利时没有站在德国一边，其完整性将受到尊重。

"His excellency ended by saying that ever since he had been chancellor the object of his policy had been, as you were aware, to bring about an understanding with England; he trusted that these assurances might form the basis of that understanding which he so much desired.

“阁下最后说，正如你所知，自从他担任财政大臣以来，他的政策目标就是与英国达成谅解；他相信这些保证可能构成他如此渴望的谅解的基础。

He had in mind a general neutrality agreement between England and Germany, though it was of course at the present moment too early to discuss details, and an assurance of British neutrality in the conflict which the present crisis might possibly produce would enable him to look forward to a realization of his desire.

他想到了英国和德国之间的全面中立协议，尽管目前讨论细节当然还为时过早，并且保证英国在当前危机可能产生的冲突中保持中立将使他能够期待实现他的愿望。

"In reply to his excellency's inquiry how I thought his request would appeal to you, I said that I did not think it probable that at this stage of events you would care to bind yourself to any course of action and that I was of opinion that you would desire to retain full liberty."

“在回答阁下关于我认为他的要求对您有何吸引力的询问时，我说，我认为在事态的现阶段，您不太可能愿意采取任何行动，而且我认为您希望保留充分的自由。”

Here for the first time the matter of Belgian neutrality entered into the diplomatic discussions; the danger of a Pan-European conflict was apparent, for the diplomats from then on were less concerned with the Austro-Hungarian dispute with Serbia than with the possibilities that a war in western Europe might entail.

在此，比利时中立问题首次进入外交讨论。泛欧冲突的危险显而易见，因为从那时起，外交官们不再关心奥匈帝国与塞尔维亚的争端，而是关心西欧可能爆发战争的可能性。

On the same day, July 29, 1914, the German Ambassador at London was officially informed that if the European crisis involved nothing more than disputes between Russia and Austria on the one hand, and the military operations of Austria in Serbia on the other, England would keep out of the trouble, but if Germany went to war with Russia, or if France went to war, England could not stand quietly aside.

1914年7月29日同一天，德国驻伦敦大使被正式告知，如果欧洲危机一方面只是俄罗斯和奥地利之间的争端，另一方面是奥地利在塞尔维亚的军事行动，英国将不介入，但如果德国与俄罗斯开战，或者法国开战，英国就不能袖手旁观。

News had come that day that Austria had declared war on Serbia the day before.

当天传来消息，奥地利前一天已向塞尔维亚宣战。

The declaration read as follows:

声明内容如下：

"The Royal Government of Serbia, not having replied in a satisfactory manner to the note remitted to it by the Austro-Hungarian Minister in Belgrade on July 23, 1914, the Imperial and Royal Government finds itself compelled to proceed to safeguard its rights and interests and to have recourse for this purpose to force of arms.

“塞尔维亚王国政府没有对 1914 年 7 月 23 日奥匈帝国部长在贝尔格莱德向其转交的照会作出令人满意的答复，帝国和王国政府发现自己不得不继续维护其权利和利益，并为此诉诸武力。

"Austria-Hungary considers itself, therefore, from this moment in a state of war with Serbia."

“因此，奥匈帝国从此刻起认为自己与塞尔维亚处于战争状态。”

[Illustration: Poland and Its Divisions from 1772-1914.]

[插图：1772 年至 1914 年的波兰及其分裂。]

At the same time the Government at Vienna issued this note to the foreign ambassadors there with the request that they forward it to their respective governments:

与此同时，维也纳政府向驻维也纳的外国大使发出此照会，并要求他们将其转发给各自政府：

"In order to bring to an end the subversive intrigues originating from Belgrade and aimed at the territorial integrity of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the Imperial and Royal Government has delivered to the Royal Serbian Government a note in which a series of demands were formulated, for the acceptance of which a delay of forty-eight hours has been granted to the Royal Government.

“为了结束源自贝尔格莱德、旨在奥匈帝国领土完整的颠覆阴谋，帝国和王国政府已向塞尔维亚皇家政府发出一份照会，其中提出了一系列要求，并给予王国政府延迟四十八小时的时间来接受这些要求。

The Royal Serbian Government not having answered this note in a satisfactory manner, the Imperial and Royal Government are themselves compelled to see to the safeguarding of their rights and interest, and with this object, to have recourse to force of arms.

塞尔维亚皇家政府没有以令人满意的方式答复这一说明，帝国和王国政府本身就被迫确保维护其权利和利益，并为此目的诉诸武力。

"Austria-Hungary, who has just addressed to Serbia a formal declaration, in conformity with Article I of the convention of October 18, 1907, relative to the opening of hostilities, considers itself in a state of war with Serbia.

“奥匈帝国刚刚根据 1907 年 10 月 18 日公约第一条有关开始敌对行动的规定，向塞尔维亚发出正式声明，认为自己与塞尔维亚处于战争状态。

"In bringing the above notice to the powers, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has the honor to declare that Austria-Hungary will act during the hostilities in conformity with the terms of the Conventions of the Hague of October 18, 1907, as also with those of the Declaration of London of February 28, 1909, provided an analogous procedure is adopted by Serbia."

“在向各国发出上述通知时，外交部荣幸地宣布，奥匈帝国将在敌对行动期间按照 1907 年 10 月 18 日海牙公约的条款以及 1909 年 2 月 28 日伦敦宣言的条款行事，前提是塞尔维亚采取类似的程序。”

The great question as to what Russia would do was answered by a note issued at St. Petersburg, July 28, 1914, which stated that Russia wished, above all, to maintain peace.

1914 年 7 月 28 日在圣彼得堡发布的照会回答了关于俄罗斯将做什么的重大问题，该照会指出，俄罗斯首先希望维持和平。

But the moments during which words alone would be availing were fast passing.

但仅凭言语就能发挥作用的时刻很快就过去了。

Austria-Hungary was mobilizing her armies, and not all of the mobilization was on her southern frontier; some corps were gathered at points from which a blow from Russia might be warded off, or offensive move against Russia made.

奥匈帝国正在动员军队，但并不是所有的动员都发生在其南部边境。一些军团聚集在可能抵御俄罗斯进攻或对俄罗斯发起进攻的地点。

On July 30, 1914, the German Government sent a short note to St. Petersburg, in which three questions were asked.

1914年7月30日，德国政府向圣彼得堡发出简短照会，其中提出了三个问题。

These were: the reason for the Russian mobilization, which Berlin knew to be in progress; whether it was directed against Austria; and on what terms Russia might be induced to demobilize.

这些是：柏林知道俄罗斯正在进行动员的原因；是否针对奥地利；以及在什么条件下可能会促使俄罗斯复员。

The Czar, on July 31, 1914, sent a note to the German Emperor in which he said in part: "...

1914 年 7 月 31 日，沙皇向德国皇帝发出照会，其中部分内容是：“……

It is technically impossible to discontinue our military operations, which have been rendered necessary by Austrian mobilization.

从技术上讲，我们不可能停止我们的军事行动，而奥地利的动员使我们必须停止军事行动。

We are far from wishing for war, and so long as negotiations with Austria regarding Serbia continue, my troops will not undertake any provocative actions." This was an admission that Russian general mobilization was in progress.

我们根本不希望发生战争，只要与奥地利就塞尔维亚问题进行的谈判继续进行，我的部队就不会采取任何挑衅行动。”这是承认俄罗斯总动员正在进行中。

CHAPTER XXIII

第二十三章

PREPARATION FOR WAR

战争准备

As a matter of fact, during the last days of July, 1914, all the Governments in Europe had their military departments busy on the problem of preparing for the first blows in war; these included not only the six leading powers, but also the Scandinavian countries, Spain, Portugal, all the Balkan kingdoms, and Belgium and Holland.

事实上，1914年7月的最后几天，欧洲各国政府的军事部门都在忙于准备战争的第一击问题；这些国家不仅包括六大强国，还包括斯堪的纳维亚国家、西班牙、葡萄牙、所有巴尔干王国以及比利时和荷兰。

The diplomatic exchanges that were meanwhile taking place were known to all experienced statesmen to be hardly more than masks.

所有经验丰富的政治家都知道，与此同时进行的外交交流只不过是面具而已。

On August 1, 1914, the kaiser declared Germany to be "in a state of war." This did not carry with it a declaration of war against any power, but had the effect of putting the entire German Empire under martial law, everything being in readiness to cope with an enemy.

1914 年 8 月 1 日，德皇宣布德国进入“战争状态”。这并不意味着向任何国家宣战，但其效果是使整个德意志帝国处于戒严状态，一切准备就绪以应对敌人。

On the same day the kaiser made an important speech in which he said, "A fateful hour has fallen for Germany.

同一天，德皇发表重要讲话，他说：“德国的命运时刻已经到来。

Envious peoples everywhere are compelling us to our just defense.

世界各地充满嫉妒的人们迫使我们进行正义的辩护。

The sword has been forced into our hands.

剑已经强行交到了我们手里。

"I hope that if my efforts at the last hour do not succeed in inducing our opponents to see eye to eye with us and in maintaining peace, we shall, with God's help, so wield the sword that we shall restore it to its sheath again with honor." On the same day, however--namely August 1, 1914, at five o'clock in the evening he signed an order mobilizing the German army, and Russia and Germany went to war two hours later.

“我希望，如果我在最后一刻的努力未能成功促使我们的对手与我们意见一致并维持和平，我们将在上帝的帮助下挥舞这把剑，以便我们能再次光荣地把它收回鞘中。”然而就在同一天，也就是1914年8月1日晚上五点钟，他签署了动员德国军队的命令，两个小时后，俄罗斯和德国就开战了。

A demand made upon the French Government by the German Government, asking the intentions of France in case Russia went to war with Germany, received an unsatisfactory reply on August 2, 1914, and France on the same day mobilized its army, though it declared war on no power.

1914年8月2日，德国政府向法国政府提出要求，询问如果俄罗斯与德国开战，法国的意图，得到的答复并不令人满意，法国虽然没有向任何国家宣战，但在同一天就动员了军队。

On August 3, 1914, German troops entered French territory, for Germany did not wish to be delayed in a campaign in the west by waiting for diplomatic exchanges to take place; war between Germany and France began at the moment the foreign soldiers crossed into France.

1914年8月3日，德国军队进入法国领土，因为德国不希望因等待外交交往而耽误西线作战；德国和法国之间的战争从外国士兵进入法国的那一刻开始。

It was, in theory at least, over the matter of Belgian neutrality that England and Germany went to war.

至少在理论上，英国和德国正是因为比利时的中立问题才开战的。

As soon the British Government saw that hopes for peace were no longer possible Sir Edward Grey sent to its ambassadors in Germany and France the following telegram; "London, July 31, 1914; I still trust situation is not irretrievable, but in view of prospect of mobilization in Germany it becomes essential to his Majesty's Government, in view of existing treaties, to ask whether French [and German] Government is prepared to engage to respect the neutrality of Belgium so long as no other power violates it.

英国政府一看到和平的希望不再可能，爱德华·格雷爵士就向其驻德国和法国的大使发出了以下电报： “伦敦，1914 年 7 月 31 日；我仍然相信局势并非不可挽回，但考虑到德国动员的前景，根据现有条约，国王陛下政府有必要询问法国[和德国]政府是否准备好尊重比利时的中立性，只要没有其他国家违反它。

A similar request is being addressed to the German [and French] Government.

德国[和法国]政府也收到了类似的请求。

It is important to have an early answer."

尽早得到答案很重要。”

To this telegram the French Government, on August 1, 1914, answered that it stood ready to respect Belgian neutrality provided no other power threatened or violated it.

1914 年 8 月 1 日，法国政府对这封电报答复称，只要没有其他国家威胁或侵犯比利时的中立性，法国政府随时准备尊重比利时的中立性。

Germany hesitated to give a definite reply immediately for fear of disclosing the plans of campaign she had against France.

德国犹豫是否立即给予明确答复，因为担心泄露其针对法国的作战计划。

On August 3, 1914, German troops moved into Luxemburg, en route for France, and it was then known that a German invasion of Belgium would be inevitable.

1914 年 8 月 3 日，德国军队在前往法国的途中进入卢森堡，当时人们知道德国对比利时的入侵将不可避免。

But before taking this step Germany tendered certain proposals to the Belgian Government, assuring it that if peaceful passage were given to German troops Belgium would be given a subsidy.

但在采取这一步骤之前，德国向比利时政府提出了某些建议，并向其保证，如果德国军队能够和平通过，比利时将获得补贴。

But the Belgian Government turned down these proposals and the king sent this telegram to the British monarch: "Remembering the numerous proofs of your majesty's friendship and that of your predecessor, of the friendly attitude of England in 1870, and the proof of the friendship which she has just given us again, I make a supreme appeal to the diplomatic intervention of your Majesty's Government to safeguard the integrity of Belgium."

但比利时政府拒绝了这些建议，国王向英国君主发出了这封电报：“铭记陛下和您的前任的友谊的无数证据，英国在1870年的友好态度，以及她刚刚再次向我们提供的友谊的证据，我强烈呼吁陛下政府进行外交干预，以维护比利时的完整。”

Italy and England were now the only two important powers in Europe which were not embroiled in war, but the moment was rapidly approaching when the former could no longer keep out of it, if for no other reason than to see that the balance of power in Europe was not upset.

意大利和英国现在是欧洲仅有的两个没有卷入战争的重要强国，但意大利再也无法置身战争的时刻正在迅速到来，哪怕只是为了确保欧洲的力量平衡不被打破。

On August 4, 1914, Sir Edward Grey said in the British House of Commons, "The French fleet is now in the Mediterranean, and the northern coasts of France are defenseless.

1914年8月4日，爱德华·格雷爵士在英国下议院表示，“法国舰队现在位于地中海，法国北部海岸毫无防备。

If a foreign fleet engaged in war against France should come down and battle against those defenseless coasts, we could not stand aside.

如果一支与法国交战的外国舰队降临到那些毫无防御能力的海岸上，我们就不能袖手旁观。

We felt strongly that France was entitled to know at once whether, in the event of attack on her unprotected coasts, she could rely on our support.

我们强烈认为，法国有权立即知道，如果其未受保护的海岸遭到袭击，她是否可以依靠我们的支持。

I gave the engagement to the French Ambassador last night that if the German fleet goes into the English Channel or into the North Sea to attack French shipping, or the French coast, the British fleet will give all the protection in its power.

我昨晚向法国大使承诺，如果德国舰队进入英吉利海峡或进入北海攻击法国航运或法国海岸，英国舰队将提供其力量内的一切保护。

That answer is subject to the approval of Parliament.

该答复须经议会批准。

It is not a declaration of war.

这不是宣战。

I understand that the German Government would be prepared, if we would pledge ourselves to neutrality, to agree that its fleet would not attack the northern coasts of France.

我知道，如果我们保证保持中立，德国政府将准备好同意其舰队不会攻击法国北部海岸。

That is far too narrow an engagement." Germany had thrown down the gauntlet in showing she intended to invade Belgium; Great Britain here threw down the gauntlet.

这个交战范围太窄了。”德国已经发出了挑战，表明她打算入侵比利时；而英国则发出了挑战。

It could be but a question of hours before Germany and England went to war.

德国和英国可能只需要几个小时就将开战。

Meanwhile, because war was already on between Germany and France, the latter did not go to the trouble of issuing a declaration of war.

与此同时，由于德国和法国之间已经开战，法国并没有特意宣战。

And on August 4, 1914, the Italian Government announced that "The Italian Cabinet has decided that while some of the European powers are at war Italy is at peace with all the belligerents.

1914 年 8 月 4 日，意大利政府宣布“意大利内阁决定，虽然一些欧洲列强处于战争状态，但意大利与所有交战国保持和平。

Consequently the citizens and subjects of the Kingdom of Italy are obliged to observe the duty of neutrality." This declaration of neutrality severed the bonds that held Italy to the Triple Alliance.

因此，意大利王国的公民和臣民有义务遵守中立义务。”这一中立声明切断了意大利与三国同盟的联系。

On the same afternoon, August 4, 1914, the Russian Ambassador at Berlin was handed his passports and departed; this official statement was given to the German press: "In consequence of a Russian attack on German territory Germany is in a state of war with Russia.

1914 年 8 月 4 日当天下午，俄罗斯驻柏林大使收到护照并离开；这份官方声明是向德国媒体发出的：“由于俄罗斯对德国领土的袭击，德国与俄罗斯处于交战状态。

"The French reply to Germany's note has been received in the meantime, and is of an unsatisfactory character.

“法国对德国照会的答复已同时收到，但其性质并不令人满意。

In addition France has ordered the mobilization of her army so that the outbreak of war between Germany and France must be awaited at any moment." The outbreak of war between France and Germany was indeed near at hand, for, as we have already seen, Germany declared war on France August 3, 1914, and on that very day served an ultimatum on neutral Belgium and occupied Luxemburg preparatory to an immediate invasion of Belgium.

此外，法国已下令调动军队，随时等待德法战争爆发。”法国和德国之间的战争确实即将爆发，因为正如我们已经看到的，德国于 1914 年 8 月 3 日向法国宣战，并于当天向中立的比利时发出了最后通牒，并占领了卢森堡，为立即入侵比利时做准备。

In view of the evident long and careful preparations for just such a sudden stroke, by which to crush France and take Paris before the French armies could offer adequate resistance, the clumsy attempts of the Germans on August 2, 1914, to represent the French as the aggressors seem ridiculous, though typical of German attempts to influence opinion at home and abroad.

德国人在 1914 年 8 月 2 日笨拙地将法国描绘成侵略者，尽管这是德国试图影响国内外舆论的典型做法，但考虑到德国人显然已经为如此突然的袭击进行了长期而精心的准备，以便在法国军队能够进行充分抵抗之前粉碎法国并占领巴黎。

The German Government declared that French airmen had flown over Nuremburg, that French officers in German uniforms had crossed the German frontier from Holland, that the French were already in Alsace.

德国政府宣称，法国飞行员已飞越纽伦堡，身穿德国制服的法国军官已从荷兰越过德国边境，法国人已抵达阿尔萨斯。

These stories deceived no one.

这些故事没有欺骗任何人。

What the neutral nations saw and understood was that the autocratic governments of Germany and Austria-Hungary had plunged the world into a war of incalculable magnitude, almost without warning and with comparatively trivial pretexts.

中立国家所看到和理解的是，德国和奥匈帝国的专制政府在几乎没有任何警告的情况下，以相对微不足道的借口，让世界陷入了一场规模难以估量的战争。

There had been only a brief mockery of diplomatic interchanges, for the most part by telegraph and telephone.

外交交流只有短暂的嘲讽，大部分是通过电报和电话进行的。

On August 4, 1914, the last chance for averting war between England and Germany went by.

1914 年 8 月 4 日，避免英德战争的最后机会消失了。

On that date the British Foreign Office had telegraphed to its Envoy at Brussels: "You should inform Belgian Government that if pressure is applied to them by Germany to induce them to depart from neutrality, his Majesty's Government expect that they will resist by any means in their power, and that his Majesty's Government will support them in offering such resistance, and that his Majesty's Government in this event are prepared to join Russia and France, if desired, in offering to the Belgian Government at once common action for the purpose of resisting use of force by Germany against them, and a guarantee to maintain their independence and integrity in future years."

当天，英国外交部电告其驻布鲁塞尔特使：“您应通知比利时政府，如果德国向他们施加压力，迫使他们背离中立，英国政府预计他们将采取一切力所能及的方式进行抵抗，英国政府将支持他们的这种抵抗，如果需要的话，英国政府准备与俄罗斯和法国一起立即向比利时政府提出共同要求。”采取行动的目的是抵制德国对他们使用武力，并保证他们在未来几年保持独立和完整。”

Germany, through its Intelligence Department, was aware that this note had been sent, but the invasion of Belgium began, nevertheless.

德国通过其情报部门知道该照会已发出，但对比利时的入侵仍然开始了。

Then came an ultimatum from England.

随后英国发出了最后通牒。

As soon as the British Foreign Office had learned that German troops had crossed the border and that the fortifications at Liege had been summoned to surrender to the German army, this telegram was sent to the British Ambassador at Berlin:

英国外交部一获悉德国军队已越过边境，列日的防御工事已被召唤向德国军队投降，便向英国驻柏林大使发出了这封电报：

"London Foreign Office, August 4, 1914.

“伦敦外交部，1914 年 8 月 4 日。

We hear that Germany has addressed note to Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs stating that German Government will be compelled to carry out, if necessary, by force of arms, the measures considered indispensable.

我们听说德国已向比利时外交部长照会，表示德国政府将被迫在必要时使用武力来执行被认为必不可少的措施。

"We are also informed that Belgian territory has been violated at Gemmenich.

“我们还获悉，格梅尼奇的比利时领土遭到侵犯。

"In these circumstances, and in view of the fact that Germany declined to give the same assurance respecting Belgium as France gave last week in reply to our request made simultaneously at Berlin and Paris, we must repeat that request and ask that a satisfactory reply to it and to my telegram of this morning [which said that England was bound to protest against violation of Belgian neutrality] be received here by twelve o'clock to-night.

“在这种情况下，鉴于德国拒绝像法国上周在答复我们在柏林和巴黎同时提出的要求时那样对比利时做出同样的保证，我们必须重复这一要求，并要求在今晚十二点之前收到对它和我今天早上的电报（其中说英国必须抗议违反比利时中立性的电报）的令人满意的答复。

If not, you are instructed to ask for your passports and to say that his Majesty's Government feel bound to take all steps in their power to uphold the neutrality of Belgium and the observance of a treaty to which Germany is as much a part as ourselves."

如果没有，您将被指示索取护照，并表示国王陛下的政府有义务采取一切措施来维护比利时的中立性和遵守德国与我们一样参与的条约。”

Midnight of August 4, 1914, came and the German Government had not yet made a reply to this note; fifteen minutes of grace were allowed, and then the British Government formally declared war.

1914年8月4日午夜到来，德国政府尚未对此照会作出答复；给予了十五分钟的宽限，然后英国政府正式宣战。

The next move of a world power, toward belligerency, came in the Far East.

世界大国走向好战的下一步行动出现在远东。

In 1911 Japan and England had entered an offensive and defensive alliance, which bound each to come to the other's aid should that other become involved in war with more than one nation.

1911年，日本和英国结成攻防同盟，如果对方卷入与多个国家的战争，双方将互相提供援助。

Japan readily agreed to live up to its part, and on August 16, 1914, sent an ultimatum to Germany which read:

日本欣然同意履行自己的义务，并于 1914 年 8 月 16 日向德国发出最后通牒，内容如下：

"Tokyo, August 16, 1914.

“东京，1914 年 8 月 16 日。

We consider it highly important and necessary in the present situation to take measures to remove the causes of all disturbances of the peace in the Far East, and to safeguard the general interests as contemplated by the agreement of alliance between Japan and Great Britain.

我们认为，在当前形势下，采取措施消除一切扰乱远东和平的根源，维护日英同盟协定所规定的总体利益，是非常重要和必要的。

"In order to secure a firm and enduring peace in eastern Asia, the establishment of which is the aid of the said agreement, the Imperial Japanese Government sincerely believes it to be its duty to give the advice to the Imperial German Government to carry out the following two propositions:

“为了确保在上述协定的帮助下建立东亚的牢固和持久的和平，日本帝国政府真诚地认为有责任向德意志帝国政府提出建议，以执行以下两项主张：

"First.

“首先。

To withdraw immediately from Japanese and Chinese waters German men-of-war and armed vessels of all kinds, and to disarm at once those which cannot be so withdrawn.

立即从日本和中国水域撤出德国战舰和各种武装船只，并立即解除那些无法撤出的船只的武装。

"Second.

“第二。

To deliver on a date not later than September 15 to the Imperial Japanese authorities, without condition or compensation, the entire leased territory of Kiao-chau, with a view to the eventual restoration of the same to China.

在不迟于9月15日的日期，无条件、无补偿地向日本帝国当局交付整个胶州租借领土，以期最终将其归还中国。

"The Imperial Japanese Government announces at the same time that in the event of its not receiving by noon on August 23, 1914, an answer from the Imperial German Government, signifying its unconditional acceptance of the above advice offered by the Imperial Japanese Government, Japan will be compelled to take such action as she may deem necessary to meet the situation."

“日本帝国政府同时宣布，如果在1914年8月23日中午之前没有收到德意志帝国政府的答复，表明其无条件接受日本帝国政府提出的上述建议，日本将被迫采取其认为必要的行动来应对这种情况。”

The time limit set for the German reply came and passed with no official communication with Berlin.

德国答复的期限到了，又过去了，但与柏林没有进行任何正式沟通。

Consequently the Japanese Government declared war in the following proclamation:

因此，日本政府在以下公告中宣战：

"Issued at Tokyo, August 23, 1914, at 6 p.

“1914 年 8 月 23 日下午 6 点在东京发行

米。

"We, by the Grace of Heaven, Emperor of Japan, seated on the throne occupied by the same dynasty from time immemorial, do hereby make the following proclamation to all our loyal and brave subjects:

“我们，承蒙上天的恩赐，坐在自古以来同王朝所占据的皇位上的日本天皇，特此向我们所有忠诚和勇敢的臣民宣布以下公告：

"We hereby declare war against Germany, and we command our army and navy to carry on hostilities against that empire with all strength, and we also command our competent authorities to make every effort, in pursuance of their respective duties, to attain the national aim by all means within the limits of the law of nations.

“我们特此向德国宣战，我们命令我们的陆军和海军全力对这个帝国进行敌对行动，我们也命令我们的主管当局尽一切努力，履行各自的职责，在国际法的范围内，通过一切手段实现国家目标。

"Since the outbreak of the present war in Europe, the calamitous effect of which we view with grave concern, we on our part have entertained hopes of preserving the peace of the Far East by the maintenance of strict neutrality, but the action of Germany has at length compelled Great Britain, our ally, to open hostilities against that country, and Germany is at Kiao-chau, its leased territory in China, busy with warlike preparations, while its armed vessels cruising the seas of eastern Asia are threatening our commerce and that of our ally.

“自从当前的欧洲战争爆发以来，我们对它的灾难性后果感到严重关切，我们方面一直希望通过保持严格的中立来维护远东的和平，但德国的行动最终迫使我们的盟友英国对那个国家展开敌对行动，而德国在它在中国的租借地胶州忙于战争准备，而它在东亚海域巡航的武装船只则对我们构成威胁。我们和我们盟友的贸易。

Peace of the Far East is thus in jeopardy.

远东的和平因此受到威胁。

"Accordingly, our Government and that of his Britannic Majesty, after full and frank communication with each other, agreed to take such measures as may be necessary for the protection of the general interests contemplated in the Agreement of Alliance, and we on our part, being desirous to attain that object by peaceful means, commanded our Government to offer with sincerity an advice to the Imperial German Government.

“因此，我国政府和英国国王陛下在相互充分和坦诚的沟通后，同意采取必要的措施来保护《同盟协定》中所设想的普遍利益，而我们方面，渴望通过和平手段实现这一目标，命令我国政府真诚地向德意志帝国政府提出建议。

But on the last day appointed for the purpose, however, our Government failed to receive an answer accepting their advice.

但在为此目的指定的最后一天，我国政府未能收到接受他们建议的答复。

It is with profound regret that we, in spite of our ardent devotion to the cause of peace, are thus compelled to declare war, especially at this early period of our reign, and while we are still in mourning for our lamented mother.

令人深感遗憾的是，尽管我们热心致力于和平事业，却被迫宣战，特别是在我们统治初期，当我们仍在哀悼我们可悲的母亲时。

"It is our earnest wish that by the loyalty and valor of our faithful subjects peace may soon be restored and the glory of the empire be enhanced."

“我们真诚地希望，通过我们忠实臣民的忠诚和英勇，和平很快就会恢复，帝国的荣耀将会增强。”

Germany made no reply to the Japanese declaration.

德国没有对日本的声明做出回应。

On August 19, 1914, the emperor had sent word to the garrison at Kiao-chau that it was to defend itself against all attacks made by the Japanese, and when the commander there heard of the Japanese declaration he issued a statement in which he invited the Japanese, if they wanted the place, to come and fight for it.

1914年8月19日，天皇传话给胶州驻军，要求其防御日军的一切进攻，当日军指挥官听到日军的声明后，他发表声明，邀请日军如果想要这个地方，就来争取。

CHAPTER XXIV

第二十四章

TERRITORIAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL COMPARISONS

领土和地理比较

The fundamental factor in war is territory.

战争的根本因素是领土。

Whether war be viewed from the point of its relation to the racial characteristics of the nations who are opposed, or to national rivalries, or to imperial ambitions, the solid fact remains that war is of peoples who live upon a certain land domain, who possess frontiers that may be attacked and must be defended, and whose patriotism coheres with geographical boundaries.

无论战争是从其与敌对国家的种族特征、民族竞争还是帝国野心的关系角度来看待，铁一般的事实仍然是，战争是生活在一定土地上的人民之间的战争，他们拥有可能受到攻击但必须保卫的边界，他们的爱国主义与地理边界相一致。

The riches of a country depend upon territory and the density of population.

一个国家的财富取决于领土面积和人口密度。

Consequently the proportion of men able to bear arms depends upon territory, and the power of self-maintenance under times of stress--such as a blockade--is again a territorial question.

因此，能够携带武器的人数比例取决于领土，而在压力时期（例如封锁）下的自我维持能力又是一个领土问题。

The Germanic nations, known as the Central Powers, which were allied at the opening of the war were the German Empire and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

战争开始时结盟的日耳曼国家，被称为同盟国，是德意志帝国和奥匈帝国。

The area of the German Empire (exclusive of colonial possessions) in 1914 was 208,825.2 square miles.

1914 年德意志帝国的面积（不包括殖民地）为 208,825.2 平方英里。

The area of the Austrian Empire was 115,831.9, and of the kingdom of Hungary was 125,641.2.

奥地利帝国的面积为115,831.9，匈牙利王国的面积为125,641.2。

In addition to these, the area of Bosnia and Herzegovina was 19,767.9, making the total area of the territories of the Central Powers the sum of 470,093.2 square miles.

除此之外，波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的面积为19,767.9平方英里，使得同盟国领土总面积达到470,093.2平方英里。

The nations known as the "Allies" in popular speech, consisted, at the opening of the war, of the British Empire, the French Republic, and the Russian Empire.

战争开始时，通俗地称为“同盟国”的国家包括大英帝国、法兰西共和国和俄罗斯帝国。

Using the same basis of comparison, the area of the British Isles was 121,633 square miles; the area of the Republic of France was 207,129 square miles; and the area of European Russia, including Finland and Poland, and excluding territory within the Arctic circle, was approximately 2,500,000 square miles.

使用相同的比较基础，不列颠群岛的面积为121,633平方英里；法兰西共和国面积为207,129平方英里；俄罗斯欧洲部分（包括芬兰和波兰）的面积（不包括北极圈内的领土）约为 2,500,000 平方英里。

Serbia had an area of 34,000 square miles.

塞尔维亚面积为 34,000 平方英里。

Belgium, although in no way responsible for the outbreak of the war--no matter from what point of view it may be considered--became the nation to suffer most at first and in the very earliest days of the war was on the side of the Allies.

比利时虽然对战争的爆发没有任何责任——无论从什么角度来看——但却成为最初受害最严重的国家，并且在战争的最初几天站在了同盟国一边。

Her area, exclusive of oversea possessions, was 11,373 square miles.

她的面积（不包括海外领地）为 11,373 平方英里。

This makes a total of 2,874,135 square miles for the Allies, a preponderance of territory which seems extraordinarily disproportionate until it is realized that the British Isles, France, Belgium, and Serbia together were far smaller than the combined territories of the Central Powers, and that only a small proportion of European Russia was liable to become a part of the actual field of conflict.

这样一来，盟军的领土面积就达到了 2,874,135 平方英里，这一领土面积似乎极其不成比例，直到人们认识到不列颠群岛、法国、比利时和塞尔维亚加起来远远小于同盟国的领土总和，而且俄罗斯欧洲部分只有一小部分可能成为实际冲突领域的一部分。

Passing on to larger figures, that is to say to the total area of all the possessions of the nations involved, it will be seen that the preponderance on the part of the Allies is even greater.

如果考虑到更大的数字，即有关国家所有领地的总面积，就会发现同盟国的优势更大。

Thus the German Empire, inclusive of colonial possessions in Africa, in Asia, and in the Pacific, contained 1,236,600 square miles.

因此，德意志帝国，包括非洲、亚洲和太平洋的殖民地，面积为 1,236,600 平方英里。

The Austro-Hungarian Empire, as previously stated, was 261,239 square miles, there being no oversea colonies.

如前所述，奥匈帝国面积为 261,239 平方英里，没有海外殖民地。

This makes a total of 1,497,839 square miles as the total territory of the Central Powers.

这样一来，同盟国的总领土面积就达到了 1,497,839 平方英里。

Balanced against this come the enormous figures of the three great allied empires.

与此相平衡的是三大同盟帝国的庞大人物。

The area of the British Empire was approximately 13,158,712 square miles, the Republic of France and her colonies 4,983,086 square miles, and the Russian Empire 8,394,018 square miles.

大英帝国的面积约为13,158,712平方英里，法兰西共和国及其殖民地为4,983,086平方英里，俄罗斯帝国为8,394,018平方英里。

The three empires combined thus made a total of 26,535,816 square miles, or but very little less than one-half of the total land area of the earth.

三个帝国的总面积为 26,535,816 平方英里，略小于地球陆地总面积的二分之一。

These figures are compiled from the latest sources before the opening of the war, but it is to be remembered that some of the figures are approximate.

这些数字是根据战争开始前的最新来源编制的，但请记住，其中一些数字是近似值。

For example the French possessions in Africa, of enormous extent, have not been surveyed, and there are vast stretches of Arctic Siberia and Arctic Canada which are but half explored.

例如，法国在非洲的大片领地还没有被勘察过，而北极西伯利亚和加拿大北极地区的大片地区也只被勘察了一半。

The small territories of Belgium and Serbia may be added to the total of the three great allied empires, and thus practically one-half of the earth on this globe was opposed to the million and a half square miles of the Central Powers.

比利时和塞尔维亚的小领土可能会被添加到三个伟大的同盟帝国的总和中，因此，地球上几乎有一半的土地与同盟国的百万半平方英里的土地相对立。

Owing to Bulgaria's position in the Balkan Peninsula, and also owing to aggrievement following the results of former Balkan wars, Bulgaria joined the Central Powers later in the war.

由于保加利亚在巴尔干半岛的地位，加上前巴尔干战争的结果，保加利亚在战争后期加入了同盟国。

Turkey, also, fearing the loss of Constantinople to the Russians as a result of the coalition of the Allies, threw her forces on the side of Germany.

土耳其也担心由于盟军的联合而导致君士坦丁堡落入俄罗斯人之手，因此将其军队投向了德国一边。

The area of Bulgaria was only 43,000 square miles, but the Ottoman or Turkish Empire was territorially very large, containing 1,420,448 square miles, or almost as much as Germany, Austria, and Bulgaria combined.

保加利亚的面积只有43,000平方英里，但奥斯曼帝国或土耳其帝国的领土却非常大，有1,420,448平方英里，几乎相当于德国、奥地利和保加利亚的总和。

In round numbers, and for easy remembrance, it may be said that the territory of the Central Powers engaged in the war was about three million square miles.

为了便于记忆，可以用整数表示，参与战争的同盟国的领土约为三百万平方英里。

For a long time Italy maintained neutrality, but the onrush of conditions forced her into the war, also on the side of the Allies.

意大利在很长一段时间内保持中立，但形势的严峻迫使她加入了战争，也站在了协约国一边。

The territory of European Italy was 110,623 square miles, and inclusive of her African possessions the territory under the Italian flag was 706,623 square miles.

意大利欧洲部分的领土面积为 110,623 平方英里，包括其非洲属地在内，意大利国旗下的领土面积为 706,623 平方英里。

The territory of the Japanese Empire, also, needs to be taken into consideration, for the reason that Japan, while not entering the European theater of war, declared herself on the side of the Allies by the capture of Kiao-chau, a district leased from China by Germany, and the very next month declared to be a German protectorate.

日本帝国的领土也需要考虑在内，因为日本虽然没有进入欧洲战区，但通过占领德国从中国租借的胶州地区，宣布自己站在同盟国一边，并于下个月宣布成为德国的保护国。

The territorial extent of the Japanese Empire was 254,266 square miles, inclusive of Korea.

日本帝国的领土范围为 254,266 平方英里，其中包括朝鲜。

These are the principal factors to be taken into consideration in the mere question of the territorial extent of the opposing forces.

这些是单纯讨论敌对势力领土范围问题时需要考虑的主要因素。

The geographical position of the belligerent countries, with their corresponding advantages and disadvantages, is the next factor to be considered.

交战国的地理位置及其相应的优势和劣势是下一个要考虑的因素。

The geographical position of the Central Powers is best expressed by the fact that they are central.

同盟国的地理位置最能体现为它们处于中心地位。

They have all the advantages of being in a united whole.

他们拥有作为一个统一整体的所有优势。

When, later in the war, Serbia was conquered, Bulgaria joined the Central Powers and Turkey was swung into line, the same condition held true.

战争后期，塞尔维亚被征服，保加利亚加入同盟国，土耳其也加入了同盟，同样的情况也成立了。

Germany and her allies were a homogeneous unit, geographically considered.

从地理上看，德国及其盟国是一个同质的整体。

From the point of view of land defense very little of Germany's frontiers bordered upon enemy territory.

从陆地防御的角度来看，德国的边境很少与敌方领土接壤。

The small section that confronted France on the west and the larger section facing Russia on the east were her only open points of attack.

西面与法国对峙的小部分和东面与俄罗斯对峙的较大部分是她唯一的开放攻击点。

Her sea front except for the small section near the mouth of the Rhine, was on the Baltic, and secure from naval attack except by the Russian fleet, and Russia has never been a naval power.

她的海岸线除了靠近莱茵河口的一小部分外，都位于波罗的海沿岸，除了俄罗斯舰队之外，不会受到其他海军的攻击，而俄罗斯从来都不是一个海军强国。

Her Mediterranean outlet, near Trieste and Fiume, menaced by the Mediterranean fleets of the allied powers, was comparatively safe, for the Austrian fleet was an efficient fighting unit, especially so for defense.

她的地中海出海口靠近的里雅斯特和阜姆，受到盟军地中海舰队的威胁，相对安全，因为奥地利舰队是一支高效的战斗部队，尤其是在防御方面。

As opposed to this was the openness of England, France, and Russia to naval attack.

与此相反的是英国、法国和俄罗斯对海上攻击的开放态度。

England has but a small proportion of land to seacoast, and France is open to the sea on three sides.

英国只有一小部分陆地通往海岸，而法国则三面向海开放。

Russia, fronting the Baltic, possessed an infinitely inferior fleet, to which the Allies could send no reenforcement as long as the Skagerrak and Cattegat Straits were the only way into the Baltic; moreover, by the Kiel Canal, connecting the North Sea and the Baltic, the remodeling of which was completed in a few months before the declarations of war, a German naval fleet would possess an enormous advantage over an allied fleet, endeavoring to force entrance into the Baltic.

面向波罗的海的俄罗斯拥有一支极其劣质的舰队，只要斯卡格拉克海峡和卡特加特海峡是进入波罗的海的唯一通道，盟军就无法向其派遣增援部队。此外，通过连接北海和波罗的海的基尔运河，该运河的改建在宣战前几个月完成，德国海军舰队将比试图强行进入波罗的海的盟军舰队拥有巨大优势。

In addition to this, while the Central Powers could work together on both fronts with great ease, thanks to the excellent system of German railways, Great Britain and France had no means of direct communication with their great ally in the east of Europe.

除此之外，尽管同盟国可以在两条战线上轻松合作，但由于德国铁路系统优良，英国和法国却无法与其东欧的伟大盟友直接沟通。

Thus, in a measure, the Central Powers were not attacking the Allies at any one time, though it might truly be said that they were being attacked by the Allies.

因此，在某种程度上，同盟国在任何时候都没有攻击同盟国，尽管可以说它们确实受到了同盟国的攻击。

In the event of any lack of synchronization between the plans of Russia and those of the western allies, German and Austrian troops could be massed first on one side of the field of operations and then on the other.

如果俄罗斯和西方盟国的计划不同步，德国和奥地利的军队可能会首先集结在作战区域的一侧，然后再集结到另一侧。

Such action was impossible to the Allies.

这种行动对于盟军来说是不可能的。

At the time of the great German advance on Paris, Russia could give no aid.

当德国大举进攻巴黎时，俄罗斯无法提供任何援助。

At the time of the German advance on Riga, Britain and France could give no aid.

当德国向里加进军时，英国和法国无法提供任何援助。

Both German advances were checked and the invaders driven back, not by the armies of the Allies, but by two non-interlocking parts of the armies of the Allies.

德国的两次进攻都被阻止，入侵者被击退，不是被盟军的军队，而是被盟军的两个非连锁部分所击退。

At the same time, the susceptibility to attack on both sides prevented the Central Powers from deflecting all their men to either front, and thus by the mere existence of passive menace, prevented the Central Powers from using their geographic advantage to the full.

与此同时，由于双方都容易受到攻击，同盟国无法将其全部兵力转移到任何一方战线，因此，仅仅由于被动威胁的存在，同盟国就无法充分利用其地理优势。

Their disadvantage, in the military sense of the recognition of geographical conditions, was that the Central Powers had constantly to bear in mind the necessity of fighting upon two fronts.

从军事意义上承认地理条件来看，它们的劣势是同盟国必须时刻牢记两线作战的必要性。

Russian activity, while important to Britain and France, was a matter with which their policy had nothing to do; the coordination of movements on the west front was a matter entirely outside the scope of the operations of the Russian commanders.

俄罗斯的活动虽然对英国和法国很重要，但与他们的政策无关。西线的行动协调完全超出了俄罗斯指挥官的行动范围。

The German military staff, on the other hand, had the task of constantly coordinating two separate campaigns, to determine where the greatest number of men should be, to avoid weakening the one side or the other at the wrong moment.

另一方面，德国军事参谋部的任务是不断协调两个单独的战役，以确定最大数量的人员应该部署在哪里，以避免在错误的时刻削弱一方或另一方。

The advantages, again considered geographically, greatly outweigh the disadvantages.

再次从地理角度考虑，其优势远远大于劣势。

The first of these was the homogeneity of the Central Powers.

首先是同盟国的同质性。

A general could attend a war council in Berlin in the evening, and one in Vienna the next morning.

将军可以晚上参加在柏林举行的战争会议，第二天早上参加在维也纳举行的战争会议。

The influence of Germany was an understood thing, moreover, and in Vienna there was a readiness to accept and carry out the policies of the German military staff.

此外，德国的影响是众所周知的，在维也纳，人们愿意接受并执行德国军事人员的政策。

There was also a geographical homogeneity, due to modern facility of communication.

由于现代通讯设施的原因，也存在地理同质性。

Not only in mobilization, but in the entire conduct of the war, the geographic nearness of points in Germany and Austria was brought about by an excellent east and west railway system.

不仅在动员方面，而且在整个战争过程中，德国和奥地利两地地理位置上的接近，是由于良好的东西铁路系统造成的。

The disadvantage of fighting on two fronts was partly compensated by the fact that within three days enormous masses of men could be moved from Galicia to the Rhine, or from the Belgian frontier to the wastes of East Prussia.

三天之内，大量人员可以从加利西亚转移到莱茵河，或者从比利时边境转移到东普鲁士的荒原，这在一定程度上弥补了两线作战的缺点。

In all Europe there is no stretch of land so well suited by nature for this task of fighting upon two fronts as the area of the combined Austrian and German Empires.

在整个欧洲，没有哪片土地比奥地利帝国和德意志帝国合并的地区更适合在两条战线作战的任务。

This is emphasized by the topography of the Baltic Plain, the Rhine and Danube valleys.

波罗的海平原、莱茵河和多瑙河谷的地形强调了这一点。

One might say, in a measure, that this stretch of territory has not wasted any of its natural mountain defenses by flinging them athwart the territory.

在某种程度上，有人可能会说，这片领土并没有因为将其横亘在领土上而浪费了任何天然的山地防御。

Thus the Vosges defend against France, the Alps against Italy, the Transylvanian Alps against Rumania--in the event of that nation entering the war with Russia--the Carpathians behind Galicia against Russia's southern attacks, and the marshy country east of East Prussia against Russian northern attack.

因此，孚日山脉防御法国，阿尔卑斯山防御意大利，特兰西瓦尼亚阿尔卑斯山防御罗马尼亚（如果该国与俄罗斯交战），加利西亚后面的喀尔巴阡山脉防御俄罗斯南部的攻击，东普鲁士以东的沼泽国家防御俄罗斯北部的攻击。

Yet it is to be added that these very advantages of defense were also disadvantages of attack.

但需要补充的是，防御的这些优点也是进攻的缺点。

The march through Belgium would not have been necessitated if, for example, the portion of Central Powers territory that confronted France had been of the same character as that which confronted Russia.

例如，如果同盟国与法国相对的领土部分与与俄罗斯相对的领土具有相同的性质，那么就没有必要穿过比利时。

The mountainous character of that frontier was a determining factor in the invasion of Belgium.

该边境的山区特征是入侵比利时的决定性因素。

The invasion of Belgium was a determining factor in the relation which Germany sustained in the war to the allied powers, and especially to the neutral nations.

对比利时的入侵是德国在战争中与盟国，特别是与中立国家保持关系的决定性因素。

The relation of the neutral nations, in modern warfare, which requires such immense supplies, is a factor of great importance for success in the field.

在需要如此巨大物资的现代战争中，中立国家的关系是在战场上取得成功的一个非常重要的因素。

Therefore, to close the syllogism, the mountainous character of the Vosges country was the primary factor in determining the relation of all other countries to the Central Powers, a factor constantly arising at every point in the Great War.

因此，为了结束这个三段论，孚日国家的山区特征是决定所有其他国家与同盟国关系的主要因素，这一因素在第一次世界大战的每个阶段都不断出现。

On such geographical factors does the strategy of huge campaigns depend.

大规模战役的策略取决于这些地理因素。

One more example may be given.

还可以举一个例子。

In the battles of the Marne it became evident that France's strongest defense was the Argonne Forest, in the battle of the Aisne it became clear that the geological formation of a river bank made the German position almost impregnable.

在马恩河战役中，很明显法国最强大的防御是阿尔贡森林，在埃纳河战役中，很明显河岸的地质构造使德国的阵地几乎坚不可摧。

The topographical position of the allied powers is the next factor to be considered.

同盟国的地形位置是下一个要考虑的因素。

Germany's geographical resources have been touched upon, and to them may be added the fact that, if invaded, she had, at the Rhine, a marvelous line to fall back upon.

德国的地理资源已被提及，此外还可以补充一个事实：如果遭到入侵，她在莱茵河上有一条奇妙的防线可以依靠。

The first factor to be considered in France is its openness to attack.

在法国，首先要考虑的因素是其对攻击的开放性。

Thanks to the Vosges and the Argonne, a line of great strength could be established (it was so established and was so held in the teeth of determined attack) from Belfort to Verdun.

多亏了孚日河和阿贡河，我们才得以建立一条从贝尔福到凡尔登的强大防线（这条防线就是这样建立起来的，并且在坚决的进攻中是这样坚守的）。

But north of Verdun the earth-making forces have not been kind to France, in a military sense.

但从军事意义上来说，凡尔登以北的造地力量对法国并不友善。

From Verdun to the North Sea is, geographically speaking, open country.

从地理上来说，从凡尔登到北海都是开阔的乡村。

This is not the place to discuss the availability of forts in open country, it is sufficient to point out that there is no geographical defense.

这里不是讨论空旷地区是否有堡垒的地方，只要指出没有地理防御就足够了。

Between the German border and Paris there is no topographical barrier to an invading army.

德国边境和巴黎之间没有任何地形障碍可以阻挡入侵的军队。

The Germans found this out in the Franco-Prussian War, and it had not been forgotten.

德国人在普法战争中发现了这一点，并且没有被忘记。

CHAPTER XXV

第二十五章

ASSEMBLING OF THE GERMAN ARMIES

德国军队的集结

"The German mobilization was the greatest movement of people that the world has ever seen.

“德国的动员是世界上最伟大的人民运动。

Nearly four million people had to be transported from every part of the empire to her borders.

近四百万人必须从帝国各地运送到她的边境。

The manner in which the population is distributed made the task extremely difficult.

人口的分布方式使得这项任务极其困难。

Berlin, Rhenish Westphalia, Upper Silesia, and Saxony, especially had to send their contingents in every direction, since the eastern provinces are more thinly settled and had to have a stronger guard for the borders immediately.

柏林、莱茵威斯特法伦、上西里西亚和萨克森尤其必须向各个方向派遣特遣队，因为东部省份人口稀少，必须立即加强边境保卫。

The result was a hurrying to and fro of thousands and hundreds of thousands of soldiers, besides a flood of civilians who had to reach their homes as soon as possible.

结果是成千上万的士兵来来往往，还有大量必须尽快回家的平民。

Countries where the population is more regularly distributed have an easier task than Germany, with its predominating urban population.

人口分布更均匀的国家的任务比城市人口占主导地位的德国更容易。

"The difficulties of the gigantic undertaking were also increased by the necessity for transporting war materials of every sort.

“运输各种战争物资的必要性也增加了这项艰巨任务的难度。

In the west are chiefly industrial undertakings, in the east mainly agricultural.

西部以工业为主，东部以农业为主。

Horse raising is mostly confined to the provinces on the North Sea and the Baltic, but chiefly to East Prussia, and this province, the farthest away from France, had to send its best horses to the western border, as did also Schleswig-Holstein and Hanover.

马匹的饲养主要局限于北海和波罗的海沿岸的省份，但主要是东普鲁士，而这个距离法国最远的省份必须将最好的马匹送到西部边境，石勒苏益格-荷尔斯泰因州和汉诺威也是如此。

Coal for our warships had to go in the other direction.

我们军舰的煤炭必须走另一个方向。

From the Rhenish mines it went to the North Sea, from Upper Silesia to the Baltic.

从莱茵河矿井流向北海，从上西里西亚流向波罗的海。

Ammunition and heavy projectiles were transported from the central part of the empire to its borders.

弹药和重型射弹从帝国中部运往边境。

And everywhere these operations had to be carried on with haste....

到处都必须匆忙进行这些行动......

"And how was it carried on?

“那它是如何进行的呢？

No one could have wondered if there had been hundreds of unforeseen incidents, if military trains had arrived at their stations with great delays, if there had resulted in many places a wild hugger-mugger from the tremendous problems on hand.

没有人会怀疑是否发生了数百起不可预见的事件，军用列车是否严重延误到达车站，是否在许多地方因当前的巨大问题而导致了疯狂的抢劫。

But there was not a trace of this.

但没有任何痕迹。

...

All moved with the regularity of clockwork.

一切都按照发条的规律移动。

Regiments that had been ordered to mobilize in the forenoon left in the evening for the field, fully equipped....

上午受命动员的各团装备齐全，晚上就出发前往战场……

[Illustration: Armies of the Contesting Nations.]

[插图：参赛国家的军队。]

"A thing that raised the national enthusiasm still higher was the appearance of the troops in brand-new uniforms, complete from head to feet.

“更让全民热情高涨的是，部队从头到脚都穿着崭新的军装。

The first sight of these new uniforms of modest, field gray, faultlessly made, evoked everywhere the question: Where did they come from?

第一眼看到这些朴素的、深灰色的、制作完美的新制服，到处都会引发这样的问题：它们来自哪里？

On the first day of mobilization dozens of cloth manufacturers appeared at the War Ministry with offers of new material.

动员的第一天，数十家布料制造商出现在陆军部，提供新材料。

'We don't want any' was the astonishing reply.

“我们不想要任何”，这是令人惊讶的答复。

Equal amazement was caused by the faultless boots and shoes of the new troops, especially in view of the recent famous 'boot speech' of the French Senator Humbert.

同样令人惊讶的是新部队完美无瑕的靴子和鞋子，特别是考虑到法国参议员亨伯特最近著名的“靴子演讲”。

"Small arms, cannon, and ammunition are so plentiful, that they have merely to be unpacked.

“小型武器、大炮和弹药非常充足，只需打开包装即可。

In view of all this, it is no wonder that the regiments marching in were everywhere greeted with jubilation, and that those marching out took leave of their garrisons with joyful songs.

由此可见，进军的军队处处受到欢腾的欢迎，出军的离守也欢歌雀跃，也就不足为奇了。

No one thinks of death and destruction, every one of happy victory and joyful reunion.

没有人想到死亡和毁灭，每个人都想到幸福的胜利和欢乐的团聚。

German discipline, once so slandered, now celebrates its triumph.

德国的纪律一度饱受谩骂，如今却庆祝其胜利。

"There was still another matter in which the troops gave their countrymen cause for rejoicing.

“还有一件事，让部队的同胞们感到高兴。

Not one drunken man was seen during these earnest days on the city streets.

在这些严肃的日子里，城市街道上没有看到一个醉酒的人。

The General Staff had, moreover, wisely ordered that during the mobilization, when every one had money in his pockets, alcoholic drinks were not to be sold at the railroad stations....

而且总参谋部还明智地下令，在动员期间，当每个人口袋里都有钱的时候，火车站不许出售酒精饮料……

"The army is increased to many times its ordinary strength by the mobilization.

“通过动员，军队的兵力比平时增加了许多倍。

It draws from everywhere millions of soldiers, workmen, horses, wagons, and other materials.

它从各地调动数以百万计的士兵、工人、马匹、马车和其他物资。

The entire railway service is at its disposal....

整个铁路服务都可供其使用......

Not only is our great army mobilized, but the whole folk is mobilized, and the distribution of labor, the food question, and the care of the sick and wounded are all being provided for.

不但我们大军动员起来，而且全民动员起来，劳务分配、粮食问题、伤病员的照顾，都解决了。

The whole German folk has become a gigantic war camp, all are mobilized to protect kaiser, folk, and fatherland, as the closing report of the Reichstag put it."

正如德国国会的闭幕报告所言，整个德国人民已经成为一个巨大的战争营地，所有人都被动员起来保护皇帝、人民和祖国。”

From this German statement of German mobilization by a German committee of men of the utmost standing in the empire certain things stand out very clearly.

从德国帝国最有地位的人士组成的德国委员会关于德国动员的声明中，某些事情非常清楚地凸显出来。

Of this the first one is that, with a peace strength of less than a million, on the very first flush of mobilization, every possible contingency for the mobilization of four million men was at hand.

第一个是，在和平兵力不足百万的情况下，在第一次动员时，动员四百万人的所有可能的突发事件都在眼前。

German mobilization, therefore, was not the devising of plans to carry out a project, but it was rather the putting into action of a vast interacting series of preparation that had long been made and carefully conceived for an attack upon the powers to the westward.

因此，德国的动员并不是制定计划来实施某个项目，而是将一系列大规模的、相互作用的准备工作付诸行动，这些准备工作是为进攻西方强国而长期精心策划的。

From every point of view, looking at the mobilization at the opening of the war, Germany's was the most rapid and the most complete, and, as the "Truth about Germany" states, it was perhaps the most marvelous piece of military mobilization that the world has ever seen.

从各个角度来看，从战争爆发时的动员来看，德国的动员是最迅速、最彻底的，正如《德国的真相》所说，这也许是世界上有史以来最精彩的军事动员。

As mobilization finally results in army corps, and is designed to fit into a frame, the component parts of an army corps may be set forth to show the way in which all the various units have to be drawn together to their places on a battle front.

由于动员最终会产生军团，并且被设计成适合一个框架，因此军团的组成部分可能会被阐明，以显示所有不同单位必须被聚集到他们在战斗前线的位置的方式。

A complete army corps of the German scheme consists of 56,000 combatants and 12,000 men in the supply train.

德国计划中的一个完整军团由 56,000 名战斗人员和 12,000 名补给人员组成。

Of this, 63.81 per cent are infantry, 11.56 per cent cavalry, 10.99 field artillery, 4.21 per cent light artillery, 4.21 engineer corps, etc., hospital corps 1.04, and miscellaneous 2.02 per cent.

其中步兵占63.81%，骑兵占11.56%，野战炮兵占10.99%，轻炮兵占4.21%，工兵等占4.21%，医院兵团占1.04%，杂项占2.02%。

There are 4 brigades with 24 battalions, there are 24 batteries of field artillery with 144 guns, there are 8 squadrons of cavalry, 4 howitzer batteries with 16 heavy howitzers, a machine-gun section, a battalion of rifles, a battalion of engineers, a telegraph section, a bridge train, 6 provision columns, 7 wagon-park columns, a stretcher-bearer column, a horse depot, a field bakery, 12 field hospitals, and 8 ammunition columns.

有4个旅，24个营，24个野战炮连，144门火炮，8个骑兵中队，4个榴弹炮连，16门重型榴弹炮，一个机枪连，一个步枪营，一个工兵营，一个电报组，一个桥梁列车，6个补给纵队，7个车停纵队，一个担架纵队，一匹马仓库、一个野战面包店、12 个野战医院和 8 个弹药库。

One has but to think of the various places from which these men and stores must come, of the thousands of horses and hundreds of wagons; of the millions of rounds of ammunition, speeding from different points over different railroads, and when disembarked by roads, by lanes, even by small bypaths to the appointed place on the battle front, to realize what a marvelous feat is mobilization of a modern army at the time of an outbreak of war.

人们只需想一想这些人员和物资必须从哪些地方运来，想一想成千上万的马匹和数百辆马车；数以百万计的弹药，从不同的地点飞驰，经过不同的铁路，通过公路、小巷、甚至小路下车，到达前线的指定地点，体会战争爆发时现代军队的动员是多么了不起的壮举。

An insight into the manner in which this can be carried out, and incidentally, an insight into the preparedness of Germany for the war, is seen in an analysis of the extraordinary and otherwise inexplicable network of railways recently erected by Germany to tap the frontiers of Belgium and Luxemburg.

通过对德国最近为开拓比利时和卢森堡边境而修建的非同寻常且难以解释的铁路网络的分析，可以深入了解如何实现这一目标，顺便也了解德国对战争的准备情况。

"In the southwest corner of Prussia," says Walter Littlefield, writing on this subject, "is a rectangular piece of territory, the western and eastern sides of which are formed respectively by the Belgian and Luxemburg frontiers and the River Rhine....

“在普鲁士的西南角，”沃尔特·利特菲尔德就这一主题写道，“有一块长方形的领土，其西侧和东侧分别由比利时和卢森堡边境以及莱茵河组成……

Five years ago, this little corner of Prussia had about 15.10 miles of railway to every hundred square miles of territory.

五年前，普鲁士的这个小角落每百平方英里的领土就有大约 15.10 英里的铁路。

At the opening of the war this had increased to 28.30.

战争开始时，这一数字已增至 28.30。

In five years, without any apparent industrial and commercial demand for it, this traction has been increased to nearly twice its length.

五年来，在没有任何明显的工业和商业需求的情况下，这种牵引力已增加到其长度的近两倍。

Villages of less than 1,300 inhabitants have been linked up with double-track lines.

居民人数不足 1,300 人的村庄已通过双轨线连接起来。

For example, Pelm is 2-3/4 miles from Gerolstein, a town principally of comic-opera fame, and yet over this short distance, between the two villages, there are laid down six parallel lines of rail, besides numerous additional sidings....

例如，佩尔姆距离格罗尔斯泰因（Gerolstein）2-3/4英里，格罗尔斯泰因是一个主要以喜剧闻名的小镇，但在这短短的距离内，两个村庄之间除了许多额外的支线之外，还铺设了六条平行的铁路线......

Few of these lines, it is to be noted, cross the frontier.

值得注意的是，这些线路很少跨越边境。

Three of them, as late as last May (this was written in the fall of 1914), led to blind terminals within a day's march of it--the double line from Cologne via Stolberg to Weiwertz, the double line from Cologne via Junkerath and Weiwertz to St. With and the double line from Remagen via Hillesheim and Pelm to Pronsfeld."

其中三条线路，迟至去年五月（写于 1914 年秋天），在一天的路程内通向盲终点站——从科隆经施托尔贝格到魏韦尔茨的双线，从科隆经容克拉特和魏韦尔茨到圣威斯的双线，以及从雷马根经希勒斯海姆和佩尔姆到普伦斯费尔德的双线。

"Another point that is noticeable," says another observer, quoted in the same article, "is that provision exists everywhere at these new junctions and extensions for avoiding an upline crossing a down line on the level, the upline is carried over the down line by a bridge, involving long embankments on both sides (so new that as yet nothing has had time to grow on them) at great expense, but enormously simplifying traffic problems, when it comes to a question of full troop trains pushing through at the rate of one every quarter of an hour, and the empty cars returning eastward at the same rate.

同一篇文章中引用的另一位观察家表示，“另一点值得注意的是，在这些新的路口和延伸处，到处都有规定，以避免上行线在水平面上与下行线交叉，上行线通过一座桥跨过下行线，涉及两侧的长堤坝（如此新，尚未有时间在其上生长），成本高昂，但在涉及满员列车以每季度一列的速度通过的问题时，极大地简化了交通问题一个小时后，空车以同样的速度向东返回。

"The detraining stations are of sufficient length to accommodate the longest troop train (ten cars) easily, and they generally have at least four sidings apart from the through up and down lines.

“下车站的长度足以轻松容纳最长的部队列车（十节车厢），而且除了上下直通的线路外，一般至少有四个侧线。

Moreover, at almost every station there are two lines of sidings long enough for troop trains, so that they can be used to some extent as detraining stations, and so that a couple of troop trains can be held up at any time while traffic continues uninterrupted."

此外，几乎每个车站都有两条足够长的专用线供部队列车使用，因此它们可以在一定程度上用作下车站，并且可以随时拦截几列部队列车，而交通仍可不间断。”

Such facts of railway preparedness explain, in a great measure, the means whereby Germany was able to launch upon the Belgian, Luxemburg, and French frontiers such a vast array of fully equipped troops almost at the moment of the outbreak of the war.

这些铁路准备的事实在很大程度上解释了德国为何能够几乎在战争爆发的同时向比利时、卢森堡和法国边境派遣如此庞大的装备齐全的军队。

It must be left to the reader to determine whether there is any connection between this activity of railroad building in a district industrially inactive on a frontier that was always held inviolate; and the violation of that territory by means of these very railroads.

必须由读者来判断，在一个工业不活跃地区、一直不受侵犯的边境地区修建铁路的活动是否有任何联系；以及通过这些铁路侵犯该领土。

Facts remain facts, however, and the absolutely admitted facts declare that German mobilization was directed, not at the French frontier, but at the frontier of Luxemburg and Belgium, especially at the great Belgian plain, commanded and dominated by the great fortress of Liege.

然而，事实仍然是事实，绝对承认的事实表明，德国的动员不是针对法国边境，而是针对卢森堡和比利时边境，特别是在列日大要塞指挥和控制的比利时大平原上。

In the story of that siege will be shown its topographic position.

在那次围攻的故事中将显示其地形位置。

As bearing upon the subject of mobilization, however, it is to be remembered that at this point, Belgium, and not at France, was directed the main first mobilization of the German army.

然而，就动员问题而言，应该记住的是，此时德国军队的主要第一次动员是针对比利时而不是法国。

CHAPTER XXVI

第二十六章

FRENCH MOBILIZATION

法国总动员

French mobilization was smooth, but slow.

法国的动员很顺利，但速度很慢。

France's great disadvantage, making her mobilization slow, was that her regiments were not territorially recruited, whereas the German army was entirely based on territorial recruitment.

法国的一大劣势是其军队不是按地域征兵，而德国军队则是完全按地域征兵，这使得法国的动员速度很慢。

Where it would take a French regiment to receive its reserve men and be completed on war footing in about four days, the German regiment could be completed on war footing within four to five days.

法国军团需要大约四天内接收预备役人员并完成战备准备，而德国军团则可以在四到五天内完成战备准备。

France in recognition of this weakness had on her eastern borders special troops stationed called "troops de couverture." Moreover, as has been pointed out, all the French railways center in Paris, and the nearness of the capital to the frontier is a gain as well as a source of danger.

法国认识到这一弱点，在其东部边境驻扎了名为“军队”的特种部队。此外，正如已经指出的那样，法国所有的铁路都以巴黎为中心，首都靠近边境既是一种收获，也是一种危险。

Therefore, from the railways running to the frontier from Paris, and from the strong garrison at the great Verdun to Belfort chain of forts, France was able to bring into effect at once enough men to present a strong face to the foe.

因此，从巴黎通往边境的铁路，从凡尔登的强大驻军到贝尔福的一系列堡垒，法国能够立即调动足够的兵力，向敌人展示强大的面孔。

[Illustration: Navies of the Contesting Nations.]

[插图：参赛国海军。]

Here Germany's reason for invading Belgium appeared.

德国入侵比利时的理由就到此为止了。

French mobilization assumed the integrity of Belgium and Luxemburg.

法国的动员假定了比利时和卢森堡的完整性。

Her mobilization was directed to the German frontier.

她的动员是针对德国边境的。

Had Germany been able to go through Belgium without an hour's delay the situation would have been serious for France, for she mobilized on the wrong front.

如果德国能够在不耽搁一小时的情况下通过比利时，那么法国的局势就会很严重，因为她在错误的战线上动员起来。

Germany had correctly assumed that France would expect her to abide by the treaties, and consequently by disavowing these obligations had outguessed her Gallic neighbor.

德国正确地认为法国会期望她遵守条约，因此拒绝承担这些义务，从而超越了她的高卢邻国。

The speedy mobilization of Belgium, and the heroic defense of that little land by its gallant citizens, did much to alter the possible destinies of the war, not because there was at any time any expectation that Belgium would be able entirely to resist the passage of the armies of the kaiser, but because the delay which her defense caused gave the French troops time to mobilize in the direction whither the blow was designed.

比利时的迅速动员，以及勇敢的公民对这片小土地的英勇保卫，在很大程度上改变了战争可能的命运，这并不是因为任何时候都指望比利时能够完全抵抗德皇军队的通过，而是因为她的防御造成的延误使法国军队有时间向计划进攻的方向动员。

The first movement against Germany was when M.

第一次针对德国的运动是当M.

Eyschen, a member of the cabinet of the Duchy of Luxemburg, drove in his motor car across the great Adolf Bridge, which had been seized by Germany and confronted the leading officer of the German advance guard with a copy of the treaty guaranteeing the neutrality of the state.

卢森堡公国内阁成员艾申开着汽车穿过被德国占领的阿道夫大桥，拿着一份保证国家中立的条约副本与德国先遣部队的首领对峙。

The reigning Grand Duchess Marie Adelaide blocked the way with her motor car, she was ordered to return at once, and when General Vandyck, commandant of Luxemburg, arrived, he was confronted with a revolver.

现任女大公玛丽·阿德莱德用汽车挡住了路，她被命令立即返回，当卢森堡司令范戴克将军到达时，他遇到了一把左轮手枪。

At the end of July, when there was evidence that the storm which had been brewing ever since Austria sent an ultimatum to Serbia on July 23, 1914, thirteen classes of Belgian recruits were called to the colors; but even so, at its full war strength on August 1, 1914, the entire army numbered only 160,000 men.

7月底，有证据表明，自1914年7月23日奥地利向塞尔维亚发出最后通牒以来，这场风暴就一直在酝酿，13个班的比利时新兵被征召入伍；但即便如此，在 1914 年 8 月 1 日满员时，整个军队的人数也只有 16 万人。

Owing to the small size of the Belgian army and the small territory of that country, and also owing to the fact that it is one of the most thoroughly equipped countries of the world so far as railroads are concerned, Belgian mobilization presented few difficulties for the concentration of the few available troops.

由于比利时军队规模较小，领土狭小，而且比利时是世界上铁路装备最完善的国家之一，比利时的动员对于集中少数可用部队来说没有什么困难。

But Belgium was in the midst of reorganization of its national defenses and its army, and so was _de facto_ unprepared to use to the utmost the advantages of great fortresses of Liege, Namur, and Antwerp, which could have been made almost impregnable if the necessary field army and artillery material had existed.

但比利时正处于国防和军队重组之中，因此事实上没有准备好最大限度地利用列日、那慕尔和安特卫普的巨大堡垒的优势，如果有必要的野战军和炮兵材料，这些堡垒几乎是坚不可摧的。

The fortresses of Liege and Namur demanded a garrison of about 250,000 men and artillery, and there were only about 30,000 men disponible.

列日和那慕尔的要塞需要大约25万名士兵和大炮的驻军，而只有大约3万名步兵。

If the organization of the national defense of Belgium had been completed, the Belgian army would have been probably of a strength of over 600,000 men, well trained, instead of the poorly trained army of about 160,000 combatants equipped only for parade, and the story of that part of the Great War would have been another.

如果比利时的国防组织已经完成，比利时军队的兵力可能会超过60万，训练有素，而不是训练有素、只有大约16万名战斗人员、只为阅兵装备的军队，而那部分第一次世界大战的故事将是另一个故事。

The German cavalry entered Belgium and pushed on ahead, and a few stray shots were fired, but the first Belgian town of Limburg, on the road to Liege, was occupied without attack.

德国骑兵进入比利时并向前推进，发射了几发流弹，但在通往列日的道路上的第一个比利时城镇林堡在没有受到攻击的情况下就被占领了。

At Verviers a weak Belgian force was driven out by the strong advance guard of the German cavalry.

在韦尔维耶，一支薄弱的比利时军队被强大的德国骑兵先头部队驱逐。

This was the "peaceful invasion of Belgian territory" spoken of in the earliest telegrams sent to the kaiser from the advancing army.

这就是前进的军队向德皇发送的最早的电报中所说的“和平入侵比利时领土”。

Then the German troops suddenly found themselves confronted by the destruction of the Trois Ponts tunnels, and by the wrecked bridges across the Meuse.

然后，德军突然发现自己面临着三桥隧道的毁坏和默兹河上桥梁的毁坏。

The attack upon Vise, which had been figured by the Germans to be a matter of form, and not requiring a body of troops of any size, was stopped by blown-up bridges, and a detachment of German engineers, undertaking to build a new pontoon bridge, was shot to pieces.

德国人认为对维斯的攻击只是形式问题，不需要任何规模的部队，但被炸毁的桥梁阻止了，一支负责建造新浮桥的德国工程师分队被击成碎片。

Belgium, having thus thrown down the gauntlet, concentrated its troops, a little over 100,000, on a line back of the forts of Liege and Namur.

比利时因此发出了挑战，将其略高于10万的军队集中在列日和那慕尔要塞后方的一条线上。

King Albert himself was at the front, and not only directed, but also led the defense.

阿尔伯特国王亲自在最前线，不仅指挥，还领导防守。

This gallant action on the part of Belgium formed a screen behind which the French troops could mobilize in full order and with a clear knowledge of the intention of the enemy.

比利时的这一英勇行动形成了一道屏障，法国军队可以在屏障后面有序地动员起来，并清楚地了解敌人的意图。

Already the skies were filled with scouting aircraft and wireless messages buzzed incessantly from the overhead scouts of the movements of the hostile troops rushing from Berlin, from Cologne, from every point of the German Empire to the three frontiers of Luxemburg, Belgium, and France.

天空中已经布满了侦察机，头顶上的侦察机不断发出无线消息，侦察敌军的动向，从柏林、科隆、德意志帝国的每一个角落，到卢森堡、比利时和法国的三个边境。

And, all the while, the band of devoted heroes at Liege held to their ideal of independence, and Belgium grew to be a bigger thing in the eyes of the world, as her territory grew hourly smaller by the encroachment of the German invaders.

与此同时，列日的一群忠诚的英雄始终坚持他们的独立理想，比利时在世界眼中变得越来越重要，因为她的领土因德国侵略者的侵犯而每小时缩小。

French mobilization, in spite of the prompt action in sending the first half million to the front, became disorganized under the discovery of the plans of Germany.

尽管法国的动员行动迅速，将首批50万人送往前线，但在德国的计划被发现后，法国的动员变得杂乱无章。

It will be remembered that the French railroad systems all center in Paris.

人们会记住，法国铁路系统的中心都在巴黎。

Therefore, in order to divert the troops to what was seen to be the point of attack, brigades had to be brought back from the Verdun-Belfort district and transshipped to the north.

因此，为了将部队转移到被认为是攻击点的地方，必须将旅从凡尔登-贝尔福地区调回并转运到北部。

This, in a word, was the answer to the question why France did not rush to the aid of Belgium and hurl her forces at the Germans at the gates of Liege.

总而言之，这就是为什么法国不急于援助比利时并向列日门口的德国人猛烈进攻的问题的答案。

For that mobilization they were not ready.

对于这次动员，他们还没有准备好。

The neutrality of Belgium had been considered as a true military barrier.

比利时的中立被认为是真正的军事障碍。

A glance at the railroad map of France shows how thoroughly (and unwisely) France had trusted to this treaty, the treaty that became famous when it was declared by Germany to be merely a "scrap of paper," for while there are good transport facilities to the Franco-German frontier, there were few to the Franco-Belgian frontier.

只要看一眼法国的铁路图，就可以看出法国是多么彻底（而且不明智）地信任这个条约。这个条约因被德国宣布为“一纸空文”而闻名，因为虽然通往法德边境的交通设施良好，但通往法比边境的交通设施却很少。

The motor busses practically saved the day, and nearly all the French troops went to the northern front by this means of transport.

公共汽车几乎挽救了局面，几乎所有法国军队都乘这种交通工具前往北部前线。

Still more difficult was the question of munitions.

更困难的是弹药问题。

The German railways brought troops at forty miles an hour, the French lines carried munitions at forty miles per day.

德国铁路以每小时四十英里的速度运送部队，法国铁路以每天四十英里的速度运送弹药。

For her German frontier she was ready.

对于她的德国边境，她已经做好了准备。

For this new contingency she was unprepared.

对于这个新的突发事件，她毫无准备。

For this unpreparedness France paid dearly.

法国为这种毫无准备付出了惨重代价。

Some of her richest provinces were invaded and held all through the early part of the war by Germany, almost solely because her transportation of troops to the crucial point was not effective.

她的一些最富裕的省份在战争初期一直被德国入侵并占领，几乎完全是因为她向关键地点输送军队的效率不高。

The mere presence of the Germans over so large a section of French territory was due solely to the rapidity of the German mobilization, which was the result of long years of preparation.

德国人之所以出现在如此大片法国领土上，完全是因为德国动员速度之快，这是长年准备的结果。

Even behind the Belgian screen France did not move rapidly enough to save herself, only barely rapidly enough to save Paris.

即使在比利时的幕后，法国的行动速度也不足以拯救自己，只能勉强够快地拯救巴黎。

The plan of General Joffre, which entailed a gradual retreat to let the Germans expand far from their base, while the French concentrated between the border and Paris, was a move determined, not by any special theory of war, nor yet by special configuration of the country, but by the slowness of mobilization.

霞飞将军的计划是逐步撤退，让德国人远离基地扩张，而法国人则集中在边境和巴黎之间，这一举措不是由任何特殊的战争理论决定的，也不是由国家的特殊结构决定的，而是由动员的缓慢决定的。

The initial success of Germany was a victory of thorough preparedness, the initial defeats of the French army were the results of military preparedness hampered by politics.

德国最初的成功是充分准备的胜利，法军最初的失败是军事准备受到政治阻碍的结果。

As the campaign developed, the mobilization of the Germans on the west front was seen to have a double purpose.

随着战役的发展，德国人在西线的动员被认为有双重目的。

The armies of Von Kluck were to hold Belgium and the north of France, while the armies of the crown prince were to march through Luxemburg and batter down the Verdun-Belfort line.

冯·克拉克的军队将控制比利时和法国北部，而王储的军队将穿过卢森堡并沿着凡尔登-贝尔福防线进攻。

It has been shown how the rapid mobilization and gallant defense of Liege by the Belgians delayed the former.

事实已经证明，比利时人的快速动员和对列日的英勇防守是如何推迟了前者的。

Without aircraft it was more than possible that, behind the screen of the forests of Luxemburg, France might not have known what forces were being concentrated on that frontier, and might have weakened the line to rush troops against Von Kluck.

如果没有飞机，在卢森堡森林的掩护下，法国很可能不知道在该边境集中了哪些部队，并且可能削弱了向冯·克拉克突击部队的防线。

But the French aviators, who are the best in the world, were able to fly over the territory of Germany and Luxemburg where troops were mobilizing, and the information they sent down was sufficiently alarming to keep France from weakening the Franco-German fortress-defended line too seriously.

但世界上最优秀的法国飞行员能够飞越德国和卢森堡的领土，而他们所发出的信息足以令人震惊，足以让法国避免过于严重地削弱法德堡垒防线。

This, again, handicapped France from being able to go to the support of Belgium.

这再次阻碍了法国获得比利时的支持。

The dramatic plan of the crown prince's hammering march to Paris failed absolutely and completely by the successful defense of Verdun.

王储向巴黎进军的戏剧性计划因凡尔登的成功防御而彻底失败。

[Illustration: German-French Frontier, Fortresses of.]

[插图：德法边境，堡垒。]

CHAPTER XXVII

第二十七章

BRITAIN--RUSSIA--AUSTRIA

英国--俄罗斯--奥地利

The initial mobilization of Great Britain was a matter as well managed as that of Germany.

英国最初的动员和德国的动员一样管理得很好。

For precision there was nothing to choose as between them.

为了精度，它们之间没有什么可以选择的。

Yet, comparing the German and British mobilizations, one thing stands out clearly, viz., that Germany was ready and Britain unready, while, on the other hand, Germany had to move 4,000,000 men and England only 100,000.

然而，比较德国和英国的动员，有一点很明显，那就是德国已经做好了准备，而英国还没有准备好，而另一方面，德国不得不调动400万人，而英国只需要调动10万人。

To offset this, Britain had to mobilize stores and supplies, not only for her own 100,000 expeditionary force, but for a large part of the armies of France and for all the armies of Belgium.

为了抵消这一影响，英国必须动员物资和补给，不仅为自己的10万远征军，而且为大部分法国军队和所有比利时军队。

Even the very motor busses that carried French troops from Paris to the Belgian frontier were largely English, two cargoes of 100 vehicles each being rushed across the English Channel on the same day.

就连从巴黎运载法国军队前往比利时边境的大巴也大多是英国制造的，两批各有 100 辆车的货物在同一天急速穿越英吉利海峡。

The food question for the Belgian army and for the French armies on the Belgian frontier was acute at the opening of the war, France was ready and prepared to handle any eventuality in the way of supplies that might be needed on the Belfort-Verdun line, but she was not prepared for the conditions in the rear of the Belgian frontier.

战争开始时，比利时军队和比利时边境的法国军队的粮食问题非常严重，法国已做好准备，以应对贝尔福-凡尔登防线上可能需要的任何可能的供应情况，但她没有为比利时边境后方的情况做好准备。

Britain came to the support of France and Belgium without a day's delay.

英国立即向法国和比利时提供了支持。

She rushed food and munitions to the front, and on one occasion Kitchener fed two French army corps, or 80,000 troops, for eleven days without the slightest hitch.

她将食物和弹药送往前线，有一次基奇纳为两个法国军团（即 80,000 名士兵）提供了十一天的粮食，没有丝毫困难。

A moment's thought will show that this means not only the ability to send food, but also to organize the entire mechanism of the preparing and handling of that food.

稍加思考就会发现，这不仅意味着能够发送食物，还意味着组织准备和处理食物的整个机制。

This was made possible largely by what was known in Britain as the motor-lorry system, unlike that of any other army, introduced in 1911.

这在很大程度上是通过 1911 年引入的英国所谓的机动卡车系统（与任何其他军队不同）实现的。

Horse transport was relegated solely to the work of distributing, the conveyance of supplies to the areas occupied being performed wholly by motor transport.

马匹运输仅用于分配工作，向占领区运送物资完全由汽车运输完成。

As the daily run of a motor lorry may be put at 100 miles, it follows that an army could advance fifty miles from its railhead and still be easily served with food and ammunition.

由于一辆汽车每天行驶 100 英里，因此一支军队可以从铁路终点前进 50 英里，并且仍然可以轻松获得食物和弹药。

Thus, for the first time in the history of war, the British army had devised a system whereby fresh meat and bread could be supplied daily to a distant army.

因此，英国军队在战争史上第一次设计了一种系统，可以每天向远方的军队供应新鲜的肉和面包。

If, as the Germans declared, the British soldier thought more of his food than fight, this desire at least had the effect of keeping the supply system to the topmost notch.

如果像德国人宣称的那样，英国士兵更关心的是食物而不是战斗，那么这种愿望至少起到了将补给系统保持在最高水平的作用。

The same principle was used for ammunition columns, in no case any of the men from the front being detailed in the work of looking after munitions or supplies.

同样的原则也适用于弹药纵队，在任何情况下，前线的任何人都没有被指定负责看管弹药或补给品的工作。

Thus, while British mobilization of men consisted mainly of the expeditionary force of 100,000, the British mobilization of auxiliary columns for aiding the supply system of the Belgian and French army was of a size large enough to look after several corps.

因此，虽然英国动员的人员主要包括十万远征军，但英国为援助比利时和法国军队的补给系统而动员的辅助纵队的规模足以照顾几个军团。

By this means, recruits could be constantly forwarded to the field of war, secure in the knowledge that no matter how rapidly men were rushed to the front, the question of supplies was already considered and the requisites were in place awaiting the use of the new troops.

通过这种方式，新兵可以不断地被送往战场，因为他们知道，无论士兵被多么迅速地赶到前线，补给问题都已经被考虑到，并且必需品已经就位，等待着新部队的使用。

England's mobilization, especially when it is remembered that after the first 150,000 it was all volunteers, was a marvelous thing.

英格兰的动员是一件了不起的事情，特别是当人们记得在最初的 150,000 名之后全部都是志愿者时。

How many men were sent no one could tell but Kitchener, and if ever a man was born with a gift for telling nothing, that man is Kitchener.

除了基奇纳之外，没人知道派出了多少人，如果有一个人天生具有不言而喻的天赋，那么这个人就是基奇纳。

How steadily recruits poured over no one knew.

没人知道新兵是如何源源不断地涌来的。

Officially, only enough men were sent to fill up the losses in the 150,000, but before the end of the year England's trained forces were immense.

按照官方说法，只派出足够的兵力来弥补这 15 万人的损失，但到年底之前，英格兰训练有素的军队数量已经非常庞大。

The details of the mobilization of that first 100,000 men (the first group of the expeditionary force) were marvelous.

最初的十万人（第一批远征军）的动员细节非常出色。

The railroads running to the southeast were put into Government hands, trains were scheduled at twelve minutes' distance apart, to run day and night, every troop train was on schedule, and every one was unloaded and out of the depot in time for the next train to pull in, every transport was at the dock waiting, with another ready to take her place, and the expeditionary force was in Boulogne in less than forty-eight hours after the first mobilization order had been sent out.

向东南方向延伸的铁路交由政府管理，列车间隔十二分钟，日夜运行，每列运兵列车都按时运行，每列列车都及时卸载并出站，以便下一列列车进站，每辆运输工具都在码头等待，另一辆准备接替她的位置，远征军在第一个动员令发出后不到四十八小时就到达了布洛涅。

It is not to be forgotten that Britain commandeered every ship she needed from her huge mercantile marine, and thus had transports not only for troops but also for supplies.

不要忘记，英国从其庞大的商船队中征用了她所需的每艘船只，因此不仅拥有军队运输工具，还拥有补给运输工具。

For a moment one may glance at a side issue, but an important one in the mobilization, namely the mobilization of horses.

人们可能暂时看到一个次要问题，但动员中的一个重要问题，即马匹的动员。

The French bought horses by the thousand in Texas.

法国人在德克萨斯州购买了数千匹马。

Yet English farriers inspected them, paid for them, put them in charge of their own men on their own ships, landed them in England or Bordeaux, fed them into prime condition at England's own expense, and then delivered them to the French battle line ready for service.

然而，英国蹄铁匠检查了它们，支付了费用，让它们在自己的船上负责自己的人员，将它们降落在英格兰或波尔多，由英国自己出资将它们喂养到最佳状态，然后将它们运送到法国战线准备服役。

In the first week of the war the total output of the English rifle factories was 10,000 rifles a week (a rifle will shoot well for only 4,000 rounds), by the seventh week of the war there were eleven factories with a weekly output of 40,000 rifles each, and more being built on every hand.

战争第一周，英国步枪工厂的总产量为每周 10,000 支步枪（一支步枪只能射 4,000 发子弹），到战争第七周，已有 11 家工厂，每家每周生产 40,000 支步枪，而且每个工厂都在建造更多步枪。

In addition to this, between August and December, 1914, English money mobilized--it is the word--rifle orders in the United States to the extent of $650,000,000.

除此之外，1914 年 8 月至 12 月期间，英国资金在美国调动的步枪订单达到了 6.5 亿美元。

It is a matter of knowledge that many of the Russian munition orders were either financed or indorsed by British capital.

众所周知，俄罗斯的许多弹药订单要么是由英国资本资助或背书的。

In a word, while England's military mobilization of her regular troops was rapid and efficient, and while her recruiting of volunteers was the greatest support of the principles of a volunteer army that could ever be imagined, the chief importance and the chief wonder of Britain's mobilization was her mobilization of commerce and of trade.

总而言之，尽管英国对其正规军的军事动员是迅速而有效的，尽管她招募志愿军是对志愿军原则的最大支持，这是可以想象的，但英国动员的最重要和最令人惊奇的是她对商业和贸易的动员。

She made it possible for French soldiers to be used at their full power, and France's perennial weakness--supply organization--was supplemented by that very thing which is the British army's chief boast.

她使法国士兵能够充分发挥自己的力量，而法国的长期弱点——补给组织——又得到了英国军队最引以为傲的东西的补充。

It is time, now, to turn to the eastern theatre of war, and there the diplomatic questions underlying mobilization become excessively intertwined.

现在是时候转向东部战区了，在那里，动员背后的外交问题变得过于交织。

All European powers watch each other like falcons above their prey, in the constant endeavor to discern the slightest sign of unusual military activity.

所有欧洲大国都像猎鹰在猎物上空一样互相监视，不断努力辨别异常军事活动的最细微迹象。

The tornado of conflicting reports at the end of July, 1914, as to which power had begun mobilizing first, as to whether army maneuvers were a cloak for mobilization, as to whether activity in arsenals was not a threat or as to the manipulation of finances, were all due to a single thing--the knowledge that a week's advantage in mobilization might mean a huge advantage, an advantage in position so great that thousands of lives might be lost because of the two days' delay.

1914 年 7 月底，关于哪个国家首先开始动员、关于军队演习是否是动员的幌子、关于军火库的活动是否构成威胁、或者关于财政操纵等问题，各种相互矛盾的报道如龙卷风般席卷而来，全都源于同一件事——一周的动员优势可能意味着巨大的优势，这种优势如此之大，以至于可能会因为两天的延误而失去数千人的生命。

It has been shown how the conquest of France's richest northern provinces by Germany was due to the difference in speed of mobilization.

事实已经表明，德国征服法国最富裕的北部省份是由于动员速度的差异。

There was a great deal of misunderstanding on the part of the American public about this very importance of mobilization.

美国公众对于动员的重要性存在很多误解。

"Supposing Russia did mobilize first, or Austria," people said, "what about it?

人们说：“假设俄罗斯先动员起来，或者奥地利先动员起来，那又如何呢？

No one has declared war." Mobilization is like two western desperadoes watching each other.

没有人宣战。”动员就像两个西方亡命之徒互相注视。

They do not wait until the other man has drawn his gun and has them covered, but trouble begins at the slightest move toward the hip pocket.

他们没有等到另一个人拔出枪来掩护他们，但只要向臀部口袋移动一点点，麻烦就开始了。

Any move toward mobilization is a move toward a nation's hip pocket.

任何动员行动都是向一个国家的腰包迈出的一步。

[Illustration: German Confederation of 1815.]

[插图：1815 年德意志联邦。]

Germany did not dare to let Russia mobilize.

德国不敢让俄罗斯出动。

Had a large Russian army been concentrated in Poland, had Russia been allowed to intrench herself on the Austrian frontier, had she had the opportunity at the beginning of the war to seize the fortress of Thorn and to secure control of the Vistula River, there would have been little to stop the armies of the czar from marching into Berlin.

如果俄罗斯军队集中在波兰，如果俄罗斯被允许在奥地利边境筑垒，如果她在战争开始时有机会夺取托恩要塞并控制维斯瓦河，那么就没有什么可以阻止沙皇的军队进军柏林。

General mobilization by one power, therefore, absolutely compels countermobilization by another power, and unless diplomatic agreements are speedily made and the mobilization checked, it is a prelude to war.

因此，一国的全面动员绝对会迫使另一国进行反动员，除非迅速达成外交协议并遏制动员，否则这就是战争的前奏。

The diplomatic interpretations of the discussion over mobilization have been dealt with elsewhere, but it may be summarily said here that Austria was the first of the great powers to begin mobilization in the first part of July, in order to frighten Serbia into submission in the controversy that arose from the assassination of the Austrian Crown Prince at Sarajevo (in Bosnia, Austria) on June 28, 1914.

关于动员讨论的外交解释已在别处讨论过，但这里可以概括地说，奥地利是第一个在七月上旬开始动员的大国，目的是吓唬塞尔维亚，让其在1914年6月28日萨拉热窝（奥地利波斯尼亚）奥地利王储被刺杀事件引发的争议中屈服。

Serbia mobilized, and it was generally believed that this action was due to Serbia's knowledge that Russia was secretly mobilizing.

塞尔维亚出动了，外界普遍认为，这一行动是因为塞尔维亚知道俄罗斯正在秘密动员。

By about July 10, 1914, Germany believed herself satisfied that Russia was actually mobilizing, and she also began secretly to do so.

到 1914 年 7 月 10 日左右，德国相信自己对俄罗斯的实际动员感到满意，而且她也开始秘密这样做。

France became suspicious of German military activity, and by the end of the third week and the beginning of the fourth week in July a general, but unadmitted, military preparation was in progress.

法国对德国的军事活动产生了怀疑，到了七月的第三周末和第四周初，一项普遍但未经承认的军事准备工作正在进行中。

Actual and admitted mobilization is more or less arbitrarily placed as of August 1, 1914, which date is now generally regarded as the opening of the Great War.

实际和承认的动员或多或少是任意设定的，截止日期是 1914 年 8 月 1 日，这一日期现在通常被认为是第一次世界大战的开始。

In any consideration of Russian mobilization it will be remembered that Russia had three armies, not one, to mobilize, i.

在考虑俄罗斯的动员时，我们都会记住，俄罗斯有三支军队，而不是一支军队，即可以动员的军队。

e., the armies of European Russia, of the Asiatic Russia, and of the Caucasus.

例如，欧洲俄罗斯、亚洲俄罗斯和高加索地区的军队。

It is also to be remembered that, unlike the German system in which every man has a definite place in a particular corps, the Russian system holds its reserves as reserves solely, and organizes them after they have been gathered together.

还需要记住的是，与德国体系中每个人在特定军团中都有明确的位置不同，俄罗斯体系将其预备役仅保留为预备役，并在将其聚集在一起后将其组织起来。

Slow mobilization is therefore an evil not to be avoided.

因此，动员缓慢是一种无法避免的弊端。

For this reason one must expect to find Russian mobilization occurring, not on the frontier, but at a point sufficiently far therefrom to be safe from hostile attack during the period of disorganization.

出于这个原因，我们必须预料到俄罗斯的动员不是发生在边境，而是发生在距离边境足够远的地方，以便在解体期间免受敌对攻击。

The line Bialystok-Brest-Litovsk was the main field selected, because of its central location between the Austro-German frontiers, and more particularly because it was well covered from attack by the intrenched fortress and camp of Warsaw.

比亚韦斯托克-布列斯特-立托夫斯克线被选为主要战场，因为它位于奥德边境之间的中心位置，更特别的是因为它很好地抵御了华沙的工事要塞和营地的攻击。

The troops and reserves from Little Russia, especially from the Kiev district, were readily available on lines converging to the Austrian city of Lemberg in Galicia, and, it was estimated, could take the front in ten days.

来自小俄罗斯，特别是来自基辅地区的部队和预备队，可以随时在通往加利西亚的奥地利城市伦贝格的路线上使用，据估计，可以在十天内占领前线。

From this district five army corps are raised.

从这个地区组建了五个军团。

From the Odessa district to the south two more army corps could be counted upon, and these could reach the scene of operations in twelve or thirteen days.

从敖德萨地区到南部，可以指望另外两个军团，这些军团可以在十二或十三天内到达作战现场。

In actual speed of mobilization the Austrian army was ready first, but the Russian army protected and covered the slow mobilization and concentration of its forces by a dense curtain of cavalry masses, for which task the rapidly mobilized Cossack cavalry was especially well fitted.

从实际的动员速度来看，奥地利军队首先做好了准备，但俄罗斯军队用密集的骑兵大幕保护和掩盖了其部队缓慢的动员和集中，而快速动员的哥萨克骑兵尤其适合这项任务。

These cavalry engagements--for the Russians were met by the Hungarian cavalry--effectually screened the actual gathering of the armies, and led Austria into the error of supposing Russia to be quite unready.

这些骑兵交战——因为俄罗斯人遇到了匈牙利骑兵——有效地掩盖了军队的实际集结，并导致奥地利错误地认为俄罗斯还没有做好准备。

But, although Austria had been the first to begin actual mobilization, her strategic railways on the frontier were so poor that it was not until August 10, 1914, that she was ready to advance, and even then that single line of railroad running from the Bug to the Vistula was deficient in rolling stock.

但是，尽管奥地利是第一个开始实际动员的国家，但其边境的战略铁路却十分薄弱，直到 1914 年 8 月 10 日才准备好前进，而且即使在那时，从布格河到维斯瓦河的单线铁路也缺乏机车车辆。

Austrian military organization was excellent, Hungarian railroad organization was utterly inadequate to cope with the sudden requirements of modern warfare.

奥地利的军事组织非常出色，匈牙利的铁路组织却完全不足以应对现代战争的突然要求。

The Austrian army advanced on Russia in force, expecting the success of the German armies to the east.

奥地利军队向俄罗斯进军，期待东边的德国军队取得成功。

From the plans as they developed, and particularly from railroad orders given to the lines crossing Germany, it was expected that before Russia could be mobilized sufficiently to do more than give a temporary check to the Austrian army, several German army corps could be released from the western front and sent to the Russian border to take the burden of Russian invasion away from Austria.

从他们制定的计划来看，特别是从向穿越德国的线路发出的铁路订单来看，预计在俄罗斯能够充分动员起来，除了对奥地利军队进行临时制衡之外，可以从西部前线释放几个德国军团，并派往俄罗斯边境，以减轻俄罗斯入侵奥地利的负担。

But the resistance of Belgium against Von Kluck's armies, the resistance of France against the armies of the crown prince, and the resistance of England to all naval action, prevented any release of the German armies, and the mobilization orders for the transference of German troops from the western theatre to the eastern theatre of war during the first few weeks of the struggle proved to be unavailing, for the men could not be spared.

但比利时对冯·克卢克军队的抵抗，法国对王储军队的抵抗，以及英国对所有海军行动的抵抗，阻止了德国军队的任何释放，而在战争的最初几周内将德国军队从西部战区转移到东部战区的动员令被证明是无效的，因为这些人无法幸免。

Slowly but heavily the mobilization of Russian forces continued.

俄罗斯军队继续缓慢但大规模地动员。

Lacking strategic railroads, lacking the motor-lorry system of England, the heavy-footed but untiring Russian infantry marched the scores and hundreds of miles from their homes to the front.

由于缺乏战略铁路，也没有英国的汽车卡车系统，俄罗斯步兵步履沉重但不知疲倦，从家乡出发，行进了数十、数百英里，前往前线。

The Russian dirigibles and aeroplanes were more than a match for the Austrian aircraft, and kept them back from flying over the country to determine the number of forces opposing.

俄罗斯的飞艇和飞机远远超过了奥地利飞机的对手，并阻止了他们飞越该国以确定敌方部队的数量。

Then the action of the Russian "steam roller" began, and with more men marching in every day, unwearied despite their long travel, the steam roller gathered force.

然后，俄罗斯“蒸汽压路机”的行动开始了，随着每天都有更多的人涌入，尽管长途跋涉却不知疲倦，蒸汽压路机积聚了力量。

But, in one regard, Russia had miscalculated.

但从一方面来看，俄罗斯打错了算盘。

She had never contemplated the terrific wastage of ammunition that is required for modern artillery duels, gun conflicts that are necessary before troops can advance, and in the first few weeks of the war her ammunition was all shot away.

她从未考虑过现代炮兵决斗所需的弹药的严重浪费，军队前进之前必须进行的枪战，而在战争的最初几周，她的弹药就全部被打光了。

Without ammunition the steam roller could not continue, and the advance of the Russians upon Austrian territory was first halted and then driven back.

没有弹药，蒸汽压路机就无法继续前进，俄罗斯人向奥地利领土的前进首先被阻止，然后又被击退。

Here, again, then, was a campaign successfully begun because of a better mobilization of men than was expected, and lost because of a lack of mobilization of supplies.

这场战役再次因为动员兵力比预期更好而成功，却因为缺乏物资动员而失败。

A great deal has been said of the slowness of Russian mobilization, and much of it is undoubtedly true.

人们对俄罗斯动员行动缓慢的说法有很多，其中大部分无疑是正确的。

But little has been said about the steadiness of Russian mobilization.

但对于俄罗斯动员的稳定性却鲜有提及。

The Russian officer, almost always a noble, and belonging to what is probably the most polished and most cultured class in Europe, an aristocrat to his finger tips, possesses the power of commanding men, and understands his Slav soldiers.

俄罗斯军官几乎总是贵族，属于可能是欧洲最优雅、最有教养的阶级，是彻头彻尾的贵族，拥有指挥人员的权力，并且了解他的斯拉夫士兵。

He knows that no army in the world can begin to compare with the Russian for enduring hardship, and that no troops in the world can sustain so large a proportion of loss and still advance.

他知道，世界上没有任何一支军队能够与俄罗斯军队相比，更能在吃苦方面与俄罗斯相比，也没有任何一支军队能够在承受如此大比例的损失的情况下仍然前进。

Forced marches that would kill English troops can be handled by a Russian army without great fatigue.

强行军可以杀死英国军队，而俄罗斯军队可以轻松应对。

The principal note in the gathering of the czar's armies was that day by day, week by week, from every corner of the empire, men went to the front.

沙皇军队集结的主要特点是，日复一日、周复一周，来自帝国各个角落的士兵奔赴前线。

It was not the sudden concentration of Germany, it was not the eager formation of France, it was not the heroic sturdiness of Belgium, it was not the accustomedness to active service of the British regulars, it was a gradual transition of an idealistic people from contemplation into action.

这不是德国的突然集中，不是法国的急于组建，不是比利时的英勇坚强，也不是英国正规军的积极服役习惯，而是理想主义人民从沉思到行动的逐渐转变。

[Illustration: German-Belgian Frontier, Strategic Railroads on.]

[插图：德国-比利时边境，战略铁路。]

To the Russian, more than to any other of the peoples engaged in the war, mobilization spells advance, advance in a thousand ways.

对于俄罗斯人来说，动员比任何其他参与战争的民族都更能带来前进，以一千种方式前进。

Germany, France, and England were practically unchanged in temperament and viewpoint by the mere processes of mobilization, but old Russia became new Russia almost within a month.

德国、法国和英国的气质和观点实际上并没有因为单纯的动员过程而发生改变，但旧俄罗斯几乎在一个月之内就变成了新俄罗斯。

War is the greatest unifier of racial dissension in the world, and when the first three months of war were over, the German Empire, the British Empire, the Republic of France and her colonies, and above all, the Russian Empire, were welded by the grim forces of necessity into homogeneous units.

战争是世界上种族纷争最大的统一者，当战争的头三个月结束时，德意志帝国、大英帝国、法兰西共和国及其殖民地，尤其是俄罗斯帝国，都被残酷的必然力量焊接成同质的单位。

Moreover, mobilization and the conditions of war bring into high relief the powers and the characters of the several nations, and as the story of the war is told, its developments portray the changing appreciations of the national combatants for each other, and of the neutral nations for all.

此外，战争的动员和条件使几个国家的力量和性格更加突出，随着战争故事的讲述，战争的发展描绘了各国战斗人员之间以及中立国家对所有国家的评价的变化。

PART IV--DIPLOMATIC PAPERS RELATING TO THE ORIGIN OF THE WAR, COLLATED FROM THE OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

第四部分——根据官方文件整理的有关战争起源的外交文件

Realizing the importance of presenting its case to the neutral world, each of the warring nations published its diplomatic correspondence leading up to the outbreak of the war, at a period during hostilities when the publication seemed best calculated to serve the end in view.

认识到向中立世界陈述自己情况的重要性，每个交战国都在战争爆发前出版了其外交信函，而在敌对行动期间，该出版物似乎最适合服务于预期的目标。

THE OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

官方文件

British White Papers, July 20 to September 1, 1914.

英国白皮书，1914 年 7 月 20 日至 9 月 1 日。

Belgian Gray Book, April 7, 1914, to September 30, 1914.

比利时灰皮书，1914年4月7日至1914年9月30日。

German White Book, July 23 to August 4, 1914.

德国白皮书，1914 年 7 月 23 日至 8 月 4 日。

French Yellow Book, March 17, 1913, to September 4, 1914.

法国黄皮书，1913年3月17日至1914年9月4日。

Russian Orange Book, July 23 to August 6, 1914.

俄罗斯橙皮书，1914 年 7 月 23 日至 8 月 6 日。

Serbian Blue Book, June 29 to August 4, 1914.

塞尔维亚蓝皮书，1914 年 6 月 29 日至 8 月 4 日。

Austro-Hungarian Red Book, June 29 to August 24, 1914.

奥匈帝国红皮书，1914年6月29日至8月24日。

Official publications in the press by Great Britain, Russia, Germany, and Italy, July 30 to December 6, 1914.

1914 年 7 月 30 日至 12 月 6 日，英国、俄罗斯、德国和意大利在媒体上的官方出版物。

Various speeches by officers of the Governments.

政府官员的各种讲话。

It is from these official documents, cast into one form by rearranging all letters, telegrams, proclamations, speeches, etc., in their chronological order, that the following history of the diplomatic controversy is compiled.

正是从这些官方文件中，通过将所有信件、电报、公告、演讲等按时间顺序重新排列而形成一种形式，以下外交争议的历史才得以汇编。

It will be observed that, from the necessity of the case, the books of the six principal allies against the Teutonic Powers are threefold in number the books of those powers; and that, from choice of their promulgators the books of the Teutonic Powers are also disproportionately less in total volume, owing to the almost entire absence in them of communications between Austria-Hungary and Germany; while the correspondence between their adversaries is presented by these with a fulness which gives the neutral reader the impression that nothing of importance has been withheld--indeed, that the Allies (to use for convenience the popular designation of the anti-Teutonic powers) have laid all their cards face upward on the table.

值得注意的是，从案件的必要性来看，六个主要盟友对抗条顿国家的书籍数量是这些国家书籍的三倍；而且，从其出版者的选择来看，条顿国家的书籍在总量上也少得不成比例，因为其中几乎完全没有奥匈帝国和德国之间的通信；而他们的对手之间的通信则以一种完整的方式呈现出来，这给中立的读者留下了这样的印象：没有任何重要的事情被隐瞒——事实上，同盟国（为方便起见，使用反条顿势力的流行名称）已经把他们所有的牌都摊在了桌子上。

The intelligent reader will not have to be cautioned that this is a psychological, rather than logical, inference.

聪明的读者不必担心这是一个心理推论，而不是逻辑推论。

If any prevalent arguments on either side fail to be upheld by the evidence here given, it will be because this evidence does not appear in the official documents; the editors feel that their functions do not warrant their inclusion of pleas or testimony formed outside of the records mentioned above.

如果任何一方的普遍观点不能被此处提供的证据所支持，那是因为该证据没有出现在官方文件中；编辑们认为，他们的职能并不保证将在上述记录之外形成的抗辩或证词纳入其中。

The time will not come until long after the close of the war when the conflicting claims in the vast amount of propagandial literature issued by both parties can be judicially weighed by impartial historians, and presented at the bar of public opinion.

直到战争结束很久之后，公正的历史学家才能对双方发表的大量宣传文献中相互矛盾的主张进行公正的衡量，并在公众舆论中提出。

In the meantime, however, we can bring before this court the case as officially presented by the contesting parties, a "perfect enumeration" of all the available.

然而，与此同时，我们可以将争议双方正式提出的案件提交本法院，这是对所有现有证据的“完美列举”。

The editor acts merely in a reporting capacity.

编辑仅以报道身份行事。

He does not discriminate between "Trojan and Tyrian," unless it be called discrimination to refuse by allotment of lesser space to inflict on the party neglecting fully to present its case a penalty beyond that which necessarily results, in adverse effect, on the mind of the reader from this omission.

他并不区分“特洛伊人和提尔人”，除非通过分配较小的空间来拒绝对完全忽视陈述其案件的一方施加超出必然导致读者因这种疏忽而产生不利影响的惩罚的惩罚，这被称为歧视。

In brief, the controversy is presented as a case in law.

简而言之，这场争议是作为一个法律案例提出的。

The evidence is given in the correspondence between ministers of state and the pleadings are presented in the words of responsible statesmen, who apply this evidence to the issues in question.

证据是在国务部长之间的通信中提供的，诉状是用负责任的政治家的话提出的，他们将这些证据应用于所讨论的问题。

Since the validity of the evidence is based not only on its inherent motive but on the character and authority of those communicating it, and the force of the pleadings is even more dependent upon the character and authority of the advocates, it is necessary at the outset to state the offices held by the chief representatives of the parties to the controversy, and to present something of their past records, especially in the case of the more responsible statesmen.

由于证据的有效性不仅取决于其内在动机，还取决于传达证据的人的性格和权威，而诉状的效力更取决于辩护者的性格和权威，因此有必要在一开始就说明争议各方的主要代表所担任的职务，并提供他们过去的记录，特别是在较负责任的政治家的情况下。

This will also serve to make graphic the story of the great trial before the bar of the world; it will visualize it as a contest, man to man, in which the distance between the combatants is eliminated, and they seem to be in each other's presence, testifying and arguing in behalf of their respective causes, as in a case at law.

这也将有助于使世界律师面前的伟大审判的故事变得生动；它将把它想象成一场人与人之间的竞赛，其中战斗者之间的距离被消除，他们似乎在彼此面前，为各自的事业作证和辩论，就像在法律案件中一样。

And, when it is borne in mind that these persons are representative of the dignity of great and sovereign peoples, the exponents and conservators of their national and individual rights and aspirations, their ideas and ideals of civilization, the contest will gain rather than lose in impressiveness by the concrete form in which it is presented.

而且，当我们牢记这些人代表了伟大和主权人民的尊严，他们的民族和个人权利和愿望、他们的文明思想和理想的倡导者和维护者时，竞赛将因其具体的呈现形式而在令人印象深刻的方面获得胜利而不是失败。

The sovereigns and statesmen of the anti-Teutonic allies are listed first; of the Teutonic allies next, and a few statesmen of neutral countries who were involved in the controversy last.

反条顿同盟的君主和政治家列在第一位；接下来是条顿盟友，最后是卷入这场争论的一些中立国家的政治家。

LIST OF SOVEREIGNS AND DIPLOMATS

君主和外交官名单

GREAT BRITAIN

英国

George V, King of Great Britain and Ireland, Emperor of India, and Sovereign of the entire British Empire.

乔治五世，大不列颠及爱尔兰国王、印度皇帝和整个大英帝国的君主。

Haldane, Richard Burdon (Viscount), Lord High Chancellor.

霍尔丹·理查德·伯登（子爵），大法官。

Born 1856, studied German at Göttingen, member Parliament for Haddingtonshire 1885-1911; Secretary of State for War 1905-12; Lord High Chancellor 1912.

出生于 1856 年，在哥廷根学习德语，1885-1911 年担任哈丁顿郡议会议员；战争大臣 1905-12； 1912 年任英国大法官。

As Secretary of State for War, Haldane, introduced into his department several innovations, the knowledge of which he had acquired during his residence at Göttingen and in his frequent visits to the Continent.

作为战争大臣，霍尔丹向他的部门引入了几项创新，这些创新是他在哥廷根居住期间和频繁访问欧洲大陆时获得的知识。

He has been in public life since entering Parliament in 1885, and, despite his later removal from the office which he held at the outbreak of the war, is still recognized as one of Great Britain's most brilliant men.

自 1885 年进入议会以来，他一直活跃在公共生活中，尽管后来在战争爆发时被免职，但他仍然被认为是英国最杰出的人物之一。

Previous to the war, he was looked on as an especially warm friend of Germany, and frequently went to Berlin in the interests of British amity with that country.

战前，他被视为德国特别热情的朋友，为了英国与德国的友好关系，他经常前往柏林。

Grey, Sir Edward: Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

爱德华·格雷爵士：外交大臣。

Born April 25, 1862, Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, 1892-95; Secretary State for Foreign Affairs December, 1905.

出生于 1862 年 4 月 25 日，外交部副部长，1892-95 年； 1905 年 12 月任外交大臣。

Of the conduct of the British Foreign Office since 1906 Gilbert Murray in his "Foreign Policy of Sir Edward Grey" ("Clarendon Press," Oxford, 1915) says:

关于英国外交部自 1906 年以来的行为，吉尔伯特·默里 (Gilbert Murray) 在他的《爱德华·格雷爵士的外交政策》（《克拉伦登出版社》，牛津，1915 年）中说道：

"In general, Grey is often supposed to represent the principle of continuity in foreign policy, but this is not quite exact.

“一般来说，格雷通常被认为代表了外交政策的连续性原则，但这并不完全准确。

In certain very large issues the Liberal Government of 1906 and onward agreed entirely with the conservative policy of Lord Salisbury (Prime Minister), and Lord Lansdowne (Foreign Secretary), and therefore followed their action.

在某些非常重大的问题上，1906年及以后的自由党政府完全同意索尔兹伯里勋爵（首相）和兰斯当勋爵（外交大臣）的保守政策，因此跟随他们的行动。

On other issues it differed.

在其他问题上也存在分歧。

For instance, it stopped indentured Chinese labor in the Transvaal, and it granted immediate self-government to South Africa.

例如，它停止了德兰士瓦的中国契约劳工，并立即给予南非自治权。

But in Europe the policy has been mostly continuous.

但在欧洲，政策基本上是连续的。

The principles are conveniently stated in the House of Commons debate of foreign policy on November 27, 1911:

1911 年 11 月 27 日下议院外交政策辩论中方便地阐述了这些原则：

"'1.

“'1.

In my opinion the wise policy for this country is to expand as little as possible.' 'I say without any hesitation that we do not desire accessions of territory, and in saying that I am not speaking for one small section of the House.

在我看来，这个国家的明智政策是尽可能少地扩张。 “我毫不犹豫地说，我们不希望获得领土，并且我并不是代表众议院的一小部分人发言。

I believe I am speaking for the nation at large.' The first sentence comes from Sir Edward Grey, the second from Mr. Bonar Law (leader of the opposition).

我相信我是在代表整个国家说话。第一句话来自爱德华·格雷爵士，第二句话来自博纳·劳先生（反对党领袖）。

"This is made a little clearer in a latter sentence of Sir Edward Grey's speech.

“爱德华·格雷爵士演讲的后一句话对此说得更清楚了。

'If there are to be changes of territory brought about by good will and negotiation between other powers, then we are not an ambitious competing party....

“如果其他国家之间的善意和谈判能够带来领土的变化，那么我们就不是一个雄心勃勃的竞争方......

And if it is wise policy not to go in for great schemes of expansion ourselves, then I think it would be morally and diplomatically wrong to indulge in a dog-in-the-manger policy in regard to others.' In particular, he explains, if Germany wishes, 'by friendly arrangement with other powers,' to extend her territories, we do not wish to stand in her way, or to claim 'compensations.'"

如果我们自己不进行伟大的扩张计划是明智的政策，那么我认为对他人采取“狗在马槽里的政策”在道德和外交上都是错误的。他特别解释说，如果德国希望“通过与其他国家的友好安排”来扩大其领土，我们不希望阻止她，或要求“补偿”。”

Nicholson, Sir Arthur: Permanent Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

尼科尔森·阿瑟爵士：常任外交部副国务卿。

Bertie, Sir Francis: Ambassador to France.

伯蒂·弗朗西斯爵士：驻法国大使。

Born August 17, 1844; private secretary to Hon.

出生于 1844 年 8 月 17 日；阁下的私人秘书。

R。

Bourke (Under-Secretary State), 1874-80; attached to Embassy, Berlin, 1878; Assistant Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 1894; Ambassador to Rome, 1903; Paris, 1905.

Bourke（副国务卿），1874-80； 1878 年隶属于柏林大使馆；外交部助理副国务卿，1894 年； 1903年出任驻罗马大使；巴黎，1905 年。

Buchanan, Sir George: Ambassador to Russia.

乔治·布坎南爵士：驻俄罗斯大使。

Born Copenhagen November 25, 1854; entered Diplomatic Service 1875; Third Secretary, Rome, 1878; Second Secretary, Tokyo, 1879; Second Secretary, Vienna, 1882; Berne, 1889; British Agent to Venezuela Arbitration Tribunal, 1898; Secretary Embassy, Rome, 1900; Berlin, 1901-3; Minister Plenipotentiary, Sofia, 1903-8; Hague, 1908-10; St. Petersburg, 1910.

1854年11月25日出生于哥本哈根； 1875年进入外交部门；三等秘书，罗马，1878 年；二等秘书，东京，1879 年；二等秘书，维也纳，1882 年；伯尔尼，1889 年；英国驻委内瑞拉仲裁庭代理人，1898 年；大使馆秘书，罗马，1900 年；柏林，1901-3；全权公使，索非亚，1903-8；海牙，1908-10；圣彼得堡，1910 年。

Goschen, Sir Edward: Ambassador to Germany.

爱德华·戈申爵士：驻德国大使。

Born July 18, 1847; entered Diplomatic Service, 1869; Attaché, Madrid, 1870; Buenos Aires, 1873; Second Secretary, Rio de Janeiro, 1877; Constantinople, 1881; Secretary Legation, Peking, 1885; Copenhagen, 1888; Lisbon, 1890; Secretary Embassy, Washington, 1893; St. Petersburg, 1894; Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Belgrade, 1898-1900; Copenhagen, 1900-5; Ambassador, Vienna, 1905-8; Berlin, 1908.

出生于 1847 年 7 月 18 日； 1869 年进入外交部门；随员，马德里，1870 年；布宜诺斯艾利斯，1873 年；二等秘书，里约热内卢，1877 年；君士坦丁堡，1881 年；公使馆秘书，北京，1885 年；哥本哈根，1888 年；里斯本，1890 年；大使馆秘书，华盛顿，1893 年；圣彼得堡，1894 年；特命全权公使，贝尔格莱德，1898-1900 年；哥本哈根，1900 年 5 月；大使，维也纳，1905-8；柏林，1908 年。

Rumbold, Sir Horace: Counsellor German Embassy and Chargé d'Affaires.

霍勒斯·朗博尔德爵士：德国大使馆参赞兼代办。

Born February 5, 1869; Attaché, Hague, 1888; Chargé d'Affaires, Munich, 1908; served at Cairo, Teheran, and Athens; Counsellor Embassy, Tokyo, 1909; learned in Arabic, Persian, and Japanese.

出生于 1869 年 2 月 5 日；随员，海牙，1888 年；临时代办，慕尼黑，1908 年；曾在开罗、德黑兰和雅典服役；大使馆参赞，东京，1909 年；学习阿拉伯语、波斯语和日语。

De Bunsen, Sir Maurice: Ambassador in Austria.

莫里斯爵士德本生：驻奥地利大使。

Born January 8, 1852; entered Diplomatic Service, 1877; Secretary Legation, Tokyo, 1891; Secretary Embassy, Constantinople, 1897-1902; Paris, 1902-5; Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Lisbon, 1905; Ambassador, Madrid, 1906-13; Vienna, 1913.

出生于 1852 年 1 月 8 日； 1877 年进入外交部门；秘书公使馆，东京，1891 年；大使馆秘书，君士坦丁堡，1897-1902 年；巴黎，1902-5；特命全权公使，里斯本，1905 年；大使，马德里，1906-13 年；维也纳，1913 年。

Beaumont, Henry Dawson: Chargé d'Affaires, Turkey.

亨利·道森·博蒙特：土耳其临时代办。

Born February 4, 1867; entered Diplomatic Service, 1892; served in Copenhagen, Madrid, Rio de Janeiro, St. Petersburg, and Montenegro; Chargé d'Affaires, Turkey, 1914.

出生于 1867 年 2 月 4 日； 1892 年进入外交部门；曾在哥本哈根、马德里、里约热内卢、圣彼得堡和黑山服役；土耳其临时代办，1914 年。

Villiers, Sir Francis: Minister to Belgium.

弗朗西斯·维利尔斯爵士：驻比利时大臣。

Born August 13, 1852; entered Foreign Office, 1870; Assistant Under-Secretary State Foreign Affairs, 1896-1905; Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Portugal, 1905-11; Belgium, 1911.

出生于 1852 年 8 月 13 日； 1870 年进入外交部；外交部助理副国务卿，1896-1905 年；葡萄牙特命全权公使，1905-11 年；比利时，1911 年。

Des Graz, Charles Louis: Minister to Serbia.

查尔斯·路易斯·德·格拉茨：塞尔维亚部长。

Born March 2, 1860; entered Diplomatic Service, 1884; Constantinople, Teheran, Athens; Counsellor Embassy, Rome, 1905; Chargé d'Affaires, Cettinje, 1906; Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Peru and Ecuador, 1908-13; Minister, Serbia, 1913.

出生于 1860 年 3 月 2 日； 1884 年进入外交部门；君士坦丁堡、德黑兰、雅典；大使馆参赞，罗马，1905 年；代办，采蒂涅，1906 年；秘鲁和厄瓜多尔特命全权公使，1908-13 年；塞尔维亚部长，1913 年。

Crackanthorpe, Dayrell Eardley Montague: First Secretary of Legation to Serbia.

Crackanthorpe, Dayrell Eardley Montague：驻塞尔维亚公使馆一等秘书。

Born September 9, 1871; entered Diplomatic Service, 1896; Madrid, Washington, Brussels, Bucharest, Vienna, Belgrade, 1913.

出生于 1871 年 9 月 9 日； 1896 年进入外交部门；马德里、华盛顿、布鲁塞尔、布加勒斯特、维也纳、贝尔格莱德，1913 年。

Rodd, Sir Rennell: Ambassador to Italy.

罗德·伦内尔爵士：驻意大利大使。

Born November 9, 1858; entered Diplomatic Service, 1883; Berlin, Athens, Rome, Paris; Secretary Embassy, Rome, 1901-4; Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Sweden, 1904-8; Ambassador, Italy, 1908.

出生于 1858 年 11 月 9 日； 1883 年进入外交部门；柏林、雅典、罗马、巴黎；大使馆秘书，罗马，1901-4；特命全权公使，瑞典，1904-8；意大利大使，1908 年。

[Illustration: Albert I, King of Belgium.]

[插图：比利时国王阿尔伯特一世。]

FRANCE

法国

Poincaré, Raymond: President of the Republic.

雷蒙·庞加莱：共和国总统。

Viviani, René: President of the Council, a Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Premier of the Cabinet.

雷内·维维亚尼：理事会主席、外交部长和内阁总理。

Had been Minister of Instruction in the Cabinet of Gaston Doumergue, which resigned June 2, 1914; Poincaré asked him at that time to form a cabinet, but Ambassador Paléologue intimated from St. Petersburg that the Czar feared a Viviani ministry would modify the three years' military service law, and therefore another was sought for this position.

曾任加斯顿·杜梅格内阁教育部长，1914 年 6 月 2 日辞职；庞加莱当时要求他组阁，但帕莱奥洛格大使从圣彼得堡暗示，沙皇担心维维亚尼内阁会修改三年兵役法，因此正在寻找另一人担任这一职务。

After the failure of the Ribot Cabinet on June 12, 1914, he was again called upon, and, no objections being made, he formed the ministry acting at the outbreak of the war.

1914 年 6 月 12 日里博特内阁失败后，他再次受邀，在无人反对的情况下，他组建了在战争爆发时行动的内阁。

After the beginning of the hostilities he retained the position of President of the Council without portfolio.

敌对行动开始后，他保留了安理会主席的职位，但没有任何职务。

Jonnart, Charles Celestin: Minister for Foreign Affairs.

查尔斯·塞莱斯廷·乔纳特：外交部长。

Born December 27, 1857; Governor General Algiers and Minister of the Interior.

出生于 1857 年 12 月 27 日；阿尔及尔总督兼内政部长。

Pichon, Stephen: Minister for Foreign Affairs.

斯蒂芬·皮尚：外交部长。

Born August 10, 1857 Diplomatic Service in Hayti, San Domingo, Rio de Janeiro, and at Peking during the Boxer Rebellion.

出生于 1857 年 8 月 10 日，在海地、圣多明各、里约热内卢以及义和团运动期间在北京担任外交职务。

Bienvenu-Martin, Jean Baptiste: Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs.

让·巴蒂斯特·比恩韦努-马丁：代理外交部长。

Born July 22, 1847; Minister Instruction, 1905; in public life since 1878.

出生于 1847 年 7 月 22 日；部长指示，1905 年；自 1878 年以来进入公共生活。

Doumergue, Gaston: Minister for Foreign Affairs.

加斯顿·杜梅格：外交部长。

Born 1863; Minister Colonies, 1902-5; Commerce, 1906-7; Premier, resigning, June 2, 1914.

出生于 1863 年；殖民地部长，1902-5；商业，1906-7； 1914 年 6 月 2 日，总理辞职。

Delcassé, Théophile: Minister for Foreign Affairs.

泰奥菲尔·德尔卡塞：外交部长。

Born March 1, 1852; started life as journalist; Counsellor General; Under-Secretary Colonies, 1893; Colonial Minister, 1894-5; Foreign Minister, 1898-1905; Minister Marine, 1905-13; Mediator between Spain and the United States, 1899; Ambassador, St. Petersburg, 1913; Minister Foreign Affairs, 1913.

出生于 1852 年 3 月 1 日；开始了记者生涯；总参赞；副部长殖民地，1893；辅政大臣，1894-5；外交部长，1898-1905 年；海军部长，1905-13；西班牙和美国之间的调解人，1899 年；大使，圣彼得堡，1913 年；外交部长，1913 年。

Is one of the strong men of France; in 1904 was the French negotiator of the Anglo-French Convention (the "Entene") concerning Egypt and Morocco; was sacrificed to assuage German feeling at the time of the Algeciras conference; called the "Deadly Enemy of Germany."

是法国的强者之一； 1904年，担任有关埃及和摩洛哥的英法公约（“Entene”）的法国谈判代表；在阿尔赫西拉斯会议期间为安抚德国人的情绪而牺牲；被称为“德国的死敌”。

Berthelot: Political Director.

贝尔特洛：政治主任。

Cambon, Paul; Ambassador to Great Britain.

康本，保罗；驻英国大使。

Born January 20, 1843; Ambassador Madrid, Constantinople, and at London, 1898.

出生于 1843 年 1 月 20 日；马德里大使、君士坦丁堡大使和伦敦大使，1898 年。

Fleuriau, M.

弗勒里奥，M.

De: Chargé d'Affaires, London.

转达：临时代办，伦敦。

De Manneville: Chargé d'Affaires, Germany.

De Manneville：德国临时代办。

Born February 27, 1865; entered Diplomatic Service at Berlin, 1893; later at London; a Minister of the First Class in 1904.

出生于 1865 年 2 月 27 日； 1893 年进入柏林外交部门；后来在伦敦； 1904年晋升为一级部长。

Paléologue, Maurice: Ambassador to Russia.

莫里斯·帕莱奥洛格：驻俄罗斯大使。

Born January 13, 1859; served in Foreign Office and Diplomatic Service at Rome, Berlin, Peking, Korea, and in Bulgaria.

出生于 1859 年 1 月 13 日；曾在罗马、柏林、北京、韩国和保加利亚的外交部和外交部门任职。

Cambon, Jules: Ambassador to Germany.

朱尔斯·康邦：驻德国大使。

Born April 5, 1845; entered Diplomatic Service, 1874; Ambassador, Washington, 1897; Madrid, 1902; Berlin, 1907.

出生于 1845 年 4 月 5 日； 1874 年进入外交部门；大使，华盛顿，1897 年；马德里，1902 年；柏林，1907 年。

Allizé: Minister at Munich, Germany.

阿利泽：德国慕尼黑部长。

Ronssin, P.: Consul General at Frankfort, Germany.

Ronssin, P.：驻德国法兰克福总领事。

Dumaine, Chilhaud: Ambassador to Austria-Hungary.

Dumaine, Chilhaud：驻奥匈帝国大使。

d'Apchier-le-Maugin: Consul General at Budapest.

d'Apchier-le-Maugin：驻布达佩斯总领事。

Bompard, Maurice: Ambassador to Turkey.

莫里斯·庞帕德：驻土耳其大使。

Born May 17, 1854; Minister, First Class, 1898; Ambassador to Russia, 1902.

出生于 1854 年 5 月 17 日；部长，一等，1898 年；驻俄罗斯大使，1902 年。

Klokowski, Antony: Minister to Belgium.

安东尼·克洛科夫斯基：比利时部长。

Born September 23, 1855; served at Yokohoma, Calcutta, and Bangkok.

出生于 1855 年 9 月 23 日；服务于横滨、加尔各答和曼谷。

Boppé, Jules: Minister to Serbia.

朱尔斯·博佩：塞尔维亚部长。

Born June 26, 1862; entered Diplomatic Service, 1890; served at Constantinople and St. Petersburg.

出生于 1862 年 6 月 26 日； 1890 年进入外交部门；曾在君士坦丁堡和圣彼得堡服役。

Barrère, Camille: Ambassador to Italy.

卡米尔·巴雷尔：驻意大利大使。

Bapst, Constant: Minister to Holland.

康斯坦斯·巴普斯特：驻荷兰部长。

Mollard, Armard: Minister to Luxemburg.

莫拉德·阿玛德：驻卢森堡大臣。

Chevalley: Minister to Norway.

谢瓦利：挪威公使。

Thiébaut, Eugene: Minister to Sweden.

Thiébaut, Eugene：瑞典大臣。

Farges: Consul General at Basle, Switzerland.

Farges：驻瑞士巴塞尔总领事。

RUSSIA

俄罗斯

Nicholas II: Emperor (Czar).

尼古拉二世：皇帝（沙皇）。

Sazonof: Minister for Foreign Affairs.

萨佐诺夫：外交部长。

Suchomlinof, Vladimir Alexandrovitch: Minister for war.

弗拉基米尔·亚历山德罗维奇·苏霍姆林诺夫：战争部长。

In 1890 at the age of forty-eight Suchomlinof was made a major general, and in 1904 became commander of Russia's most important military zone--Kiev.

1890年，48岁的苏霍姆林诺夫被晋升为少将，并于1904年成为俄罗斯最重要的军区基辅的司令。

In 1909 he was appointed to the post which he has since relinquished, and the amazing rapidity with which Russia mobilized her army in August, 1914, can be accredited to the methods which he instituted.

1909 年，他被任命担任这一职位，后来他放弃了这一职位，而俄罗斯在 1914 年 8 月动员军队的惊人速度，可以归功于他制定的方法。

As a writer he is known as "Shpioa" (Spur), and is the biographer of Peter the Great, Frederick the Great, and Murat.

作为一名作家，他被称为“Shpioa”（Spur），是彼得大帝、腓特烈大帝和缪拉的传记作者。

Benckendorff, Count A.: Ambassador to Great Britain.

A伯爵本肯多夫：驻英国大使。

Born in Berlin, August 1, 1849; entered Diplomatic Service, 1869; served at Rome, Vienna; Minister Copenhagen, 1897-1903; Ambassador London, 1903.

1849 年 8 月 1 日出生于柏林； 1869 年进入外交部门；曾在罗马、维也纳任职；哥本哈根公使，1897-1903 年；伦敦大使，1903 年。

Isvolsky, Alexander P.: Ambassador to France; was Russian negotiator of the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907 regarding Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet.

Isvolsky, Alexander P.：驻法国大使；是 1907 年关于波斯、阿富汗和西藏问题的英俄公约的俄罗斯谈判代表。

Swastopoulo: Chargé d'Affaires, France.

斯瓦斯托普洛：法国临时代办。

Swereiev, S.

斯维里耶夫，S.

N.: Ambassador to Germany.

N.：驻德国大使。

Broniersky, A.: Chargé d'Affaires, Germany.

Broniersky, A.：德国代办。

Schebeko, N.: Ambassador to Austria-Hungary.

Schebeko, N.：驻奥匈帝国大使。

Koudacheff, Prince Nicholas: Chargé d'Affaires, Austria-Hungary.

尼古拉斯亲王库达切夫：奥匈帝国临时代办。

Salviatti, A.: Consul General at Fiume.

Salviatti, A.：驻阜姆总领事。

Kazansky: Acting Consul General at Prague.

卡赞斯基：驻布拉格代理总领事。

Strandtman: Chargé d'Affaires in Serbia.

Strandtman：驻塞尔维亚临时代办。

BELGIUM

比利时

Albert: King of the Belgians.

阿尔伯特：比利时国王。

Davignon, M.

达维尼翁，M.

J.: Minister for Foreign Affairs.

J.：外交部长。

Elst, van der, Baron: Secretary General.

埃尔斯特·范德男爵：秘书长。

Renkin, J.: Colonial Minister.

Renkin, J.：殖民部长。

Lalaing H.

拉兰 H.

de, Count: Minister to Great Britain.

de，伯爵：英国公使。

Entered Foreign Office, 1879; served Vienna, Bucharest, Berlin, Hague, London; Minister, Brazil, 1893; Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Bucharest, 1898; Berne, 1899; London, 1903.

1879年进入外交部；服务于维也纳、布加勒斯特、柏林、海牙、伦敦；巴西部长，1893 年；特命全权公使，布加勒斯特，1898 年；伯尔尼，1899 年；伦敦，1903 年。

Guillaume, Baron: Minister to France.

纪尧姆男爵：驻法国公使。

Beyens, Baron: Minister to Germany.

贝恩斯男爵：驻德国部长。

De Dudzeele, Errembault, Count: Minister to Austria-Hungary.

De Dudzeele, Errembault, 伯爵：奥匈帝国大臣。

De Welle, Michotte, Baron: Minister to Serbia.

De Welle, Michotte, Baron：驻塞尔维亚部长。

Grenier, A., Baron: Minister to Spain.

Grenier, A., Baron：驻西班牙部长。

Fallon, Baron: Minister to Holland.

法伦男爵：驻荷兰大臣。

SERBIA

塞尔维亚

Peter Karageorgevitch: King.

彼得·卡拉乔治维奇：国王。

Pashitch, Nikola P.: Prime Minister.

尼古拉·P·帕希奇：总理。

In 1878, at the age of thirty-two, M.

1878 年，三十二岁的 M.

Pashitch entered the Serbian Parliament, and in three years he became leader of the "Old Radicals." Always a champion of liberty, he joined the Zayenchar Mutiny of 1883, and, of twenty-two, he alone escaped execution by flight.

帕希奇进入塞尔维亚议会，三年后成为“老激进派”的领导人。他始终是自由的捍卫者，参加了 1883 年的扎延查尔叛变，22 岁时，他独自逃过逃亡的命运。

Upon his return he was appointed Mayor of Belgrade and in 1893 Minister to Russia, where he made a lasting impression.

回国后，他被任命为贝尔格莱德市长，并于 1893 年担任驻俄罗斯部长，给人们留下了深刻的印象。

In 1899 he was again accused of hatching a conspiracy, but Russia served him well and intervention saved him.

1899年，他再次被指控策划阴谋，但俄罗斯对他很有帮助，干预拯救了他。

To him, in no slight degree, does Serbia owe Russia's friendship, and to his efforts has been attributed the Balkan Alliance.

塞尔维亚在很大程度上归功于他与俄罗斯的友谊，而巴尔干联盟也归功于他的努力。

Patchou, Dr. Laza: Acting Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs.

帕楚·拉扎博士：代理总理兼外交部长。

Boschkovitch: Minister to Great Britain.

博施科维奇：英国公使。

Vesnitch, M.

维斯尼奇，M.

R.: Minister to France.

R.：法国部长。

Spalaikovitch, Dr. M.: Minister to Russia.

Spalaikovitch, M. 博士：驻俄罗斯部长。

Yovanovitch, Dr. M.: Chargé d'Affaires in Germany.

Yovanovitch, M. 博士：驻德国临时代办。

Yovanovitch, Yov.

约万诺维奇，约夫。

M.: Minister to Austria-Hungary.

M.：奥匈帝国公使。

Georgevitch, M.: Chargé d'Affaires in Turkey.

Georgevitch, M.：驻土耳其临时代办。

Michailovitch, Ljub: Minister to Italy.

Michailovitch, Ljub：驻意大利部长。

ITALY

意大利

Victor Emmanuel (Vittorio Emanuele) III.: King.

维克多·伊曼纽尔（Vittorio Emanuele）三世：国王。

San Giuliano, Antonio di, Marquis: Minister Foreign Affairs.

圣朱利亚诺·安东尼奥·迪侯爵：外交部长。

Born Catania, December 10, 1852; Mayor Catania, 1879; member Chamber Deputies, 1882-1904; Senate, 1904; Under-Secretary for Industry and Commerce, 1892-3; Minister Posts and Telegraph, 1899-1900; Minister Foreign Affairs, 1905-6; Ambassador, London, 1906-10; Minister Foreign Affairs, 1910.

1852 年 12 月 10 日出生于卡塔尼亚；卡塔尼亚市长，1879 年；众议院议员，1882 年至 1904 年；参议院，1904 年；工商副部长，1892-3；邮电部长，1899-1900；外交部长，1905-6；大使，伦敦，1906-10；外交部长，1910 年。

His opposition to war with Austria precipitated his downfall.

他反对与奥地利的战争加速了他的垮台。

Said to be the repository of more European secrets than any European statesman since Bismarck.

据称，他是自俾斯麦以来掌握最多欧洲秘密的欧洲政治家。

D'Avarna, Duke: Ambassador to Austria-Hungary.

达瓦尔纳公爵：驻奥匈帝国大使。

Salandra: Premier.

萨兰德拉：总理。

Appointed November 5, 1914.

1914 年 11 月 5 日就任。

Sonnino, Baron Sidney: Minister Foreign Affairs.

桑尼诺·西德尼男爵：外交部长。

Born March 11, 1847; entered Diplomatic Service, 1867; Parliament, 1880; Minister Finance, 1893-4; Treasury, 1894-96; Interior, 1906 and 1909-10; Foreign Affairs, November 5, 1914.

出生于 1847 年 3 月 11 日； 1867 年进入外交部门；议会，1880 年；财政部长，1893-4；财政部，1894-96；内部，1906 年和 1909-10；外交事务，1914 年 11 月 5 日。

JAPAN

日本

Yoshihito: Emperor.

义仁：天皇。

Shigenobu Okuma, Count: Prime Minister.

大隈重信伯爵：首相。

Takaaki Kato, Baron: Minister Foreign Affairs.

加藤隆明男爵：外交部长。

GERMANY

德国

William (Wilhelm) II.: Kaiser of Germany, King of Prussia.

威廉（威廉）二世：德国皇帝、普鲁士国王。

Bethmann-Hollweg, Dr. Theobald von: Imperial Chancellor.

Bethmann-Hollweg，Theobald von 博士：帝国大臣。

Born November 29, 1856, at Hohenfinow, Brandenburg; entered Civil Service, 1879; Prussian Minister Interior, 1905; Imperial Secretary of State and Vice President of Prussian Council, 1907; Imperial Chancellor, 1909; member of Reichstag since 1890.

1856 年 11 月 29 日出生于勃兰登堡霍恩菲诺； 1879 年进入公务员队伍；普鲁士内政部长，1905 年；帝国国务大臣兼普鲁士议会副主席，1907 年；帝国宰相，1909 年；自 1890 年起成为德国国会议员。

His actions before the present war seemed to indicate an earnest desire for the peace of Europe; he appeared to oppose the military party and align himself with the moderates.

他在这场战争之前的行动似乎表明了对欧洲和平的热切渴望。他似乎反对军党并与温和派结盟。

His manner is frank to the point of bluffness.

他的态度坦率到了直率的地步。

Jagow, Gottlieb von: Secretary of State.

戈特利布·冯·贾戈：国务卿。

Born June 26, 1863; entered Diplomatic Service, 1895, at Rome; Minister to Rome, 1907; Ambassador, 1908; Minister Foreign Affairs, 1913; credited with postponing the inevitable conflict between Italy and Austria while at Rome.

出生于 1863 年 6 月 26 日； 1895 年在罗马进入外交部门；驻罗马公使，1907 年；大使，1908 年；外交部长，1913 年；他在罗马期间推迟了意大利和奥地利之间不可避免的冲突。

Zimmerman, von: Under-Secretary of State.

齐默尔曼·冯：副国务卿。

Appointed 1911; previously Vice Consul Shanghai; Consul at Tientsin and in Diplomatic Corps.

1911年被任命；曾任上海副领事；驻天津及外交使团领事。

Lichnowsky, Prince Karl Maximilian: Ambassador to Great Britain.

利赫诺夫斯基，卡尔·马克西米利安亲王：驻英国大使。

Born 1860; Attaché, London, 1885; Counsellor Embassy, Vienna; Foreign Office, Berlin; Ambassador to London, 1912.

出生于 1860 年；随员，伦敦，1885 年；大使馆参赞，维也纳；外交部，柏林； 1912 年，驻伦敦大使。

Member Roman Catholic party.

罗马天主教党成员。

Did all he could to prevent rupture between Great Britain and Germany.

他竭尽全力阻止英国和德国之间的破裂。

Was very popular in England.

在英国非常受欢迎。

Schoen, Baron Wilhelm von: Ambassador to France.

威廉·冯·舍恩男爵：驻法国大使。

Born June 3, 1851; entered Diplomatic Service, 1877; Madrid, Hague, Athens, Berne, Paris, Copenhagen, St. Petersburg; Ambassador, Paris, 1910.

出生于 1851 年 6 月 3 日； 1877 年进入外交部门；马德里、海牙、雅典、伯尔尼、巴黎、哥本哈根、圣彼得堡；大使，巴黎，1910 年。

Pourtalès, Count Frederic: Ambassador to Russia.

弗雷德里克伯爵普塔莱斯：驻俄罗斯大使。

Born October 24, 1853; appointed St. Petersburg, 1908.

出生于 1853 年 10 月 24 日； 1908 年被任命为圣彼得堡。

Tschirschky, Heinrich von: Ambassador to Austria-Hungary.

海因里希·冯·齐尔斯基：驻奥匈帝国大使。

Born August 15, 1858; entered Diplomatic Service, 1873; Constantinople, Vienna, St. Petersburg; Ambassador to Vienna, 1907.

出生于 1858 年 8 月 15 日； 1873 年进入外交部门；君士坦丁堡、维也纳、圣彼得堡； 1907 年，驻维也纳大使。

Below Saleske, Konrad von: Minister to Belgium.

在萨莱斯克之下，康拉德·冯：驻比利时部长。

Born April 18, 1866; Secretary Legation, Athens; Ambassador, Constantinople, 1907.

出生于 1866 年 4 月 18 日；秘书公使馆，雅典；大使，君士坦丁堡，1907 年。

Storck, von: Secretary Legation in Serbia.

Storck, von：驻塞尔维亚公使馆秘书。

Flotow, Hans von: Ambassador to Italy.

汉斯·冯·弗洛托：驻意大利大使。

Born September 10, 1862; entered Diplomatic Service, 1893; Second Secretary Legation, Washington, Hague, Paris.

出生于 1862 年 9 月 10 日； 1893 年进入外交部门；公使馆二等秘书，华盛顿、海牙、巴黎。

Buch, von: Minister to Luxemburg.

布赫·冯：驻卢森堡公使。

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY

奥匈帝国

Francis Joseph (Franz Josef): Emperor.

弗朗茨·约瑟夫（Franz Josef）：皇帝。

Berchtold, Count Leopold: Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

利奥波德伯爵贝希托尔德：外交大臣。

Born April 18, 1863; saw Diplomatic Service in Paris.

出生于 1863 年 4 月 18 日；看到了巴黎的外交部门。

London; Ambassador to St. Petersburg, 1906; appointed Secretary of State, 1914; emulated his predecessor, Count d'Herenthal, the annexor of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in strong foreign policy.

伦敦; 1906年任驻圣彼得堡大使； 1914 年被任命为国务卿；效仿他的前任、波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的吞并者德赫伦塔尔伯爵的强硬外交政策。

Macchio, Dr. K., Baron: Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

Macchio, Dr. K., Baron：外交部副国务卿。

Forgach, Count: Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

福加奇伯爵：外交部副国务卿。

Diplomatic Service in Belgrade and Dresden.

贝尔格莱德和德累斯顿的外交服务。

Tisza, Count Stephen: President of the Ministry of Hungary.

斯蒂芬伯爵蒂萨：匈牙利外交部长。

Born April 22, 1861; served as President Ministry, 1903-06.

出生于 1861 年 4 月 22 日； 1903-06 年担任部长。

Mensdorff, A.: Ambassador to Great Britain.

Mensdorff, A.：驻英国大使。

Born September 5, 1861; Diplomatic Service in Paris, London, St. Petersburg; Secretary Ambassador, London, 1896-1904; Minister Plenipotentiary, 1903-04; Ambassador, 1904.

出生于 1861 年 9 月 5 日；驻巴黎、伦敦、圣彼得堡的外交服务；秘书大使，伦敦，1896-1904 年；全权公使，1903-04；大使，1904 年。

Szécsen, Count Nicolaus: Ambassador to France.

尼古拉斯伯爵塞森：驻法国大使。

Szápáry, Count Josef: Ambassador to Russia.

约瑟夫伯爵萨帕里：驻俄罗斯大使。

Czernin, Count Jaromir: Chargé d'Affaires, Russia.

雅罗米尔伯爵切尔宁：俄罗斯临时代办。

Szögyény, Count Ladislaus: Ambassador to Germany.

拉迪斯劳斯伯爵索吉尼：驻德国大使。

Zehlitschka: Consul General in Turkey.

Zehlitschka：驻土耳其总领事。

Clary, S., Count: Minister to Belgium.

克拉里·S.伯爵：驻比利时大臣。

Giesl von Gieslingen, Baron: Minister to Serbia.

吉斯尔·冯·吉斯林根男爵：驻塞尔维亚部长。

Hoflehner: Consular Agent at Nish, Serbia.

Hoflehner：驻塞尔维亚尼什的领事代理。

TURKEY

土耳其

Mohammed V: Sultan.

穆罕默德五世：苏丹。

Said Halim Pasha, Prince: Grand Vizier.

王子哈利姆帕夏说：大维齐尔。

Tewfik Pasha: Ambassador to Great Britain.

Tewfik Pasha：驻英国大使。

NEUTRAL NATIONS

中立国家

Loudon: Dutch Minister for Foreign Affairs.

劳登：荷兰外交部长。

Eyschen, Dr.: Minister of State and President of the Government of Luxemburg.

艾申博士：卢森堡国务大臣兼政府主席。

Gerard, James Watson: American Ambassador to Germany.

杰拉德·詹姆斯·沃森：美国驻德国大使。

Penfield, Frederic Courtland: American Ambassador to Austria-Hungary.

弗雷德里克·考特兰·彭菲尔德：美国驻奥匈帝国大使。

Whitlock, Brand: American Minister to Belgium.

布兰德·惠特洛克：美国驻比利时公使。

* * * * *

** ** ** **

It will be convenient for the reader, before entering into the diplomatic history of the war, to have before him the dates of the war marking diplomatic crises.

在进入这场战争的外交历史之前，读者可以方便地了解标志着外交危机的战争日期。

IMPORTANT DATES PRECEDING THE WAR

战争前的重要日期

June 28, 1914.

1914 年 6 月 28 日。

Assassination of Austrian hereditary Archduke Franz Ferdinand at Sarajevo, Bosnia.

奥地利世袭大公弗朗茨·斐迪南在波斯尼亚萨拉热窝被刺杀。

July 23, 1914.

1914 年 7 月 23 日。

Austria-Hungary hands note to Serbia.

奥匈帝国向塞尔维亚递交照会。

July 24, 1914.

1914 年 7 月 24 日。

Russia proposes extension of time limit in note; decides on mobilization in South Bosnia; and seeks unconditional support of Great Britain in conflict with Austria-Hungary.

俄罗斯建议延长照会时限；决定在南波斯尼亚进行动员；并在与奥匈帝国的冲突中寻求英国的无条件支持。

Great Britain proposes four-power intervention.

英国提出四国干预。

July 25, 1914.

1914 年 7 月 25 日。

Austria-Hungary sends memorandum to powers containing _dossier_ of evidence discovered at Sarajevo trial, and declares dispute lies wholly between her and Serbia.

奥匈帝国向各国发出了包含萨拉热窝审判中发现的证据的备忘录，并宣布争端完全在她和塞尔维亚之间。

Serbia replies to note, having previously ordered mobilization.

塞尔维亚回复指出，此前已下令动员。

Austro-Hungarian Legation leaves Belgrade.

奥匈帝国公使馆离开贝尔格莱德。

Germany refuses to enter mediation between Austria-Hungary and Serbia, wishing to "localize" the conflict, and proposes mediation of powers between Russia and Austria-Hungary.

德国拒绝介入奥匈帝国和塞尔维亚之间的调解，希望将冲突“局部化”，并提议俄罗斯和奥匈帝国之间进行权力调解。

Russia mobilizes fourteen army corps on Austro-Hungarian frontier.

俄罗斯在奥匈边境调动了十四个军团。

Great Britain asks Austria-Hungary to extend time limit and suspend hostilities pending four-power conference.

英国要求奥匈帝国在四国会议召开之前延长期限并暂停敌对行动。

July 26, 1914.

1914 年 7 月 26 日。

Russia proposes direct conversations to Austria-Hungary.

俄罗斯提议与奥匈帝国直接对话。

France and Italy accept four-power conference in London.

法国和意大利接受在伦敦举行的四国会议。

July 27, 1914.

1914 年 7 月 27 日。

William II returns from Norway cruise to Potsdam.

威廉二世从挪威巡航到波茨坦返回。

Austria-Hungary informs Russia she will respect Serbian integrity and independence.

奥匈帝国告知俄罗斯，她将尊重塞尔维亚的完整和独立。

Russia agrees to four-power conference if direct negotiations with Austria-Hungary fail.

如果与奥匈帝国的直接谈判失败，俄罗斯同意举行四国会议。

July 28, 1914.

1914 年 7 月 28 日。

Austria-Hungary breaks off direct negotiations with Russia; refuses four-power mediation; declares war on Serbia, and mobilizes eight army corps.

奥匈帝国中断与俄罗斯的直接谈判；拒绝四权调解；对塞尔维亚宣战，并动员八个军团。

Russia begins partial mobilization.

俄罗斯开始部分动员。

Great Britain asks Germany her plan of mediation between Russia and Austria-Hungary.

英国询问德国在俄罗斯和奥匈帝国之间进行调解的计划。

July 29, 1914.

1914 年 7 月 29 日。

Germany attempts to secure neutrality of Great Britain in case of Austro-Hungarian and Russian war.

德国试图确保英国在奥匈帝国和俄罗斯战争中保持中立。

Great Britain warns Germany that if France is involved in war she will support her.

英国警告德国，如果法国卷入战争，英国将支持她。

July 30, 1914.

1914 年 7 月 30 日。

Austria-Hungary, advised by Germany, agrees to resume negotiations with Russia, but not on basis of Serbian reply.

奥匈帝国在德国的建议下同意与俄罗斯恢复谈判，但不以塞尔维亚的答复为基础。

Germany asks Russia's explanation of her mobilization.

德国要求俄罗斯对其动员作出解释。

Russia agrees to stop mobilization if Austria-Hungary respects Serbian sovereignty.

如果奥匈帝国尊重塞尔维亚主权，俄罗斯同意停止动员。

After negotiations with Austria-Hungary, Russia orders general mobilization of army and navy.

与奥匈帝国谈判后，俄罗斯下令陆军和海军总动员。

France reminds Great Britain of her naval agreement.

法国提醒英国注意其海军协议。

Great Britain refuses Germany's proposal that she remain neutral if French territory in Europe is respected, and proposes that Germany occupy Belgrade and force mediation by the powers.

英国拒绝了德国提出的如果法国在欧洲的领土得到尊重就保持中立的建议，并建议德国占领贝尔格莱德并强制列强进行调解。

July 31, 1914.

1914 年 7 月 31 日。

Austria-Hungary accepts Anglo-German proposal for four-power mediation on basis of temporary prosecution of military measures against Serbia.

奥匈帝国接受英德提议，在临时起诉针对塞尔维亚的军事措施的基础上进行四国调解。

Russia agrees to take no military action pending negotiations.

俄罗斯同意在谈判期间不采取任何军事行动。

Germany refuses to press Austria-Hungary so long as Russia mobilizes; sends ultimatum to Russia and France, and refuses to answer about respecting neutrality of Belgium.

只要俄罗斯动员起来，德国就拒绝向奥匈帝国施压；向俄罗斯和法国发出最后通牒，并拒绝回答有关尊重比利时中立的问题。

France agrees to respect this neutrality.

法国同意尊重这种中立性。

August 1, 1914.

1914 年 8 月 1 日。

Austria orders general mobilization, but continues discussion with Russia, and gives way on only point remaining at issue.

奥地利下令全面动员，但继续与俄罗斯讨论，并在唯一剩下的问题上让步。

Germany orders general mobilization and declares war on Russia.

德国下令总动员并对俄罗斯宣战。

France orders general mobilization.

法国下令总动员。

Great Britain refuses Germany's request to secure French neutrality in Russo-German war, and to remain neutral herself if Germany respect Belgian neutrality.

英国拒绝了德国的要求，即确保法国在俄德战争中保持中立，并在德国尊重比利时中立的情况下保持中立。

Belgium declares she will uphold neutrality.

比利时宣布将保持中立。

Italy decides to remain neutral.

意大利决定保持中立。

August 2, 1914.

1914 年 8 月 2 日。

Great Britain agrees to give naval aid to France in event of German attack.

英国同意在德国进攻时向法国提供海军援助。

Germany sends ultimatum to Belgium about passage of troops.

德国向比利时发出关于部队通行的最后通牒。

German troops enter Luxemburg.

德国军队进入卢森堡。

August 3, 1914.

1914 年 8 月 3 日。

Germany declares war on France and bids for British neutrality by offering not to attack northern French coast nor use Belgium and Dutch ports as bases.

德国向法国宣战，并提出不攻击法国北部海岸，也不使用比利时和荷兰港口作为基地，以争取英国的中立。

Great Britain refuses offer.

英国拒绝提议。

Belgium refuses Germany's ultimatum.

比利时拒绝德国的最后通牒。

August 4, 1914.

1914 年 8 月 4 日。

Germany sends second ultimatum to Belgium, threatening force, and offers Great Britain not to annex Belgian territory.

德国向比利时发出第二次最后通牒，威胁使用武力，并向英国提出不要吞并比利时领土。

Great Britain demands that Germany respect Belgian neutrality, and in default of reply declares war on Germany.

英国要求德国尊重比利时的中立，如果没有答复，英国就对德国宣战。

August 5, 1914.

1914 年 8 月 5 日。

Austria-Hungary declares war on Russia.

奥匈帝国向俄罗斯宣战。

August 6, 1914.

1914 年 8 月 6 日。

Montenegro declares war on Austria-Hungary.

黑山向奥匈帝国宣战。

August 9, 1914.

1914 年 8 月 9 日。

Serbia declares war on Germany.

塞尔维亚对德国宣战。

August 10, 1914.

1914 年 8 月 10 日。

France declares war on Austria-Hungary.

法国对奥匈帝国宣战。

August 12, 1914.

1914 年 8 月 12 日。

Great Britain declares war on Austria-Hungary.

英国向奥匈帝国宣战。

August 12, 1914.

1914 年 8 月 12 日。

Montenegro declares war on Germany.

黑山对德国宣战。

August 23, 1914.

1914 年 8 月 23 日。

Japan declares war on Germany.

日本对德国宣战。

August 27, 1914.

1914 年 8 月 27 日。

Austria-Hungary declares war on Japan.

奥匈帝国对日本宣战。

August 28, 1914.

1914 年 8 月 28 日。

Austria-Hungary declares war on Belgium.

奥匈帝国向比利时宣战。

November 3, 1914.

1914 年 11 月 3 日。

Russia declares war on Turkey.

俄罗斯向土耳其宣战。

November 5, 1914.

1914 年 11 月 5 日。

France and Great Britain declare war on Turkey.

法国和英国向土耳其宣战。

May 23, 1915.

1915 年 5 月 23 日。

Italy declares war on Austria-Hungary.

意大利向奥匈帝国宣战。

June 3, 1915.

1915 年 6 月 3 日。

San Marino declares war on Austria-Hungary.

圣马力诺向奥匈帝国宣战。

August 20, 1915.

1915 年 8 月 20 日。

Italy declares war on Turkey.

意大利向土耳其宣战。

October 14, 1915.

1915 年 10 月 14 日。

Bulgaria declares war on Serbia.

保加利亚对塞尔维亚宣战。

October 15, 1915.

1915 年 10 月 15 日。

Great Britain declares war on Bulgaria.

英国向保加利亚宣战。

October 19, 1915.

1915 年 10 月 19 日。

Russia and Italy declare war on Bulgaria.

俄罗斯和意大利对保加利亚宣战。

WARNINGS OF HOSTILE INTENTIONS

恶意警告

The first evidence presented before the court of nations was that of France, in regard to the hostile intentions of Germany.

第一个向国际法院提交的证据是法国提供的关于德国敌对意图的证据。

To this Germany has made no official answer in the form of documentary evidence, and any inference as to the hostile intentions of France against Germany, if there were any, must be inferred by the reader without any help from cross-examination by the official advocates of Germany.

对此，德国并没有以书面证据的形式做出官方答复，任何关于法国对德国的敌对意图的推断，如果有的话，也只能由读者自己推断，而无需德国官方支持者的盘问帮助。

The value of the French evidence must be judged by later events.

法国证据的价值必须由后来发生的事件来判断。

Have they, or have they not, corroborated the anticipations of France, held for a year before the war, as to an attack upon her by Germany?

他们是否证实了法国在战前一年对德国袭击法国的预期？

On March 17, 1913, M.

1913 年 3 月 17 日，M.

Jules Cambon, French Ambassador at Berlin, wrote to M.

法国驻柏林大使儒勒·康邦 (Jules Cambon) 写信给 M.

Jonnart, Minister for Foreign Affairs in Paris, transmitting reports by French military and naval attachés in Berlin to their respective French departments on German military affairs, and called his attention to the importance of the documents.

巴黎外交部长乔纳尔特向法国驻柏林军事和海军武官转递了有关德国军事事务的法国部门报告，并提请他注意这些文件的重要性。

Delay, he said, in the publication of the reports was due to lack of funds wherewith to provide for these military measures.

他说，报告的延迟发布是由于缺乏资金来提供这些军事措施。

The rich classes objected to a forced levy in times of peace, and the Federal states to the Imperial Government adopting direct taxation which had heretofore been reserved to them.

富人阶级反对在和平时期强制征税，联邦各州则反对帝国政府采用迄今为止一直保留给他们的直接税。

"However this may be, in increasing the strength of the German army the empire desires to leave nothing to chance in the event of a possible crisis.

“无论如何，在增强德国军队实力的过程中，帝国希望在发生可能的危机时不留任何侥幸心理。

"The German changes have produced a result unexpected by that country, viz., the proposal of the Government of the [French] Republic to reestablish the three years' service, and the manly determination with which this proposal has been welcomed in France.

“德国的变革产生了该国意想不到的结果，即法兰西共和国政府提议重新实行三年服役期，而这一提议在法国受到了男子汉的欢迎。

The surprise occasioned by these proposals of insisting on the absolute necessity of an increase of German military strength; the German proposals are represented as a reply to our own.

这些坚持绝对有必要增强德国军事实力的提议引起了人们的惊讶；德国的建议是对我们自己建议的答复。

The reverse is the case, since the immense military effort which France is undertaking is but the consequence of German initiative.

情况恰恰相反，因为法国正在进行的巨大军事努力只是德国主动行动的结果。

"The Imperial Government is constantly rousing patriotic sentiment.

“帝国政府不断激发爱国情绪。

Every day the emperor delights to revive memories of 1813.

皇帝每天都高兴地重温 1813 年的记忆。

Yesterday evening a military tattoo went through the streets of Berlin, speeches were delivered in which the present situation was compared to that of a hundred years ago....

昨天晚上，柏林街头出现了军事纹身，发表了将当前局势与一百年前进行比较的演讲......

It was of course to be expected that national patriotism would be worked up just when fresh sacrifices are being required, but to compare the present time to 1813 is to misuse an historical analogy.

当然，当需要新的牺牲时，民族爱国主义会被激发，这是可以预料的，但将现在与1813年进行比较是错误地使用历史类比。

If, to-day, there is anything corresponding to the movement which a hundred years ago roused Germans to fight the man of genius who aspired to universal dominion, it is in France that such a counterpart would have to be sought, since the French nation seeks but to protect itself against the domination of force.

如果说，今天有什么东西可以与一百年前唤醒德国人与渴望统治世界的天才进行斗争的运动相提并论的话，那就必须在法国寻找这样的对手，因为法国民族寻求的只是保护自己免受武力统治。

"Nevertheless, it is true that the state of public opinion in both countries makes the situation grave."

“尽管如此，两国的舆论状况确实让局势变得严峻。”

The first inclosure in M.

M 中的第一个内含物。

Cambon's letter was the report of Lieutenant Colonel Serret.

康朋的信是塞雷中校的报告。

He speaks of a "virulent" article in the "Kölnische Zeitung" ("Cologne Gazette") on the menace of France, which, though immediately disavowed by the Government, cannot be disregarded, since its sentiments have been approved by other prominent newspapers, and it appears to express a "real feeling" among the people, a "latent anger." It throws light on the present German armaments.

他谈到《科隆公报》上一篇关于法国威胁的“恶毒”文章，虽然政府立即否认了该文章，但不能忽视，因为它的观点已得到其他知名报纸的认可，而且它似乎表达了人民的“真实感受”，一种“潜在的愤怒”。它揭示了德国目前的武器装备。

"For some time now it has been quite a common thing to meet people who declare that the military plans of France are extraordinary and unjustified.

“一段时间以来，有人声称法国的军事计划非同寻常且不合理，这已经是很常见的事情了。

In a drawing room a member of the Reichstag who is not a fanatic, speaking of the three years' service in France, went so far as to say: 'It is a provocation; we will not allow it.' More moderate persons, military and civil, glibly voice the opinion that France with her 40,000,000 inhabitants has no right to compete in this way with Germany.

在客厅里，一位并非狂热分子的国会议员在谈到在法国服役的三年时，甚至说道：“这是一种挑衅；这是一种挑衅；”我们不会允许这样做。较为温和的人士，无论是军事人士还是民间人士，都洋洋自得地表达了这样的观点：拥有四千万居民的法国无权以这种方式与德国竞争。

"To sum up, people are angry, and this anger is not caused by the shrieking of certain French papers, to which sober-minded people pay little attention.

“总而言之，人们感到愤怒，这种愤怒并不是某些法国报纸的尖叫引起的，清醒的人很少关注这些报纸。

It is a case of vexation.

这是一个令人烦恼的例子。

People are angry at realizing that in spite of the enormous effort made last year, continued and even increased this year, it will probably not be possible this time to outrun France completely.

人们愤怒地意识到，尽管去年付出了巨大的努力，今年继续甚至加大力度，但这次可能不可能完全超越法国。

"To outdistance us, since we neither will nor can be allied with her, is Germany's real aim....

“因为我们既不会也不能与她结盟，所以德国的真正目标是超越我们……

"At the moment when German military strength is on the point of acquiring that final superiority which, should the occasion arise, would force us to submit to humiliation or destruction, France suddenly refuses to abdicate, and shows, as Renan said: 'her eternal power of renaissance and resurrection.' The disgust of Germany can well be understood.

“当德国的军事实力即将获得最终的优势时，一旦出现这种优势，将迫使我们屈服于羞辱或毁灭，法国突然拒绝退位，并正如雷南所说，展示了“她复兴和复活的永恒力量。”德国的厌恶是可以理解的。

"Of course the Government points to the general situation in Europe and speaks of the 'Slav Peril.' As far as I can see, however, public opinion really seems indifferent to this 'Peril,' and yet it has accepted with a good grace, if not with welcome, the enormous burdens of these two successive laws....

“当然，政府指出了欧洲的总体形势并谈到了‘斯拉夫危机’。然而，据我所知，公众舆论似乎确实对这种“危险”漠不关心，但它仍然以一种良好的风度（即使不受欢迎）接受了这两项连续法律的巨大负担……

"To sum up, if public opinion does not actually point at France, as does the 'Kölnische Zeitung,' we are in fact, and shall long remain the nation aimed at.

“总而言之，如果公众舆论实际上并不像《科隆日报》那样指向法国，那么我们实际上是而且将长期是瞄准的国家。

Germany considers that for our 40,000,000 of inhabitants our place in the sun is really too large.

德国认为，对于我们的四千万居民来说，我们在阳光下的位置实在是太大了。

"Germans wish for peace--so they keep on proclaiming, and the emperor more than anyone--but they do not understand peace as involving either mutual concessions or a balance of armaments.

“德国人渴望和平——所以他们不断宣称，皇帝比任何人都更渴望和平——但他们不理解和平意味着相互让步或军备平衡。

They want to be feared and they are at present engaged in making the necessary sacrifices.

他们希望被人敬畏，目前他们正在做出必要的牺牲。

If on some occasion their national vanity is wounded, the confidence which the country will feel in the enormous superiority of its army will be favorable to an explosion of national anger, in the face of which the moderation of the Imperial Government will perhaps be powerless.

如果在某些情况下他们的民族虚荣心受到伤害，国家对其军队的巨大优势的信心将有利于民族愤怒的爆发，面对这种愤怒，帝国政府的温和也许是无能为力的。

"It must be emphasized again that the Government is doing everything to increase patriotic sentiment by celebrating with éclat all the various anniversaries of 1813.

“必须再次强调，政府正在尽一切努力通过热烈庆祝 1813 年的各个周年纪念日来增强爱国情绪。

"The trend of public opinion would result in giving a war a more or less national character.

“舆论的趋势将导致战争或多或少地具有民族性。

By whatever pretext Germany should justify the European conflagration, nothing can prevent the first decisive blows being struck at France."

无论德国以什么借口为欧洲的大火辩护，没有什么可以阻止对法国的第一轮决定性打击。”

The second inclosure in M.

M 中的第二个内含物。

Cambon's letter is the report of M.

康朋的信是M.的报告。

de Faramond, Naval Attaché.

德·法拉蒙，海军武官。

He says that there will be no increase in the German fleet this year, and that the whole military effort will be directed against France.

他表示，今年德国舰队不会增加，全部军事力量将针对法国。

By October 1, 1914, the imperial army will be increased from 720,000 to 860,000 men, and proposed legislation will place the army corps near the French frontier most nearly on a war footing, in order on the very day of the outbreak of hostilities to attack us suddenly with forces very much stronger than our own.

到1914年10月1日，帝国军队将从72万人增加到86万人，拟议的立法将把靠近法国边境的军队置于最接近的战备状态，以便在敌对行动爆发的当天以比我们强大得多的力量突然攻击我们。

It is absolutely imperative for the Imperial Government to obtain success at the very outset of the operations....

帝国政府绝对有必要在行动一开始就取得成功……

"William II cannot allow a retreat to enter into his calculations, although the German soldier is no longer to-day what he was forty years ago, a plain religious man, ready to die at the order of his king.

“威廉二世不允许撤退进入他的盘算，尽管如今的德国士兵已不再是四十年前的样子，一个普通的宗教人士，准备听从国王的命令去死。

When it is remembered that at the last elections 4,000,000 votes were cast by the Socialists and that the franchise is only obtained in Germany at the age of twenty-five, it may be presumed that the active army, composed of young men from twenty to twenty-five, must contain in its ranks a considerable proportion of Socialists.

当我们记得上次选举中社会党人投了四百万张选票，而德国只有二十五岁才能获得选举权时，我们可以推测，由二十岁到二十五岁的年轻人组成的现役军队中一定有相当大比例的社会党人。

"It would indeed be foolish to think that the German Socialists will throw down their rifles on the day when France and Germany come to blows; but it will be very important that the Imperial Government should persuade them that on the one hand we are the aggressors, and on the other that they can have entire confidence in the direction of the campaign and its final result....

“如果认为德国社会党人会在法国和德国打起来的那一天放下步枪，那确实是愚蠢的；但帝国政府应该说服他们，一方面我们是侵略者，另一方面他们可以对战役的方向和最终结果充满信心，这一点非常重要……

"And it is because a German defeat at the outset would have such an incalculable effect on the empire that we find in all the plans worked out by the general staff proposals for a crushing offensive movement against France.

“正是因为德国一开始的失败就会对帝国产生不可估量的影响，所以我们在总参谋部制定的所有计划中都发现了对法国发动毁灭性进攻的建议。

"In reality the Imperial Government wishes to be in a position to meet all possible eventualities.

“事实上，帝国政府希望能够应对所有可能发生的情况。

It is from the direction of France that the danger seems to them greatest....

在他们看来，来自法国方向的危险是最大的……

"In this connection I think it is interesting to quote a conversation which a member of our embassy had the other evening with the old Prince Henckel von Donnersmarck, as it may serve to reflect the opinions which dominate court circles.

“在这方面，我认为引用我们大使馆的一名成员前几天晚上与老亨克尔·冯·多纳斯马克亲王的谈话很有趣，因为它可能反映了宫廷圈子的主流观点。

"Referring to the new German military proposals Prince Donnersmarck spoke as follows:

“在谈到德国新的军事建议时，多纳斯马克亲王发言如下：

"'French people are quite wrong in thinking that we harbor evil designs and want war.

“‘法国人认为我们怀有邪恶的阴谋并想要战争，这是完全错误的。

But we cannot forget that in 1870 popular opinion forced the French Government to make a foolish attack on us before they were ready.

但我们不能忘记，1870年，民意迫使法国政府在他们准备好之前对我们进行了愚蠢的攻击。

Who can assure us that public opinion, which in France is so easily inflamed, will not force the Government to declare war?

谁能向我们保证，在法国如此容易煽动的舆论不会迫使政府宣战呢？

It is against this danger that we wish to protect ourselves.'"

我们希望保护自己免受这种危险。”

The prince, a veteran of the French war, expressed the opinion that Germany would again conquer France in event of another war.

作为法国战争老兵的王子表示，如果再次发生战争，德国将再次征服法国。

"Frenchmen, who have a great facility for work, are not as punctual as Germans in the fulfillment of their duty.

“法国人拥有良好的工作设施，但在履行职责方面不如德国人准时。

In the coming war that nation will be victorious whose servants from the top of the ladder to the bottom will do their duty with absolute exactitude, however important or small it may be.

在即将到来的战争中，这个国家将取得胜利，其从上到下的仆人都将绝对准确地履行自己的职责，无论它是多么重要或多么小。

And Prince Donnersmarck added: 'An exactitude which played so great a rôle forty years ago in moving an army of 500,000 men will have a far greater importance in the next war, when it will be a question of moving masses far more numerous.'

多纳斯马克亲王补充道：“四十年前，在调动一支 50 万人的军队时，这种精确性发挥了如此巨大的作用，而在下一场战争中，这一点将变得更加重要，因为届时，问题将是调动更多的群众。”

"In this way the old prince gave expression to the confidence shared by all Germans in the superiority of their military organization."

“通过这种方式，老王子表达了所有德国人对其军事组织的优越性的共同信心。”

The attaché then discusses German finances.

随员随后讨论了德国的财政状况。

He mentions particularly the large loans raised by the empire and Prussia: 500,000,000 marks on January 29, 1912, and 350,000,000 marks on March 7, 1913.

他特别提到了帝国和普鲁士筹集的巨额贷款：1912年1月29日为5亿马克，1913年3月7日为3.5亿马克。

Quite an important part of these loans must have been applied to military expenses.

这些贷款中相当重要的一部分一定是用于军费了。

"The military law of 1913 will require quite exceptional financial measures.

“1913 年的军事法将需要非常特殊的财务措施。

"According to the indications given by the semiofficial press, the 'nonrecurring' expenditure will amount to a milliard marks, while the 'permanent' annual expenditure resulting from the increase of effectives will exceed 200,000,000 marks.

“根据半官方媒体的消息，‘非经常性’支出将达到一毫马克，而因有效增加而产生的‘永久性’年度支出将超过2亿马克。

"It seems certain that the 'nonrecurring' expenditure will be covered by a war contribution levied on capital.

“似乎可以肯定，‘非经常性’支出将由对资本征收的战争捐款来支付。

Small fortunes would be exempted and those above 20,000 marks would be subject to a progressive tax.

小额财富将被豁免，而超过 20,000 马克的财富将被征收累进税。

Presented in this guise the war tax would not be objected to by the Socialists, who will be able, in accordance with their usual tactics, to reject the principle of the military law and at the same time to pass the votes which assure its being carried into effect."

以这种形式提出的战争税不会受到社会党人的反对，他们将能够按照他们惯用的策略，拒绝军法原则，同时通过确保其实施的投票。”

The attaché then discusses a subject already mentioned--the persuasion of the rich and bourgeois classes by the Government to submit to the increased taxation by "noisy celebrations of the centenary of the War of Independence" in order to convince them of the necessity of sacrifice, and to remind them that France is to-day, as 100 years ago, their hereditary enemy.

随员随后讨论了一个已经提到的主题——政府通过“喧闹的独立战争一百周年庆祝活动”说服富人和资产阶级接受增加的税收，以使他们相信牺牲的必要性，并提醒他们今天的法国和100年前一样，是他们的宿敌。

"If it is established that the German Government are doing their utmost to secure that the payment of this enormous tax should be made in full, and not by way of installment, and if, as some of the newspapers say, the whole payment is to be complete before July 1, 1914, these facts have a formidable significance for us, for nothing can explain such haste on the part of the military authorities to obtain war treasure in cash to the amount of a milliard."

“如果确定德国政府正在尽最大努力确保全额缴纳这一巨额税款，而不是通过分期付款的方式，并且如一些报纸所说，在 1914 年 7 月 1 日之前完成全部缴纳，那么这些事实对我们来说具有重大意义，因为没有什么可以解释军事当局如此急于获得价值一百万的战争财富。”

On April 2, 1913, M.

1913 年 4 月 2 日，M.

Etienne, French Minister of War, wrote to M.

法国陆军部长艾蒂安写信给 M.

Jonnart, French Minister of Foreign Affairs, enclosing a German official secret report concerning strengthening of the army.

法国外交部长乔纳尔特附上一份关于加强军队的德国官方秘密报告。

This report is interesting in that it mentions knowledge that, as a result of her entente with France and Russia, Great Britain was prepared to send an expeditionary force of 100,000 to the Continent, and confesses that Germany refrained from declaring war on France at the time of the Agadir incident because of "the progress made by the French army, the moral recovery of the nation, and the technical advance in the realm of aviation and of machine guns."

这份报告的有趣之处在于，它提到，由于与法国和俄罗斯的协约，英国准备向欧洲大陆派遣10万远征军，并承认德国在阿加迪尔事件发生时没有对法国宣战，因为“法国军队取得的进步，民族道德的复兴，以及航空和机枪领域的技术进步”。

"Public opinion is being prepared for a new increase in the active army, which would ensure Germany an honorable peace and the possibility of properly ensuring her influence in the affairs of the world.

“公众舆论正在为增加现役军队做好准备，这将确保德国享有光荣的和平，并有可能适当确保其在世界事务中的影响力。

The new army law and the supplementary law which should follow will enable her almost completely to attain this end....

新的军法以及随之而来的补充法，将使她几乎完全达到这个目的……

"Neither ridiculous shriekings for revenge by French chauvinists, nor the Englishmen's gnashing of teeth, nor the wild gestures of the Slavs will turn us from our aim of protecting and extending _Deutschtum_ (German influence) all the world over.

“无论是法国沙文主义者可笑的复仇尖叫，还是英国人的咬牙切齿，还是斯拉夫人的狂野姿态，都不会改变我们在全世界保护和扩展_Deutschtum_（德国影响力）的目标。

"The French may arm as much as they wish, they cannot in one day increase their population.

“法国人可以随心所欲地武装自己，但他们不可能有一天增加人口。

The employment of an army of black men in the theatre of European operations will remain for a long time a dream, and in any case be devoid of beauty.

在欧洲战场上雇佣一支黑人军队将在很长一段时间内仍然是一个梦想，而且无论如何都缺乏美感。

"Our new army law is only an extension of the military education of the German nation.

“我们的新军法只是德意志民族军事教育的延伸。

Our ancestors of 1813 made greater sacrifices.

1813年我们的祖先做出了更大的牺牲。

It is our sacred duty to sharpen the sword that has been put into our hands and to hold it ready for defense as well as for offense.

磨砺手中的剑，做好防御和进攻的准备，是我们神圣的职责。

_We must allow the idea to sink into the minds of our people that our armaments are an answer to the armaments and policy of the French._ We must accustom them to think that an offensive war on our part is a necessity, in order to combat the provocations of our adversaries.

我们必须让这样的想法深入我们人民的头脑，即我们的军备是对法国人的军备和政策的回应。我们必须让他们习惯于认为我们必须发动进攻性战争，以对抗我们对手的挑衅。

We must act with prudence so as not to arouse suspicion, and to avoid the crises which might injure our economic existence.

我们必须谨慎行事，以免引起怀疑，避免可能损害我们经济生存的危机。

We must so manage matters that under the heavy weight of powerful armaments, considerable sacrifices, and strained political relations, an outbreak (_Losschlagen_) should be considered as a relief, because after it would come decades of peace and prosperity, as after 1870.

我们必须如此管理事务，在强大的军备、巨大的牺牲和紧张的政治关系的重压下，一场爆发（_Losschlagen_）应该被视为一种解脱，因为之后将迎来几十年的和平与繁荣，就像1870年之后一样。

We must prepare for war from the financial point of view; there is much to be done in this direction.

我们必须从财政角度做好战争准备；在这个方向上还有很多工作要做。

We must not arouse the distrust of our financiers, but there are many things which cannot be concealed.

我们不能引起金融家的不信任，但有很多事情是不能隐瞒的。

"We must not be anxious about the fate of our colonies.

“我们绝不能担心我们殖民地的命运。

The final result in Europe will settle their position.

欧洲赛场的最终结果将决定他们的位置。

On the other hand we must stir up trouble in the north of Africa and in Russia.

另一方面，我们必须在非洲北部和俄罗斯制造麻烦。

It is a means of keeping the forces of the enemy engaged.

这是保持敌方力量的一种手段。

It is, therefore, absolutely necessary that we should open up relations, by means of well-chosen agents, with influential people in Egypt, Tunis, Algeria, and Morocco, in order to prepare the measures which would be necessary in the case of a European war.

因此，我们绝对有必要通过精心挑选的代理人与埃及、突尼斯、阿尔及利亚和摩洛哥有影响力的人士建立关系，以便准备欧洲战争时所需的措施。

Of course in case of war we should openly recognize these secret allies; and on the conclusion of peace we should secure to them the advantages which they had gained.

当然，一旦发生战争，我们应该公开承认这些秘密盟友；在缔结和平之后，我们应该确保他们获得他们所获得的利益。

These aims are capable of realization.

这些目标是能够实现的。

The first attempt which was made some years ago opened up for us the desired relations.

几年前的第一次尝试为我们开启了理想的关系。

Unfortunately these relations were not sufficiently consolidated.

不幸的是，这些关系没有得到充分巩固。

Whether we like it or not it will be necessary to resort to preparations of this kind, in order to bring a campaign rapidly to a conclusion.

无论我们喜欢与否，为了迅速结束一场运动，都必须采取这种准备措施。

"Risings provoked in time of war by political agents need to be carefully prepared and by material means.

“在战时由政治代理人挑起的起义需要经过精心准备并通过物质手段进行。

They must break out simultaneously with the destruction of the means of communication; they must have a controlling head to be found among the influential leaders, religious or political.

它们必须与通讯手段的破坏同时爆发；他们必须在有影响力的宗教或政治领袖中找到一个控制头。

The Egyptian School is particularly suited to this purpose; more and more it serves as a bond between the intellectuals of the Mohammedan world.

埃及学派特别适合这个目的；它越来越成为伊斯兰教世界知识分子之间的纽带。

"However this may be, we must be strong in order to annihilate at one powerful swoop our enemies in the east and west.

“不管怎样，我们必须强大，才能一举歼灭东西方的敌人。

But in the next European war it will also be necessary that the small states should be forced to follow us or be subdued.

但在下一次欧洲战争中，也有必要迫使小国追随我们，否则就被制服。

In certain conditions their armies and their fortified places can be rapidly conquered or neutralized; this would probably be the case with Belgium and Holland, so as to prevent our enemy in the west from gaining territory which they could use as a base of operations against our flank.

在某些情况下，他们的军队和防御工事可以迅速被征服或压制；比利时和荷兰的情况可能就是这样，以防止我们西部的敌人获得领土，他们可以利用这些领土作为攻击我们侧翼的行动基地。

In the north we have nothing to fear from Denmark or Scandinavia, especially as in any event we shall provide for the concentration of a strong northern army, capable of replying to any menace from this direction.

在北方，我们不必担心丹麦或斯堪的纳维亚半岛，特别是在任何情况下，我们都将集中一支强大的北方军队，能够应对来自这个方向的任何威胁。

In the most unfavorable case, Denmark might be forced by Great Britain to abandon her neutrality; but by this time the decision would already have been reached both on land and on sea.

在最不利的情况下，丹麦可能会被英国迫使放弃中立；但此时陆地和海上都已经做出了决定。

Our northern army, the strength of which could be largely increased by Dutch formations, would oppose a very active defense to any offensive measures from this quarter.

我们的北方军队的力量可以通过荷兰的编队而大大增强，从这个季度开始，我们将反对对任何进攻措施进行非常积极的防御。

"In the south, Switzerland forms an extremely solid bulwark, and we can rely on her energetically defending her neutrality against France, and thus protecting our flank.

“在南部，瑞士形成了极其坚固的堡垒，我们可以依靠她大力捍卫对法国的中立，从而保护我们的侧翼。

"As was stated above, the situation with regard to the small states on our northwestern frontier cannot be viewed in quite the same light.

“如上所述，不能以完全相同的眼光来看待我们西北边境小国的情况。

This will be a vital question for us, and our aim must be to take the offensive with a large superiority from the first days.

这对我们来说是一个至关重要的问题，我们的目标必须是从第一天起就以巨大的优势发起进攻。

For this purpose it will be necessary to concentrate a large army, followed up by strong Landwehr formations, which will induce the small states to follow us or at least to remain inactive in the theatre of operations, and which would crush them in the event of armed resistance.

为此，必须集中一支大军，随后是强大的兰德韦尔编队，这将诱使小国追随我们，或者至少在战区保持不活跃状态，并在发生武装抵抗时粉碎它们。

If we could induce these states to organize their system of fortification in such a manner as to constitute an effective protection for our flank we could abandon the proposed invasion.

如果我们能够促使这些国家组织他们的防御系统，为我们的侧翼提供有效的保护，我们就可以放弃拟议的入侵。

But for this, army reorganization, particularly in Belgium, would be necessary in order that it might really guarantee an effective resistance.

但为此，军队重组是必要的，特别是在比利时，这样才能真正保证有效的抵抗。

If, on the contrary, their defensive organization was established against us, thus giving definite advantages to our adversary in the West, we could in no circumstances offer Belgium a guaranty for the security of her neutrality.

相反，如果他们的防御组织是针对我们而建立的，从而给我们在西方的对手带来了明确的优势，那么我们在任何情况下都无法向比利时保证其中立性的安全。

Accordingly, a vast field is open to our diplomacy to work in this country on the lines of our interests.

因此，我们的外交有广阔的空间可以根据我们的利益在这个国家开展工作。

"The arrangements made with this end in view allow us to hope that it will be possible to take the offensive immediately after the complete concentration of the army of the Lower Rhine.

“为此而做出的安排使我们希望能够在莱茵河下游的军队完全集中后立即发起进攻。

An ultimatum with a short-time limit, to be followed immediately by invasion, would allow a sufficient justification for our action in international law.

一项有短期限制的最后通牒，之后立即进行入侵，将为我们根据国际法采取的行动提供充分的理由。

"Such are the duties which devolve on our army and which demand a striking force of considerable numbers.

“这些都是我们军队肩负的职责，需要一支数量可观的打击力量。

If the enemy attacks us, or if we wish to overcome him, we will act as our brothers did a hundred years ago; the eagle thus provoked will soar in his flight, will seize the enemy in his steel claws and render him harmless.

如果敌人来攻击我们，或者我们想战胜他，我们就像一百年前的兄弟那样做；被激怒的鹰将在飞行中翱翔，用钢爪抓住敌人，使他变得无害。

We will then remember that the provinces of the ancient German Empire, the County of Burgundy and a large part of Lorraine, are still in the hands of the French; that thousands of brother Germans in the Baltic provinces are groaning under the Slav yoke.

那时我们会记得，古德意志帝国的省份、勃艮第郡和洛林的大部分地区仍然掌握在法国人手中；波罗的海各省数以千计的德国兄弟正在斯拉夫人的枷锁下呻吟。

It is a national question that Germany's former possessions should be restored to her."

德国以前的财产是否应该归还给她，这是一个全国性的问题。”

REPORT OF M.

M 的报告

CAMBON IN 1913

1913 年的康邦

On May 6, 1913, M.

1913 年 5 月 6 日，M.

Jules Cambon, French Ambassador at Berlin, wrote to M.

法国驻柏林大使儒勒·康邦 (Jules Cambon) 写信给 M.

Stephen Pichon, Minister for Foreign Affairs in Paris, giving an account of an interview with the German Secretary of State, Herr von Jagow, concerning the conference of ambassadors in London on May 5th, and the results there obtained.

巴黎外交部长斯蒂芬·皮尚介绍了5月5日就伦敦大使会议接受德国国务卿冯雅戈先生的采访以及会议取得的成果。

It was agreed by Cambon and Von Jagow that the immediate crisis was over.

坎本和冯·贾戈一致认为眼前的危机已经结束。

Cambon submitted proofs of the anxiety of the German Government over the crisis.

康蓬提交了德国政府对危机焦虑的证据。

"1.

“1.

Von Jagow had questioned a colleague of Cambon about Russia's situation in the Far East, whether there was cause for Russia to fear difficulties in that quarter which would cause her to retain troops there.

冯·贾戈曾向康蓬的一位同事询问俄罗斯在远东的局势，俄罗斯是否有理由担心该地区的困难，从而导致她在那里保留军队。

The ambassador answered him that he knew of absolutely no trouble in the Far East, and that Russia had her hands free for Europe.

大使回答说，据他所知，远东地区绝对没有任何麻烦，而且俄罗斯可以腾出手来对付欧洲。

"2.

”2.

The mobilization of the German army is not restricted to the recall of reservists to their barracks.

德国军队的动员并不仅限于将预备役人员召回军营。

There is in Germany a preliminary measure which we have not got, and which consists in warning officers and men of the reserve to hold themselves ready for the call, in order that they may make the necessary arrangements.

德国有一项我们尚未采取的初步措施，其中包括警告预备队官兵做好迎接召唤的准备，以便他们做出必要的安排。

It is a general call to 'attention' and it requires an incredible spirit of submission, discipline, and secrecy such as exists in this country, to make a step of this kind possible.

这是对“关注”的普遍呼吁，需要像这个国家那样令人难以置信的服从、纪律和保密精神，才能使这种步骤成为可能。

If such a warning were given in France, a thrill would run through the whole country, and it would be in the papers the next day....

如果在法国发出这样的警告，整个国家都会兴奋不已，第二天就会登上报纸……

"The intention of the General Staff is to act by surprise.

“总参谋部的目的是出奇制胜。

'We must put on one side,' said General von Moltke, 'all commonplaces as to the responsibility of the aggressor.

“我们必须站在一边，”冯·毛奇将军说，“关于侵略者的责任，所有这些都是老生常谈。”

When war has become necessary it is essential to carry it on in such a way as to place all the chances in one's own favor.

当战争变得必要时，就必须以一种对自己有利的方式来进行战争。

Success alone justifies war.

只有成功才能证明战争的合理性。

Germany cannot and ought not to leave Russia time to mobilize, for she would then be obliged to maintain on her eastern frontier so large an army that she would be placed in a position of equality, if not of inferiority, to that of France.

德国不能也不应该给俄国留出动员的时间，因为这样她就不得不在其东部边境维持一支如此庞大的军队，以至于她将处于与法国平等甚至劣势的地位。

Accordingly,' added the general, 'we must anticipate our principal adversary as soon as there are nine chances to one of going to war, and begin it without delay in order ruthlessly to crush all resistance.'

因此，”这位将军补充道，“一旦有九次开战的机会，我们就必须预见到我们的主要对手，并立即开始战斗，以便无情地粉碎一切抵抗。”

"This represents exactly the attitude of military circles and it corresponds to that of political circles; the latter, however, do not consider Russia, in contradistinction to us, as a necessary enemy....

“这正是军事界的态度，也符合政治界的态度；然而，与我们相比，后者并不认为俄罗斯是必要的敌人......

"From these events the following conclusions may be drawn ...

“从这些事件可以得出以下结论......

these people are not afraid of war, they fully accept its possibility and they have consequently taken the necessary steps.

这些人并不害怕战争，他们完全接受战争的可能性，因此采取了必要的步骤。

_They wish to be always ready._

_他们希望时刻做好准备。_

"As I said, this demands qualities of secrecy, discipline and of persistence; enthusiasm alone is not sufficient.

“正如我所说，这需要保密、纪律和坚持的品质；仅凭热情是不够的。

This lesson may form a useful subject of meditation when the Government of the [French] Republic ask Parliament for the means of strengthening the defenses of the country."

当[法兰西]共和国政府向议会询问加强国家防御的方法时，这一教训可能会成为一个有用的沉思主题。”

On July 30, 1913, M.

1913 年 7 月 30 日，M.

Pichon, French Minister for Foreign Affairs, made an official report on the state of German public opinion, as derived from French diplomatic and consular agents.

法国外交部长皮雄就法国外交和领事代表对德国舆论状况做出了正式报告。

It said that:

它说：

"1.

“1.

The treaty of November 4, 1912, is considered a disappointment for Germany.

1912 年 11 月 4 日的条约被认为令德国失望。

"2.

”2.

France--a new France--undreamed of prior to the summer of 1911, is considered ...

法国——一个新法国——在 1911 年夏天之前是做梦也想不到的，现在被认为是……

to want war.

想要战争。

"Members of all the parties in the Reichstag, from the Conservatives to the Socialists [and of all classes of the people] are unanimous on these two points, with very slight differences corresponding to their position in society or their political party.

“国会所有党派的成员，从保守党到社会党[以及各阶层人民]在这两点上都是一致的，只是根据他们在社会或政党中的立场而存在非常微小的差异。

Here is a synthesis of all these opinions:

以下是所有这些观点的综合：

"The treaty of November 4 is a diplomatic defeat, a proof of the incapacity of German diplomacy and the carelessness of the Government (so often denounced), a proof that the future of the empire is not safe without a new Bismarck; it is a national humiliation, a lowering in the eyes of Europe, a blow to German prestige, all the more serious because up to 1911 the military supremacy of Germany was unchallenged, and French anarchy and the powerlessness of the Republic were a sort of German dogma....

“11月4日的条约是一次外交失败，证明了德国外交的无能和政府的粗心大意（经常受到谴责），证明了如果没有新的俾斯麦，帝国的未来就不安全；这是一种民族耻辱，在欧洲人心目中的地位下降，对德国威望的打击，更严重的是，直到1911年，德国的军事霸权都没有受到挑战，而法国的无政府状态和共和国的无能为力是一种德国教条……

"And the attitude of France, her calmness, her reborn spiritual unity, her resolution to make good her rights right up to the end, the fact that she has the audacity not to be afraid of war, these things are the most persistent and the gravest cause of anxiety and bad temper on the part of German public opinion....

“而法国的态度，她的冷静，她重生的精神团结，她坚持到底的决心，她有不怕战争的胆量，这些都是德国舆论焦虑和脾气暴躁的最持久和最严重的原因......

"German public opinion is divided into two currents on the question of the possibility and proximity of war.

“在战争的可能性和临近性问题上，德国公众舆论分为两股。

"There are in the country forces making for peace, but they are unorganized and have no popular leaders.

“该国有争取和平的力量，但他们没有组织，也没有受欢迎的领导人。

They consider that war would be a social misfortune for Germany, and that caste pride, Prussian domination, and the manufacturers of guns and armor plate would get the greatest benefit, but above all that war would profit Great Britain.

他们认为战争对德国来说是一种社会不幸，而种姓骄傲、普鲁士的统治以及枪支和装甲板的制造商将获得最大的利益，但最重要的是，战争将使英国受益。

"The forces consist of the following elements:

“这些力量由以下要素组成：

"The bulk of the workmen, artisans, and peasants, who are peace loving by instinct.

“大多数工人、工匠和农民本能地热爱和平。

"Those members of the nobility detached from military interests and engaged in business, such as the _grands seigneurs_ of Silesia and a few other personages very influential at court who are sufficiently enlightened to realize the disastrous political and social consequences of war, even if successful.

“那些脱离军事利益而从事商业的贵族成员，例如西里西亚的大领主和其他一些在宫廷中非常有影响力的人物，他们足够开明，认识到战争即使成功也会带来灾难性的政治和社会后果。

"Numerous manufacturers, merchants and financiers in a moderate way of business, to whom war, even if successful, would mean bankruptcy, because their enterprises depend on credit, and are chiefly supported by foreign capital.

“许多以温和的方式经营的制造商、商人和金融家，对他们来说，战争即使成功，也意味着破产，因为他们的企业依赖信用，并且主要得到外国资本的支持。

"Poles, inhabitants of Alsace-Lorraine, and Schleswig-Holstein--conquered, but not assimilated and suddenly hostile to Prussian policy.

“波兰人，阿尔萨斯-洛林和石勒苏益格-荷尔斯泰因的居民——被征服了，但没有被同化，并且突然对普鲁士的政策怀有敌意。

There are about 7,000,000 of these annexed Germans.

这些被吞并的德国人大约有七百万。

"Finally, the governments and the governing classes in the large southern states--Saxony, Bavaria, Württemburg, and the Grand Duchy of Baden--are divided by these two opinions: an unsuccessful war would compromise the Federation from which they have derived great economic advantages; a successful war would profit only Prussia and Prussianization, against which they have difficulty in defending their political independence and administrative autonomy.

最后，南方大州——萨克森、巴伐利亚、符腾堡和巴登大公国——的政府和统治阶级因两种观点而产生分歧：一场不成功的战争将损害联邦，而他们从中获得了巨大的经济优势；一场成功的战争只会对普鲁士和普鲁士化有利，而他们很难捍卫自己的政治独立和行政自治。

"These classes of people either consciously or instinctively prefer peace to war; but they are only a sort of makeweight in political matters, with limited influence on public opinion, or they are silent social forces, passive, and defenseless against the infection of a wave of warlike feeling.

“这些阶层的人有意识地或本能地喜欢和平而不是战争；但它们只是政治事务中的一种权宜之计，对舆论的影响力有限，或者说它们是沉默的社会力量，被动的，对好战情绪的感染毫无防备。

"An example will make this idea clear: The 110 Socialist members of the Reichstag are in favor of peace.

“有一个例子可以清楚地说明这一点：德国国会大厦的 110 名社会党议员赞成和平。

They would be unable to prevent war, for war does not depend upon a vote of the Reichstag, and in the presence of such an eventuality the greater part of their number would join the rest of the country in a chorus of angry excitement and enthusiasm.

他们将无法阻止战争，因为战争并不取决于国会的投票，而在这种可能性出现的情况下，他们中的大部分人将与国家其他人一起愤怒、兴奋和热情。

"Finally it must be observed that these supporters of peace believe in war in the mass because they do not see any other solution for the present situation.

“最后必须指出的是，这些和平支持者普遍相信战争，因为他们看不到当前局势的任何其他解决方案。

In certain contracts, especially in publishers' contracts, a clause has been introduced cancelling the contract in the case of war.

在某些合同中，特别是出版商的合同中，引入了在战争情况下取消合同的条款。

They hope, however, that the will of the emperor on the one side, France's difficulties in Morocco on the other, will be for some time a guaranty of peace.

然而，他们希望一方面是皇帝的意愿，另一方面是法国在摩洛哥遇到的困难，能够在一段时间内成为和平的保证。

Be that as it may, their pessimism gives free play to those who favor war....

不管怎样，他们的悲观主义给那些赞成战争的人提供了自由发挥的空间……

"On the other hand there is a war party with leaders and followers, a press either convinced or subsidized for the purpose of creating public opinion; it has means both varied and formidable for the intimidation of the Government.

“另一方面，有一个由领导人和追随者组成的战争政党，一个为了制造舆论而被说服或资助的媒体；它对政府的恐吓手段既多种多样又令人生畏。

It goes to work in the country with clear ideas, burning aspirations, and a determination that is at once thrilling and fixed.

它带着清晰的想法、强烈的愿望和既令人兴奋又坚定的决心在这个国家开展工作。

"Those in favor of war are divided into several categories; each of these derives from its social caste, its class, its intellectual and moral education, its interests, its hates, special arguments which create a general attitude of mind and increase the strength and rapidity of the stream of warlike desire.

“赞成战争的人分为几类：每一个都源于它的社会种姓、它的阶级、它的智力和道德教育、它的兴趣、它的仇恨、特殊的论点，这些论点创造了一种普遍的思想态度，并增加了好战欲望流的强度和速度。

"Some want war because in the present circumstances they think it is _inevitable_.

“有些人想要战争，因为在目前的情况下，他们认为战争是不可避免的。

And, as far as Germany is concerned, the sooner the better.

而且，就德国而言，越早越好。

"Others regard war as necessary for economic reasons based on overpopulation, overproduction, the need for markets and outlets; or for social reasons, i.

“其他人认为战争是出于人口过剩、生产过剩、市场和出口的需要等经济原因所必需的；或出于社会原因，i。

e., to provide the outside interests that alone can prevent or retard the rise to power of the democratic and socialist masses.

即，提供外部利益，仅凭这些外部利益就可以阻止或阻碍民主和社会主义群众掌权。

"Others, uneasy for the safety of the empire, and believing that time is on the side of France, think that events should be brought to an immediate head.

“其他人则对帝国的安全感到不安，并相信时间站在法国一边，认为应该立即采取行动。

It is not unusual to meet, in the course of conversation or in the pages of patriotic pamphlets, the vague but deeply rooted conviction that a free Germany and a regenerated France are two historical facts mutually incompatible.

在谈话过程中或在爱国小册子中，人们常常会看到一种模糊但根深蒂固的信念，即自由的德国和复兴的法国是两个互不相容的历史事实。

"Others are bellicose from 'Bismarckism,' as it may be termed.

“其他人则因为‘俾斯麦主义’而变得好战，正如它可以被称为的那样。

They feel themselves humiliated at having to enter into discussions with France, at being obliged to talk in terms of law and right in negotiations and conferences where they have not always found it easy to get right on their side, even when they have a preponderating force.

他们感到自己受到了羞辱，因为他们不得不与法国进行讨论，被迫在谈判和会议上以法律和权利的方式进行对话，而他们并不总是发现很容易站在法国一边，即使他们拥有压倒性的力量。

From their still recent past they derive a sense of pride ever fed by personal memories of former exploits, by oral traditions, and by books, and irritated by the events of recent years.

从他们不久前的过去，他们获得了一种自豪感，这种自豪感源于对以前功绩的个人记忆、口头传统和书籍，并为近年来发生的事件所激怒。

Angry disappointment is the unifying force of the _Wehrvereine_ [defense leagues] and other associations of Young Germany.

愤怒的失望是“Wehrvereine”（国防联盟）和其他青年德国协会的团结力量。

"Others again want war from a mystic hatred of revolutionary France; others, finally, from a feeling of rancor.

“其他人再次希望战争是出于对革命法国的神秘仇恨；最后，其他人则是出于怨恨情绪。

These last the people who heap up pretexts for war.

这些人就是为战争堆砌借口的人。

"Coming to actual facts, these feelings take concrete form as follows: The country squires, represented in the Reichstag by the Conservative party, want at all costs to escape the death duties, which are bound to come if peace continues.

“谈到实际情况，这些感受的具体形式如下：以保守党为代表的乡村乡绅们希望不惜一切代价逃避死刑，如果和平继续下去，死刑是必然会出现的。

In the last sitting of the session which has just closed the Reichstag agreed to these duties in principle.

在刚刚闭幕的最后一次会议上，德国国会原则上同意了这些职责。

It is a serious attack on the interests and privileges of the landed gentry.

这是对地主士绅利益和特权的严重侵犯。

On the other hand, this aristocracy is military in character, and it is instructive to compare the Army List with the Year Book of the nobility.

另一方面，这个贵族具有军事性质，将军队名单与贵族年鉴进行比较是有启发性的。

War alone can prolong its prestige and support its family interest.

唯有战争才能延续其威望，支撑其家族利益。

During the discussions on the Army Bill a Conservative speaker put forward the need for promotion among officers as an argument in its favor.

在讨论陆军法案时，一位保守党发言人提出了军官晋升的必要性，作为支持该法案的论据。

Finally this social class, which forms a hierarchy with the King of Prussia as its supreme head, realizes with dread the democratization of Germany and the increasing power of the Socialist party, and considers its own days numbered.

最后，这个以普鲁士国王为最高元首的社会阶级，恐惧地意识到德国的民主化和社会党日益强大的力量，并认为自己的日子屈指可数了。

Not only does a formidable movement hostile to agrarian protection threaten its material interests, but in addition the number of its political representatives decreases with each legislative period.

敌视土地保护的强大运动不仅威胁到其物质利益，而且其政治代表的人数随着每个立法周期的推移而减少。

In the Reichstag of 1878, out of 397 members, 162 belonged to the aristocracy; in 1898, 83; in 1912, 57.

1878年的德国国会大厦有397名议员，其中162名属于贵族； 1898 年，83； 1912 年，57。

Out of this number 27 alone belong to the Right, 14 to the Center, 7 to the Left, and 1 sits among the Socialists.

其中，右翼 27 人，中间 14 人，左翼 7 人，社会主义者 1 人。

"The higher bourgeoisie, represented by the National Liberal party, the party of the contented spirits, have not the same reasons as the squires for wanting war.

“以民族自由党为代表的上层资产阶级，一个知足精神的政党，与乡绅们想要战争的理由不同。

With a few exceptions, however, they are bellicose.

然而，除了少数例外，他们都是好战的。

They have their reasons, social in character.

他们有自己的理由，具有社会性。

"The higher bourgeoisie is no less troubled than the aristocracy at the democratization of Germany.

“对于德国的民主化，上层资产阶级的困扰并不比贵族阶层少。

In 1871 they had 125 members in the Reichstag; in 1874, 55; in 1887, 99; in 1912, 45.

1871 年，他们在德国国会有 125 名议员； 1874 年，55； 1887年，99； 1912 年，45。

They do not forget that in the years succeeding the war they played the leading rôle in Parliament, helping Bismarck in his schemes against the country squires.

他们没有忘记，在战争结束后的几年里，他们在议会中发挥了主导作用，帮助俾斯麦实施反对乡村乡绅的计划。

Uneasily balanced to-day between Conservative instincts and Liberal ideas they look to war to settle problems which their parliamentary representatives are painfully incapable of solving.

今天，他们在保守派本能和自由派思想之间取得了不稳定的平衡，他们希望通过战争来解决议会代表们痛苦地无法解决的问题。

In addition, doctrinaire manufacturers declare that the difficulties between themselves and their workmen originate in France, the home of revolutionary ideas of freedom--without France industrial unrest would be unknown.

此外，教条主义的制造商宣称，他们自己和工人之间的困难源于法国，这个自由革命思想的发源地——没有法国，工业动荡就无人知晓。

"Lastly, there are the manufacturers of guns and armor plate, big merchants who demand bigger markets, bankers who are speculating on the coming of the golden age and the next war indemnity--all these regard war as good business.

“最后，还有枪支和装甲板的制造商，需要更大市场的大商人，猜测黄金时代的到来和下一次战争赔款的银行家——所有这些都把战争视为好生意。

"Among the 'Bismarckians' must be reckoned officials of all kinds, represented fairly closely in the Reichstag by the Free Conservatives or Imperial party.

“‘俾斯麦派’中必须包括各类官员，自由保守党或帝国党在国会大厦中的代表相当接近。

This is the party of the 'pensioned,' whose impetuous sentiments are poured out in the 'Post.' They find disciples and political sympathizers in the various groups of young men whose minds have been trained and formed in the public schools and universities.

这是“退休者”的政党，他们的浮躁情绪在《邮报》中倾诉。他们在各种思想在公立学校和大学接受过训练和形成的年轻人中找到了追随者和政治同情者。

"The universities, if we except a few distinguished spirits, develop a warlike philosophy.

“如果我们除了少数杰出人士之外，大学会发展出一种好战的哲学。

Economists demonstrate by statistics Germany's need for a colonial and commercial empire commensurate with the industrial output of the empire.

经济学家通过统计数据证明，德国需要一个与其工业产出相称的殖民和商业帝国。

There are sociological fanatics who go even further.

有些社会学狂热分子甚至走得更远。

The armed peace, so they say, is a crushing burden on the nations; it checks improvement in the lot of the masses and assists the growth of Socialism.

他们说，武装和平是各国的沉重负担。它检查群众生活的改善，促进社会主义的发展。

France, by clinging obstinately to her desire for revenge, opposes disarmament.

法国顽固地坚持复仇的愿望，反对裁军。

Once for all she must be reduced for a century to a state of impotence; that is the best and speediest way of solving the social problem.

她必须一劳永逸地陷入一个世纪的无能状态；这是解决社会问题最好、最快的方法。

"Historians, philosophers, political pamphleteers, and other apologists of German _Kultur_ wish to impose upon the world a way of thinking and feeling specifically German.

“历史学家、哲学家、政治小册子作者和其他德国文化的辩护者希望向世界强加一种德国特有的思维和感受方式。

They wish to wrest from France that intellectual supremacy which, according to the clearest thinkers, is still her possession.

他们希望从法国手中夺取知识分子的霸主地位，根据最清醒的思想家的说法，这种霸主地位仍然属于法国。

From this source is derived the phraseology of the Pan-Germans and the ideas and adherents of the _Kriegsvereine_ [war leagues], _Wehrvereine_, and other similar associations too well known to need particular description.

泛日耳曼人的用语以及“Kriegsvereine”[战争联盟]、“Wehrvereine”和其他类似协会的思想和追随者都源自这一来源，这些协会众所周知，无需特别描述。

It is enough to note that the dissatisfaction caused by the treaty of November 4 has considerably swelled the membership of colonial societies.

值得注意的是，11 月 4 日条约引起的不满已大大增加了殖民地社会的成员数量。

"We come finally to those whose support of the war policy is inspired by rancor and resentment.

“我们终于看到了那些因仇恨和怨恨而支持战争政策的人。

These are the most dangerous.

这些是最危险的。

They are recruited chiefly among diplomatists.

他们主要是在外交官中招募的。

German diplomatists are now in very bad odor in public opinion.

德国外交官现在在公众舆论中的名声非常不好。

The most bitter are those who since 1905 have been engaged in the negotiations between France and Germany; they are heaping together and reckoning up their grievances against us, and one day they will present their accounts in the war press....

最痛苦的是那些自1905年以来一直从事法德谈判的人；他们正在聚集在一起，计算着他们对我们的不满，有一天他们会在战争报刊上公布他们的账目……

"During the discussion on the Army Bill one of these warlike diplomatists exclaimed: 'Germany will not be able to have any serious conversation with France until she has every sound man under arms.'

“在讨论陆军法案时，其中一位好战的外交官惊呼道：‘德国将无法与法国进行任何认真的对话，除非她把所有健全的人都武装起来。’

"In what terms will this conversation be couched?

“这次谈话将以什么方式进行？

The opinion is fairly widely spread, even in Pan-German circles, that Germany will not declare war in view of the system of defensive alliances and the tendencies of the emperor.

即使在泛德意志圈子里，这种观点也相当广泛地传播：鉴于防御联盟体系和皇帝的倾向，德国不会宣战。

But when the moment comes she will have to try in every possible way to force France to attack her.

但当那一刻到来时，她将不得不尽一切可能迫使法国攻击她。

Offense will be given if necessary.

如有必要，将给予冒犯。

That is the Prussian tradition.

这是普鲁士的传统。

"Must war, then, be considered as inevitable?

“那么，战争就一定被认为是不可避免的吗？

"It is hardly likely that Germany will take the risk if France can make it clear to the world that the _Entente Cordiale_ and the Russian alliance are not mere diplomatic fictions but realities which exist and will make themselves felt.

“如果法国能够向世界明确表示，《友好协约》和俄罗斯联盟不仅仅是外交虚构，而是存在且将会被人们感受到的现实，那么德国就不太可能冒险。

The British fleet inspires a wholesome terror.

英国舰队引起了一种有益的恐惧。

It is well known, however, that victory on sea will leave everything in suspense.

然而众所周知，海上胜利将让一切都悬而未决。

On land alone can a decisive issue be obtained.

仅在陆地上就能解决决定性问题。

"As for Russia, even though she carries greater weight in political and military circles than was the case three or four years ago, it is not believed that her cooperation will be sufficiently rapid and energetic to be effective.

“至于俄罗斯，尽管她在政治和军事领域的影响力比三四年前更大，但人们相信她的合作不会足够迅速和有力而有效。

"People's minds are thus getting used to consider the next war as a duel between France and Germany."

“人们的思想因此习惯于将下一场战争视为法国和德国之间的决斗。”

On November 22, 1913, M.

1913 年 11 月 22 日，M.

Cambon, French Ambassador at Berlin, reported to M.

法国驻柏林大使康邦向 M.

Pichon, Minister for Foreign Affairs in Paris, an account of a recent conversation between the Kaiser and the King of the Belgians in the presence of General von Moltke, Chief of the General German Staff, which gravely impressed King Albert.

巴黎外交部长皮雄先生最近在德国总参谋长冯·毛奇将军在场的情况下，记录了德皇与比利时国王之间的一次谈话，给阿尔伯特国王留下了深刻的印象。

It showed that German enmity against France was increasing, and that the Kaiser had ceased to be the friend of peace.

这表明德国对法国的敌意正在加剧，德皇已不再是和平的朋友。

The Kaiser had come to believe that war with France was inevitable; and, when it did come, that German success was certain.

德皇开始相信与法国的战争是不可避免的。当它真正到来时，德国的成功是必然的。

General von Moltke strengthened his sovereign in these opinions:

冯·毛奇将军通过以下观点强化了他的主权：

"This time the matter must be settled, and your majesty can have no conception of the irresistible enthusiasm with which the whole German people will be carried away when that day comes.

“这一次，事情必须得到解决，陛下无法想象，当那一天到来时，整个德国人民将被不可抗拒的热情所感动。

"The king of the Belgians protested that it was a travesty of the intentions of the French Government to interpret them in that sense, and to let oneself be misled as to the sentiments of the French nation by the ebullitions of a few irresponsible spirits or the intrigues of unscrupulous agitators.

“比利时国王抗议说，法国政府从这个意义上解释它们的意图是对法国政府意图的嘲弄，并让自己被少数不负责任的人的热情或不道德的煽动者的阴谋所误导，从而误解了法国民族的感情。

"The emperor and his chief of the General Staff nevertheless persisted in their point of view.

“尽管如此，皇帝和他的总参谋长仍然坚持他们的观点。

"During the course of this conversation the emperor seemed overstrained and irritable.

“在这次谈话过程中，皇帝显得过度紧张和烦躁。

As William II advances in years, family traditions, the reactionary tendencies of the court, and especially the impatience of the soldiers, obtain a greater empire over his mind.

随着威廉二世年岁的增长，家庭传统、宫廷的反动倾向，尤其是士兵的不耐烦，在他的思想中占据了更大的帝国。

Perhaps he feels some slight jealousy of the popularity acquired by his son, who flatters the passions of the Pan-Germans and who does not regard the position occupied by the empire in the world as commensurate with its power.

也许他对他的儿子所获得的声望感到有些嫉妒，他的儿子迎合了泛德意志人的热情，并且不认为帝国在世界上所占据的地位与其实力相称。

Perhaps the reply of France to the last increase of the Germany army, the object of which was to establish the incontestable supremacy of Germany is, to a certain extent, responsible for his bitterness, for, whatever may be said, it is realized that Germany cannot go much further.

也许法国对德国最后一次增兵的回应，其目的是确立德国无可争议的霸主地位，在某种程度上是造成他痛苦的原因，因为，无论怎么说，人们意识到德国不能走得更远。

"One may well ponder over the significance of this conversation.

“人们很可能会思考这次谈话的意义。

The emperor and his chief of the General Staff may have wished to impress the king of the Belgians and induce him not to make any opposition in the event of a conflict between us....

皇帝和他的总参谋长可能希望给比利时国王留下深刻的印象，并劝说他在我们之间发生冲突时不要提出任何反对……

"The Emperor William is less master of his impatience than is usually supposed.

“威廉皇帝并不像人们通常想象的那样缺乏耐心。

I have known him more than once to allow his real thoughts escape him....

我不止一次认识他，让他逃避了他的真实想法……

"If I may be allowed to draw a conclusion I would submit that it would be well to take account of this new factor, namely, that the emperor is becoming used to an order of ideas which were formerly repugnant to him, and that, to borrow from him a phrase which he likes to use, 'we must keep our powder dry.'"

“如果允许我得出结论，我认为最好考虑这个新因素，即皇帝正在习惯他以前所厌恶的一系列思想，借用他喜欢用的一句话，‘我们必须保持我们的火药干燥。’”

[See also letter of M.

[另见 M 的信。

Allizé, French Minister at Munich, of July 10, 1914, in pages following.]

阿利泽，法国驻慕尼黑部长，1914 年 7 月 10 日，见下文。]

The next evidence presented before the court of the world is that by Serbia and her witnesses, the nations thus far, to all appearances, interested solely in maintaining the peace of Europe, as to Serbia's non-responsibility for the assassination of the hereditary Archduke of Austria at Sarajevo, Bosnia, on June 28, 1914, and as to her sincere desire to do all she could, short of impairing her sovereignty and suffering national humiliation; and that by Austria-Hungary and the same witnesses that were brought forward by Serbia as to Serbia's complicity in the assassination, and to Austria-Hungary's right to fix this, and to exact guaranties that Serbia should not in the future prosecute her evil designs against Austria-Hungary.

向世界法庭提交的下一个证据是，塞尔维亚和她的证人，到目前为止，各国都只关心维护欧洲和平，塞尔维亚对 1914 年 6 月 28 日在波斯尼亚萨拉热窝刺杀奥地利世袭大公不负有责任，以及她真诚地希望尽其所能，避免损害其主权和遭受民族耻辱；奥匈帝国和塞尔维亚提出的证人，证明塞尔维亚参与暗杀，奥匈帝国有权解决这一问题，并严格保证塞尔维亚今后不会对奥匈帝国实施其邪恶计划。

THE ASSASSINATION OF THE AUSTRIAN ARCHDUKE

奥地利大公被刺

On June 28, 1914, M.

1914 年 6 月 28 日，M.

Dumaine, French Ambassador at Vienna, reported to M.

法国驻维也纳大使杜曼向 M.

René Viviani, President of the Council and Minister for Foreign Affairs at Paris, the assassination that day of the hereditary Archduke of Austria and his wife at Sarajevo, Bosnia.

巴黎理事会主席兼外交部长勒内·维维亚尼 (René Viviani) 就奥地利世袭大公及其妻子当天在波斯尼亚萨拉热窝遇刺事件发表讲话。

On June 29, 1914, Yov.

1914 年 6 月 29 日，约夫。

M。

Yovanovitch, Serbian Minister at Vienna, telegraphed to M.

塞尔维亚驻维也纳部长约瓦诺维奇致电 M.

N。

Pashitch, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs at Belgrade, that the Vienna press asserted that magisterial inquiry had already shown that the Sarajevo outrage was prepared at Belgrade; that the whole conspiracy in its wider issues was organized there among youths inspired with the great Serbian idea; and that the Belgrade press was exciting public opinion by articles about the intolerable conditions in Bosnia, papers containing which were being smuggled in large quantities into Bosnia.

贝尔格莱德总理兼外交部长帕希奇称，维也纳媒体声称，司法调查已经表明，萨拉热窝的暴行是在贝尔格莱德准备好的；整个阴谋的更广泛的问题是在那里由受伟大塞尔维亚思想启发的年轻人组织起来的；贝尔格莱德媒体通过有关波斯尼亚令人难以忍受的状况的文章激发了公众舆论，其中载有这些内容的报纸被大量偷运到波斯尼亚。

On the same day, June 29, 1914, Ritter von Storck, Secretary of the German Legation at Belgrade, the Austro-Hungarian Minister, Baron Giesl von Gieslingen being absent from his post on leave, reported to Count Berchtold, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in Vienna, the following facts:

1914年6月29日同一天，德国驻贝尔格莱德公使馆秘书里特·冯·斯托克、奥匈帝国公使吉斯尔·冯·吉斯林根男爵因休假缺席，向维也纳外交大臣贝希托尔德伯爵报告了以下事实：

"Yesterday the anniversary of the battle of the Amselfeld was celebrated with greater ceremony than usual, and there were celebrations in honor of the Serbian patriot, Milos Obilic, who in 1389 with two companions treacherously stabbed the victorious Murad.

“昨天，人们以比平常更盛大的仪式庆祝了阿姆塞尔费尔德战役周年纪念日，并举行了纪念塞尔维亚爱国者米洛斯·奥比利奇的庆祝活动，他在 1389 年与两名同伴阴险地刺伤了胜利的穆拉德。

"Among all Serbians, Obilic is regarded as the national hero.

“在所有塞尔维亚人中，奥比利奇被视为民族英雄。

In place of the Turks, however, we are now looked on as the hereditary enemy, thanks to the propaganda which has been nourished under the aegis of the royal Government and the agitation which for many years has been carried on in the press.

然而，由于在王国政府的支持下进行的宣传以及媒体多年来的鼓动，我们现在取代了土耳其人而被视为世袭的敌人。

"A repetition of the drama on the field of Kossovo seems, therefore, to have hovered before the minds of the three young criminals of Sarajevo, Princip, Cabrinovic, and the third person still unknown, who also threw a bomb.

“因此，科索沃战场上的戏剧性事件似乎一直在萨拉热窝的三名年轻罪犯普林西普、卡布里诺维奇和同样投掷炸弹、身份不明的第三人的脑海中盘旋。

They also shot down an innocent woman and may, therefore, think that they have surpassed their model.

他们还射杀了一名无辜的妇女，因此可能认为他们已经超越了他们的模式。

"For many years hatred against the [Dual] Monarchy has been sown in Serbia.

“多年来，对[双]君主制的仇恨已经在塞尔维亚播下。

The crop has sprung up and the harvest is murder.

庄稼已经发芽，收获就是谋杀。

"The news arrived at about five o'clock; the Serbian Government at about ten o'clock caused the Obilic festivities to be officially stopped.

“消息于五点左右传来；十点左右塞尔维亚政府正式停止了奥比利奇庆祝活动。

They continued, however, unofficially for a considerable time after it was dark.

然而，天黑后，他们非正式地继续了相当长的一段时间。

The accounts of eye-witnesses say that people fell into one another's arms in delight, and remarks were heard such as: 'It serves them right; we have been expecting this for a long time,' or 'This is revenge for the annexation [of Bosnia].'"

目击者称，人们高兴地互相拥抱，并听到这样的评论：“这是他们应该做的；这是他们应该做的”。我们对此期待已久”或“这是对[波斯尼亚]吞并的报复。”

On the following day (June 30, 1914), M.

第二天（1914 年 6 月 30 日），M.

Yovanovitch, Serbian Minister at Vienna, warned M.

塞尔维亚驻维也纳部长约万诺维奇 (Yovanovitch) 警告说：

Pashitch, Prime Minister at Belgrade, by telegraph, that the tendency in Vienna was becoming more and more apparent to represent, in the eyes of Europe, the assassination as the act of a conspiracy engineered in Serbia.

贝尔格莱德总理帕希奇在电报中表示，维也纳的趋势越来越明显地表明，在欧洲人看来，这次暗杀是塞尔维亚策划的阴谋行为。

The idea was to use this as a political weapon against Serbia.

这个想法是利用它作为针对塞尔维亚的政治武器。

Great attention should therefore be paid to the tone of the Serbian press.

因此，应该高度关注塞尔维亚媒体的语气。

On the same day (June 30, 1914), Dr. M.

同一天（1914 年 6 月 30 日），M.

Yovanovitch, Chargé d'Affaires in Berlin, in two telegrams informed M.

驻柏林临时代办约万诺维奇在两封电报中通知了 M.

Pashitch that the Berlin press was misleading German public opinion on the outrage; that German hostility toward Serbia was growing, being fostered by false reports from Vienna and Budapest, which were diligently spread in spite of contradictions by some newspapers and news agencies.

帕希奇认为，柏林媒体在这一愤怒事件上误导了德国公众舆论；德国对塞尔维亚的敌意正在与日俱增，维也纳和布达佩斯的虚假报道助长了这些报道，尽管一些报纸和新闻机构相互矛盾，但这些报道仍在不断传播。

On the same day (June 30, 1914), M.

同一天（1914 年 6 月 30 日），M.

Yovanovitch, Serbian Minister at Vienna, reported to M.

塞尔维亚驻维也纳部长约瓦诺维奇向 M.

Pashitch, Prime Minister at Belgrade, a conversation he had held, in the absence of Count Berchtold, Austro-Hungarian Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, with Baron Macchia, Under-Secretary of the Foreign Department.

贝尔格莱德总理帕希奇在奥匈帝国外交大臣贝希托尔德伯爵缺席的情况下与外交部副部长马基亚男爵进行了一次谈话。

In this the Serbian Minister adopted the following line of argument:

对此，塞尔维亚部长采取了以下论点：

"The Royal Serbian Government condemn most energetically the Sarajevo outrage and on their part will certainly most loyally do everything to prove that they will not tolerate within their territory the fostering of any agitation or illegal proceedings calculated to disturb our already delicate relations with Austria-Hungary.

“塞尔维亚王国政府最强烈地谴责萨拉热窝的暴行，并且他们肯定会最忠诚地尽一切努力证明他们不会容忍在其领土内煽动任何旨在扰乱我们与奥匈帝国本已脆弱的关系的煽动或非法诉讼。

I am of opinion that the Government are prepared also to submit to trial any persons implicated in the plot in the event of its being proved that there are any in Serbia.

我认为，如果证明塞尔维亚境内有任何参与该阴谋的人，政府也准备将其送交审判。

The Royal Serbian Government, notwithstanding all the obstacles hitherto placed in their way by Austro-Hungarian diplomacy (creation of an independent Albania, opposition to Serbian access to the Adriatic, demand for revision of the Treaty of Bucharest, the September ultimatum, etc.) remained loyal in their desire to establish a sound basis for our good neighborly relations.

尽管奥匈帝国外交迄今为止设置了种种障碍（建立独立的阿尔巴尼亚、反对塞尔维亚进入亚得里亚海、要求修改《布加勒斯特条约》、九月最后通牒等），塞尔维亚王国政府仍然忠实地渴望为我们的睦邻关系奠定良好的基础。

You know that in this direction something has been done and achieved.

你知道在这个方向上已经做了一些事情并且取得了一些成果。

Serbia intends to continue to work for this object, convinced that it is practicable and ought to be continued.

塞尔维亚打算继续为这一目标而努力，并相信这是可行的并且应该继续下去。

The Sarajevo outrage ought not to and cannot stultify this work."

萨拉热窝的愤怒不应该也不可能使这项工作变得愚蠢。”

M。

Yovanovitch said that he had communicated the substance of this conversation to the French and Russian Ambassadors.

约万诺维奇表示，他已将此次谈话的实质内容传达给法国和俄罗斯大使。

On the same day (June 30, 1914), the Serbian Prime Minister received from M.

同日（1914年6月30日），塞尔维亚总理收到了M.

Georgevitch, Serbian Chargé d'Affaires at Constantinople, the information that the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador there had told him that, in recent conversations, Count Berchtold, the Austro-Hungarian Prime Minister and Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had expressed himself as satisfied with the attitude of the Serbian Government, and desired friendly relations with it.

塞尔维亚驻君士坦丁堡临时代办乔治维奇先生，奥匈驻君士坦丁堡大使告诉他的消息是，奥匈帝国首相兼外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵在最近的谈话中表示，他对塞尔维亚政府的态度感到满意，并希望与塞尔维亚建立友好关系。

On the same day (June 30, 1914), Herr von Storck, Secretary of the German Legation at Belgrade, telegraphed to Count Berchtold that he had asked Herr Gruic, General Secretary of the Serbian Foreign Office, what measures the Royal Serbian police had taken, or proposed to take, to follow up clues to the crime which notoriously were partly to be found in Serbia, and that the reply was that the matter had not yet engaged the attention of the police.

同一天（1914 年 6 月 30 日），德国驻贝尔格莱德公使馆秘书冯·斯托克先生电告贝希托尔德伯爵，称他已向塞尔维亚外交部秘书长格鲁奇先生询问塞尔维亚皇家警察已采取或打算采取哪些措施来追踪这起臭名昭著的犯罪线索，而这些线索部分是在塞尔维亚发现的，答复是此事尚未引起警方的注意。

On July 1, 1914, M.

1914 年 7 月 1 日，M.

Pashitch, Serbian Prime Minister was informed by telegraph from the Serbian Minister in London, M.

塞尔维亚总理帕希奇从塞尔维亚驻伦敦部长的电报中获悉。

S。

Boschkovitch, that, basing their conclusion on Austrian reports, the English press attributed the Sarajevo outrages to Serbian revolutionaries.

博什科维奇表示，英国媒体根据奥地利的报道得出结论，将萨拉热窝的暴行归咎于塞尔维亚革命者。

He was informed by telegraph on the same day, by M.

同一天，M.通过电报通知了他。

Yovanovitch, Serbian Minister at Vienna, of popular hostile demonstrations in front of the Serbian Legation, which were quelled by the police.

塞尔维亚驻维也纳部长约万诺维奇 (Yovanovitch) 表示，塞尔维亚公使馆前发生民众敌对示威活动，但遭到警方镇压。

A Serbian flag was said to have been burned.

据说塞尔维亚国旗被烧毁。

"Hatred against Serbians and Serbia is being spread among the people, especially by the lower Catholic circles, the Vienna press, and military circles.

“对塞尔维亚人和塞尔维亚人的仇恨正在人民中蔓延，特别是天主教下层人士、维也纳媒体和军事界。

Please do what is possible to prevent demonstrations taking place in Serbia, and to induce the Belgrade press to be as moderate as possible in tone....

请尽一切可能阻止塞尔维亚发生示威活动，并促使贝尔格莱德媒体的语气尽可能温和......

It is expected that decision as to the attitude to be adopted toward Serbia and the Serbians will be taken after the funeral [of the archduke]."

预计有关对塞尔维亚和塞尔维亚人采取的态度的决定将在[大公的]葬礼之后做出。”

Thereupon, on the same day (July 1, 1914), M.

于是，在同一天（1914 年 7 月 1 日），M.

Pashitch warned all the Serbian legations at foreign courts of the evident purpose of the Austrian and Hungarian press to take political advantage of the act of a "young and ill-balanced fanatic." All ranks of Serbian society, official and unofficial, he said, condemned the act, recognizing that it would be most prejudicial not only to good relations with Austria-Hungary, but to their coreligionists in that country.

帕希奇警告驻外国法庭的所有塞尔维亚使馆，奥地利和匈牙利媒体的明显目的是利用“年轻且精神失常的狂热分子”的行为获得政治优势。他说，塞尔维亚社会的各个阶层，无论是官方还是非官方，都谴责这一行为，并认识到这不仅最有损于与奥匈帝国的良好关系，而且也最有损于他们在该国的同宗教人士。

"At a moment when Serbia is doing everything in her power to improve her relations with the neighboring monarchy it is absurd to think that Serbia could have directly or indirectly inspired acts of this kind.

“当塞尔维亚正在竭尽全力改善与邻国君主国的关系时，认为塞尔维亚可能直接或间接煽动此类行为的想法是荒谬的。

On the contrary, it was of the greatest interest to Serbia to prevent the perpetration of this outrage.

相反，塞尔维亚最关心的是防止这种暴行的发生。

Unfortunately this did not lie within Serbia's power, as both assassins are Austrian subjects.

不幸的是，这并不属于塞尔维亚的权力范围，因为两名刺客都是奥地利臣民。

Hitherto Serbia has been careful to suppress anarchic elements, and after recent events she will redouble her vigilance, and in the event of such elements existing within her borders will take the severest measures against them.

塞尔维亚迄今一直谨慎镇压无政府分子，经过最近的事件，塞尔维亚将加倍警惕，一旦境内出现此类分子，将对其采取最严厉的措施。

Moreover, Serbia will do everything in her power and use all the means at her disposal in order to restrain the feelings of ill-balanced people within her frontiers.

此外，塞尔维亚将竭尽全力，使用一切可以使用的手段，抑制境内人民不平衡的情绪。

But Serbia can on no account permit the Vienna and Hungarian press to mislead European public opinion and lay the heavy responsibility for a crime committed by an Austrian subject at the door of the whole Serbian nation and on Serbia, who can suffer only harm from such acts....

但塞尔维亚决不能允许维也纳和匈牙利媒体误导欧洲舆论，将奥地利臣民所犯下的罪行归咎于整个塞尔维亚民族和塞尔维亚，而塞尔维亚只能受到这种行为的伤害……

"Please ...

“请...

use all available channels in order to put an end as soon as possible to the anti-Serbian campaign in the European press."

利用一切可用渠道尽快结束欧洲媒体的反塞尔维亚运动。”

On the same day (July 1, 1914), Herr Jehlitschka, Austrian Consul General to Turkey, wrote from Uskub, in European Turkey, to Count Berchtold, Minister of Foreign Affairs at Vienna, of the actions at Prestina on the 525th anniversary of the battle of the Amselfeld (1389), for the first time officially celebrated as the "Festival of the Liberation" of the Serbian nation, and carefully prepared to make it an especially solemn and magnificent demonstration of Serbian nationality.

同一天（1914 年 7 月 1 日），奥地利驻土耳其总领事耶利奇卡先生从土耳其欧洲部分的乌斯库布写信给维也纳外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵，讲述了在阿塞尔费尔德战役（1389 年）525 周年之际在普雷斯蒂纳采取的行动，这是第一次正式庆祝塞尔维亚民族的“解放节”，并精心准备使之成为塞尔维亚民族的一次特别庄严、壮丽的展示。

"The propaganda connected with this at the same time extended to Croatia, Dalmatia, and Bosnia, but especially to Hungary; those who took part in it received free passes on the Serbian state railways; food and lodging at low prices, maintenance by public bodies, etc., were promised....

“与此相关的宣传同时扩展到克罗地亚、达尔马提亚和波斯尼亚，尤其是匈牙利；参加活动的人可以获得塞尔维亚国家铁路的免费通行证；承诺提供低价食品和住宿、公共机构的维护等等......

"The various speeches ...

“各种演讲...

dealt ...

处理...

with the well-known theme of the union of all Serbia and the 'liberation of our brethren in bondage' beyond the Danube and the Save, even as far as Bosnia and Dalmatia.

众所周知的主题是全塞尔维亚的联盟和“解放我们受奴役的弟兄”，越过多瑙河和拯救地区，甚至远至波斯尼亚和达尔马提亚。

"When, during the course of the evening, the news of the horrible crime of which Sarajevo had been the scene was circulated, the feeling which animated the fanatical crowd was, to judge by the numerous expressions of applause reported to me by authorities in whom I have absolute confidence, one that I can only characterize as inhuman.

“当晚，当萨拉热窝发生的可怕罪行的消息传开时，狂热人群的一种感觉是，从我绝对信任的当局向我报告的无数掌声来看，我只能将其描述为不人道。

"In view of this attitude of the population, which was also displayed at Uskub, all attempts of the Serbian press to divest Serbia of the moral responsibility for a deed which was received by a representative gathering with such unvarnished satisfaction collapse miserably."

“考虑到民众在乌斯库布也表现出的这种态度，塞尔维亚媒体试图剥夺塞尔维亚对这一行为的道德责任的所有企图都惨遭失败，而代表大会对此表示满意。”

On July 2, 1914, M.

1914 年 7 月 2 日，M.

Dumaine, French Ambassador at Vienna, reported to M.

法国驻维也纳大使杜曼向 M.

Viviani, Prime Minister in Paris, the resentment against Serbia in Austrian military circles and by those persons opposed to Serbia's maintenance of the position she had acquired in the Balkans.

巴黎总理维维亚尼表示，奥地利军界以及那些反对塞尔维亚维持其在巴尔干地区所获得地位的人士对塞尔维亚的不满。

If the Serbian Government refused as intolerable to its dignity the demand of Austria-Hungary that the Serbian Government investigate into the origin of the archduke's assassination, he feared that this would furnish Austria-Hungary a ground for resort to military measures.

如果塞尔维亚政府以无法容忍的方式拒绝奥匈帝国要求塞尔维亚政府调查大公被暗杀的根源的要求，他担心这将为奥匈帝国诉诸军事措施提供理由。

On the same day (July 2, 1914), Dr. M.

同一天（1914 年 7 月 2 日），M.

R。

Vesnitch, Serbian Minister at Paris, telegraphed to M.

塞尔维亚驻巴黎部长韦斯尼奇致电 M.

Pashitch, Prime Minister at Belgrade, that the French Government advised Serbia to remain calm, in official circles as well as in public opinion.

贝尔格莱德总理帕希奇表示，法国政府建议塞尔维亚在官方和公众舆论中保持冷静。

On July 3, 1914, M.

1914 年 7 月 3 日，M.

Yovanovitch, Serbian Minister at Vienna, sent two reports to M.

塞尔维亚驻维也纳部长约万诺维奇向米勒先生发送了两份报告。

Pashitch, Prime Minister at Belgrade, the first containing an account of a mob which gathered before the Serbian Legation on July 2, on account of his having hoisted the national flag at half-mast as a sign of mourning; the bodies of the victims of the Sarajevo tragedy having been brought that day to the Austrian capital.

贝尔格莱德总理帕希奇，第一篇报道了 7 月 2 日，一群暴徒聚集在塞尔维亚使馆前，因为他降半旗以示哀悼；萨拉热窝悲剧遇难者的遗体已于当天运抵奥地利首都。

The police dispersed the mob.

警察驱散了暴徒。

The papers of July 3, under the heading of "Provocation by the Serbian Minister," falsely described the incident.

7月3日的报纸以“塞尔维亚部长的挑衅”为标题，错误地描述了这一事件。

The minister mentioned by name leading instigators of attacks in the Austrian and German press on Serbia as haranguing the crowd.

这位部长在对人群进行长篇大论时点名指出了奥地利和德国媒体上攻击塞尔维亚的主要煽动者的名字。

In the second letter he reported a conversation he had had with Baron Macchio, Austro-Hungarian Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, in which the Baron severely censured the Belgrade press for its antimonarchical propaganda, and, implicitly, the Serbian Government for not controlling the press.

在第二封信中，他讲述了他与奥匈帝国外交部副部长马基奥男爵的一次谈话，马基奥男爵在谈话中严厉谴责贝尔格莱德媒体的反君主制宣传，并含蓄地批评塞尔维亚政府不控制媒体。

The Serbian Minister had replied that the press was free, and that there was no means of curbing it except by going to law; and, in rejoinder, he censured the Austro-Hungarian Government, which could control the press of its empire, for permitting it shamefully to attack Serbia by accusing the whole nation of being an accomplice in the Sarajevo crime.

塞尔维亚部长回答说，新闻界是自由的，除了诉诸法律之外没有任何办法可以限制它；作为反驳，他谴责奥匈帝国政府，因为它可以控制其帝国的新闻界，却允许它通过指责整个国家是萨拉热窝罪行的同谋来无耻地攻击塞尔维亚。

Baron Macchio had replied: "We accuse only those who encourage the Great Serbian scheme, and work for the realization of its object." Yovanovitch had rejoined that, till the assassination, Bosnia Serbs had been uniformly called "Bosniaks," yet the assassin was now described as "a Serb," and no mention was made that he was a Bosnian and an Austrian subject.

马基奥男爵回答说：“我们只指责那些鼓励大塞尔维亚计划并为实现其目标而努力的人。”约万诺维奇补充说，在暗杀发生之前，波斯尼亚塞族人一直被统一称为“波斯尼亚人”，但暗杀者现在被描述为“塞尔维亚人”，并且没有提及他是波斯尼亚人和奥地利人。

This was evidently to cast odium upon Serbia.

这显然是在贬低塞尔维亚。

On July 4, 1914, Dr. M.

1914 年 7 月 4 日，M.

R。

Vesnitch, Serbian Minister at Paris, reported to M.

塞尔维亚驻巴黎部长韦斯尼奇向 M.

Pashitch, Prime Minister at Belgrade, a recent conversation with M.

贝尔格莱德总理帕希奇最近与 M.

Viviani, the new French Minister for Foreign Affairs, on the Sarajevo incident.

法国新任外交部长维维亚尼谈萨拉热窝事件。

"I described to him briefly the causes which had led to the outrage and which were to be found, in the first place, in the irksome system of Government in force in the annexed provinces, and especially in the attitude of the officials, as well as in the whole policy of the monarchy toward anything orthodox.

“我向他简要描述了导致愤怒的原因，这些原因首先在于附属省份现行的令人讨厌的政府制度，特别是官员的态度，以及君主制对任何正统事物的整个政策。

He understood the situation, but at the same time expressed the hope that we should preserve an attitude of calm and dignity in order to avoid giving cause for fresh accusations in Vienna.

他理解目前的情况，但同时表示希望我们保持冷静和尊严的态度，以免在维也纳引发新的指责。

"After the first moment of excitement public opinion here has quieted down to such an extent that the minister-president himself considered it advisable in the Palais de Bourbon to soften the expressions used in the statement which he had made earlier on the subject in the Senate."

“在最初的兴奋时刻之后，这里的舆论已经平静下来，以至于部长兼总统本人认为，在波旁宫最好软化他早些时候在参议院就该主题发表的声明中使用的措辞。”

On the same day (July 4, 1914), Dr. M.

同一天（1914 年 7 月 4 日），M.

Spalaikovitch, Serbian Minister at Petrograd,[1] telegraphed to M.

塞尔维亚驻彼得格勒部长斯帕莱科维奇[1]发电报给 M.

Pashitch, Prime Minister at Belgrade, that the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, M.

贝尔格莱德总理帕希奇表示，俄罗斯外交部长 M.

Sazonof, had expressed his opinion that the outrages upon the Serbs in Bosnia would increase the sympathy of Europe for Serbia; that the accusations made in Vienna would not obtain credence and that therefore Serbia should remain calm.

萨佐诺夫曾表达过他的观点，即对波斯尼亚塞族人的暴行将增加欧洲对塞尔维亚的同情；维也纳提出的指控不会得到证实，因此塞尔维亚应保持冷静。

[Footnote 1: Although the name St. Petersburg was not changed officially to Petrograd until after the outbreak of the war, the latter name is used uniformly in the Serbian Blue Book and Russian Orange Book.]

[脚注1：虽然圣彼得堡这个名字直到战争爆发后才正式改为彼得格勒，但后者在塞尔维亚蓝皮书和俄罗斯橙皮书中统一使用。]

On the same day (July 4, 1914), Count Szécsen, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at Paris, telegraphed to Count Berchtold, Minister for Foreign Affairs at Vienna, that, in officially thanking M.

同一天（1914 年 7 月 4 日），奥匈帝国驻巴黎大使塞克森伯爵致电维也纳外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵，正式感谢奥匈帝国驻巴黎大使米歇尔·奥匈帝国。

Poincaré for his sympathy over the Sarajevo tragedy, the President had excused the hostile demonstrations against Serbia by citing those against all Italians in France after the assassination of President Carnot.

庞加莱总统对萨拉热窝悲剧表示同情，他引用了卡诺总统被刺杀后针对法国所有意大利人的示威活动，为针对塞尔维亚的敌对示威活动辩解。

"I drew his attention to the fact that that crime had no connection with any anti-French agitation in Italy, while in the present case it must be admitted that for years past there has been an agitation in Serbia against the [Dual] Monarchy fomented by every means, legitimate and illegitimate.

“我提请他注意这一事实，即该罪行与意大利的任何反法煽动无关，而在本案中，必须承认，过去几年来，塞尔维亚一直通过各种合法和非法手段煽动反对[双]君主制的骚乱。

"In conclusion, M.

“总而言之，M.

Poincaré expressed his conviction that the Serbian Government would meet us with the greatest willingness in the judicial investigation and the prosecution of the accomplices.

庞加莱表示相信，塞尔维亚政府将最愿意与我们会面，进行司法调查并起诉同谋。

No state could divest itself of this duty."

任何国家都不能放弃这项义务。”

On the same day (July 4, 1914), M.

同一天（1914 年 7 月 4 日），M.

de Manneville, French Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin, reported to M.

法国驻柏林临时代办德·曼内维尔 (de Manneville) 向 M.

Viviani, President of the Council in Paris, a conversation with Herr von Zimmermann, German Under-Secretary of State, in which von Zimmermann had expressed the hope that Serbia would satisfy Austria's demands with regard to the investigation and prosecution of the accomplices in the crime of Sarajevo.

安理会主席维维亚尼在巴黎与德国副国务卿冯·齐默尔曼先生交谈，冯·齐默尔曼先生在谈话中表示希望塞尔维亚满足奥地利关于调查和起诉萨拉热窝罪行同谋的要求。

Otherwise she would be condemned by the whole civilized world.

否则她就会受到整个文明世界的谴责。

"The German Government do not then appear to share the anxiety which is shown by a part of the German press as to possible tension in the relations between the Governments of Vienna and Belgrade, or at least they do not wish to seem to do so."

“德国政府似乎并不像部分德国媒体那样对维也纳和贝尔格莱德政府之间关系可能出现紧张局势感到焦虑，或者至少他们不希望这样做。”

Two days later (July 6, 1914), M.

两天后（1914 年 7 月 6 日），M.

Paléologue, French Ambassador at St. Petersburg, reported to M.

法国驻圣彼得堡大使帕莱奥洛格向 M.

Viviani, Prime Minister at Paris, a recent interview which M.

巴黎总理维维亚尼 (Viviani) 最近接受采访。

Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, had had with Count Czernin, the Austro-Hungarian Chargé d'Affaires at the request of the latter.

应奥匈帝国临时代办切尔宁伯爵的要求，俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫与后者进行了会面。

The Count intimated that the Austro-Hungarian Government would perhaps be compelled to search for the instigators of the crime of Sarajevo on Serbian soil.

伯爵暗示，奥匈帝国政府可能会被迫在塞尔维亚领土上搜寻萨拉热窝罪行的煽动者。

M。

Sazonof interjected:

萨佐诺夫插话道：

"No country has had to suffer more than Russia from crimes prepared on foreign territory.

“没有哪个国家像俄罗斯一样因在外国领土上策划的犯罪而遭受更多的痛苦。

Have we ever claimed to employ in any country whatsoever the procedure with which your papers threaten Serbia?

我们是否曾经声称在任何国家采用了你们的文件威胁塞尔维亚的程序？

Do not embark on such a course."

不要走上这样的道路。”

On the same day (July 6, 1914), M.

同一天（1914 年 7 月 6 日），M.

Yov.

哟。

M。

Yovanovitch, Serbian Minister at Vienna, telegraphed to M.

塞尔维亚驻维也纳部长约瓦诺维奇致电 M.

Pashitch, Prime Minister at Belgrade, that the excitement in military and government circles against Serbia was growing, owing to the tone of the press, which was diligently exploited by the Austro-Hungarian Legation at Belgrade.

贝尔格莱德总理帕希奇表示，由于新闻界的言论被奥匈帝国驻贝尔格莱德公使馆不断利用，军事和政府界对塞尔维亚的反对情绪日益高涨。

On the same date he informed the Prime Minister in detail of the press agitation against Serbia.

同一天，他向总理详细通报了媒体针对塞尔维亚的煽动行为。

By headlines the people were led to infer, on the date of the crime of Sarajevo, that the two perpetrators were Serbs from Serbia proper.

根据头条新闻，人们在萨拉热窝犯罪当天推断，两名肇事者是来自塞尔维亚本土的塞族人。

In later reports there was a marked tendency to connect the crime with Serbia.

在后来的报道中，有明显的倾向将这起犯罪事件与塞尔维亚联系起来。

Belgrade was indicated as the place of its origin by the visit to that capital of the assassins, and by the bombs originating there, which facts had been elucidated at the trial of the assassins in Sarajevo.

贝尔格莱德被认为是刺客首都的访问以及源自那里的炸弹的起源地，这些事实已在萨拉热窝对刺客的审判中得到澄清。

The Hungarian press claimed that there was evidence to show:

匈牙利媒体声称有证据表明：

"1.

“1.

That the perpetrators while in Belgrade associated with the _comitadji_ [revolutionist] Mihaylo Ciganovitch; and (2) that the organizer and instigator of the outrage was Major Pribitchevitch....

肇事者在贝尔格莱德与 _comitadji_ [革命者] Mihaylo Ciganovitch 有联系；（2）这次暴行的组织者和煽动者是普里比奇维奇少校……

"Further ...

“进一步...

the latest announcement which the Hungarian _Korrespondenzbureau_ made to the newspapers stated:

匈牙利通讯局向报纸发布的最新公告称：

"'The inquiries made up to the present prove conclusively that this outrage is the work of a conspiracy.

“‘目前进行的调查最终证明，这种暴行是一场阴谋所为。

Besides the two perpetrators, a large number of persons have been arrested, mostly young men, who are also, like the perpetrators, proved to have been employed by the Belgrade Narodna Odbrana in order to commit the outrage, and who were supplied in Belgrade with bombs and revolvers.' [This item was later recalled.]

除了两名肇事者之外，还有大量人员被捕，其中大部分是年轻人，他们也和肇事者一样，被证明是受贝尔格莱德国民党雇佣来实施暴行的，并在贝尔格莱德向他们提供了炸弹和左轮手枪。 [该项目后来被召回。]

"At the same time the Vienna _Korrespondenzbureau_ published the following official statement:

“与此同时，维也纳_Korrespondenzbureau_发表了以下官方声明：

"'We learn from authoritative quarters that the inquiries relating to the outrage are being kept absolutely secret.

“‘我们从权威人士处获悉，与这次愤怒事件有关的调查是绝对保密的。

All the details, therefore, which have appeared in the public press should be accepted with reserve.'

因此，公众媒体上出现的所有细节都应该有保留地接受。

"Nevertheless the Budapest newspapers continued to publish alleged reports on the inquiry.

“尽管如此，布达佩斯报纸仍继续发表有关调查的涉嫌报道。

In the last 'report' of the Budapest newspaper 'A Nap,' which was reprinted in yesterday's Vienna papers, the tendency to lay the responsibility for the outrage on the Narodna Odbrana is still further emphasized.

昨天维也纳报纸转载的布达佩斯报纸《午睡》的最后一篇“报道”中，进一步强调了将这次暴行归咎于国民党的倾向。

According to this report the accused Gabrinovitch had stated that General Yankovitch is the chief instigator of the outrage."

根据这份报告，被告加布里诺维奇曾表示，扬科维奇将军是这次暴行的主要煽动者。”

On the same day Herr Hoflehner, Austro-Hungarian Consular Agent at Nish, Serbia, wrote to Count Berchtold, Minister of Foreign Affairs at Vienna, of the satisfaction and even joy expressed, especially in the leading circles, over the crime at Sarajevo.

同一天，奥匈帝国驻塞尔维亚尼什领事代表霍夫莱纳先生写信给维也纳外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵，表达了对萨拉热窝犯罪事件的满意甚至喜悦，尤其是在领导层。

On the next day (July 7, 1914), M.

第二天（1914 年 7 月 7 日），M.

Yov.

哟。

M。

Yovanovitch, Serbian Minister at Vienna, wrote to M.

塞尔维亚驻维也纳部长约万诺维奇写信给M.

Pashitch, Prime Minister at Belgrade, that, though Emperor Francis Joseph had appealed to the Prime Ministers of Austria (Count Berchtold) and of Hungary (Count Tisza), and to the Minister of Finance (Herr Bilinski) for calmness, it was impossible to tell what attitude toward Serbia the Government would take.

贝尔格莱德总理帕希奇表示，尽管弗朗西斯·约瑟夫皇帝已呼吁奥地利总理（贝希托尔德伯爵）和匈牙利总理（蒂萨伯爵）以及财政部长（比林斯基先生）保持冷静，但无法判断政府会对塞尔维亚采取什么态度。

"For them one thing is obvious; whether it is proved or not that the outrage has been inspired and prepared at Belgrade, they must sooner or later solve the question of the so-called Great Serbian agitation within the Hapsburg Monarchy.

“对他们来说，有一件事是显而易见的：无论是否证明贝尔格莱德的暴行已被激发和准备，他们迟早必须解决哈布斯堡王朝内部所谓的塞尔维亚大骚乱问题。

In what manner they will do this and what means they will employ to that end has not as yet been decided; this is being discussed especially in high Catholic and military circles.

他们将以什么方式做到这一点以及为此使用什么手段尚未决定；尤其是天主教高层和军事界正在讨论这一问题。

The ultimate decision will be taken only after it has been definitely ascertained what the inquiry at Sarajevo has brought to light....

只有在明确确定萨拉热窝调查的真相之后才会做出最终决定……

"Austria-Hungary has to choose one of the following courses: either to regard the Sarajevo outrage as a national misfortune and a crime which ought to be dealt with in accordance with the evidence obtained, in which case Serbia's cooperation ...

“奥匈帝国必须选择以下方案之一：要么将萨拉热窝的暴行视为国家不幸和犯罪行为，应根据所获得的证据予以处理，在这种情况下，塞尔维亚予以合作......

will be requested in order to prevent the perpetrators escaping the extreme penalty; or, to treat the Sarajevo outrage as a Pan-Serbian, South-Slav, and Pan-Slav conspiracy with every manifestation of the hatred, hitherto repressed, against Slavdom.

会被要求，以防止犯罪者逃脱极刑；或者，将萨拉热窝的暴行视为泛塞尔维亚、南斯拉夫和泛斯拉夫的阴谋，其中表现出迄今为止一直受到压抑的针对斯拉夫统治的仇恨。

There are many indications that influential circles are being urged to adopt the latter course: it is, therefore, advisable to be ready for defense.

有许多迹象表明，有影响力的圈子正在被敦促采取后一种做法：因此，建议做好防御准备。

Should the former and wiser course be adopted, we should do all we can to meet Austrian wishes in this respect."

如果采取前一种更明智的做法，我们应该尽一切努力满足奥地利在这方面的愿望。”

On July 9, 1914, M.

1914 年 7 月 9 日，M.

Pashitch telegraphed to all the foreign Serbian Legations that the Austro-Hungarian Crown Prince Alexander was receiving daily threatening letters from Austro-Hungarians, and that they should make use of this information with other foreign ministers and journalists.

帕希奇向所有驻外塞尔维亚使馆发电报称，奥匈帝国王储亚历山大每天都会收到奥匈帝国人的威胁信，他们应该向其他外交部长和记者利用这一信息。

On July 10, 1914, M.

1914 年 7 月 10 日，M.

Allizé, French Minister In Munich, wrote to M.

法国驻慕尼黑公使阿利泽写信给 M.

Pichon, Minister for Foreign Affairs in Paris, that the Bavarians were asking the object of the new German armaments.

巴黎外交部长皮雄表示，巴伐利亚人正在询问德国新军备的目的。

"Recognizing that no one threatens Germany, they consider that German diplomacy had already at its disposal forces sufficiently large and alliances sufficiently powerful to protect German interests with success."

“他们认识到没有人威胁德国，认为德国外交已经拥有足够大的力量和足够强大的联盟，可以成功保护德国的利益。”

Nevertheless, public opinion will support the Imperial Government in any enterprise in which they might energetically embark, even at the risk of conflict.

然而，公众舆论将支持帝国政府积极开展的任何事业，即使冒着冲突的风险。

"The state of war to which all the events in the East have accustomed people's minds for the last two years appears no longer like some distant catastrophe, but as a solution of the political and economic difficulties which will continue to increase."

“过去两年来，东方发生的所有事件已经让人们习惯了战争状态，这不再像一场遥远的灾难，而是作为将继续增加的政治和经济困难的解决方案。”

On July 11, 1914, M.

1914 年 7 月 11 日，M.

d'Apchier-le-Maugin, French Consul General at Budapest, reported to M.

法国驻布达佩斯总领事 d'Apchier-le-Maugin 向 M.

Vivian, Prime Minister at Paris, that Count Tisza, Hungarian Prime Minister, had refused to make to the Hungarian Chamber any disclosures on the Sarajevo incident until the judicial inquiry was closed.

巴黎总理维维安表示，在司法调查结束之前，匈牙利总理蒂萨伯爵拒绝向匈牙利议会透露有关萨拉热窝事件的任何信息。

The chamber approved.

商会批准了。

"He did not give any indication whether the project of a _démarche_ [proceeding] at Belgrade, with which all the papers of both hemispheres are full, would be followed up."

“他没有给出任何迹象表明是否会跟进在贝尔格莱德进行的《外交报告》项目，两个半球的所有文件都已提交该项目。”

The virulence of the Hungarian press has diminished, and the papers are unanimous in advising against this step, which might be dangerous.

匈牙利媒体的毒力已经减弱，报纸一致建议不要采取这一可能很危险的步骤。

"The semiofficial press especially would desire that for the word '_démarche_,' with its appearance of a threat, there should be substituted the expression '_pourparlers_' [conversations], which appears to them more friendly.

“半官方媒体特别希望用‘_démarche_’这个词来代替它，因为它看起来带有威胁，应该用‘_pourparlers_’（对话）来代替，这对他们来说似乎更友好。

"The general public, however, fears war.

“然而，公众害怕战争。

It is said that every day cannon and ammunition were being sent in large quantities toward the frontier....

据说每天都有大量的大炮和弹药被运往边境……

The Government, whether it is sincerely desirous of peace, or whether it is _preparing a coup_, is now doing all that it can to allay these anxieties....

政府，无论是真诚地渴望和平，还是“准备政变”，现在都在尽其所能来减轻这些焦虑……

Their optimism to order is, in fact, without an echo; the nervousness of the Bourse, a barometer which cannot be neglected, is a sure proof of this; without exception, stocks have fallen to an unaccountably low level."

事实上，他们对秩序的乐观态度没有得到回应。交易所这一不可忽视的晴雨表的紧张情绪就是一个明确的证明。无一例外，库存都跌到了令人难以置信的低水平。”

On July 14, 1914, Dr. M.

1914 年 7 月 14 日，M.

Yovanovitch, Serbian Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin, telegraphed to M.

塞尔维亚驻柏林临时代办约万诺维奇 (Yovanovitch) 发电报给 M.

Pashitch, Prime Minister at Belgrade, that Herr von Jagow, German Secretary of State, had told him that Austria-Hungary, as a great power, could not tolerate the provocative attitude of the Serbian press.

贝尔格莱德总理帕希奇称，德国国务卿冯雅戈先生告诉他，奥匈帝国作为一个大国，不能容忍塞尔维亚媒体的挑衅态度。

On the same day M.

同一天，M.

Yov.

哟。

Yovanovitch, Serbian Minister at Vienna, wrote M.

塞尔维亚驻维也纳部长约万诺维奇 (Yovanovitch) 写道：

Pashitch that the Literary Bureau of the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Office, which supplied the press with material and set its tone, was exciting opinion against Serbia.

帕希奇认为，奥匈帝国外交部文学局向媒体提供材料并定下基调，对塞尔维亚提出了令人兴奋的观点。

Official German circles in Vienna were especially ill disposed toward Serbia.

维也纳的德国官方圈子对塞尔维亚尤其不好。

The "Neue Freie Presse," under instructions from the Vienna Press Bureau, summarized the feeling:

受维也纳新闻局指示的《新自由报》总结了这种感觉：

"We have to settle matters with Serbia by war; it is evident that peaceable means are of no avail.

“我们必须通过战争来解决与塞尔维亚的问题；显然，和平手段是无济于事的。

And if it must come to war sooner or later, then it is better to see the matter through now.

如果迟早要爆发战争，那么最好现在就解决这个问题。

"The Bourse is very depressed.

“交易所非常沮丧。

There has not been such a fall in prices In Vienna for a long time."

维也纳的房价已经很长时间没有出现过如此下跌了。”

On the same day, July 14, 1914, M.

同一天，1914 年 7 月 14 日，M.

Pashitch sent two letters to all the foreign Serbian Legations.

帕希奇向所有外国塞尔维亚使馆发出了两封信。

In the first letter he gave specific illustrations of misinformation by the Austro-Hungarian press such as that Austro-Hungarian subjects were maltreated in Belgrade, and were now panic-stricken, and that there had been a demonstration against the Austrian Minister at the funeral of Dr. Hartwig, the Russian Minister.

在第一封信中，他具体说明了奥匈媒体的错误信息，例如奥匈帝国臣民在贝尔格莱德受到虐待，现在惊慌失措，在俄罗斯部长哈特维希博士的葬礼上发生了反对奥地利部长的示威活动。

There was no foundation whatever for these statements.

这些说法没有任何根据。

In the second letter he notified the Legations that the Austro-Hungarian news bureaus, the channel of Serbian news to the world, misrepresented, through garbling extracts, the tone of the Belgrade press, and that all Serbian papers were forbidden entry into Austria-Hungary.

在第二封信中，他通知使馆，奥匈帝国新闻局，即塞尔维亚向世界传播新闻的渠道，通过乱码摘录歪曲了贝尔格莱德媒体的基调，并禁止所有塞尔维亚报纸进入奥匈帝国。

"With us the press is absolutely free.

“对我们来说，新闻是绝对自由的。

Newspapers can be confiscated only for _lèse-majesté_ or for revolutionary propaganda; in all other cases confiscation is illegal.

报纸只能因“亵渎君主”或革命宣传而被没收；在所有其他情况下，没收都是非法的。

There is no censorship of newspapers."

报纸没有审查制度。”

Accordingly the Serbian foreign ministers were instructed to give out information that the Serbian Government lacked the power to control the newspapers, and further to spread knowledge of the fact that it was Austro-Hungarian papers which originated all the controversies, while the Serbian ones only replied.

因此，塞尔维亚外交部长被指示发布信息，表明塞尔维亚政府缺乏控制报纸的权力，并进一步传播这样的事实：奥匈报纸引发了所有争议，而塞尔维亚报纸只做出了回应。

There was no desire in Serbia to provoke Austria-Hungary.

塞尔维亚无意激怒奥匈帝国。

On July 15, 1914, M.

1914 年 7 月 15 日，M.

Yov.

哟。

Yovanovitch, Serbian Minister at Vienna, reported to M.

塞尔维亚驻维也纳部长约瓦诺维奇向 M.

Pashitch, Prime Minister at Belgrade, that the Ministers of the Dual Monarchy had been consulting about the Sarajevo incident, and that it appeared nothing was decided.

贝尔格莱德总理帕希奇表示，双重君主制国家的部长们一直在就萨拉热窝事件进行磋商，但似乎尚未做出任何决定。

Count Berchtold, the Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, had gone to Ischl, where Emperor Francis Joseph was recovering from the shock of the assassination, to report to him.

奥匈帝国外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵前往伊舍尔向弗朗索瓦·约瑟夫皇帝汇报情况，当时弗朗西斯·约瑟夫皇帝正在那里从刺杀的震惊中恢复过来。

Count Tisza, the Hungarian Prime Minister, had replied evasively to interpellations made in the Hungarian Parliament by the Opposition.

匈牙利总理蒂萨伯爵对反对派向匈牙利议会提出的质询做出了闪烁其辞的答复。

Owing to the absence on leave from his post of the War Minister and his chief of staff, the Bourse had recovered.

由于他担任陆军部长和参谋长的职务没有休假，交易所已经恢复过来。

"One thing is certain: Austria-Hungary will take diplomatic steps at Belgrade as soon as the magisterial inquiry at Sarajevo is completed and the matter submitted to the court."

“有一件事是肯定的：一旦萨拉热窝的司法调查完成并将此事提交给法院，奥匈帝国将在贝尔格莱德采取外交措施。”

In a second letter of the same date M.

在同一日期的第二封信中，M.

Yovanovitch reported to M.

约万诺维奇向 M 报告。

Pashitch that it was thought that the inquiry had not produced sufficient evidence to justify officially accusing Serbia more than for tolerating in her borders certain revolutionary elements.

帕希奇认为，调查没有提供足够的证据来证明正式指控塞尔维亚的合理性，而不仅仅是容忍其境内的某些革命分子。

Austro-Hungarian methods were criticized in diplomatic circles and the Serbian attitude was commended as in accord with the dignity of a nation.

奥匈帝国的做法在外交界受到批评，而塞尔维亚的态度则受到称赞，认为符合国家尊严。

"In spite of the fact that it appears that the German Foreign Office does not approve of the anti-Serbian policy of Vienna, the German Embassy here is at this very moment encouraging such a policy."

“尽管德国外交部似乎并不赞同维也纳的反塞尔维亚政策，但德国大使馆此时此刻却鼓励这样的政策。”

In a third letter of the same date M.

在同一日期的第三封信中，M.

Yovanovitch informed the Prime Minister that it appeared that Austria-Hungary would not invite the Serbian Government to assist her in discovering and punishing the culprits of the Sarajevo crime, but would make it a case against Serbia and the Serbians, or even against the Jugo-Slavs (on her own border), looking in this for the approval of Europe, which would prepare the way for the sharp reactionary measures she contemplated to take internally to suppress the great Serbian propaganda and the Jugo-Slav idea.

约万诺维奇告诉总理，奥匈帝国似乎不会邀请塞尔维亚政府协助她发现和惩罚萨拉热窝罪行的罪魁祸首，而是将其作为针对塞尔维亚和塞尔维亚人，甚至针对南斯拉夫人（在她自己的边界上）的案件，寻求欧洲的批准，这将为她打算在国内采取的严厉反动措施铺平道路，以镇压塞尔维亚伟大的宣传和战争。南斯拉夫的想法。

The Government must take some action for the sake of its prestige at home as well as abroad....

为了在国内外的威望，政府必须采取一些行动......

The accusation against Serbia will extend from April, 1909, to the present.

对塞尔维亚的指控将从1909年4月一直延续至今。

Austria-Hungary will claim to the powers that the facts developed therein give her the right to take diplomatic steps at Belgrade, and demand that Serbia in future act as a loyal neighbor.

奥匈帝国将声称其所掌握的事实赋予其在贝尔格莱德采取外交措施的权利，并要求塞尔维亚今后充当忠实的邻国。

Austria-Hungary will ask Serbia to accept unconditionally her demands.

奥匈帝国将要求塞尔维亚无条件接受她的要求。

On the same day, July 15, 1914, M.

1914 年 7 月 15 日同一天，M.

Dumaine, French Ambassador at Vienna, reported to M.

法国驻维也纳大使杜曼向 M.

Viviani, Prime Minister at Paris, that certain press organs in Vienna, specifically the "Militärische Rundschau," represented France and Russia as incapable of holding their own in European affairs, and that Austria-Hungary, with the support of Germany, could therefore subject Serbia to any treatment she pleased.

巴黎总理维维亚尼表示，维也纳的某些新闻机构，特别是《军事评论报》，认为法国和俄罗斯在欧洲事务中没有能力保持自己的立场，因此奥匈帝国在德国的支持下可以让塞尔维亚受到她愿意的任何待遇。

The "Rundschau" argued that now was the most propitious time for the war in which Austria-Hungary would have to engage in two or three years at the latest.

《评论报》认为，现在是战争的最佳时机，奥匈帝国最迟要打两三年。

"At this moment the initiative rests with us: Russia is not ready, moral factors and right are on our side, as well as might.

“目前主动权在于我们：俄罗斯还没有准备好，道德因素和权利以及实力都站在我们一边。

Since we shall have to accept the contest some day, let us provoke it at once.

既然有一天我们必须接受这场竞赛，那就让我们立即挑起这场竞赛吧。

Our prestige, our position as a great power, our honor, are in question; and yet more, for it would seem that our very existence is concerned....

我们的威望、我们作为大国的地位、我们的荣誉都受到质疑；更重要的是，因为我们的存在似乎与我们的存在息息相关......

"Surpassing itself, the 'Neue Freie Presse' of to-day reproaches Count Tisza for the moderation of his second speech, in which he said: 'Our relations with Serbia require, however, to be made clear.' These words rouse its indignation.

“今天的‘新自由报’超越了自身，指责蒂萨伯爵在第二次讲话中态度温和，他在讲话中说：‘然而，我们与塞尔维亚的关系需要澄清。’这些话激起了其愤慨。

For it tranquillity and security can result only from a _war to the knife_ against Pan-Serbism, and it is in the name of humanity that it demands the extermination of the cursed Serbian race."

对它来说，安宁和安全只能通过反对泛塞尔维亚主义的“刀锋战争”来实现，并且它以人类的名义要求消灭被诅咒的塞尔维亚种族。”

On July 16, 1914, Dr. Yovanovitch, Serbian Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin, telegraphed to M.

1914 年 7 月 16 日，塞尔维亚驻柏林临时代办约万诺维奇 (Yovanovitch) 博士致电给 M.

Pashitch, Prime Minister at Belgrade, that Secretary of State Von Jagow had informed him that reports of the German Minister at Belgrade pointed to the existence of a great Serbian propaganda, which should be energetically suppressed by the Serbian Government in the interest of good relations with Austria-Hungary.

贝尔格莱德总理帕希奇说，国务卿冯·雅戈告诉他，德国驻贝尔格莱德部长的报告指出，塞尔维亚存在着巨大的宣传，为了与奥匈帝国的良好关系，塞尔维亚政府应该大力镇压这种宣传。

On July 17 M.

7月17日M.

Boschkovitch, Serbian Minister at London, telegraphed to M.

塞尔维亚驻伦敦部长博什科维奇致电 M.

Pashitch that the Austrian Embassy there was endeavoring to favor the idea that Austria must give a good lesson to Serbia.

帕希奇表示，奥地利大使馆正在努力支持奥地利必须好好教训塞尔维亚的想法。

Despite peaceable official statements by Austria-Hungary the way was preparing for diplomatic pressure upon Serbia which might develop into an armed attack.

尽管奥匈帝国发表了和平的官方声明，但他们正在准备对塞尔维亚施加外交压力，这可能会发展为武装袭击。

On the same day, July 17, M.

同一天，7 月 17 日，M.

Ljub Michailovitch, Serbian Minister at Rome, telegraphed to M.

塞尔维亚驻罗马部长柳布·米哈伊洛维奇 (Ljub Michailovitch) 致电 M.

Pashitch that the Marquis di San Giuliano, Prime Minister of Italy, had stated to the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador:

帕希奇指出，意大利总理圣朱利亚诺侯爵曾向奥匈帝国大使表示：

"Any step undertaken by Austria against Serbia which failed to take into account international considerations would meet with the disapproval of public opinion in Italy, and that the Italian Government desire to see the complete independence of Serbia maintained."

“奥地利对塞尔维亚采取的任何不考虑国际因素的步骤都会遭到意大利舆论的反对，意大利政府希望看到塞尔维亚保持完全独立。”

On July 19, 1914, M.

1914 年 7 月 19 日，M.

Pashitch telegraphed a long notice to the foreign Serbian legations, telling of the accusation of the Austrian press from the time of the Sarajevo outrage that the crime was the direct result of the great Serbian idea, propagated by various associations such as the Narodna Odbrana, which were tolerated by the Serbian Government.

帕希奇向塞尔维亚驻外公使馆发出了一份长长的电报，讲述了自萨拉热窝事件发生以来奥地利媒体的指责，称这一罪行是伟大的塞尔维亚思想的直接结果，这种思想是由塞尔维亚政府容忍的诸如全国人民大会党等各种协会所宣传的。

The notice detailed the attitude of the Serbian Government toward the Serbian press, presented in the preceding correspondence.

该通知详细说明了塞尔维亚政府对前一封信函中提出的塞尔维亚媒体的态度。

In regard to its attitude toward Austria-Hungary it said:

关于其对奥匈帝国的态度，它说：

"The Serbian Government at once expressed their readiness to hand over to justice any of their subjects who might be proved to have played a part in the Sarajevo outrage.

“塞尔维亚政府立即表示，他们准备将任何可能被证明参与萨拉热窝暴行的臣民移交司法。

The Serbian Government further stated that they had prepared a more drastic law against the misuse of explosives.

塞尔维亚政府还表示，他们已制定一项更严厉的法律，禁止滥用爆炸物。

The draft of a new law in that sense had already been laid before the State Council, but could not be submitted to the Skupshtina [Serbian Parliament], as the latter was not sitting at the time.

这一意义上的新法律草案已提交国务院，但无法提交给塞尔维亚议会，因为后者当时尚未开会。

Finally, the Serbian Government stated that they were ready, as heretofore, to observe all those good neighborly obligations to which Serbia was bound by her position as a European state.

最后，塞尔维亚政府表示，一如既往，他们准备遵守塞尔维亚作为欧洲国家的地位所应承担的所有睦邻义务。

"From the date of the perpetration of the outrage until to-day not once did the Austro-Hungarian Government apply to the Serbian Government for their assistance in the matter.

“从暴行发生之日起直到今天，奥匈帝国政府没有一次向塞尔维亚政府申请就此事提供援助。

They did not demand that any of the accomplices should be subjected to an inquiry, or that they should be handed over to trial.

他们没有要求对任何同谋进行调查，或者将他们移交审判。

In one instance only did the Austrian Government ask for information; this was as to the whereabouts of certain students who had been expelled from the Pakratz Teachers' Seminary and had crossed over to Serbia to continue their studies.

仅在一次情况下，奥地利政府要求提供信息；这是关于被帕克拉茨师范学院开除并越境到塞尔维亚继续学业的某些学生的下落。

All available information on this point was supplied."

关于这一点的所有可用信息均已提供。”

The notice related the anti-Serbian propaganda conducted by the Austro-Hungarian press, the interpellations in the Hungarian Parliament, etc., and the probable intention of the Austro-Hungarian Government to demand a categorical reply from Serbia, which, if not satisfactory, would be followed by war.

该通知涉及奥匈帝国媒体进行的反塞尔维亚宣传、匈牙利议会的质询等，以及奥匈帝国政府可能要求塞尔维亚做出明确答复的意图，如果不能令人满意，就会引发战争。

That Austria-Hungary was picking a quarrel had been evidenced by her use of an exploded rumor of a contemplated attack on the Austrian Legation in Belgrade to prove how excited public opinion was in Serbia, and to what lengths she was ready to go.

奥匈帝国挑衅的证据就是她利用了关于计划袭击贝尔格莱德奥地利公使馆的爆炸性谣言来证明塞尔维亚的公众舆论有多么兴奋，以及她准备采取何种行动。

"There is reason for apprehension that some step is being prepared against us [in the evident intention] that the inquiry which is being made is not to be limited to the perpetrators and their possible accomplices in the crime, but is most probably to be extended to Serbia and the Great Serbian idea....

“有理由担心，正在准备采取一些针对我们的措施（明显意图），正在进行的调查不仅限于肇事者及其可能的犯罪同谋，而且最有可能扩展到塞尔维亚和伟大的塞尔维亚理念......

"On the other hand the Serbian Government have given their particular attention to the improvement and strengthening of their relations with the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, which had lately become strained as a result of the Balkan wars and of the questions which arose therefrom.

“另一方面，塞尔维亚政府特别注重改善和加强与奥匈帝国君主国的关系，这种关系最近由于巴尔干战争和由此产生的问题而变得紧张。

With that object in view the Serbian Government proceeded to settle the question of the Oriental Railway, the new railway connections, and the transit through Serbia of Austro-Hungarian goods for Constantinople, Sofia, Saloniki, and Athens.

考虑到这一目标，塞尔维亚政府着手解决东方铁路、新铁路连接以及奥匈帝国货物经塞尔维亚过境前往君士坦丁堡、索非亚、萨洛尼基和雅典的问题。

"The Serbian Government consider that their vital interests require that peace and tranquillity in the Balkans should be firmly and lastingly established.

“塞尔维亚政府认为，他们的切身利益要求巴尔干地区牢固、持久地建立和平与安宁。

And for this very reason they fear lest the excited state of public opinion in Austria-Hungary may induce the Austro-Hungarian Government to make a _démarche_ which may humiliate the dignity of Serbia as a state, and to put forward demands which could not be accepted.

正是因为这个原因，他们担心奥匈帝国舆论的激动可能会促使奥匈政府做出一项可能侮辱塞尔维亚国家尊严的外交报告，并提出无法接受的要求。

"I have the honor, therefore, to request you to impress upon the Government to which you are accredited our desire to maintain friendly relations with Austria-Hungary, and to suppress every attempt directed against the peace and public safety of the neighboring monarchy.

“因此，我荣幸地请您向您所委派的政府传达我们与奥匈帝国保持友好关系的愿望，并镇压一切针对邻国君主国和平与公共安全的企图。

We will likewise meet the wishes of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the event of our being requested to subject to trial in our independent courts any accomplices in the outrage who are in Serbia--should such, of course, exist.

如果奥匈帝国要求我们在我们的独立法庭上审判任何在塞尔维亚的暴行同谋——当然，如果存在的话，我们同样会满足奥匈帝国的愿望。

"But we can never comply with demands which may be directed against the dignity of Serbia, and which would be inacceptable to any country which respects and maintains its independence.

“但我们永远不能遵守可能损害塞尔维亚尊严的要求，这对于任何尊重和维护塞尔维亚独立的国家来说都是不可接受的。

"Actuated by the desire that good neighborly relations may be firmly established and maintained, we beg the friendly Governments to take note of these declarations and to act in a conciliatory sense should occasion or necessity arise."

“出于牢固建立和维持睦邻关系的愿望，我们恳求友好各国政府注意到这些声明，并在出现情况或必要时采取和解的态度。”

ATTEMPTS AT MEDIATION

尝试调解

With Serbia's case now fully before the courts of Europe, there began a movement among the powers desiring to keep the peace of the continent for mediation between the disputants.

随着塞尔维亚案件现已完全提交欧洲法院，希望维护欧洲大陆和平的列强之间开始采取行动，在争端各方之间进行调解。

This was begun by Germany and Great Britain.

这是由德国和英国发起的。

On July 20, 1914, Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, wrote to Sir Horace Rumbold, British Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin, recounting a conversation with the German Ambassador, Prince Lichnowsky.

1914 年 7 月 20 日，英国外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士写信给英国驻柏林临时代办霍勒斯·朗博尔德爵士，讲述了与德国大使利希诺夫斯基亲王的谈话。

The prince said that Austria was certainly going to take some step in the Serbian matter; that the situation was uncomfortable, and that it would be desirable if Russia could act as a mediator with regard to Russia.

王子表示，奥地利肯定会在塞尔维亚问题上采取一些措施。局势令人不安，如果俄罗斯能够充当俄罗斯问题的调解人，那将是可取的。

Sir Edward Grey presumed that the Austrian Government would not do anything until they had first disclosed to the public their case against Serbia, founded upon what they had discovered at the trial of the Sarajevo assassins.

爱德华·格雷爵士认为，奥地利政府不会采取任何行动，除非他们首先向公众披露他们针对塞尔维亚的案件，其依据是他们在萨拉热窝刺客审判中发现的情况。

This would make it easier for other powers, such as Russia, to counsel moderation in Belgrade.

这将使俄罗斯等其他大国更容易建议贝尔格莱德保持温和态度。

The more reasonable the demands of Austria, the easier it would be to smooth things over.

奥地利的要求越合理，就越容易圆滑。

"I hated the idea of a war between any of the great powers, and that any of them should be dragged into a war by Serbia would be detestable.

“我讨厌任何大国之间发生战争的想法，而任何一个国家被塞尔维亚拖入战争都是令人厌恶的。

"The ambassador agreed whole-heartedly in this sentiment."

“大使完全同意这一观点。”

On the same day, July 20, 1914, M.

同一天，1914 年 7 月 20 日，M.

Yov.

哟。

Yovanovitch, Serbian Minister at Vienna, reported to M.

塞尔维亚驻维也纳部长约瓦诺维奇向 M.

Pashitch, Prime Minister at Belgrade, that the word had been passed round in Vienna to maintain absolute secrecy about what was being done in the Serbian matter.

贝尔格莱德总理帕希奇表示，这一消息已在维也纳传递，目的是对塞尔维亚问题上的进展保持绝对保密。

There was no room for the optimism reported to exist in Belgrade.

贝尔格莱德没有报道中存在的乐观情绪。

It was highly probable Austria-Hungary was preparing for war against Serbia.

奥匈帝国很可能正在准备对塞尔维亚发动战争。

"The general conviction that prevails here is that it would be nothing short of suicide for Austria-Hungary once more to fail to take advantage of the opportunity to act against Serbia.

“这里普遍存在的普遍信念是，如果奥匈帝国未能利用这个机会对塞尔维亚采取行动，那么这无异于自杀。

It is believed that the two opportunities previously missed--the annexation of Bosnia and the Balkan War--have been extremely injurious to Austria-Hungary.

人们认为，之前错过的两次机会——吞并波斯尼亚和巴尔干战争——对奥匈帝国造成了极大的伤害。

In addition, the conviction is steadily growing that Serbia, after her two wars, is completely exhausted, and that a war against Serbia would, in fact, merely mean a military expedition to be concluded by a speedy occupation.

此外，人们越来越相信塞尔维亚在经历了两次战争之后已经彻底疲惫不堪，而对塞尔维亚的战争实际上仅仅意味着一场军事远征，并以迅速占领结束。

It is also believed that such a war could be brought to an end before Europe could intervene.

人们还相信，这样的战争可以在欧洲干预之前结束。

"The seriousness of Austrian intentions is further emphasized by the military preparations which are being made, especially in the vicinity of the Serbian frontier."

“正在进行的军事准备，特别是在塞尔维亚边境附近，进一步强调了奥地利意图的严肃性。”

On the same day, July 20, 1914, a French consular report was made from Vienna to the Government at Paris, which referred to the diplomatic situation.

1914年7月20日同一天，法国领事从维也纳向巴黎政府提交了一份报告，其中提到了外交局势。

"Much will be demanded of Serbia; she will be required to dissolve several propagandist societies, she will be summoned to repress nationalism, to guard the frontier in cooperation with Austrian officials, to keep strict control over anti-Austrian tendencies in the schools; and it is a very difficult matter for a government to consent to become in this way a policeman for a foreign government.

“对塞尔维亚的要求很高；她将被要求解散几个宣传团体，她将被要求镇压民族主义，与奥地利官员合作守卫边境，严格控制学校中的反奥地利倾向；对于一个政府来说，同意以这种方式成为外国政府的警察是一件非常困难的事情。

They foresee the subterfuges by which Serbia will doubtless wish to avoid giving a clear and direct reply; that is why a short interval will perhaps be fixed for her to declare whether she accepts or not.

他们预见到塞尔维亚无疑希望使用诡计来避免给出明确和直接的答复；这就是为什么可能会固定一个短暂的间隔让她宣布她是否接受。

The tenor of the note and its imperious tone almost certainly insure that Belgrade will refuse.

这张纸条的主旨及其专横的语气几乎肯定会导致贝尔格莱德拒绝。

Then military operations will begin.

然后军事行动将开始。

"There is here, and equally in Berlin, a party which accepts the idea of a conflict of widespread dimensions; in other words, a conflagration.

“这里和柏林一样，有一个政党接受广泛规模的冲突的想法；换句话说，一场大火。

The leading idea is probably that it would be necessary to start before Russia has completed the great improvements of her army and railways, and before France has brought her military organization to perfection.

主导思想可能是，必须在俄罗斯完成其军队和铁路的巨大改进之前、在法国将其军事组织完善之前开始。

But on this point there is no unanimity in high circles; Count Berchtold and the diplomatists desire at the most localized operations against Serbia.

但在这一点上，高层并没有达成一致意见。贝希托尔德伯爵和外交官们希望对塞尔维亚采取最局部的行动。

But everything must be regarded as possible."

但一切都必须被视为可能。”

The report commented on the departure from usage by the Austro-Hungarian press in prominently reporting the remarks of the most obscure Serbian newspapers,

该报告评论了奥匈帝国媒体在显着位置报道最不起眼的塞尔维亚报纸言论的做法，

"which, just on account of their obscurity, employ language freer, bolder, more aggressive, and often insulting.

“正是因为他们的默默无闻，他们使用的语言更加自由、大胆、更具攻击性，而且常常带有侮辱性。

This work of the official agency has obviously for its aim the excitement of public feeling and the creation of opinion favorable to war.

官方机构的这项工作显然是为了激发公众情绪和创造有利于战争的舆论。

The fact is significant."

这个事实意义重大。”

On July 21 M.

7月21日M.

Jules Cambon, French Ambassador at Berlin, reported to M.

法国驻柏林大使 Jules Cambon 向 M.

Bienvenu-Martin, Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs at Paris, that M.

巴黎代理外交部长比恩韦努-马丁 (Bienvenu-Martin) 表示，M.

Yovanovitch, Serbian Minister to Germany, had declared to the German Government that Serbia was willing to entertain Austria's requirements arising out of the Sarajevo outrage, provided that she asked only for

塞尔维亚驻德国部长约万诺维奇向德国政府宣称，塞尔维亚愿意接受奥地利因萨拉热窝事件而提出的要求，只要她要求

"judicial cooperation in the punishment and prevention of political crimes, but that he was charged to warn the German Government that it would be dangerous to attempt, through that investigation, to lower the prestige of Serbia.

“在惩罚和预防政治犯罪方面进行司法合作，但他被指控警告德国政府，试图通过这项调查降低塞尔维亚的威望是危险的。

"M.

“M。

Browniewsky, Russian Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin, mentioned this subject to Herr von Jagow, German Secretary of State.

俄罗斯驻柏林临时代办布朗纽斯基向德国国务卿冯雅高先生提到了这个话题。

Von Jagow said that he supposed the German Government now had full knowledge of the note prepared by Austria, and were therefore willing to give the assurance that the Austro-Serbian difficulties would be localized.

冯·贾戈表示，他认为德国政府现在已经完全了解奥地利准备的照会，因此愿意保证奥塞之间的困难将被局部化。

The Secretary of State protested that he was in complete ignorance of the contents of that note, and expressed himself in the same way to me.

国务卿抗议说他完全不知道照会的内容，并向我表达了同样的意思。

I could not help showing my astonishment at a statement which agreed so little with what circumstances lead one to expect.

我不禁对这一声明感到惊讶，因为它与人们所期望的情况相差甚远。

"I have also been assured that from now on the preliminary notices for mobilization, the object of which is to place Germany in a kind of 'attention' attitude in times of tension, have been sent out here to those classes which would receive them in similar circumstances.

“我还得到保证，从现在开始，初步动员通知已经发给那些在类似情况下愿意接收这些通知的阶级，其目的是让德国在紧张时期处于一种‘关注’的态度。

That is a measure to which the Germans, constituted as they are, can have recourse without indiscretion and without exciting the people.

德国人就其现状而言，可以采取这一措施，而不会轻率行事，也不会激怒人民。

It is not a sensational measure, and is not necessarily followed by full mobilization, as we have already seen, but it is none the less significant."

正如我们已经看到的那样，这不是一项耸人听闻的措施，也不一定需要全面动员，但它的意义仍然重大。”

On the same day, July 21, 1914, M.

同一天，1914 年 7 月 21 日，M.

Bienvenu-Martin, Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs at Paris, notified the French Legations at London, St. Petersburg, Vienna, and Rome that the Berlin Bourse was extremely weak on the 20th, probably on account of anxiety over the Serbian question, and that M.

巴黎代理外交部长比恩韦努-马丁向法国驻伦敦、圣彼得堡、维也纳和罗马使馆通报称，柏林证券交易所20日极度疲软，可能是由于对塞尔维亚问题的焦虑，而M.

Cambon, French Ambassador at Berlin, had grave reason that Germany would support Austria-Hungary in her contemplated _démarche_ at Belgrade without seeking to play the part of mediator.

法国驻柏林大使康朋有充分的理由认为，德国将支持奥匈帝国在贝尔格莱德酝酿的外交政策，而不是寻求扮演调解者的角色。

On the same day, July 21, 1914, Baron Giesl von Gieslingen, Austro-Hungarian Minister at Belgrade, wrote a long letter to Count Berchtold, Minister for Foreign Affairs at Vienna, reviewing the situation.

1914 年 7 月 21 日同一天，奥匈帝国驻贝尔格莱德公使吉斯尔·冯·吉斯林根男爵给维也纳外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵写了一封长信，回顾了当时的局势。

Most of his statements have been given in more moderate language in the preceding correspondence.

在之前的信件中，他的大部分言论都是以较为温和的语言表达的。

He describes how the relations between Serbia and Austria-Hungary have been "poisoned" by Serbian national aspirations, due to the great Serbian propaganda (carried on in Austria-Hungary as well as in Serbia), and to Serbian success in the Balkan wars.

他描述了塞尔维亚和奥匈帝国之间的关系如何因塞尔维亚的民族愿望、塞尔维亚的伟大宣传（在奥匈帝国和塞尔维亚进行的）以及塞尔维亚在巴尔干战争中的成功而“中毒”。

This chauvinism has increased to a paroxysm, bordering on insanity.

这种沙文主义已经发展到了突发性的程度，近乎疯狂。

The policy is to separate from Austria-Hungary the southern Slav provinces, and so abolish the Dual Monarchy as a great power.

该政策是将南部斯拉夫省份从奥匈帝国中分离出来，从而废除二元君主制的大国。

Bosnia and Herzegovina are expected to revolt, and the Slav regiments in the Austro-Hungarian army to mutiny.

波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那预计会起义，而奥匈帝国军队中的斯拉夫军团也会叛变。

Out of the ruins will be builded the great Serbian Empire, and that in the immediate future.

在废墟中将建立伟大的塞尔维亚帝国，而且是在不久的将来。

Serbian newspapers without fear of reprimand discuss the decrepitude of the Dual Monarchy and insult her officials, and even "the exalted person of our ruler." The press is the educator of the Serbian people; it promoted the great Serbian propaganda, from which sprang the crime of Sarajevo.

塞尔维亚报纸不惧谴责，讨论双重君主制的衰落，侮辱她的官员，甚至“我们统治者的尊贵人”。新闻界是塞尔维亚人民的教育家；它促进了塞尔维亚的伟大宣传，从而引发了萨拉热窝的罪行。

Political parties and governmental policy are wholly subservient to it.

政党和政府政策完全服从它。

Its accusations that the sudden death of the Russian Minister, Dr. Hartwig, was due to poison are on the verge of insanity--the London "Times" called them ravings.

其关于俄罗斯部长哈特维格博士突然中毒身亡的指控近乎疯狂——伦敦《泰晤士报》称其为胡言乱语。

The people, in gratitude for the past, and in anxiety for the future, outbid one another in servility to Russia.

人民怀着对过去的感激之情，又对未来感到焦虑，纷纷向俄罗斯屈服。

They despise Austria-Hungary as powerless, for internal and external reasons.

他们鄙视奥匈帝国，认为它出于内部和外部原因而无能为力。

The serious words of our statesmen are regarded as "bluff."

我们政治家的严肃言论被视为“虚张声势”。

"This picture leads up to the conclusion that a reckoning with Serbia, a war for the position of the [Dual] Monarchy as a great power, even for its existence as such, cannot be permanently avoided.

“这张图得出的结论是，与塞尔维亚的清算，一场争夺[双]君主制大国地位的战争，即使是为了它的存在，也无法永久避免。

"If we delay in clearing up our relations with Serbia we shall share the responsibility for the difficulties and the unfavorable situation in any future war which must, however, sooner or later be carried through....

“如果我们拖延清理与塞尔维亚的关系，我们将对未来任何战争中的困难和不利局势分担责任，但这场战争迟早必须进行……

"Should we therefore ...

“因此我们是否应该...

put forward far-reaching requirements joined to effective control--for this alone could clear the Augean stable of great Serbian intrigues--then all possible consequences must be considered, and from the beginning there must be a strong and firm determination to carry through the matter to the end.

提出深远的要求，加上有效的控制——仅此一点就可以清除奥吉亚稳定的塞尔维亚大阴谋——那么就必须考虑所有可能的后果，并且从一开始就必须有坚强而坚定的决心将事情进行到底。

"Half measures, the presentation of demands, followed by long discussions and ending only in an unsound compromise, would be the hardest blow which could be directed against Austria-Hungary's reputation in Serbia and her position in Europe."

“半途而废的措施，提出要求，随后进行长时间的讨论，最终以不健全的妥协告终，这将是对奥匈帝国在塞尔维亚的声誉及其在欧洲的地位的最沉重的打击。”

On July 22, 1914, Sir Horace Rumbold, British Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin, telegraphed to Sir Edward Grey, Secretary of Foreign Affairs at London, that he had had an interview with the German Secretary of State, Herr von Jagow, who insisted that the question at issue between Serbia and Austria-Hungary was for these alone to settle, without interference from outside, and said that it was inadvisable for the German Government to approach the Austro-Hungarian Government on the matter.

1914 年 7 月 22 日，英国驻柏林临时代办霍勒斯·朗博尔德爵士电报驻伦敦外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士，称他已与德国国务卿冯·雅戈先生会面，后者坚持认为塞尔维亚和奥匈帝国之间的问题应由双方自行解决，不受外界干涉，并表示德国政府不宜与德国政府接触。奥匈帝国政府就此事。

The German Secretary had frequently emphasized to the Serbian Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin, M.

德国国务卿多次向塞尔维亚驻柏林临时代办强调，M.

Yovanovitch, that Austro-Serbian relations should be put on a proper footing.

约万诺维奇认为，奥塞关系应该建立在适当的基础上。

He thought that Austria had acted toward Serbia with great forbearance.

他认为奥地利对塞尔维亚表现得非常宽容。

On the same day, July 22, 1914, M.

同一天，1914 年 7 月 22 日，M.

Bienvenu-Martin, Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs at Paris, notified the foreign French legations of the information in M.

巴黎代理外交部长比恩韦努-马丁向法国驻外使馆通报了 M.

Cambon's report of the 21st, and said that the Marquis di San Giuliano, Prime Minister at Rome, was interceding with Austria-Hungary that nothing impracticable be demanded of Serbia; thus, that the dissolution of the Narodna Odbrana be required, and not a judicial inquiry into the causes of the crime of Sarajevo.

康蓬21日的报道称，罗马首相圣朱利亚诺侯爵正在向奥匈帝国求情，不要向塞尔维亚提出任何不切实际的要求；因此，需要解散国民议会，而不是对萨拉热窝犯罪的原因进行司法调查。

Evidently the Cabinet at Vienna, under pressure of the press and military party, is trying to intimidate Serbia by extreme demands, expecting German support in this policy.

显然，维也纳内阁在媒体和军方的压力下，正试图通过极端要求来恐吓塞尔维亚，期望德国支持这一政策。

"I have asked the French Ambassador at Vienna [M.

“我已经问过法国驻维也纳大使[M.

Dumaine] to use all his influence with Count Berchtold [the Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs] and to represent to him in a friendly conversation how much Europe would appreciate moderation on the part of the Austrian Government, and what consequences would be likely to be entailed by violent pressure on Serbia."

杜梅因]利用他对贝希托尔德伯爵（奥地利外交部长）的所有影响力，并在友好对话中向他表明欧洲多么希望奥地利政府采取温和态度，以及对塞尔维亚施加暴力可能会带来什么后果。”

On the same day, July 22, 1914, M.

同一天，1914 年 7 月 22 日，M.

Dumaine reported to M.

杜曼向 M 报告。

Bienvenu-Martin that Count Berchtold was still at Ischl evidently waiting for the decision of Kaiser Francis Joseph on the Serbian question.

比恩韦努-马丁说，贝希托尔德伯爵仍在伊舍尔，显然正在等待弗朗西斯·约瑟夫皇帝关于塞尔维亚问题的决定。

"The intention of proceeding against Serbia with the greatest severity ...

“以最严厉的方式对付塞尔维亚的意图......

of 'treating her like another Poland,' is attributed to the Government.

“像对待另一个波兰人一样对待她”，这归因于政府。

Eight army corps are said to be ready to start on the campaign, but M.

据说有八个军团已准备好开始战役，但 M.

Tisza [Hungarian Prime Minister], who is very disturbed about the excitement in Croatia, is said to have intervened actively in order to exercise a moderating influence.

据说，蒂萨（匈牙利总理）对克罗地亚的骚乱感到非常不安，并积极干预，以发挥缓和影响。

"In any case it is believed that the _démarche_ will be made at Belgrade this week.

“无论如何，据信本周将在贝尔格莱德达成《通函》。

The requirements of the Austro-Hungarian Government with regard to the punishment of the outrage, and to guarantees of control and police supervision, seem to be acceptable to the dignity of the Serbians; M.

奥匈帝国政府关于惩罚暴行以及保证控制和警察监督的要求似乎符合塞尔维亚人的尊严； M。

Yovanovitch [Serbian Minister at Vienna] believes they will be accepted.

约万诺维奇（塞尔维亚驻维也纳部长）相信他们会被接受。

M。

Pashitch [Serbian Prime Minister] wishes for a peaceful solution, but says that he is ready for a full resistance.

帕希奇（塞尔维亚总理）希望和平解决，但表示他已做好全面抵抗的准备。

He has confidence in the strength of the Serbian army, besides, he counts on the union of all the Slavs in the [Dual] Monarchy to paralyze the effort directed against his country.

他对塞尔维亚军队的实力充满信心，此外，他指望所有斯拉夫人在[双]君主制中联合起来，以瘫痪针对他的国家的努力。

"Unless people are absolutely blinded, it must be recognized here that a violent blow has every chance of being fatal both to the Austro-Hungarian army and to the cohesion of the nationalities governed by the emperor, which has already been so much compromised.

“除非人们完全被蒙蔽了双眼，否则我们必须认识到，暴力打击对于奥匈帝国军队和皇帝统治下的民族凝聚力来说都有可能是致命的，因为这种凝聚力已经受到了很大的损害。

"Herr von Tschirschky, the German Ambassador, is showing himself a supporter of violent measures, while at the same time he is willing to let it be understood that the Imperial Chancellery would not be in entire agreement with him on this point.

“德国大使冯·齐尔斯基先生表现出自己是暴力措施的支持者，但同时他也愿意让人们理解，帝国总理府在这一点上不会完全同意他的观点。

The Russian Ambassador [M.

俄罗斯大使 [M.

Schebeko], who left yesterday for the country in consequence of reassuring explanations made to him at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, has confided to me that his Government will not raise any objection to steps directed toward the punishment of the guilty and the dissolution of the societies which are notoriously revolutionary, but could not accept requirements which would humiliate Serbian national feeling."

谢贝科]昨天在外交部向他做出了令人放心的解释后离开了该国，他向我透露，他的政府不会对旨在惩罚罪犯和解散臭名昭著的革命社团的步骤提出任何反对，但不能接受侮辱塞尔维亚民族感情的要求。”

On the same day, July 22, 1914, M.

同一天，1914 年 7 月 22 日，M.

Paul Cambon, French Ambassador at London, reported to M.

法国驻伦敦大使保罗·坎本 (Paul Cambon) 向 M.

Bienvenu-Martin that Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary of Foreign Affairs, had told him that Prince Lichnowsky, had stated that a _démarche_ of Austria-Hungary against Serbia was expected at Berlin, and that the German Government was endeavoring to hold back the Austro-Hungarians, but thus far had been unsuccessful.

比恩韦努-马丁得知，英国外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士告诉他，利希诺夫斯基亲王表示预计奥匈帝国将在柏林针对塞尔维亚提出交涉，德国政府正在努力阻止奥匈帝国，但迄今为止尚未成功。

Sir Edward Grey had answered that he would like to believe that Austria-Hungary, before intervening at Belgrade, were assured that the Serbian Government had been cognizant of the conspiracy resulting in the crime of Sarajevo, and had not done all in their power to prevent the crime.

爱德华·格雷爵士回答说，他愿意相信，在对贝尔格莱德进行干预之前，奥匈帝国确信塞尔维亚政府已经意识到导致萨拉热窝犯罪的阴谋，并且没有竭尽全力阻止这一犯罪。

"For if it could not be proved that the Serbian Government were responsible and implicated to a certain degree, the intervention of Austria-Hungary would not be justified and would arouse against them the opinion of Europe."

“因为如果不能证明塞尔维亚政府有一定程度的责任和牵连，奥匈帝国的干预就没有道理，并且会引起欧洲的反对。”

The Italian Ambassador and Serbian Minister, M.

意大利大使兼塞尔维亚部长 M.

Boschkovitch, share Sir Edward Grey's apprehensions.

博什科维奇，与爱德华·格雷爵士有同样的忧虑。

M。

Boschkovitch fears that demands will be made on the Serbian Government which their dignity and public opinion may not allow them to accept without protest.

博什科维奇担心，塞尔维亚政府可能会提出一些要求，但他们的尊严和公众舆论可能不允许他们不加抗议地接受这些要求。

"Notwithstanding the sacrifices which Serbia has made for her recent victories she can still put 400,000 men in the field, and public opinion, which knows this, is not inclined to put up with any humiliation.

“尽管塞尔维亚为最近的胜利做出了牺牲，但她仍然可以派出 40 万人上战场，公众舆论知道这一点，不愿意忍受任何羞辱。

"Sir Edward Grey, in an interview with the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador [Count Mensdorff], asked him to recommend his Government not to depart from the prudence and moderation necessary for avoiding new complications, not to demand from Serbia any measures to which she could not reasonably submit, and not to allow themselves to be carried away too far."

“爱德华·格雷爵士在接受奥匈帝国大使[门斯多夫伯爵]采访时，请他建议他的政府不要偏离避免新的复杂情况所必需的谨慎和节制，不要要求塞尔维亚采取任何她无法合理服从的措施，也不要让自己走得太远。”

THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN NOTE TO SERBIA

奥匈帝国致塞尔维亚的照会

The expected blow now fell on Serbia.

预期的打击现在落在了塞尔维亚身上。

On the same day, July 22, 1914, Count Berchtold, Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, sent out to the Austro-Hungarian Ambassadors in Berlin, Rome, Paris, London, St. Petersburg, and Constantinople, the contents of the note which was to be presented on the morrow to the Serbian Government.

1914 年 7 月 22 日同一天，奥匈帝国外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵向奥匈帝国驻柏林、罗马、巴黎、伦敦、圣彼得堡和君士坦丁堡大使发出了照会内容，该照会将于次日提交给塞尔维亚政府。

A justification of the demands in it were given.

给出了其中要求的理由。

All of the complaints here made against Serbia have already been given, except the charge that

这里对塞尔维亚提出的所有抱怨都已提出，除了以下指控：

"individuals belonging formerly to bands employed in Macedonia had come to place themselves at the disposal of the terrorist propaganda against Austria-Hungary.

“以前在马其顿受雇的帮派成员已经开始接受针对奥匈帝国的恐怖主义宣传。

"The patience of the Imperial and Royal Government, in the face of the provocative attitude of Serbia, was inspired by the territorial disinterestedness of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the hope that the Serbian Government would end in spite of everything by appreciating Austria-Hungary's friendship at its true value.

“面对塞尔维亚的挑衅态度，帝国和王国政府表现出了耐心，这是因为奥匈帝国君主国对领土的无私以及希望塞尔维亚政府无论如何都能认识到奥匈帝国友谊的真正价值。

By observing a benevolent attitude toward the political interests of Serbia, the Imperial and Royal Government hoped that the kingdom would finally decide to follow an analogous line of conduct on its own side.

通过对塞尔维亚的政治利益采取仁慈的态度，帝国和王国政府希望塞尔维亚最终决定采取类似的行为路线。

In particular, Austria-Hungary expected a development of this kind in the political ideas of Serbia, when, after the events of 1912, the Imperial and Royal Government, by its disinterested and ungrudging attitude, made such a considerable aggrandizement of Serbia possible."

特别是，奥匈帝国期望塞尔维亚的政治理念能够出现这种发展，1912 年事件之后，帝国和王国政府以其无私和不吝惜的态度，使塞尔维亚的如此大的扩张成为可能。”

This benevolence, however, was repaid by the Serbian Government tolerating the propaganda which ended in the crime of Sarajevo.

然而，这种善意得到了塞尔维亚政府的回报，塞尔维亚政府容忍了最终导致萨拉热窝犯罪的宣传。

"In the presence of this state of things the Imperial and Royal Government have felt compelled to take new and urgent steps at Belgrade with a view to inducing the Serbian Government to stop the incendiary movement that is threatening the security and integrity of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.

“在这种情况下，帝国和王国政府感到有必要在贝尔格莱德采取新的紧急措施，以促使塞尔维亚政府停止威胁奥匈帝国安全和完整的煽动运动。

"The Imperial and Royal Government are convinced that in taking this step they will find themselves in full agreement with the sentiments of all civilized nations, who cannot permit regicide to become a weapon that can be employed with impunity in political strife and the peace of Europe to be continually disturbed by movements emanating from Belgrade."

“帝国和王国政府相信，在采取这一步骤时，他们将发现自己完全同意所有文明国家的观点，他们不能允许弑君成为一种可以在政治冲突中不受惩罚地使用的武器，也不能允许欧洲的和平不断受到来自贝尔格莱德的运动的干扰。”

The ambassadors were instructed each to submit a copy of the note to the Government to which he was accredited, together with a _dossier_

大使们奉命向他所派驻的政府提交一份照会副本以及一份_档案_

"elucidating the Serbian intrigues and the connection between these intrigues and the murder of the 28th of June."

“阐明塞尔维亚人的阴谋以及这些阴谋与 6 月 28 日谋杀案之间的联系。”

On the following day, Thursday, July 23, 1914, Count Berchtold telegraphed to Count Mensdorff, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at London, that, as Great Britain of all the powers might be most easily led to form an impartial judgment on the action taken, in presenting the copy of the note, he should point out that Serbia might have rendered less acute the serious steps she must expect from Austria-Hungary by spontaneously investigating the conspiracy tending to the crime of Sarajevo, and that on the contrary she had endeavored to wipe out all its traces, for example, in the case of the Serbian civil servant Ciganovic, who was compromised by the independent testimony of both of the assassins, and who was in Belgrade on the day of the crime, yet whom the director of the Serbian press declared to be completely unknown in that city.

第二天，也就是 1914 年 7 月 23 日，星期四，贝希托尔德伯爵发电报给奥匈帝国驻伦敦大使门斯多夫伯爵，表示英国最容易对所采取的行动做出公正的判断，因此在提交照会副本时，他应该指出，塞尔维亚可能会通过自发调查奥匈帝国的犯罪阴谋，从而减轻奥匈帝国采取的严肃步骤。萨拉热窝，相反，她努力消除所有痕迹，例如，塞尔维亚公务员西加诺维奇的案件，他因两名刺客的独立证词而受到损害，犯罪当天他在贝尔格莱德，但塞尔维亚新闻界的负责人宣称他在该市完全不为人所知。

"The short time limit attached to our demand must be attributed to our long experience of the dilatory arts of Serbia.

“我们的要求所附的短暂期限必须归因于我们对塞尔维亚拖延艺术的长期经验。

"The requirements which we demand that Serbia should fulfill, and which indeed contain nothing which is not a matter of course in the intercourse between states which are to live in peace and friendship, cannot be made the subject of negotiations and compromise; and, having regard to our economic interests, we cannot take the risk of a method of political action by which it would be open to Serbia at pleasure to prolong the crisis which has arisen."

“我们要求塞尔维亚履行的要求，事实上，在和平友好的国家之间的交往中，没有任何内容不是理所当然的，不能成为谈判和妥协的主题；而且，考虑到我们的经济利益，我们不能冒险采取一种政治行动方法，让塞尔维亚乐意延长已经出现的危机。”

Later in the day Count Mensdorff had an interview with Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary of Foreign Affairs, the substance of which Sir Edward communicated on the same date to Sir Maurice de Bunsen, British Ambassador at Vienna.

当天晚些时候，门斯多夫伯爵会见了英国外交部长爱德华·格雷爵士，爱德华爵士于同一天向英国驻维也纳大使莫里斯·德本生爵士传达了采访内容。

Count Mensdorff intimated the general nature of the note.

门斯多夫伯爵暗示了这张纸条的一般性质。

Sir Edward regretted the time limit set as akin to an ultimatum, and so likely to inflame opinion in Russia, and render difficult securing a satisfactory reply from Serbia.

爱德华爵士对设定的时限类似于最后通牒感到遗憾，因此可能会激怒俄罗斯的舆论，并难以从塞尔维亚获得令人满意的答复。

If it later developed that proceedings were unduly protracted, a time limit could then be set.

如果后来发现诉讼程序过度拖延，则可以设定一个时限。

By that time Russian opinion would be less excited, and, if the case appeared strong against Serbia, the Russian Government would be in a position to influence Serbia to reply satisfactorily to the demands of the note.

到那时，俄罗斯舆论将不再那么兴奋，而且，如果塞尔维亚的案情显得很强烈，俄罗斯政府将能够影响塞尔维亚对照会的要求作出令人满意的答复。

A time limit was generally a thing used only as a last resort, when all other means had failed.

时间限制通常只是在所有其他手段都失败时才用作最后的手段。

Count Mensdorff instanced the bad faith of Serbia in not fulfilling her promise of 1909 to live on neighborly terms with Austria-Hungary, and said that, on the contrary, she had conducted an agitation to disintegrate that country, which made it absolute for Austria to protect herself.

门斯多夫伯爵列举了塞尔维亚的不诚实行为，没有履行1909年与奥匈帝国睦邻友好的承诺，并表示，相反，她煽动分裂该国，这使得奥地利必须保护自己。

On this Sir Edward did not comment.

对此爱德华爵士没有发表评论。

He said that the French Ambassador, M.

他说，法国大使 M.

Cambon, and the Russian, Count Benckendorff, and others were agreed that those who had influence at St. Petersburg should exert it on behalf of patience and moderation.

康朋和俄罗斯人本肯多夫伯爵以及其他人一致认为，那些在圣彼得堡有影响力的人应该以耐心和节制的方式发挥影响力。

"I had replied that the amount of influence that could be used in this sense would depend upon how reasonable were the Austrian demands and how strong the justification that Austria might have discovered for making her demands.

“我回答说，在这个意义上可以使用的影响力大小将取决于奥地利的要求有多合理，以及奥地利提出其要求的理由有多充分。

The possible consequences of the present situation were terrible.

目前的情况可能造成的后果是可怕的。

If as many as four great powers of Europe--let us say, Austria, France, Russia, and Germany--were engaged in war, it seemed to me that it must involve the expenditure of so vast a sum of money, and such an interference with trade, that a war would be accompanied or followed by a complete collapse of European credit and industry.

如果欧洲有四个强国——比如说，奥地利、法国、俄罗斯和德国——卷入战争，在我看来，战争必定涉及巨额资金的支出和对贸易的干扰，以至于战争将伴随或随之而来的是欧洲信贷和工业的彻底崩溃。

In these days, in great industrial states, this would mean a state of things worse than that of 1848, and, irrespective of who were victors in the war, many things might be completely swept away.

如今，在工业大国，这将意味着比 1848 年更糟糕的情况，而且无论谁是战争的胜利者，许多东西都可能被彻底扫除。

"Count Mensdorff did not demur to this statement of the possible consequences of the present situation, but he said that all would depend upon Russia.

“门斯多夫伯爵并没有对当前局势可能造成的后果表示异议，但他表示一切都将取决于俄罗斯。

"I made the remark that, in a time of difficulties such as this, it was just as true to say that it required two to keep the peace as it was to say ordinarily that it took two to make a quarrel.

“我说过，在这样的困难时期，说需要两个人才能维持和平，就像通常说需要两个人吵架一样正确。

I hoped very much that, if there were difficulties, Austria and Russia would be able in the first instance to discuss them directly with each other.

我非常希望，如果出现困难，奥地利和俄罗斯能够首先直接相互讨论。

"Count Mensdorff said that he hoped this would be possible, but he was under the impression that the attitude in Petrograd had not been very favorable recently."

“门斯多夫伯爵说他希望这是可能的，但他的印象是彼得格勒最近的态度不太好。”

On the same day, July 23, 1914, before the copy of the note had been presented to him, M.

1914 年 7 月 23 日同一天，在将纸条副本交给他之前，M.

Bienvenu-Martin, Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs at Paris, notified the French Ambassadors at London, Berlin, St. Petersburg, and Rome, that it was reported by M.

巴黎代理外交部长比恩韦努-马丁通知法国驻伦敦、柏林、圣彼得堡和罗马大使，M. 报道了此事。

Dumaine, French Ambassador at Vienna, that the intention of Austria-Hungary was to proceed with the greatest severity against Serbia, while keeping eight army corps ready to start operations.

法国驻维也纳大使杜梅因表示，奥匈帝国的意图是对塞尔维亚进行最严厉的打击，同时让八个军团做好开始行动的准备。

Nevertheless Baron Macchio, Austro-Hungarian Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had assured M.

尽管如此，奥匈帝国外交部副部长马基奥男爵还是向 M.

Dumaine that the tone and demands of the note were such as to allow us to count on a peaceful result.

杜曼认为，照会的语气和要求让我们能够期待和平的结果。

"In view of the customary procedure of the Imperial Chancellery, I do not know what confidence ought to be placed in these assurances....

“鉴于帝国总理府的惯例程序，我不知道应该对这些保证抱有什么信心......

"The Serbian Minister [M.

“塞尔维亚部长 [M.

Vesnitch] holds that as M.

Vesnitch]认为M.

Pashitch [Serbian Prime Minister] wishes to come to an understanding, he will accept those demands which relate to the punishment of the outrage and to the guaranties for control and police supervision, but that he will resist everything which might affect the sovereignty and dignity of his country.

帕希奇（塞尔维亚总理）希望达成谅解，他将接受有关惩罚暴行以及保证控制和警察监督的要求，但他将抵制一切可能影响其国家主权和尊严的事情。

"In diplomatic circles at Vienna the German Ambassador [Von Tschirschky] is in favor of violent measures, while at the same time he confesses that the Imperial Chancellery is perhaps not entirely in agreement with him on this point; the Russian Ambassador [Schebeko], trusting to assurances which have been given him, has left Vienna, and before his departure confided to M.

“在维也纳的外交界，德国大使[冯·齐尔斯基]赞成采取暴力措施，同时他承认，帝国总理府在这一点上可能并不完全同意他的观点；俄罗斯大使[谢贝克]相信已向他做出的保证，已离开维也纳，并在离开之前向M.

Dumaine that his Government will not raise any objection to the punishment of the guilty and the dissolution of the revolutionary associations, but that they could not accept requirements which were humiliating to the national sentiment of Serbia."

杜梅因表示，他的政府不会对惩罚有罪者和解散革命协会提出任何反对，但他们不能接受侮辱塞尔维亚民族感情的要求。”

On the same day, July 23, 1914, M.

同一天，1914 年 7 月 23 日，M.

Allizé, French Minister at Munich, reported to M.

法国驻慕尼黑部长阿利泽向 M.

Bienvenu-Martin that the Bavarian press were optimistic over a peaceful solution of the Serbian question, but that official circles were pessimistic.

Bienvenu-Martin 表示，巴伐利亚媒体对和平解决塞尔维亚问题持乐观态度，但官方却持悲观态度。

The note was presented at 6 p.

该说明于下午 6 点提交。

m., Thursday, July 23, 1914, by the Austro-Hungarian Minister at Belgrade, Baron Giesl von Gieslingen, to the Serbian Minister of Finance, M.

1914 年 7 月 23 日星期四，奥匈帝国驻贝尔格莱德部长吉斯尔·冯·吉斯林根男爵 (Baron Giesl von Gieslingen) 致塞尔维亚财政部长 M.

Laza Patchou, in the absence of M.

Laza Patchou，在 M 缺席的情况下。

Pashitch, the Prime Minister, who was away electioneering.

总理帕希奇外出竞选。

The time limit for acceptance of its demands was forty-eight hours.

接受其要求的时限是四十八小时。

Giesl added verbally that, if the demands were not accepted within that period, the Austro-Hungarian Legation would leave Belgrade on the morrow, Friday, at 10 a.

吉塞尔口头补充说，如果在此期间未接受要求，奥匈帝国公使馆将于明天（周五）上午 10 点离开贝尔格莱德。

米。

This information was telegraphed that evening to the Minister for Foreign Affairs in Petrograd, M.

当天晚上，这一信息被电报给彼得格勒外交部长 M.

Sazonof, by the Russian Chargé d'Affaires in Belgrade, M.

萨佐诺夫 (Sazonof)，俄罗斯驻贝尔格莱德临时代办，M.

Strandtman.

斯特兰德曼。

Through him M.

通过他M。

Patchou solicited the help of Russia, declaring that no Serbian Government could accept the demands of Austria-Hungary.

帕楚向俄罗斯寻求帮助，宣称塞尔维亚政府不能接受奥匈帝国的要求。

M。

Patchou at the same time telegraphed to the foreign Serbian Legations the news of the delivery of the note, and informed them that he was in a position to state that no Serbian Government could accept its demands in their entirety.

帕丘同时向塞尔维亚驻外使馆电报照会送达的消息，并通知他们，他可以声明，任何塞尔维亚政府都不能完全接受其要求。

TEXT OF THE NOTE

注释正文

The following are the contents of the note:

以下为注释内容：

"On March 31, 1909, the Royal Serbian Minister to the court of Vienna made the following statement, by order of his Government:

“1909 年 3 月 31 日，塞尔维亚皇家驻维也纳宫廷大臣奉其政府之命发表以下声明：

"'Serbia declares that she is not affected in her rights by the situation established in Bosnia, and that she will therefore adapt herself to the decisions which the powers are going to arrive at in reference to Article XXV of the Berlin Treaty.

“塞尔维亚声明，她的权利不受波斯尼亚局势的影响，因此她将适应各国根据《柏林条约》第二十五条做出的决定。

By following the councils of the powers, Serbia binds herself to cease the attitude of protest and resistance which she has assumed since last October, relative to the annexation, and she binds herself further to change the direction of her present policies toward Austria-Hungary, and in the future to live with the latter in friendly and neighborly relations.'"

通过遵循列强理事会，塞尔维亚必须停止自去年十月以来对吞并所采取的抗议和抵抗态度，并进一步改变其目前对奥匈帝国的政策方向，并在未来与奥匈帝国保持友好和睦邻关系。”

Here follow the charges with which the reader is already familiar: That there is in Serbia a movement to separate certain territories from the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, which, developed under the eyes of the Government of Serbia, has found expression beyond that kingdom in a series of acts of terrorism and assassination.

以下是读者已经熟悉的指控：塞尔维亚境内存在一场将某些领土与奥匈帝国分离的运动，该运动在塞尔维亚政府的监督下发展起来，并在该王国以外的地区发生了一系列恐怖主义和暗杀行为。

The Serbian Government has done nothing to suppress the movement, its violent propaganda in public education and the press, or the participation in its intrigues by public officials.

塞尔维亚政府没有采取任何行动来镇压该运动、其在公共教育和新闻界的暴力宣传或公职人员参与其阴谋活动。

"It becomes plain from the evidence and confessions of the criminal authors of the outrage of June 28 that the murder at Sarajevo was conceived in Belgrade, that the murderers received the arms and bombs with which they were equipped from Serbian officers and officials who belonged to the Narodna Odbrana, and that, lastly, the transportation of the criminals and their arms to Bosnia was arranged and carried out by leading Serbian frontier officials.

“从 6 月 28 日暴行的犯罪分子的证据和供述中可以清楚地看出，萨拉热窝的谋杀案是在贝尔格莱德构思的，凶手从属于国民党的塞尔维亚军官和官员那里获得了武器和炸弹，最后，将罪犯及其武器运送到波斯尼亚是由塞尔维亚边境官员安排和实施的。

"These results impose upon the Imperial and Royal Government the duty to terminate intrigues which constitute a permanent menace for the peace of the monarchy.

“这些结果迫使帝国和王国政府有责任终止对君主政体和平构成永久威胁的阴谋。

"In order to obtain this purpose, the Imperial and Royal Government is forced to demand official assurance from the Serbian Government that it condemns the propaganda directed against Austria-Hungary, i.

“为了实现这一目的，帝国和王国政府被迫要求塞尔维亚政府做出正式保证，谴责针对奥匈帝国的宣传，即。

e., the entirety of the machinations whose aim it is to separate parts from the monarchy which belong to it, and that Serbia binds herself to suppress with all means this criminal and terrorizing propaganda.

也就是说，整个阴谋的目的是从属于它的君主政体中分离出来，塞尔维亚有义务采取一切手段镇压这种犯罪和恐怖的宣传。

"In order to give to these obligations a solemn character, the Royal Serbian Government will publish on the first page of its official organ of July 26, 1914, the following declaration:

“为了使这些义务具有庄严的性质，塞尔维亚王国政府将在 1914 年 7 月 26 日的官方机关报首页发表以下声明：

"'The Royal Serbian Government condemns the propaganda directed against Austria-Hungary, i.e., the entirety of those machinations whose aim it is to separate from the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy territories belonging thereto, and she regrets sincerely the ghastly consequences of these criminal actions.

“塞尔维亚王国政府谴责针对奥匈帝国的宣传，即旨在将奥匈帝国领土与奥匈帝国领土分离的全部阴谋，并对这些犯罪行为所造成的可怕后果表示诚挚的遗憾。

"'The Royal Serbian Government regrets that Serbian officers and officials have participated in the propaganda, cited above, and have thus threatened the friendly and neighborly relations which the Royal Government was solemnly bound to cultivate by its declaration of March 31, 1909.

“塞尔维亚皇家政府对塞尔维亚军官和官员参与上述宣传活动感到遗憾，从而威胁到了王国政府在 1909 年 3 月 31 日的声明中庄严承诺要建立的友好睦邻关系。

"'The Royal Government, which disapproves and rejects every thought or every attempt at influencing the destinations of the inhabitants of any part of Austria-Hungary, considers it its duty to call most emphatically to the attention of its officers and officials, and of the entire population of the kingdom, that it will henceforward proceed with the utmost severity against any persons guilty of similar actions, to prevent and suppress which it will make every effort.'

“王国政府不同意并拒绝影响奥匈帝国任何地区居民目的地的任何想法或企图，认为有责任强烈提请其官员和官员以及王国全体人民的注意，今后将对任何犯有类似行为的人采取最严厉的态度，并尽一切努力防止和镇压。”

"This explanation is to be brought simultaneously to the cognizance of the royal army through an order of his majesty the king, and it is to be published in the official organ of the army.

“这一解释将通过国王陛下的命令同时提交给皇家军队，并在军队的官方机关报上公布。

"The Royal Serbian Government binds itself, in addition, as follows:

“此外，塞尔维亚皇家政府还约束自己如下：

"'1.

“'1.

To suppress any publication which fosters hatred of, and contempt for, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and whose general tendency is directed against the latter's territorial integrity.

压制任何煽动对奥匈帝国君主制的仇恨和蔑视以及其总体倾向反对奥匈帝国领土完整的出版物。

"'2.

”'2.

To proceed at once with the dissolution of the society Narodna Odbrana, to confiscate their entire means of propaganda, and to proceed in the same manner against the other societies and associations in Serbia which occupy themselves with the propaganda against Austria-Hungary.

立即解散“Narodna Odbrana”社团，没收其全部宣传手段，并以同样的方式打击塞尔维亚从事反奥匈帝国宣传的其他社团和协会。

The Royal Government will take the necessary measures, so that the dissolved societies may not continue their activities under another name or in another form.

王国政府将采取必要措施，使解散的社团不得以其他名称或其他形式继续活动。

"'Without delay to eliminate from the public instruction in Serbia, so far as the corps of instructors as well as the means of instruction are concerned, that which serves, or may serve, to foster the propaganda against Austria-Hungary.

“‘就教官队伍和教学手段而言，立即从塞尔维亚的公共教育中消除那些有助于或可能有助于促进反对奥匈帝国宣传的东西。

"'4.

”'4.

To remove from military service and the administration in general all officers and officials who are guilty of propaganda against Austria-Hungary, and whose names, with a communication of the material which the Imperial and Royal Government possesses against them, the Imperial and Royal Government reserves the right to communicate to the Royal Government.

为了将所有从事反奥匈帝国宣传的军官和官员从军队和行政部门中除名，帝国和王国政府保留将其姓名与帝国和王国政府掌握的反对他们的材料通报给王国政府的权利。

"'5.

”'5.

To consent that in Serbia officials of the Imperial and Royal Government cooperate in the suppression of a movement directed against the territorial integrity of the monarchy.

同意塞尔维亚帝国和王国政府官员合作镇压针对君主国领土完整的运动。

"'6.

”'6.

To commence a judicial investigation against the participants of the conspiracy of June 28, who are on Serbian territory.

对塞尔维亚领土上的 6 月 28 日阴谋参与者展开司法调查。

Officials, delegated by the Imperial and Royal Government, will participate in the examinations.

帝国和王国政府委派的官员将参加考试。

"'7.

”'7。

To proceed at once with all severity to arrest Major Voja Tankosic and a certain Milan Ciganowic, Serbian state officials, who have been compromised through the result of the investigation.

立即严厉逮捕因调查结果而受到损害的塞尔维亚国家官员沃贾·坦科西奇少校和米兰·西加诺维奇。

"'8.

”'8。

To prevent through effective measures the participation of the Serbian authorities in the smuggling of arms and explosives across the frontier, and to dismiss those officials of Shabatz and Loznica who assisted the originators of the crime of Sarajevo in crossing the frontier.

通过有效措施防止塞尔维亚当局参与越境走私武器和爆炸物，并解雇那些协助萨拉热窝犯罪始作俑者越境的沙巴茨和洛兹尼察官员。

"'9.

”'9.

To give to the Imperial and Royal Government explanations in regard to the unjustifiable remarks of high Serbian functionaries in Serbia and abroad who have not hesitated, in spite of their official position, to express themselves in interviews in a hostile manner against Austria-Hungary after the outrage of June 28.

就塞尔维亚国内外塞尔维亚高级官员的无理言论向帝国和王国政府做出解释，这些官员在 6 月 28 日的暴行之后，不顾其官方立场，在采访中毫不犹豫地以敌对的方式表达了对奥匈帝国的敌意。

"'10.

“'10。

The Imperial and Royal Government expects a reply from the Royal Government, at the latest by Saturday, 25th inst., at 6 p.

帝国和王国政府希望王国政府最迟在 25 日星期六下午 6 点之前得到答复。

米。

A memoir concerning the results of the investigations at Sarajevo, so far as they concern points 7 and 8, is inclosed with this note.'"

本说明附有一份关于萨拉热窝调查结果的回忆录，其中涉及第 7 点和第 8 点。”

INCLOSURE

包容性

"The investigation carried on against Gabrilo Princip and accomplices in the court of Sarajevo, on account of the assassination on June 28, has so far yielded the following results:

“萨拉热窝法院针对 6 月 28 日的暗杀事件对加布里洛·普林西普及其同谋进行的调查，迄今已得出以下结果：

"'1.

“'1.

The plan to murder Archduke Franz Ferdinand during his stay in Sarajevo was conceived in Belgrade by Gabrilo Princip, Nedeljko, Gabrinowic, and a certain Milan Ciganowic and Trifko Grabez, with the aid of Major Voja Tankosic.

在弗朗茨·斐迪南大公逗留萨拉热窝期间谋杀他的计划是由加布里洛·普林西普、内德尔科、加布里诺维奇以及米兰·西加诺维奇和特里夫科·格拉贝斯在贝尔格莱德在沃亚·坦科西奇少校的帮助下构思的。

"'2.

”'2.

The six bombs and four Browning pistols which were used by the criminals were obtained by Milan Ciganowic and Major Tankosic, and presented to Princip Gabrinowic in Belgrade.

犯罪分子使用的六枚炸弹和四把勃朗宁手枪被米兰·西加诺维奇和坦科西奇少校获得，并呈交给贝尔格莱德的普林西普·加布里诺维奇。

"'3.

”'3.

The bombs are hand grenades, manufactured at the arsenal of the Serbian army in Kragujevac.

这些炸弹是手榴弹，是在克拉古耶瓦茨的塞尔维亚军队军械库制造的。

"'4.

”'4.

To insure the success of the assassination, Milan Ciganowic instructed Princip Gabrinowic in the use of the grenades and gave instructions in shooting with Browning pistols to Princip Grabez in a forest near the target practice field of Topshider (outside Belgrade).

为了确保暗杀成功，米兰·西加诺维奇在托普什德靶场（贝尔格莱德郊外）附近的森林里指导加布里诺维奇普林斯使用手榴弹，并指导格拉贝兹普林西普使用勃朗宁手枪射击。

"'5.

”'5.

In order to enable the crossing of the frontier of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Princip Gabrinowic and Grabez, and the smuggling of their arms, a secret system of transportation was organized by Ciganowic.

为了让普林西普·加布里诺维奇和格拉贝兹越过波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那边境并走私他们的武器，齐加诺维奇组织了一个秘密运输系统。

The entry of the criminals with their arms into Bosnia and Herzegovina was effected by the frontier captains of Shabatz (Rade Popowic) and of Loznica, as well as by the custom-house official Rudivoy Grbic of Loznica with the aid of several other persons.'"

罪犯携带武器进入波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那是由沙巴茨（拉德·波波维奇）和洛兹尼察的边防队长以及洛兹尼察的海关官员鲁迪沃伊·格尔比奇在其他几人的帮助下实施的。”

On the same day that the note was presented to Serbia, July 23, 1914, Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg, the German Chancellor, wrote a circular letter to the German Ambassadors at Paris, London, and St. Petersburg, embodying and enforcing the Austro-Hungarian arguments justifying the note.

1914 年 7 月 23 日，在照会被提交给塞尔维亚的同一天，德国总理冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格博士向德国驻巴黎、伦敦和圣彼得堡大使写了一封通函，体现并强化了奥匈帝国为照会辩护的论点。

These the ambassadors were instructed to present to the Foreign Offices of the countries to which they were accredited.

大使们奉命将这些材料提交给他们派驻国家的外交部。

The chancellor commended the self-restraint of Austria-Hungary in thus far avoiding war with Serbia.

总理赞扬奥匈帝国迄今为止避免与塞尔维亚发生战争的自我克制。

Now, however, he feared that Serbia would not comply with the just demands of the country she had injured, but would adopt "a provocative attitude toward Austria-Hungary."

然而现在，他担心塞尔维亚不会遵守她所伤害的国家的正义要求，而是会采取“对奥匈帝国的挑衅态度”。

"Nothing would remain for the Austro-Hungarian Government, unless it renounced definitely its position as a great power, but to press its demands with the Serbian Government, and, if need be, enforce the same by appeal to military measures, in regard to which the choice of means must be left with it."

“奥匈帝国政府将一无所有，除非它明确放弃其作为大国的地位，而是向塞尔维亚政府提出其要求，并在必要时通过诉诸军事措施来执行同样的要求，对此必须由其选择手段。”

The ambassadors were charged to give special emphasis to the view

大使们被要求特别强调这一观点

"that in this question there is concerned an affair which should be settled solely between Austria-Hungary and Serbia, the limitation to which it must be the earnest endeavor of the powers to insure.

“这个问题涉及到只能在奥匈帝国和塞尔维亚之间解决的问题，各国必须尽最大努力确保这一限制。

We anxiously desire the localization of the conflict because every intercession of another power on account of the various treaty alliances would precipitate inconceivable consequences."

我们急切地希望冲突局部化，因为另一个大国因各种条约联盟而进行的每一次调解都会引发难以想象的后果。”

The ambassadors were instructed by the chancellor to send him telegraphic reports of their interviews.

总理指示大使们向他发送他们采访的电报。

CONTROVERSY OVER THE TIME LIMIT

时限争议

The diplomatic correspondence of the two following days is occupied chiefly with the attempt of Serbia and the powers not party to the dispute to have the time limit of the Austro-Hungarian note extended.

接下来两天的外交信函主要讨论塞尔维亚和非争端当事国试图延长奥匈照会的期限。

In order to save repetition the correspondence hereafter will be given under the heads of the dates when letters, telegrams, etc., were sent, and the subheads of the countries in whose official reports they are found.

为了避免重复，下文中的信件将在信件、电报等发送日期的标题下以及在其官方报告中找到这些信件、电报等的国家的小标题下给出。

CHRONOLOGICAL ARRANGEMENT OF DATES

日期的时间顺序排列

FRIDAY, JULY 24, 1914

1914 年 7 月 24 日，星期五

_Serbia._ M.

_塞尔维亚._ M.

Strandtman, Russian Chargé d'Affaires at Belgrade, telegraphed to M.

俄罗斯驻贝尔格莱德临时代办斯特兰德曼发电报给 M.

Sazonof, Minister for Foreign Affairs at Petrograd, that Pashitch, Prime Minister of Serbia, had returned to the capital, and would give an answer to Austria within the prescribed time, showing the points which are acceptable or unacceptable.

彼得格勒外交部长萨佐诺夫表示，塞尔维亚总理帕希奇已返回首都，并将在规定时间内向奥地利作出答复，表明可接受或不可接受的观点。

"To-day an appeal will be addressed to the powers to defend the independence of Serbia.

“今天将向捍卫塞尔维亚独立的权力发出呼吁。

Then, added Pashitch, if war is inevitable, we will make war."

然后，帕希奇补充道，如果战争不可避免，我们就会发动战争。”

_Great Britain._ Mr. Crackanthorpe, British Chargé d'Affaires at Belgrade, telegraphed Sir Edward Grey that M.

_英国。_ 英国驻贝尔格莱德临时代办克兰索普先生发电报爱德华·格雷爵士说，

Pashitch had told him that the Austrian demands were considered unacceptable by the Serbian Government, and that it trusted to Great Britain to induce Austria to moderate them.

帕希奇告诉他，塞尔维亚政府认为奥地利的要求是不可接受的，并且相信英国会说服奥地利缓和这些要求。

M。

Pashitch was dejected and anxious.

帕希奇既沮丧又焦虑。

_Russia._ The Crown Prince Alexander, Prince Regent of Serbia, telegraphed to Czar Nicholas II of Russia that the Serbian Government had been willing from the first to open an inquiry in Serbia as to complicity of Serbian subjects in the crime of Sarajevo.

_俄罗斯._塞尔维亚摄政王亚历山大王储电报俄罗斯沙皇尼古拉二世，塞尔维亚政府从一开始就愿意在塞尔维亚境内对塞尔维亚臣民参与萨拉热窝罪行的同谋展开调查。

"The demands contained in the Austro-Hungarian note are, however, unnecessarily humiliating for Serbia, and incompatible with her dignity as an independent state....

“然而，奥匈照会中的要求对塞尔维亚来说是不必要的羞辱，并且与她作为一个独立国家的尊严不相容……

"We are prepared to accept those of the Austro-Hungarian conditions which are compatible with the position of an independent state, as well as those to which your majesty may advise us to agree, and all those persons whose complicity in the crime may be proved will be severely punished by us.

“我们准备接受奥匈帝国提出的符合独立国家立场的条件，以及陛下建议我们同意的条件，所有那些可能被证明共谋犯罪的人都将受到我们的严厉惩罚。

Certain of the demands could not be carried out without changes in our legislation, which would need time....

如果不改变我们的立法，某些要求就无法实现，这需要时间……

We may be attacked at the expiration of the time limit by the Austro-Hungarian army which is concentrating upon our frontier.

期限届满后，我们可能会受到集中在我们边境的奥匈帝国军队的袭击。

We are unable to defend ourselves, and we beg your majesty to come to our aid as soon as possible.

我们无力自卫，恳请陛下尽快救援。

The much-appreciated good will which your majesty has so often shown toward us inspires us with the firm belief that once again our appeal to your noble Slav heart will not pass unheeded...."

陛下经常对我们表现出的令人赞赏的善意激励我们坚定地相信，我们对您高贵的斯拉夫之心的呼吁将不会被忽视……”

_Russia._ M.

_俄罗斯._ M.

Broniewsky, Russian Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin, telegraphed to M.

俄罗斯驻柏林临时代办布罗涅夫斯基 (Broniewsky) 电告 M.

Sazonof, Minister for Foreign Affairs at St. Petersburg, that the Berlin press in the main warmly welcomed the uncompromising attitude of Austria-Hungary.

圣彼得堡外交部长萨佐诺夫表示，柏林媒体总体上对奥匈帝国的不妥协态度表示热烈欢迎。

"The semiofficial 'Lokal-Anzeiger' is particularly violent; it describes as fruitless any possible appeals that Serbia may make to St. Petersburg, Paris, Athens, or Bucharest, and concludes by saying that the German people will breathe freely when they learn that the situation in the Balkan Peninsula is to be cleared up at last."

“半官方的‘Lokal-Anzeiger’尤其暴力；它称塞尔维亚可能向圣彼得堡、巴黎、雅典或布加勒斯特提出的任何可能的呼吁都是徒劳的，并最后说，当德国人民得知巴尔干半岛的局势最终得到解决时，他们将自由呼吸。

_Serbia._ Dr. Spalaikovitch, Serbian Minister at St. Petersburg, telegraphed to M.

_塞尔维亚._ 塞尔维亚驻圣彼得堡部长斯帕莱科维奇博士发电报给 M.

Pashitch a report of a chance interview with Count Pourtalès, the German Ambassador.

帕西奇报道了一次偶然采访德国大使普塔莱斯伯爵的报道。

The Count had said that peace with Austria-Hungary depended on Serbia alone, since the matter lay entirely between the two disputants.

伯爵曾说过，与奥匈帝国的和平仅取决于塞尔维亚，因为此事完全取决于两个争端方。

"In reply I told Count Pourtalès that he was under a misapprehension, and that he would see before long that this was not a question merely between Serbia and Austria, but a European question."

“在答复中，我告诉普塔莱斯伯爵，他受到了误解，不久他就会发现这不仅仅是塞尔维亚和奥地利之间的问题，而是一个欧洲问题。”

_Austria-Hungary._ Count Mensdorff, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at London, telegraphed to Count Berchtold, Minister for Foreign Affairs at Vienna, that he had handed a copy of the note to Serbia to Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary for Foreign Affairs.

奥匈帝国奥匈帝国驻伦敦大使门斯多夫伯爵致电维也纳外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵，称他已将给塞尔维亚的照会副本转交给英国外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士。

"At the fifth heading he asked what it meant; to introduce officials of our Government in Serbia would be equivalent to the end of Serbian political independence.

“在第五个标题处，他问这是什么意思；在塞尔维亚引入我国政府官员就相当于塞尔维亚政治独立的结束。

I answered that cooperation of, e.g., police officials, in no way affected the sovereignty of the state.

我回答说，警察等官员的合作绝不会影响国家主权。

"He regretted the time limit, as in this way we should be deprived of the possibility of quieting the first outbreak of excitement and bringing pressure to bear upon Belgrade to give us a satisfactory answer.

“他对时间限制感到遗憾，因为这样我们就失去了平息第一次爆发的兴奋的可能性，并给贝尔格莱德施加压力，要求他们给我们一个满意的答复。

It was always possible to send an ultimatum if answer was not satisfactory.

如果答复不满意，总是可以发出最后通牒。

"I developed our point of view at length.

“我详细地阐述了我们的观点。

(Necessity of defense against continued revolutionary undertakings which threaten the territory of the [Dual] Monarchy, protection of our most vital interests, complete failure of the conciliatory attitude which we had hitherto often shown to Serbia, who had had more than three weeks to set on foot of her own accord investigations as to accomplices in outrage, etc.)

（必须防御威胁[双]君主国领土的持续革命事业，保护我们最重要的利益，我们迄今为止经常向塞尔维亚表现出的和解态度的彻底失败，塞尔维亚有超过三个星期的时间自行开始调查愤怒的同谋，等等。）

"The Secretary of State repeated his objections to the short time limit, but recognized that what was said as to complicity in the crime of Sarajevo, as well as many of our other requirements, was justified.

“国务卿重申了他对较短时限的反对意见，但承认有关萨拉热窝罪行共谋的说法以及我们的许多其他要求是合理的。

"He would be quite ready to look on the affair as one which only concerned Austria-Hungary and Serbia.

“他很乐意将此事视为仅与奥匈帝国和塞尔维亚有关的事件。

He is, however, very 'apprehensive' that several great powers might be involved in a war.

然而，他非常“担心”几个大国可能卷入一场战争。

Speaking of Russia, Germany, and France, he observed that the terms of the Franco-Russian Alliance might be more or less to the same effect as those of the Triple Alliance.

谈到俄罗斯、德国和法国，他认为法俄同盟的条款可能与三国同盟的条款大致相同。

"I fully explained to him our point of view, and repeated with emphasis that in this case we must stand firm so as to gain for ourselves some sort of guaranties, as hitherto Serbian promises have never been kept.

“我向他充分解释了我们的观点，并强调在这种情况下我们必须立场坚定，以便为自己获得某种保证，因为迄今为止塞尔维亚的承诺从未兑现。

I understood that in the first place he considered the question only as it influences the position of Europe.

我理解他首先考虑这个问题只是因为它影响欧洲的立场。

He must, however, in order to be fair to our point of view, put himself in our situation.

然而，为了公平地对待我们的观点，他必须设身处地为我们着想。

"He would not go into any more detailed discussion on this subject, said he must have time to study the note more carefully.

“他不会就这个问题进行任何更详细的讨论，并表示他必须有时间更仔细地研究这张纸条。

He was to see the German and the French Ambassadors, as he must first of all exchange ideas with the powers who are allies of Austria-Hungary and Russia respectively, but have themselves no direct interest in Serbia."

他要会见德国和法国大使，因为他首先必须与分别是奥匈帝国和俄罗斯的盟友但对塞尔维亚没有直接利益的国家交换意见。”

Count Szécsen, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at Paris, telegraphed to Count Berchtold that, on his presentation of the copy of the note to Serbia to M.

奥匈帝国驻巴黎大使 Szécsen 伯爵发电报 Berchtold 伯爵称，他将给塞尔维亚的照会副本交给了 M.

Bienvenu-Martin, French Acting Secretary for Foreign Affairs, point five in the note had seemed to make a special impression on the secretary, since he had asked that it be reread.

法国代理外交部长比恩韦努-马丁说，照会中的第五点似乎给秘书留下了特殊的印象，因为他要求重读照会。

"I took the opportunity to impress on him that the question was one which must be brought to an issue directly between Serbia and us, but that it was in the general interests of Europe that the trouble which for years past had been kept up by Serbian intrigues against us should at last make way for a clear situation.

“我借此机会向他强调，这个问题必须直接在塞尔维亚和我们之间解决，但为了欧洲的整体利益，过去几年塞尔维亚针对我们的阴谋所造成的麻烦最终应该为一个明确的局势让路。

"All friends of peace and order, and I placed France in the first rank of these, should therefore give serious advice to Serbia to change completely her attitude and to satisfy our just demands.

“所有和平与秩序的朋友，我将法国列为其中的第一名，因此应该向塞尔维亚提出严肃的建议，彻底改变她的态度，满足我们的正义要求。

"The minister said that it was the duty of Serbia to proceed energetically against any accomplices of the murderers of Sarajevo, a duty which she could not escape.

“部长说，塞尔维亚有责任积极打击萨拉热窝凶手的任何同谋，这是她无法逃避的责任。

While laying special stress on the sympathy of France for Austria-Hungary, and on the good relations which existed between our two countries, he expressed the hope that the controversy would be brought to an end peacefully in a manner corresponding to our wishes.

他特别强调法国对奥匈帝国的同情以及我们两国之间存在的良好关系，同时表示希望争端能够以符合我们愿望的方式和平结束。

"The minister avoided every attempt to palliate or to defend in any way the attitude of Serbia."

“部长避免了一切试图缓和或以任何方式捍卫塞尔维亚态度的尝试。”

In a second telegram Count Szécsen reported that Baron von Schoen, German Ambassador at Paris, had officially informed M.

在第二封电报中，Szécsen 伯爵报告称，德国驻巴黎大使 Baron von Schoen 已正式通知 M.

Bienvenu-Martin, French Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs, that, in the view of the Berlin Cabinet, the Serbian controversy concerned only the two parties to it, and, in case that third states should wish to intervene, Germany would be on the side of her ally.

法国代理外交部长比恩韦努-马丁表示，柏林内阁认为，塞尔维亚争端只涉及双方，如果第三国介入，德国将站在其盟友一边。

M。

Bienvenu-Martin replied that his Government agreed that the controversy concerned Belgrade and Vienna alone, and he hoped for a peaceful solution.

比恩韦努-马丁答复说，他的政府同意争议仅涉及贝尔格莱德和维也纳，他希望和平解决。

Count Szápáry, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at St. Petersburg, telegraphed to Count Berchtold that, on presenting the copy of the note to Serbia to M.

奥匈帝国驻圣彼得堡大使萨帕里伯爵电报贝希托尔德伯爵，在将给塞尔维亚的照会副本转交给 M.

Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, the minister had questioned the fact of the outrages complained of arising in Serbia, and declared that the note was a pretext for war on Serbia.

俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫对塞尔维亚发生的暴行提出质疑，并宣称该照会是对塞尔维亚发动战争的借口。

"I said to him that no one among us was attacking the integrity of Serbia or the dynasty.

“我对他说，我们中没有人攻击塞尔维亚或王朝的完整性。

M。

Sazonof expressed himself most vigorously against the dissolution of the Narodna Odbrana, which Serbia would never undertake.

萨佐诺夫强烈反对解散国民议会，塞尔维亚永远不会这样做。

The participation of imperial and royal officials in the suppression of the revolutionary movements elicited further protest on the part of the minister.

帝国和王室官员参与镇压革命运动，引起了大臣的进一步抗议。

Serbia then will no longer be master in her own house.

塞尔维亚将不再是自己家里的主人。

'You will always be wanting to intervene again, and what a life you will lead Europe!' I answered that if Serbia shows good will it will be a quieter life than hitherto.

“你总是想再次干预，你将让欧洲过上怎样的生活！”我回答说，如果塞尔维亚表现出良好的意愿，那将会是比迄今为止更平静的生活。

"The commentary added to the communication of the note was listened to by the minister with fair composure; at the passage that our feelings were shared by those of all civilized nations, he observed that this was a mistake.

“部长平静地听取了照会通讯中添加的评论；当谈到我们的感受与所有文明国家的感受相同时，他指出这是一个错误。

With all the emphasis I could command, I pointed out how regrettable it would be if we could not come to an understanding with Russia on this question, in which everything which is most sacred to us was at stake, and, whatever the minister might say, everything which is sacred in Russia.

我尽全力强调，如果我们不能在这个问题上与俄罗斯达成谅解，那将是多么令人遗憾，因为在这个问题上，对我们来说最神圣的一切都处于危险之中，而且，无论部长可能说什么，在俄罗斯神圣的一切都处于危险之中。

The minister attempted to minimize the monarchical side of the question.

部长试图淡化问题中君主制方面的影响。

"With regard to the _dossier_ which was put at the disposal of the Governments, M.

“关于交给政府处理的_档案_，M.

Sazonof wanted to know why we had given ourselves this trouble, as we had already delivered the ultimatum.

萨佐诺夫想知道我们为什么要给自己找麻烦，因为我们已经发出了最后通牒。

This was the best proof that we did not really desire an impartial examination of the matter.

这就是最好的证明，证明我们并不真正希望对此事进行公正的审查。

I said to him that the results which had been attained by our own investigations were quite sufficient for our procedure in this matter, which had to do with Austria-Hungary and Serbia, and that we were only ready to give the powers further information if it interested them, as we had nothing to keep secret.

我对他说，我们自己的调查所取得的结果对于我们在这件事上的程序来说已经足够了，这与奥匈帝国和塞尔维亚有关，而且我们只准备在列强感兴趣的情况下向他们提供进一步的信息，因为我们没有什么可保密的。

"M.

“M。

Sazonof said that now that the ultimatum had been issued he was not in the least curious.

萨佐诺夫说，现在最后通牒已经发出，他一点也不好奇。

He represented the matter as if we only wanted to make war with Serbia whatever happened.

他表示这件事就好像我们只想与塞尔维亚开战，无论发生什么。

I answered that we were the most peace-loving power in the world, but what we wanted was security for our territory from foreign revolutionary intrigues, and the protection of our dynasty from bombs....

我回答说，我们是世界上最爱好和平的国家，但我们想要的是我们的领土安全，免受外国革命阴谋的侵害，保护我们的王朝免受炸弹袭击……

"In spite of his relative calm, the attitude of the minister was throughout unaccommodating and hostile."

“尽管部长相对平静，但他的态度始终是不通融和敌对的。”

The Russian "Official Gazette" announced that the Government were closely and anxiously following the Serbian controversy, to which Russia could not remain indifferent.

俄罗斯《官方公报》宣布，政府正密切而焦急地关注塞尔维亚争议，俄罗斯对此不可能无动于衷。

Count Szápáry telegraphed to Count Berchtold that, after a council of ministers which had lasted five hours, M.

萨帕里伯爵致电贝希托尔德伯爵说，在持续了五个小时的部长会议之后，M.

Sazonof had received the German Ambassador, Count Pourtalés.

萨佐诺夫接见了德国大使普尔塔莱斯伯爵。

M。

Sazonof took the position that the Serbian question was a European affair, the settlement of 1909 having been made under the auspices of all the powers.

萨佐诺夫的立场是，塞尔维亚问题是欧洲事务，1909 年的解决是在所有列强的支持下达成的。

He pointed out

他指出

"that Austria-Hungary had offered a _dossier_ for investigation when an ultimatum had already been presented.

“当最后通牒已经提出时，奥匈帝国提供了一份调查档案。

Russia would require an international investigation of the _dossier_, which had been put at her disposal.

俄罗斯将要求对交给她处理的这份档案进行国际调查。

My German colleague at once brought to M.

我的德国同事立刻给M带来了。

Sazonof's notice that Austria-Hungary would not accept interference in her difference with Serbia, and that Germany also on her side could not accept a suggestion which would be contrary to the dignity of her ally as a great power.

萨佐诺夫注意到，奥匈帝国不会接受干涉她与塞尔维亚的分歧，而德国也站在她一边，不能接受有损其盟友作为大国尊严的建议。

"In the further course of the conversation the minister explained that that which Russia could not accept with indifference was the eventual intention of Austria-Hungary 'to devour Serbia.' Count Pourtalès answered that he did not accept any such intention on the part of Austria-Hungary, as this would be contrary to the most special interest of the monarchy.

“在进一步的谈话过程中，部长解释说，俄罗斯不能冷漠地接受的是奥匈帝国‘吞并塞尔维亚’的最终意图。普塔莱斯伯爵回答说，他不接受奥匈帝国的任何此类意图，因为这将违背君主政体的最特殊利益。

The only object of Austria-Hungary was 'to inflict on Serbia justly deserved chastisement.' M.

奥匈帝国的唯一目标是“对塞尔维亚施加应有的惩罚”。 M。

Sazonof on this expressed his doubts whether Austria-Hungary would allow herself to be contented with this even if explanations on this point had been made.

萨佐诺夫对此表示怀疑，即使对此作出解释，奥匈帝国是否会就此满足。

"The interview concluded with an appeal by M.

“采访以 M 的上诉结束。

Sazonof that Germany should work with Russia for the maintenance of peace.

萨佐诺夫认为德国应该与俄罗斯合作维护和平。

The German Ambassador assured the Russian Minister that Germany certainly had no wish to bring about a war, but that she naturally fully represented the interests of her ally."

德国大使向俄罗斯部长保证，德国当然不想引发战争，但她自然完全代表其盟友的利益。”

Count Pourtalès telegraphed his Chancellor, Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg that M.

普塔莱斯伯爵给他的总理冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格博士发电报说，M.

Sazonof was very much agitated.

萨佐诺夫非常激动。

Count Berchtold telegraphed to Count Mensdorff, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at London, to explain to Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, that the action taken toward Serbia was not a formal ultimatum but "merely a _démarche_ with a time limit," which, if not acceded to, would be followed only by Austria's breaking off diplomatic relations and beginning military preparations.

贝希托尔德伯爵发电报奥匈帝国驻伦敦大使门斯多夫伯爵，向英国外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士解释说，对塞尔维亚采取的行动不是正式的最后通牒，而“只是一个有期限的通牒”，如果不接受，奥地利只会断绝外交关系并开始军事准备。

"If Serbia were to give way only under the pressure of our military preparations, we should indeed have to demand that she should make good the expenses which we had incurred; as is well known, we have already had twice (1908 and 1912) to mobilize because of Serbia."

“如果塞尔维亚只是在我们军事准备的压力下让步，我们确实应该要求她偿还我们所承担的费用；众所周知，我们已经两次（1908年和1912年）因为塞尔维亚而动员起来。”

Count Berchtold telegraphed to Count Szápáry, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at St. Petersburg, a report of his interview with Prince Koudacheff, Russian Chargé d'Affaires at Vienna.

贝希托尔德伯爵向奥匈帝国驻圣彼得堡大使萨帕里伯爵电报了他与俄罗斯驻维也纳临时代办库达切夫亲王的会面报告。

The prince had stated that St. Petersburg was apprehensive that the _démarche_ might take the form of humiliating Serbia, and this would have an echo in Russia.

王子曾表示，圣彼得堡担心该政变可能会采取羞辱塞尔维亚的形式，这将在俄罗斯引起反响。

"I explained ...

“我解释过……

the danger, not only to the integrity of the [Dual] Monarchy, but also to the balance of power and the peace of Europe, which would be involved in giving further scope to the great Serbian propaganda, and how all the dynasties, and not least the Russian, would apparently be threatened if the idea took root that a movement which made use of murder as a national weapon could be continued with impunity.

危险不仅对[双]君主制的完整性，而且对欧洲的权力平衡和和平也有危险，这将涉及进一步扩大塞尔维亚的伟大宣传，以及如果这种利用谋杀作为国家武器的运动可以不受惩罚地继续下去的想法扎根，所有王朝，尤其是俄罗斯，显然将受到威胁。

"I pointed out that we did not aim at any increase of territory, but only at the maintenance of what we possess, a point of view which could not fail to be understood by the Russian Government."

“我指出，我们的目的不是增加领土，而是为了维持我们所拥有的领土，这一观点不可能不被俄罗斯政府理解。”

_Russia._ M.

_俄罗斯._ M.

Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, telegraphed to Prince Koudacheff, Russian Chargé d'Affaires at Vienna, to ask Count Berchtold, Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, that the time limit in the note to Serbia be extended, as it left to the powers insufficient time for conciliation.

俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫致电俄罗斯驻维也纳临时代办库达切夫亲王，要求奥匈帝国外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵延长致塞尔维亚照会的时限，因为这给列强没有足够的时间进行和解。

"Austria-Hungary, having declared her readiness to inform the powers of the results of the inquiry upon which the Imperial and Royal Government base their accusations, should equally allow them sufficient time to study them.

“奥匈帝国已宣布准备向各国通报帝国和王国政府指控的调查结果，因此也应给予他们足够的时间进行研究。

"In this case, if the powers were convinced that certain of the Austrian demands were well founded, they would be in a position to offer advice to the Serbian Government.

“在这种情况下，如果列强确信奥地利的某些要求是有根据的，他们将能够向塞尔维亚政府提供建议。

“拒绝延长最后通牒的期限将使奥匈帝国政府向列强提出的建议变得无效，并且与国际关系的基础相矛盾。”

M。

Sazonof communicated this message to London, Rome, Paris, and Belgrade, with the request that in the three former cases similar instructions be given to their Ambassadors at Vienna.

萨佐诺夫向伦敦、罗马、巴黎和贝尔格莱德传达了这一信息，并要求在前三个案件中向其驻维也纳大使发出类似指示。

_Great Britain._ Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, telegraphed to Sir Maurice de Bunsen, British Ambassador at Vienna, that he had said to Count Mensdorff, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at London, that it was a matter for great regret that a time limit, and such a short one at that, had been insisted upon at this stage of the proceedings.

英国外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士电报英国驻维也纳大使莫里斯·德·本生爵士，他已向奥匈帝国驻伦敦大使门斯多夫伯爵表示，在诉讼程序的现阶段坚持要求如此短的时限，这是一件令人非常遗憾的事情。

"The murder of the archduke and some of the circumstances respecting Serbia quoted in the note aroused sympathy with Austria, as was but natural, but at the same time I had never before seen one state address to another independent state a document of so formidable a character.

“大公被谋杀以及照会中引用的有关塞尔维亚的一些情况引起了对奥地利的同情，这是很自然的，但与此同时，我以前从未见过一个国家向另一个独立国家发表过一份性质如此强大的文件。

Demand No. 5 would be hardly consistent with the maintenance of Serbia's independent sovereignty if it were to mean, as it seemed that it might, that Austria-Hungary was to be invested with a right to appoint officials who would have authority within the frontiers of Serbia.

如果第五项要求意味着（看起来可能是这样）赋予奥匈帝国任命在塞尔维亚境内拥有权力的官员的权利，那么它就很难与维护塞尔维亚的独立主权相一致。

"I added that I felt great apprehension, and that I should concern myself with the matter simply and solely from the point of view of the peace of Europe.

“我补充说，我感到非常担忧，我应该仅仅从欧洲和平的角度来关注此事。

The merits of the dispute between Austria and Serbia were not the concern of his majesty's Government, and such comments as I had made above were not made in order to discuss those merits.

奥地利和塞尔维亚之间的争端的是非曲直不是国王陛下政府关心的问题，我在上面发表的评论也不是为了讨论这些是非曲直。

"I ended by saying that doubtless we should enter into an exchange of views with other powers, and that I must await their views as to what could be done to mitigate the difficulties of the situation."

“我最后说，毫无疑问，我们应该与其他国家交换意见，我必须等待他们的意见，看看可以采取什么措施来缓解局势的困难。”

Sir George Buchanan, British Ambassador at St. Petersburg, telegraphed to Sir Edward Grey that M.

英国驻圣彼得堡大使乔治·布坎南爵士致电爱德华·格雷爵士说，M.

Sazonof, the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, had sought an interview with him, as the Austrian step clearly meant war.

俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫曾寻求与他面谈，因为奥地利的举动显然意味着战争。

At the interview M.

在采访中M.

Sazonof had said Austria's demands were provocative and immoral, some being impossible of acceptance.

萨佐诺夫曾表示，奥地利的要求具有挑衅性且不道德，有些要求是不可能接受的。

She would never have taken such action unless Germany had first been consulted.

除非首先征求德国的意见，否则她绝不会采取这样的行动。

He hoped Great Britain would proclaim her solidarity with Russia and France.

他希望英国能够宣布与俄罗斯和法国站在一起。

France would fulfill the treaty obligations with Russia, besides supporting Russia in diplomatic negotiations.

法国除了在外交谈判中支持俄罗斯外，还将履行与俄罗斯的条约义务。

Sir George said, that personally he did not expect any declaration of this kind from Great Britain.

乔治爵士表示，他个人并不认为英国会发表任何此类声明。

Direct British interests were nil in Serbia, British public opinion would not permit Great Britain to enter war on her behalf.

英国在塞尔维亚没有直接利益，英国舆论不会允许英国代表她参战。

M。

Sazonof replied that the general European question was involved, and Great Britain could not afford to efface herself from the problems now at issue.

萨佐诺夫回答说，这涉及到整个欧洲问题，英国不能忽视当前所面临的问题。

Evidently Sazonof wants Great Britain to join in warning Austria that her intervention in Serbia will not be tolerated.

显然，萨佐诺夫希望英国与奥地利一起警告奥地利，不会容忍她对塞尔维亚的干预。

But suppose Austria nevertheless wars in Serbia, will Russia forthwith declare war on Austria?

但假设奥地利仍然在塞尔维亚发动战争，俄罗斯会立即对奥地利宣战吗？

A council of ministers is being held this afternoon on mobilization.

今天下午召开部长会议进行动员。

At a meeting to-morrow, where the czar will preside, a decision will be come to.

明天沙皇将主持会议，届时将做出决定。

Sir George said the important thing to do was to influence Austria to extend the time limit.

乔治爵士表示，重要的是影响奥地利延长期限。

M。

Paléologue, the French Ambassador, was either set on war or was bluffing, and whichever it was, our only chance for peace was to adopt a firm and united attitude.

法国大使帕莱奥洛格要么是决心发动战争，要么是在虚张声势，无论哪种情况，我们实现和平的唯一机会就是采取坚定而团结的态度。

There was no time to carry out Sir George's suggestion.

没有时间执行乔治爵士的建议。

The British Ambassador then said that his Government might perhaps warn Austria that war would probably mean Russian intervention, which would involve France and Germany, and so make it hard for Great Britain to keep out of the conflict.

英国大使随后表示，英国政府可能会警告奥地利，战争可能意味着俄罗斯的干预，而法国和德国将卷入其中，因此英国很难置身于冲突之外。

M。

Sazonof answered that Great Britain would sooner or later be dragged into war; war would be rendered more likely by Great Britain if she did not make common cause with Russia and France.

萨佐诺夫回答说，英国迟早会被拖入战争。如果英国不与俄罗斯和法国达成共同目标，那么它更有可能发动战争。

President Poincaré and M.

庞加莱总统和 M.

Viviani, President of the Council, being in Russia, it appears as if Austria had taken advantage of their absence from France to present their ultimatum to Serbia.

安理会主席维维亚尼在俄罗斯，看来奥地利利用他们不在法国的机会向塞尔维亚提出了最后通牒。

Even though we do not join them it seems that France and Russia are determined to make a strong stand.

尽管我们没有加入他们的行列，但法国和俄罗斯似乎决心坚定立场。

Sir Maurice de Bunsen, British Ambassador at Vienna, telegraphed to Sir Edward Grey that he was assured by M.

英国驻维也纳大使莫里斯·德·本生爵士发电报爱德华·格雷爵士，说他得到了 M. 的保证。

Schebeko, Russian Ambassador at Vienna, that Russia would not be indifferent to the humiliation of Serbia.

俄罗斯驻维也纳大使谢贝科表示，俄罗斯不会对塞尔维亚的羞辱无动于衷。

Prince Koudacheff, the Russian Chargé d'Affaires, had told Count Berchtold, the Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, that the note to Serbia was unusual and peremptory, and drawn up in a form rendering its acceptance impossible.

俄罗斯临时代办库达切夫亲王告诉奥匈帝国外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵，给塞尔维亚的照会是不寻常的、强制性的，其起草的形式使其不可能被接受。

The count replied that the Austro-Hungarian Minister would leave Belgrade at the time set if Serbia did not yield.

伯爵回答说，如果塞尔维亚不屈服，奥匈帝国部长将在规定的时间离开贝尔格莱德。

The Dual Monarchy felt that its very existence was at stake.

二元君主制感到自己的生存受到威胁。

The step taken by the Government was approved by the country.

政府采取的措施得到了国家的批准。

He did not think objections would be raised by the powers.

他不认为当权者会提出反对。

Sir Edward Grey informed Sir Francis Bertie, British Ambassador at Paris of a conversation with M.

爱德华·格雷爵士向英国驻巴黎大使弗朗西斯·伯蒂爵士通报了与 M. 的谈话。

Cambon, the French Ambassador at London, over an intended interview that afternoon of Sir Edward with Prince Lichnowsky, the German Ambassador.

法国驻伦敦大使康邦就爱德华爵士计划于当天下午与德国大使利希诺夫斯基亲王进行的采访进行了交谈。

"I would say to the ambassador that, of course, if the presentation of this ultimatum to Serbia did not lead to trouble between Austria and Russia, we need not concern ourselves about it; but, if Russia took the view of the Austrian ultimatum, which it seemed to me that any power interested in Serbia would take.

“我想对大使说，当然，如果向塞尔维亚提出这一最后通牒不会导致奥地利和俄罗斯之间出现麻烦，我们就不必担心；但是，如果俄罗斯接受奥地利最后通牒的观点，在我看来，任何对塞尔维亚感兴趣的国家都会接受这一观点。

I should be quite powerless, in face of the terms of the ultimatum, to exercise any moderating influence.

面对最后通牒的条款，我应该无能为力施加任何缓和影响。

I would say that I thought the only chance of any mediating or moderating influence being exercised was that Germany, France, Italy, and ourselves, who had not direct interests in Serbia, should act together for the sake of peace, simultaneously in Vienna and St. Petersburg.

我想说的是，我认为发挥任何调解或缓和影响的唯一机会是，德国、法国、意大利和我们自己，在塞尔维亚没有直接利益，应该为了和平而共同行动，同时在维也纳和圣彼得堡采取行动。

"M.

“M。

Cambon said that, if there was a chance of mediation by the four powers, he had no doubt that his Government would be glad to join in it; but he pointed out that we could not say anything in St. Petersburg till Russia had expressed some opinion or taken some action.

康蓬表示，如果有四个国家进行调解的机会，他毫不怀疑他的政府会很乐意参与其中；但他指出，在俄罗斯表达某种意见或采取某种行动之前，我们不能在圣彼得堡说什么。

But, when two days were over, Austria would march into Serbia, for the Serbians could not possibly accept the Austrian demand.

但是，两天后，奥地利将进军塞尔维亚，因为塞尔维亚人不可能接受奥地利的要求。

Russia would be compelled by her public opinion to take action as soon as Austria attacked Serbia, and therefore, once the Austrians had attacked Serbia, it would be too late for any mediation.

一旦奥地利进攻塞尔维亚，俄罗斯就会迫于舆论压力而采取行动，因此，一旦奥地利进攻塞尔维亚，任何调解都为时已晚。

"I said that I had not contemplated anything being said in St. Petersburg until after it was clear that there must be trouble between Austria and Russia.

“我说过，直到奥地利和俄罗斯之间肯定存在麻烦之后，我才考虑在圣彼得堡说些什么。

I had thought that if Austria did move into Serbia, and Russia then mobilized, it would be possible for the four powers to urge Austria to stop her advance, and Russia also to stop hers, pending mediation.

我本来以为，如果奥地利真的进军塞尔维亚，而俄罗斯再出动，那么四个大国就有可能敦促奥地利停止进军，俄罗斯也停止进军，等待调解。

But it would be essential for any chance of success for such a step that Germany should participate in it.

但德国的参与对于这一举措的成功至关重要。

"M.

“M。

Cambon said that it would be too late after Austria had once moved against Serbia.

康邦表示，奥地利一旦对塞尔维亚采取行动，就为时已晚。

The important thing was to gain time by mediation in Vienna.

重要的是通过在维也纳进行调解来赢得时间。

The best chance of this being accepted would be that Germany should propose it to the other powers.

获得接受的最佳机会是德国向其他国家提出。

"I said that by this he meant a mediation between Austria and Serbia.

“我说他的意思是在奥地利和塞尔维亚之间进行调解。

"He replied that it was so."

“他回答说是这样的。”

Sir Edward Grey telegraphed the results of the interview with Prince Lichnowsky to Sir Horace Rumbold, British Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin.

爱德华·格雷爵士将与利希诺夫斯基王子会面的结果电报给英国驻柏林临时代办霍勒斯·朗博尔德爵士。

Sir Edward's statements were those he had decided upon in his interview with M.

爱德华爵士的陈述是他在与 M 的访谈中决定的。

Cambon.

康邦。

The prince replied that Austria might be expected to move unless Serbia accepted her demands _in toto_.

王子回答说，除非塞尔维亚完全接受她的要求，否则奥地利可能会采取行动。

He suggested that Serbia ought in no case to give a negative reply.

他建议塞尔维亚无论如何不应给予否定答复。

A partial acceptance if sent at once might afford an excuse to Russia against immediate action.

如果立即发出部分接受可能会给俄罗斯提供借口，拒绝立即采取行动。

Sir Edward asked Sir Horace to submit his views to the German Secretary of State, Herr von Jagow.

爱德华爵士请贺拉斯爵士向德国国务卿冯雅戈先生提交他的观点。

Sir Edward Grey telegraphed Mr. Crackanthorpe, British Chargé d'Affaires at Belgrade, to advise the Serbian Government, if it were proved that any Serbian officials, however subordinate, were accomplices in the murder of the archduke, to give Austria the fullest satisfaction in the way of expressing concern with regret.

爱德华·格雷爵士电告英国驻贝尔格莱德临时代办克拉坎索普先生，建议塞尔维亚政府，如果证明任何塞尔维亚官员，无论多么低级，是谋杀大公的同谋，请以表达关切和遗憾的方式让奥地利感到最满意。

For the rest they must reply as they consider best in Serbian interests.

对于其余的问题，他们必须做出他们认为最符合塞尔维亚利益的答复。

The only chance for Serbia is to reply favorably to as many points in the note as the time limit allows.

塞尔维亚唯一的机会是在时限允许的情况下对照会中的尽可能多的要点作出积极答复。

"Serbian Minister here has begged that his majesty's Government will express their views, but I cannot undertake responsibility of saying more than I have said above, and I do not like to say even that without knowing what is being said at Belgrade by French and Russian Governments.

“塞尔维亚部长在此恳求国王陛下的政府表达他们的观点，但我不能承担比我上面所说的更多的责任，而且我什至不想在不知道法国和俄罗斯政府在贝尔格莱德正在说什么的情况下说这些。

You should therefore consult your French and Russian colleagues as to repeating what my views are, as expressed above, to Serbian Government.

因此，你应该咨询你的法国和俄罗斯同事，向塞尔维亚政府重复我上面表达的观点。

"I have urged upon German Ambassador that Austria should not precipitate military action."

“我已敦促德国大使奥地利不应促成军事行动。”

_France._ M.

_法国._ M.

Viviani, French Prime Minister, who had not yet seen the note to Serbia, wrote from Reval, Russia, to M.

法国总理维维亚尼尚未看到给塞尔维亚的照会，他从俄罗斯雷瓦尔写信给M。

Bienvenu-Martin, Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs at Paris, to send on to M.

巴黎代理外交部长比恩韦努-马丁 (Bienvenu-Martin) 向 M.

Dumaine, French Ambassador at Vienna, the following information and instructions:

法国驻维也纳大使杜曼，以下信息和指示：

In M.

在M。

Viviani's conversation with M.

维维亚尼与 M 的对话

Sazonof, Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, it was agreed to prevent Austrian intervention in the internal affairs of Serbia of a kind which Serbia might consider as an attack on her sovereignty and independence.

俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫表示，双方同意防止奥地利干涉塞尔维亚内政，塞尔维亚可能将其视为对其主权和独立的攻击。

This view should be communicated to Count Berchtold, the Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, and moderation counseled him, cooperation in this should be secured from the Russian and British Ambassadors in Vienna.

这一观点应该传达给奥匈帝国外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵，并温和地建议他，在这方面应该得到俄罗斯和英国驻维也纳大使的合作。

The British Ambassador, Sir George Buchanan, had informed M.

英国大使乔治·布坎南爵士已通知 M.

Sazonof that his Government might join in a _démarche_ (proceeding) for removing any danger to general peace, and telegraphed his Government to that effect.

萨佐诺夫表示，他的政府可能会加入一项“行动”（démarche_），以消除对普遍和平的任何威胁，并为此向他的政府发电报。

M。

Sazonof has instructed Count Benckendorff, Russian Ambassador at London, to secure such cooperation.

萨佐诺夫已指示俄罗斯驻伦敦大使本肯多夫伯爵确保此类合作。

M。

Paul Cambon, French Ambassador at London, should be instructed to back him up.

应该指示法国驻伦敦大使保罗·坎本（Paul Cambon）支持他。

M。

Bienvenu-Martin sent to M.

Bienvenu-Martin 发送给 M.

Viviani, returning from Russia on _La France_, and to the French Ambassadors at London, Berlin, Vienna, St. Petersburg, and Rome, and the French Minister at Belgrade, the contents of the Austrian note to Serbia, and an account of the circumstances of the delivery of the copy to the French Government by Count Szécsen, the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador.

维维亚尼乘法国号从俄罗斯返回法国，向法国驻伦敦、柏林、维也纳、圣彼得堡和罗马大使以及法国驻贝尔格莱德公使介绍了奥地利给塞尔维亚的照会的内容，以及奥匈帝国大使塞克森伯爵向法国政府递交照会副本的情况说明。

M。

Berthelot, French Political Director, in obedience to M.

法国政治总监贝特洛 (Berthelot) 遵照 M.

Bienvenu-Martin's instructions, had confined himself to stating to the ambassador that painful feeling would be aroused in French public opinion by the categorical nature of the note, and its short time limit, and its presentation to Serbia at a time when the President and Prime Minister of France were at sea, and could not exert, in cooperation with statesmen of other powers not directly interested, that soothing influence on Serbia and Austria which was so desirable in the interest of general peace.

比恩韦努-马丁的指示仅限于向大使表示，照会的明确性、期限短以及在法国总统和总理在海上、无法与不直接感兴趣的其他国家的政治家合作对塞尔维亚和奥地利施加安抚影响的情况下向塞尔维亚提交照会，这将在法国公众舆论中引起痛苦的感觉，而这对于普遍和平的利益来说是非常可取的。

In a letter to these ambassadors and minister, and to the French Minister at Stockholm (M.

在给这些大使和部长以及法国驻斯德哥尔摩部长的信中（M.

Thiébaut), M.

蒂埃博），M.

Bienvenu-Martin said that M.

Bienvenu-Martin 说，M.

Berthelot, French Political Director, had advised M.

法国政治总监贝特洛曾为 M.

Vesnitch, Serbian Minister at Paris, that Serbia should play for delay by asking that she be allowed time to verify the evidence, presumably one sided, adduced by Austria in support of her note to Serbia, and, above all, that Serbia should declare herself ready to submit to the arbitration of Europe.

塞尔维亚驻巴黎部长韦斯尼奇表示，塞尔维亚应该拖延时间，要求她有时间核实奥地利为支持她向塞尔维亚照会而提出的证据，可能是单方面的，最重要的是，塞尔维亚应该宣布自己准备好接受欧洲的仲裁。

Italy had not been consulted by Austria in regard to the note, nor even informed of it.

奥地利没有就该照会征求意大利的意见，甚至也没有通知意大利。

M。

Bienvenu-Martin informed these same representatives at foreign courts (with exception of the Ambassador at Vienna), that M.

Bienvenu-Martin 告知外国法院的这些代表（维也纳大使除外），M.

Dumaine, French Ambassador at Vienna had reported that the chief fear of the Austro-Hungarian military party was that Serbia would accede to the demands of Austria-Hungary; and that M.

法国驻维也纳大使杜梅因报告说，奥匈帝国军方主要担心的是塞尔维亚会答应奥匈帝国的要求；和那个M。

Yov.

哟。

Yovanovitch, Serbian Minister at Vienna thought his Government would give way on all points save the order to the army dictated to King Peter, dismissal of officers suspected by Austria, and interference by foreign officials in Serbia.

塞尔维亚驻维也纳公使约万诺维奇认为，除了向彼得国王下达的军队命令、解雇奥地利怀疑的军官以及外国官员对塞尔维亚的干涉之外，他的政府将在所有问题上让步。

M。

Yovanovitch hoped that a discussion on these points might be started which would lead to arbitration by the powers.

约万诺维奇希望就这些问题展开讨论，最终由当权者进行仲裁。

The feeling in Germany was warlike.

德国的气氛是好战的。

The tone of the press there was intimidating, particularly toward Russia.

那里媒体的语气令人生畏，尤其是针对俄罗斯。

Italy was exercising moderating influence at Vienna.

意大利在维也纳发挥着温和的影响力。

M。

Bienvenu-Martin notified the French representatives at the above courts and at Vienna of the contents of the circular note of the German Government delivered him that day by Baron von Schoen, the German Ambassador.

比恩韦努-马丁向上述法院和维也纳的法国代表通报了德国大使冯舍恩男爵当天向他递交的德国政府通函的内容。

Said the Acting Foreign Secretary:

代理外交大臣说：

"I called the German Ambassador's attention to the fact that while it might appear legitimate to demand the punishment of all those who were implicated in the crime of Sarajevo, on the other hand it seemed difficult to require measures which could not be accepted, having regard to the dignity and sovereignty of Serbia; the Serbian Government, even if it was willing to submit to them, would risk being carried away by a revolution.

“我提请德国大使注意这样一个事实：虽然要求惩罚所有参与萨拉热窝罪行的人似乎是合法的，但另一方面，考虑到塞尔维亚的尊严和主权，要求采取不可接受的措施似乎很难；塞尔维亚政府即使愿意屈服于他们，也将面临着被革命冲垮的风险。

"I also pointed out to Herr von Schoen that his note only took into account two hypotheses: that of a pure and simple refusal or that of a provocative attitude on the part of Serbia.

“我还向冯舍恩先生指出，他的说明只考虑了两种假设：塞尔维亚方面纯粹而简单的拒绝或挑衅态度。

The third hypothesis (which would leave the door open for an arrangement) should also be taken into consideration; that of Serbia's acceptance and of her agreeing at once to give full satisfaction for the punishment of the accomplices and full guaranties for the suppression of the anti-Austrian propaganda so far as they were compatible with her sovereignty and dignity.

第三个假设（这将为安排敞开大门）也应该考虑在内；塞尔维亚接受并同意立即充分满足对同谋的惩罚，并充分保证镇压反奥地利宣传，只要这些条件符合其主权和尊严。

"I added that if within these limits the satisfaction desired by Austria could be admitted, the means of obtaining it could be examined; if Serbia gave obvious proof of good will it could not be thought that Austria would refuse to take part in the conversation.

“我补充说，如果在这些限度内能够满足奥地利所希望的满足，那么可以审查获得它的手段；如果塞尔维亚表现出明显的善意证据，就不能认为奥地利会拒绝参加对话。

"Perhaps they should not make it too difficult for third powers, who could not either morally or sentimentally cease to take interest in Serbia, to take an attitude which was in accord with the wishes of Germany to localize the dispute.

“也许他们不应该让第三国太难采取符合德国将争端本地化的意愿的态度，因为第三国在道义上或情感上都无法停止对塞尔维亚的兴趣。

"Herr von Schoen recognized the justice of these considerations and vaguely stated that hope was always possible.

“冯·舍恩先生认识到这些考虑的合理性，并含糊地表示希望总是有可能的。

When I asked him if we should give to the Austrian note the character of a simple _mise en demeure_, which permitted a discussion, or an ultimatum, he answered that personally he had no views."

当我问他我们是否应该赋予奥地利照会一种简单的“mise en demeure”特征，允许讨论或最后通牒时，他回答说他个人没有任何意见。”

M。

Jules Cambon, French Ambassador at Berlin, reported to M.

法国驻柏林大使 Jules Cambon 向 M.

Bienvenu-Martin, that official German opinion supported Austria in not abating her demands on Serbia.

Bienvenu-Martin，德国官方意见支持奥地利不减少对塞尔维亚的要求。

There was pessimism in diplomatic circles.

外交界出现悲观情绪。

The Russian Chargé d'Affaires, M.

俄罗斯临时代办，M.

Broniewsky, had bitterly noted the presentation of the note to Serbia during the absence from France of the French President and Prime Minister.

布罗涅夫斯基先生痛苦地注意到在法国总统和总理缺席法国期间向塞尔维亚提交照会的情况。

He thought that William II, in his desire to support the monarchic principle, was becoming less inclined to show a conciliatory attitude.

他认为威廉二世出于支持君主制原则的愿望，越来越不愿意表现出和解的态度。

In a second letter M.

在第二个字母M中。

Cambon reported an interview he had just had with Herr von Jagow, German Secretary of State.

康邦报道了他刚刚与德国国务卿冯雅戈先生进行的一次采访。

The secretary supported the Austrian note to Serbia.

国务卿支持奥地利给塞尔维亚的照会。

It was that country's domestic affair, and he hoped that the dispute would be localized.

这是该国的内政，他希望争端能够局部化。

[Illustration: King Peter of Serbia.]

[插图：塞尔维亚彼得国王。]

"I asked him if the Berlin Cabinet had really been entirely ignorant of Austria's requirements before they were communicated to Belgrade, and as he told me that that was so, I showed him my surprise at seeing him thus undertake to support claims of whose limit and scope he was ignorant.

“我问他，在奥地利的要求传达给贝尔格莱德之前，柏林内阁是否真的完全不知道这些要求，当他告诉我情况确实如此时，我对他如此承诺支持他不知道其限制和范围的主张感到惊讶。

"Herr von Jagow interrupted me, and said: 'It is only because we are having a personal conversation that I allow you to say that to me.'

“冯·贾戈先生打断了我的话，说道：‘只是因为我们正在进行私人谈话，我才允许你对我这么说。’

"'Certainly,' I replied, 'but if Peter I humiliates himself, domestic trouble will probably break out in Serbia; that will open the door to fresh possibilities, and do you know where you will be led by Vienna?' I added that the language of the German newspapers was not the language of persons who were indifferent to, and unacquainted with, the question, but betokened an active support.

“‘当然，’我回答道，‘但是如果彼得一世羞辱自己，塞尔维亚可能会爆发国内麻烦；这将为新的可能性打开大门，你知道维也纳将带领你走向何方吗？我补充说，德国报纸的语言不是那些对这个问题漠不关心、不熟悉的人的语言，而是表明了积极的支持。

Finally I remarked that the shortness of the time limit given to Serbia for submission would make an unpleasant impression in Europe.

最后我指出，塞尔维亚提交申请的时限过短将会给欧洲留下不愉快的印象。

"Herr von Jagow answered that he quite expected a little excitement (_un peu d'émotion_) on the part of Serbia's friends, but that he was counting on their giving her wise advice.

“冯·雅戈先生回答说，他很期待塞尔维亚朋友们会感到一点兴奋（_un peu d'émotion_），但他指望他们给她明智的建议。

"'I have no doubt,' I then said to him, 'that Russia would endeavor to persuade the Cabinet of Belgrade to make acceptable concessions; but why not ask from one what is being asked from the other, and if reliance is being placed on advice being given at Belgrade, is it not also legitimate to rely on advice being given at Vienna from another quarter?'

“‘我毫不怀疑，’然后我对他说，‘俄罗斯会努力说服贝尔格莱德内阁做出可接受的让步；但是为什么不向一个人询问另一个人的要求，如果依赖贝尔格莱德提供的建议，那么依赖另一个方面在维也纳提供的建议不是也是合法的吗？

"The Secretary of State went so far as to say that that depended on circumstances; but immediately checked himself; he repeated that the difficulty must be localized.

“国务卿竟然说这取决于具体情况；但他立即制止了自己；他重申，困难必须是局部的。

He asked me if I really thought the situation serious.

他问我是否真的认为情况很严重。

'Certainly,' I answered, 'because if what is happening is the result of due reflection, I do not understand why all means of retreat have been cut off.'

“当然，”我回答道，“因为如果现在发生的事情是经过深思熟虑的结果，我不明白为什么所有的退路都被切断了。”

"All the evidence shows that Germany is ready to support Austria's attitude with unusual energy.

“所有证据都表明，德国准备以不同寻常的精力支持奥地利的态度。

The weakness which her Austro-Hungarian ally has shown for some years past has weakened the confidence that was placed in her here.

她的奥匈帝国盟友过去几年所表现出的软弱削弱了人们对她的信心。

She was found heavy to drag along.

她被发现很重，难以拖行。

Mischievous legal proceedings, such as the Agram and the Friedjung affairs, brought odium on her police and covered them with ridicule.

阿格拉姆事件和弗里容事件等恶作剧的法律诉讼给她的警察带来了厌恶，并用嘲笑来掩盖他们。

All that was asked of the police was that they should be strong; the conviction is that they were violent.

对警察的唯一要求就是他们应该坚强；他们应该坚强。确信他们是暴力的。

"An article which appeared in the 'Lokal Anzeiger' this evening shows also that at the German Chancellery there exists a state of mind to which we in Paris are naturally not inclined to pay sufficient attention, I mean the feeling that monarchies must stand together.

“今晚《Lokal Anzeiger》上发表的一篇文章也表明，德国总理府存在着一种我们巴黎人自然不会给予足够关注的心态，我指的是君主制必须团结一致的感觉。

I am convinced that great weight must be attached to this point of view in order to appreciate the attitude of the Emperor William, whose impressionable nature must have been affected by the assassination of a prince whose guest he had been a few days previously.

我相信，为了理解威廉皇帝的态度，必须高度重视这一观点，威廉皇帝易受影响的本性一定受到了几天前他曾拜访过的一位王子被暗杀的影响。

"It is not less striking to notice the pains with which Herr von Jagow, and all the officials placed under his orders, pretend to everyone that they were ignorant of the scope of the note sent by Austria to Serbia."

“同样令人震惊的是，冯·雅戈先生以及受他命令的所有官员都痛苦地向所有人假装他们不知道奥地利向塞尔维亚发出的照会的范围。”

M。

Paléologue, French Ambassador at St. Petersburg, reported to M.

法国驻圣彼得堡大使帕莱奥洛格向 M.

Bienvenu-Martin as follows:

Bienvenu-Martin 如下：

"The intentions of the Emperor of Russia and his ministers could not be more pacific, a fact of which the President of the [French] Republic and the president of the council have been able to satisfy themselves directly; but the ultimatum which the Austro-Hungarian Government has just delivered to the Cabinet at Belgrade introduces a new and disquieting element into the situation.

“俄罗斯皇帝和他的部长们的意图是非常和平的，[法兰西]共和国总统和委员会主席已经能够直接满足这一事实；但奥匈帝国政府刚刚向贝尔格莱德内阁发出的最后通牒给局势带来了新的令人不安的因素。

"Public opinion in Russia would not allow Austria to offer violence to Serbia.

“俄罗斯的公众舆论不会允许奥地利向塞尔维亚提供暴力。

The shortness of the time limit fixed by the ultimatum renders still more difficult the moderating influence that the powers of the Triple Entente might exercise at Vienna.

最后通牒规定的时限很短，使得三国协约国的权力在维也纳可能发挥的缓和影响变得更加困难。

"On the other hand, M.

“另一方面，M.

Sazonof [Russian Prime Minister] assumes that Germany will desire to support her ally and I am afraid that this impression is correct.

萨佐诺夫（俄罗斯总理）认为德国会愿意支持她的盟友，我担心这种印象是正确的。

Nothing but the assurance of the solidarity of the Triple Entente can prevent the German powers from emphasizing their provocative attitude."

只有保证三国协约国的团结，才能阻止德国列强强调其挑衅态度。”

M。

Paul Cambon, French Ambassador at London, reported to M.

法国驻伦敦大使保罗·坎本 (Paul Cambon) 向 M.

Bienvenu-Martin an interview with Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary for Foreign Affairs.

比恩韦努-马丁接受英国外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士的采访。

Cambon and Grey were agreed that everything must be done to avert the crisis, and that the British Cabinet should take the initiative in offering mediation by the four powers not directly interested, Great Britain, France, Russia and Germany.

康朋和格雷一致认为，必须采取一切措施避免危机，英国内阁应主动由英、法、俄、德这四个没有直接利益的国家进行调解。

If Germany assented, time would be gained, and this was the essential point.

如果德国同意，就能赢得时间，这是关键。

"Sir Edward Grey told me that he would discuss with Prince Lichnowsky the proposal.

“爱德华·格雷爵士告诉我，他将与利奇诺夫斯基王子讨论这一提议。

I mentioned the matter to my Russian colleague [Count Benckendorff] who is afraid of a surprise from Germany, and who imagines that Austria would not have dispatched her ultimatum without previous agreement with Berlin.

我向我的俄罗斯同事[本肯多夫伯爵]提到了此事，他担心德国会出其不意，并且认为如果没有事先与柏林达成协议，奥地利不会发出最后通牒。

"Count Benckendorff told me that Prince Lichnowsky, when he returned from leave about a month ago, had intimated that he held pessimistic views regarding the relations between St. Petersburg and Berlin.

“本肯多夫伯爵告诉我，利希诺夫斯基王子大约一个月前休假回来时曾暗示，他对圣彼得堡和柏林之间的关系持悲观态度。

He had observed the uneasiness caused in this latter capital by the rumors of a naval entente between Russia and Great Britain, by the czar's visit to Bucharest, and by the strengthening of the Russian army.

他注意到俄罗斯与英国之间海军协约的传言、沙皇访问布加勒斯特以及俄罗斯军队的加强所引起的不安。

Count Benckendorff had concluded from this that a war with Russia would be looked upon without disfavor in Germany.

本肯多夫伯爵由此得出结论，德国不会不赞成与俄罗斯发生战争。

"The Under-Secretary of State [Sir Arthur Nicholson] has been struck, as all of us have been, by the anxious looks of Prince Lichnowsky since his return from Berlin, and he considers that if Germany had wished to do so she could have stopped the dispatch of the ultimatum.

“正如我们所有人一样，副国务卿[阿瑟·尼科尔森爵士]对利希诺夫斯基王子从柏林回来后焦急的表情感到震惊，他认为如果德国愿意这样做，她本可以停止发出最后通牒。

"The situation, therefore, is as grave as it can be, and we see no way of arresting the course of events.

“因此，情况非常严重，我们看不出有什么办法可以阻止事态的发展。

"However, Count Benckendorff thinks it right to attempt the démarche upon which I have agreed with Sir Edward Grey."

“然而，本肯多夫伯爵认为尝试采取我与爱德华·格雷爵士达成一致的外交政策是正确的。”

In a second letter M.

在第二个字母M中。

Cambon reported receipt of the details of the Austrian ultimatum.

康邦报告说已收到奥地利最后通牒的详细信息。

"In consultation with my Russian colleague, who thinks it extremely difficult for his Government not to support Serbia, we have been asking ourselves what intervention could avert the conflict.

“我的俄罗斯同事认为，俄罗斯政府很难不支持塞尔维亚，在与他协商后，我们一直在问自己，什么样的干预措施可以避免冲突。

"Sir Edward Grey having summoned me for this afternoon, I propose to suggest that he should ask for the semiofficial intervention of the German Government at Vienna to prevent a sudden attack."

“爱德华·格雷爵士今天下午召见了我，我建议他请求德国政府在维也纳进行半官方干预，以防止突然袭击。”

M。

Bienvenu-Martin informed the French Ambassadors at St. Petersburg, Berlin, Vienna and Rome, and the Ministers at Stockholm and Belgrade of M.

比恩韦努-马丁向法国驻圣彼得堡、柏林、维也纳和罗马大使以及斯德哥尔摩和贝尔格莱德部长通报了 M.

Cambon's report, and his (Bienvenu-Martin's) willingness to cooperate in the proposed conciliatory action at Vienna.

康邦的报告，以及他（比恩韦努-马丁）愿意在维也纳拟议的和解行动中进行合作的意愿。

_Belgium._ M.

_比利时._ M.

Davignon, Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs, notified the Belgian Ministers at Paris, London, Berlin, Vienna, and St. Petersburg

比利时外交部长达维尼翁通知比利时巴黎、伦敦、柏林、维也纳和圣彼得堡部长

"that the Government had under consideration an address to the powers who guarantee Belgian independence and neutrality assuring them of Belgium's determination to fulfill the international obligations imposed upon her by treaty in the event of a war breaking out on her frontiers.

“政府正在考虑向保证比利时独立和中立的各国发表讲话，向他们保证，如果其边境爆发战争，比利时决心履行条约规定的国际义务。

"The Government have come to the conclusion that such a communication would be premature at present, but that events might move rapidly and not leave sufficient time to forward suitable instructions at the desired moment to the Belgian representatives abroad.

“政府得出的结论是，目前这样的沟通还为时过早，但事态可能会迅速发展，没有足够的时间在所需的时刻向比利时驻外代表传达适当的指示。

"In these circumstances I have proposed to the King [Albert] and to my colleagues in the Cabinet, who have concurred, to give you now exact instructions as to the steps to be taken by you if the prospect of a Franco-German war became more threatening.

“在这种情况下，我已向国王[阿尔伯特]和我的内阁同事提议，如果法德战争的前景变得更具威胁性，我现在就向你们发出确切的指示，告诉你们应采取的步骤，他们已经同意了。

"I inclose herewith a note, signed but not dated, which you should read to the Minister for Foreign Affairs and of which you should give him a copy, if circumstances render such a communication necessary.

“我随函附上一份已签名但未注明日期的照会，您应向外交部长宣读该照会，并在情况需要时向他提供一份副本。

"I shall inform you by telegram when you are to act on these instructions.

“当你按照这些指示采取行动时，我将通过电报通知你。

"This telegram will be dispatched when the order is given for the mobilization of the Belgian army if, contrary to our earnest hope and to the apparent prospect of a peaceful settlement, our information leads us to take this extreme measure of precaution."

“如果与我们的热切希望和和平解决的明显前景相反，我们的信息导致我们采取这种极端的预防措施，那么当比利时军队动员的命令下达时，就会发出这封电报。”

The note inclosed said that Belgium had "most scrupulously" observed the obligations of neutrality imposed on her by the treaties of April 19, 1839, and would "strive unflinchingly" to fulfill them whatever the new circumstances might be.

所附照会称，比利时“最严格地”遵守了 1839 年 4 月 19 日条约赋予其的中立义务，并将“坚定不移地”履行这些义务，无论新情况如何。

"The friendly feelings of the powers toward her have been so often reaffirmed that Belgium confidently expects that her territory will remain free from any attack, should hostilities break out upon her frontiers.

“列强对她的友好感情经常得到重申，因此比利时自信地期望，如果其边境爆发敌对行动，其领土将免受任何攻击。

"All necessary steps to insure respect of Belgian neutrality have nevertheless been taken by the Government.

“无论如何，政府已采取一切必要措施确保尊重比利时的中立性。

The Belgian army has been mobilized and is taking up such strategic positions as have been chosen to secure the defense of the country and the respect of its neutrality.

比利时军队已经动员起来，并正在占据所选择的战略阵地，以确保保卫国家和尊重其中立性。

The forts of Antwerp and on the Meuse have been put in a state of defense....

安特卫普和默兹河畔的堡垒已处于防御状态......

"These measures are intended solely to enable Belgium to fulfill her international obligations; and it is obvious that they neither have been nor can have been undertaken with any intention of taking part in an armed struggle between the powers or from any feeling of distrust of any of those powers."

“这些措施的唯一目的是使比利时能够履行其国际义务；显然，这些行动既没有也不可能出于任何参与列强之间武装斗争的意图，或者出于对任何列强的不信任感。”

On the following day this notification was also sent to the Belgian Ministers at Rome, The Hague, and Luxemburg.

第二天，该通知还发送给了比利时驻罗马、海牙和卢森堡的部长。

SATURDAY, JULY 25, 1914

1914 年 7 月 25 日，星期六

_Austria-Hungary._ Count Berchtold, Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, telegraphed from Lembach to his Under-Secretary, Baron von Macchio, that Russia through Prince Koudacheff, its Chargé d'Affaires at Vienna, was pressing for an extension of the time limit in the note to Serbia, and that he should tell the prince this would not be granted, but that, even after the severance of diplomatic relations, Serbia could have peace by complying unconditionally with Austria-Hungary's demands--in which case, however, she must pay the cost of Austro-Hungarian military measures.

奥匈帝国外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵从朗巴赫电报给他的副部长冯·马基奥男爵，俄罗斯通过其驻维也纳临时代办库达切夫亲王敦促延长给塞尔维亚的照会中的时限，他应该告诉亲王这不会被批准，但是，即使在断绝外交关系之后就两国关系而言，塞尔维亚可以通过无条件遵守奥匈帝国的要求来实现和平，但在这种情况下，她必须付出奥匈帝国军事措施的代价。

Later, Count Berchtold telegraphed to Count Szápáry, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at St. Petersburg, that Prince Koudacheff had based his request on the powers being taken by surprise in the demands on Serbia, and therefore that Russia should have time to consider the evidence in the case as presented in Austria-Hungary's _dossier_.

后来，贝希托尔德伯爵电告奥匈帝国驻圣彼得堡大使萨帕里伯爵，称库达切夫亲王的请求是基于对塞尔维亚的要求感到惊讶的权力，因此俄罗斯应该有时间考虑奥匈帝国档案中提供的本案证据。

These grounds, said Count Berchtold, rested on a mistaken hypothesis.

贝希托尔德伯爵说，这些理由是基于一个错误的假设。

"Our note to the powers was in no way intended to invite them to make known their own views on the subject, but merely bore the character of a statement for information, the communication of which we regarded as a duty laid on us by international courtesy....

“我们向各国发出的照会绝不是要邀请他们就这个问题发表自己的看法，而只是提供信息声明的性质，我们认为传达这一信息是国际礼节赋予我们的责任……

We regarded our action as concerning us and Serbia alone."

我们认为我们的行动只关系到我们和塞尔维亚。”

Baron Giesl von Gieslingen, Austro-Hungarian Minister at Belgrade, telegraphed Count Berchtold that the Serbian Cabinet on the evening of the 24th and morning of the 25th had been preparing its reply to the note, and would deliver it before the time limit expired; preparations were being made by the Serbian Government and army for removal into the interior; foreign legations expected to have to follow; the Russian Legation was already packing up; the Austro-Hungarian Legation were ready to leave Belgrade by the 6.30 p.

奥匈帝国驻贝尔格莱德公使吉斯尔·冯·吉斯林根男爵电告贝希托尔德伯爵，塞尔维亚内阁已于24日晚和25日上午准备对照会的答复，并将在期限届满前交付；塞尔维亚政府和军队正在为迁往内地做准备；预计外国使馆也必须跟进；俄罗斯使馆已经在收拾行李了。奥匈帝国公使馆准备于下午 6 点 30 分离开贝尔格莱德。

米。

train.

火车。

Count Berchtold notified Count Szápáry at St. Petersburg, on the same day, that, in case of Russia reconsidering her position, and refusing to be swept away by the bellicose elements, he, with the support of his German colleague, Count Pourtalès, a close understanding with whom was presumed, should impress upon M.

同一天，贝希托尔德伯爵通知圣彼得堡的萨帕里伯爵，如果俄罗斯重新考虑自己的立场，并拒绝被好战分子卷走，他在德国同事普塔莱斯伯爵的支持下，应该给先生留下深刻的印象。

Sazonof, the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, that Austria-Hungary, in event of war with Russia, would not stand alone.

俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫表示，如果与俄罗斯发生战争，奥匈帝国不会孤立无援。

"That we had striven up till now, so far as in us lay, to preserve the peace which we considered to be the most precious possession of nations, was shown by the course of events during the last forty years, and by the historical fact that our gracious emperor has won for himself the glorious title of 'Protector of the Peace.'

“迄今为止，就我们而言，我们一直在努力维护我们认为是各国最宝贵财富的和平，这从过去四十年的事件进程中可以看出，也可以从我们仁慈的皇帝为自己赢得“和平保护者”的光荣称号这一历史事实中看出。

"We should, therefore, most sincerely deplore the disturbance of the European peace, because we also were of the opinion that the strengthening of the Balkan States in a position of political and national independence would prove to the advantage of our relations with Russia, and would also remove all possibility of antagonism between us and Russia; also because we have always been ready, in the shaping of our own policy, to take into consideration the dominant political interests of Russia.

“因此，我们应该对欧洲和平受到的干扰表示最诚挚的谴责，因为我们还认为，加强巴尔干国家的政治和民族独立地位将有利于我们与俄罗斯的关系，也将消除我们与俄罗斯之间发生对抗的一切可能性；还因为我们在制定自己的政策时始终准备考虑俄罗斯的主要政治利益。

"Any further toleration of Serbian intrigues would undermine our existence as a state and our position as a great power, thus also threatening the balance of power in Europe.

“对塞尔维亚阴谋的任何进一步容忍都会破坏我们作为一个国家的存在和我们作为一个大国的地位，从而也威胁到欧洲的力量平衡。

We are, however, convinced that it is to Russia's own interests, as her peaceful leaders will clearly see, that the existing European balance of power which is of such importance for the peace of the world, should be maintained.

然而，我们相信，正如她的和平领导人将清楚地看到的那样，应维持对世界和平至关重要的现有欧洲力量平衡，这符合俄罗斯自身的利益。

Our action against Serbia, whatever form it takes, is conservative from first to last, and its object is the necessary preservation of our position in Europe."

我们针对塞尔维亚的行动，无论采取何种形式，自始至终都是保守的，其目标是必要地维护我们在欧洲的地位。”

In a supplementary telegram Count Berchtold instructed Count Szápáry to explain that point five in the note to Serbia was interpolated merely out of practical considerations, and not to infringe on the sovereignty of Serbia.

在一份补充电报中，贝希托尔德伯爵指示萨帕里伯爵解释说，给塞尔维亚的照会中的第五点只是出于实际考虑而添加的，并不是为了侵犯塞尔维亚的主权。

"By 'collaboration' in point five, we are thinking of the establishment of a private 'Bureau de Sûreté' at Belgrade, which would operate in the same way as the analogous Russian establishments in Paris and in cooperation with the Serbian police and administration."

“通过第五点的‘合作’，我们正在考虑在贝尔格莱德建立一个私人‘安全局’，该机构的运作方式与俄罗斯在巴黎的类似机构相同，并与塞尔维亚警察和行政部门合作。”

Other ambassadors were similarly instructed.

其他大使也收到了类似的指示。

_Russia._ M.

_俄罗斯._ M.

Broniewsky, Russian Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin, telegraphed to M.

俄罗斯驻柏林临时代办布罗涅夫斯基 (Broniewsky) 电告 M.

Sazonof reporting that he and the British Ambassador, Sir George Buchanan, had urged the German Secretary of State, Herr von Jagow, to advise Vienna to extend the time limit in the ultimatum to Serbia.

萨佐诺夫报告说，他和英国大使乔治·布坎南爵士敦促德国国务卿冯·雅戈先生建议维也纳延长对塞尔维亚最后通牒的期限。

Von Jagow had telegraphed the request to Vienna, but, owing to the absence of Count Berchtold from the capital, feared that it would have no result.

冯·雅戈已将请求电报维也纳，但由于贝希托尔德伯爵不在首都，担心不会有结果。

"Moreover, he has doubts as to the wisdom of Austria yielding at the last moment, and he is inclined to think that such a step on her part might increase the assurance of Serbia.

“此外，他对奥地利在最后一刻让步是否明智表示怀疑，他倾向于认为奥地利的这一举措可能会增加塞尔维亚的信心。

I replied that a great power such as Austria could give way without impairing her prestige, and I adduced every other similar argument, but failed, nevertheless, to obtain any more definite promise.

我回答说，像奥地利这样的大国可以在不损害其威望的情况下让步，我还列举了所有其他类似的论点，但仍然未能获得任何更明确的承诺。

Even when I gave him to understand that action must be taken at Vienna if the possibility of terrible consequences was to be avoided, the Minister for Foreign Affairs answered each time in the negative."

即使我让他明白，如果要避免可能发生的可怕后果，就必须在维也纳采取行动，但外交部长每次都给出否定的回答。”

M。

Sevastipoulo, Russian Chargé d'Affaires at Paris, telegraphed M.

俄罗斯驻巴黎临时代办塞瓦斯蒂普洛 (Sevastipoulo) 电告 M.

Sazonof that, at his instance, the French representative at Vienna had been instructed to request extension of the time limit in the note to Serbia.

萨佐诺夫表示，在他的要求下，法国驻维也纳代表已接到指示，要求延长给塞尔维亚的照会中的时限。

Count Benckendorff, Russian Ambassador at London, telegraphed that the British representative at Vienna had been instructed to do the same, and also to discuss the prevention of hostilities should the request be refused.

俄罗斯驻伦敦大使本肯多夫伯爵电报称，英国驻维也纳代表已接到指示，也应这样做，并讨论如果请求被拒绝，如何防止敌对行动。

M。

Sazonof replied by telegraph that in event of hostilities, Russia counted on Great Britain siding at once and definitely with France and Russia in order to maintain the European balance of power for which Great Britain had constantly intervened in the past and which would certainly be compromised by the triumph of Austria.

萨佐诺夫在电报中回复说，一旦发生敌对行动，俄罗斯希望英国立即并明确地站在法国和俄罗斯一边，以维持欧洲的力量平衡，而英国过去一直不断干预这一平衡，而奥地利的胜利肯定会损害欧洲的力量平衡。

Count Pourtalès, German Ambassador at St. Petersburg, handed a note _verbale_ to M.

德国驻圣彼得堡大使普塔莱斯伯爵向 M. 递交了一份普通照会。

Sazonof, denying the press report that the action of Austria-Hungary was instigated by the German Government, and declaring that this government "had no knowledge of the text" of the note to Serbia before it was presented, and had "exercised no influence upon its contents."

萨佐诺夫否认了媒体关于奥匈帝国的行动是由德国政府煽动的报道，并宣称德国政府在向塞尔维亚发出的照会之前“不了解其内容”，并且“对其内容没有施加任何影响”。

"Germany, as the ally of Austria, naturally supports the claims made by the Vienna Cabinet against Serbia, which she considers justified.

“德国作为奥地利的盟友，自然支持维也纳内阁针对塞尔维亚提出的主张，她认为这些主张是合理的。

"Above all Germany wishes, as she has already declared from the very beginning of the Austro-Serbian dispute, that this conflict should be localized."

“正如德国从奥塞争端一开始就已经声明的那样，德国希望这场冲突应该局部化。”

The same statement was made to the French Government by Baron von Schoen, the German Ambassador, and to the British Government by Count Benckendorff, the Russian Ambassador.

德国大使冯舍恩男爵向法国政府发表了同样的声明，俄罗斯大使本肯多夫伯爵向英国政府发表了同样的声明。

The count asked Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary of Foreign Affairs, that the British Government bring conciliatory pressure on Austria.

伯爵要求英国外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士英国政府向奥地利施加和解压力。

"Grey replied that this was quite impossible.

”格雷回答说，这是完全不可能的。

He added that, as long as complications existed between Austria and Serbia alone, British interests were only indirectly affected; but he had to look ahead to the fact that Austrian mobilization would lead to Russian mobilization, and that from that moment a situation would exist in which the interests of all the powers would be involved.

他补充说，只要奥地利和塞尔维亚之间存在复杂性，英国的利益就只会受到间接影响；但他必须预见到这样一个事实：奥地利的动员将导致俄罗斯的动员，从那时起，就会出现一种涉及所有列强利益的局面。

In that event Great Britain reserved to herself full liberty of action."

在这种情况下，英国保留充分的行动自由。”

_Great Britain._ Sir Francis Bertie, British Ambassador at Paris, telegraphed to Sir Edward Grey that M.

_英国。_英国驻巴黎大使弗朗西斯·伯蒂爵士致电爱德华·格雷爵士说，M.

Bienvenu-Martin, French Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs, hoped that Serbia's reply to Austra-Hungary's demands would be sufficiently conciliatory to obviate extreme measures, but said that there would be revolution in Serbia if she were to accept the demands in their entirety.

法国代理外交部长比恩韦努-马丁希望塞尔维亚对奥匈帝国要求的答复足够和解，以避免采取极端措施，但他表示，如果塞尔维亚完全接受奥匈帝国的要求，塞尔维亚将会发生革命。

Sir George Buchanan, British Ambassador at St. Petersburg, telegraphed to Sir Edward Grey that M.

英国驻圣彼得堡大使乔治·布坎南爵士致电爱德华·格雷爵士说，M.

Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, said that the explanations of the Austrian Ambassador, Count Szápáry, did not quite correspond with information received from German quarters, which information came too late to affect negotiations at Vienna.

俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫表示，奥地利大使萨帕里伯爵的解释与从德国方面收到的信息并不完全一致，这些信息来得太晚，不足以影响维也纳的谈判。

"The Minister for Foreign Affairs said that Serbia was quite ready to do as you had suggested and to punish those proved to be guilty, but that no independent State could be expected to accept the political demands which had been put forward.

“外交部长表示，塞尔维亚已准备好按照您的建议行事，并惩罚那些被证明有罪的人，但不能指望任何独立国家接受所提出的政治要求。

The Minister for Foreign Affairs thought, from a conversation which he had with the Serbian Minister [Dr. Spalaikovitch] yesterday, that, in the event of the Austrians attacking Serbia, the Serbian Government would abandon Belgrade, and withdraw their forces into the interior, while they would at the same time appeal to the powers to help them.

外交部长从他与塞尔维亚部长[Dr.斯帕莱科维奇]昨天表示，如果奥地利进攻塞尔维亚，塞尔维亚政府将放弃贝尔格莱德，并将军队撤回内地，同时呼吁列强帮助他们。

His excellency was in favor of their making this appeal.

阁下支持他们提出这一呼吁。

He would like to see the question placed on an international footing, as the obligations taken by Serbia in 1908, to which reference is made in the Austrian ultimatum, were given not to Austria, but to the powers.

他希望看到这个问题被置于国际基础上，因为塞尔维亚在 1908 年承担的义务（奥地利最后通牒中提到的义务）不是交给奥地利的，而是交给列强的。

"If Serbia should appeal to the powers, Russia would be quite ready to stand aside and leave the question in the hands of England, France, Germany, and Italy.

“如果塞尔维亚向列强求助，俄罗斯将随时袖手旁观，并将问题交给英国、法国、德国和意大利。

It was possible, in his opinion, that Serbia might propose to submit the question to arbitration.

他认为，塞尔维亚有可能提议将该问题提交仲裁。

"On my expressing the earnest hope that Russia would not precipitate war by mobilizing until you had had time to use your influence in favor of peace, his excellency assured me that Russia had no aggressive intentions, and she would take no action until it was forced upon her.

“我真诚地希望，在你们有时间利用你们的影响力促进和平之前，俄罗斯不会通过动员来引发战争，总统阁下向我保证，俄罗斯没有侵略意图，在被迫之前，她不会采取任何行动。

Austria's action was in reality directed against Russia.

奥地利的行动实际上是针对俄罗斯的。

She aimed at overthrowing the present _status quo_ in the Balkans, and establishing her own hegemony there.

她的目标是推翻巴尔干地区的现状，并在那里建立自己的霸权。

He did not believe that Germany really wanted war, but her attitude was decided by ours.

他不相信德国真的想要战争，但她的态度是由我们决定的。

If we took our stand firmly with France and Russia there would be no war.

如果我们坚定地与法国和俄罗斯站在一起，就不会有战争。

If we failed them now, rivers of blood would flow, and we would in the end be dragged into war.

如果我们现在辜负了他们，就会血流成河，最终就会被拖入战争。

"I said that England could play the rôle of mediator at Berlin and Vienna to better purpose as friend who, if her counsels of moderation were disregarded, might one day be converted into an ally, than if she were to declare herself Russia's ally at once.

“我说过，英国可以在柏林和维也纳扮演调解人的角色，以达到更好的目的，作为朋友，如果她的温和建议被忽视，有一天可能会变成盟友，而不是立即宣布自己是俄罗斯的盟友。

His excellency said that unfortunately Germany was convinced that she could count upon our neutrality.

阁下表示，不幸的是，德国相信她可以依靠我们的中立态度。

"I said all I could to impress prudence on the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and warned him that if Russia mobilized, Germany would not be content with mere mobilization, or give Russia time to carry out hers, but would probably declare war at once.

“我竭尽全力让外交部长保持谨慎，并警告他，如果俄罗斯动员起来，德国不会满足于仅仅动员，也不会给俄罗斯时间来进行动员，而可能会立即宣战。

His excellency replied that Russia could not allow Austria to crush Serbia and become the predominant power in the Balkans, and, if she feels secure of the support of France, she will face all the risks of war."

阁下回答说，俄罗斯不能允许奥地利压垮塞尔维亚，成为巴尔干地区的主导力量，而且，如果她感到有法国的支持，她将面临所有战争的风险。”

Sir Horace Rumbold, British Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin, telegraphed to Sir Edward Grey that Herr von Jagow, German Secretary of State, had instructed the German Ambassador at Vienna, Herr von Tschirscky, to present to Count Berchtold, Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Grey's suggestion of an extension of the time limit for Serbia's reply, but that, owing to Berchtold's absence from the capital, the extension would probably not be granted.

英国驻柏林临时代办霍勒斯·朗博尔德爵士电告爱德华·格雷爵士，德国国务卿冯·雅戈先生已指示德国驻维也纳大使冯·齐尔斯基先生向奥匈帝国外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵提出格雷关于延长塞尔维亚答复时限的建议，但由于贝希托尔德不在首都，因此延期可能不会被授予。

Von Jagow did not know what Austria-Hungary had ready on the spot, but admitted that they meant to take military action.

冯雅戈不知道奥匈帝国当场准备了什么，但承认他们打算采取军事行动。

He also admitted that Serbia "could not swallow" certain of Austria-Hungary's demands.

他还承认塞尔维亚“无法接受”奥匈帝国的某些要求。

"I asked whether it was not to be feared that, in taking military action against Serbia, Austria would dangerously excite public opinion in Russia.

“我问是否不必担心，奥地利对塞尔维亚采取军事行动会危险地激起俄罗斯的公众舆论。

He said he thought not.

他说他认为不会。

He remained of opinion that crisis could be localized.

他仍然认为危机可以是局部的。

I said that telegrams from Russia in this morning's papers did not look very reassuring, but he maintained his optimistic view with regard to Russia.

我说今天早报上的俄罗斯电报看起来不太让人放心，但他对俄罗斯保持乐观看法。

He said that he had given the Russian Government to understand that the last thing Germany wanted was a general war, and he would do all in his power to prevent such a calamity.

他说，他已经让俄罗斯政府明白，德国最不希望发生的就是一场全面战争，他将竭尽全力阻止这样的灾难。

If the relations between Austria and Russia became threatening, he was quite ready to fall in with your suggestion as to the four powers working in favor of moderation at Vienna and St. Petersburg.

如果奥地利和俄罗斯之间的关系变得具有威胁性，他很乐意接受你关于四个大国在维也纳和圣彼得堡支持温和派的建议。

"Secretary of State confessed privately that he thought the note left much to be desired as a diplomatic document.

“国务卿私下承认，他认为这份照会作为外交文件还有很多不足之处。

He repeated very earnestly that, though he had been accused of knowing all about the contents of that note, he had in fact had no such knowledge."

他非常认真地重复说，尽管他被指控知道那张纸条的全部内容，但事实上他并不知道。”

Sir Rennell Rodd, British Ambassador at Rome, telegraphed to Sir Edward Grey that the Italian Secretary General was of opinion that Austria will only be restrained by Serbia's unconditional surrender, and that there was reliable information she intended to seize the Saloniki Railway.

英国驻罗马大使伦内尔·罗德爵士电告爱德华·格雷爵士，意大利秘书长认为奥地利只会受到塞尔维亚无条件投降的约束，并有可靠消息称她打算夺取萨洛尼基铁路。

Sir Maurice de Bunsen, British Ambassador at Vienna, telegraphed Sir Edward Grey that the language of the Vienna press left the impression that the surrender of Serbia was neither expected nor desired, and that Minister for Foreign Affairs Berchtold would go to Ischl to communicate Serbia's reply as soon as it was presented.

英国驻维也纳大使莫里斯·德本生爵士电告爱德华·格雷爵士说，维也纳媒体的语言给人留下的印象是，塞尔维亚的投降既不是预期的，也是不希望的，外交部长贝希托尔德将在塞尔维亚的答复提交后立即前往伊舍转达。

Mr. Crackanthorpe, British Chargé d'Affaires at Belgrade, telegraphed to Sir Edward Grey a forecast of the Serbian reply, and said that the Serbian Government considered it would be fully satisfactory unless Austria-Hungary was determined on war at any cost.

英国驻贝尔格莱德临时代办克瑞肯索普先生向爱德华·格雷爵士电报了对塞尔维亚答复的预测，并表示塞尔维亚政府认为除非奥匈帝国不惜一切代价决意发动战争，否则塞尔维亚政府将完全满意。

In a supplementary telegram he said that in view of his French and Russian colleagues not having received instructions from their governments and of the proposed conciliatory terms of the Serbian reply, he had not offered advice to the Serbian Government.

他在补充电报中表示，鉴于他的法国和俄罗斯同事没有收到各自政府的指示，也没有收到塞尔维亚答复中拟议的和解条款，因此他没有向塞尔维亚政府提供建议。

It was highly probable the Russian Government had urged the utmost moderation on Serbia.

俄罗斯政府很可能敦促对塞尔维亚采取最大限度的克制。

Sir Edward Grey telegraphed Sir George Buchanan, British Ambassador at St. Petersburg, that he could not promise to Russia more than he had done.

爱德华·格雷爵士致电英国驻圣彼得堡大使乔治·布坎南爵士，表示他无法向俄罗斯做出比他已经做过的更多的承诺。

"I do not consider that public opinion here would or ought to sanction our going to war over a Serbian quarrel.

“我不认为这里的公众舆论会或应该批准我们因塞尔维亚争吵而发动战争。

If, however, war does take place, the development of other issues may draw us into it, and I am therefore anxious to prevent it.

然而，如果真的发生战争，其他问题的发展可能会将我们卷入其中，因此我迫切希望阻止它。

"The sudden, brusque, and peremptory character of the Austrian _démarche_ makes it almost inevitable that in a very short time both Russia and Austria will have mobilized against each other.

“奥地利政变的突然、粗暴和专横的特点使得俄罗斯和奥地利在很短的时间内几乎不可避免地动员起来相互对抗。

In this event, the only chance of peace, in my opinion, is for the other four powers to join in asking the Austrian and Russian Governments not to cross the frontier, and to give time for the four powers acting at Vienna and St. Petersburg to try and arrange matters.

在这种情况下，我认为唯一的和平机会是其他四个国家联合起来，要求奥地利和俄罗斯政府不要越过边界，并给在维也纳和圣彼得堡行动的四个国家留出时间来尝试和安排事情。

If Germany will adopt this view, I feel strongly that France and ourselves should act upon it.

如果德国采纳这一观点，我强烈认为法国和我们自己都应该采取行动。

Italy would no doubt gladly cooperate.

意大利无疑会很乐意合作。

"No diplomatic intervention or mediation would be tolerated by either Russia or Austria unless it was clearly impartial and included the allies or friends of both.

“俄罗斯或奥地利都不会容忍任何外交干预或调解，除非它明显公正并且包括两国的盟友或朋友。

The cooperation of Germany would, therefore, be essential."

因此，德国的合作至关重要。”

Sir Edward Grey telegraphed to Sir Horace Rumbold, British Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin, to the same effect, and also that Prince Lichnowsky, German Ambassador at London, was personally favorable to the suggestion of mediation between Austria and Russia, which he thought Austria might be able with dignity to accept.

爱德华·格雷爵士向英国驻柏林临时代办霍勒斯·朗博尔德爵士发电报，表达了同样的意思，德国驻伦敦大使利希诺夫斯基亲王个人也赞成奥地利和俄罗斯之间进行调解的建议，他认为奥地利可能能够有尊严地接受这一建议。

"I impressed upon the ambassador that, in the event of Russian and Austrian mobilization, the participation of Germany would be essential to any diplomatic action for peace.

“我让大使印象深刻的是，如果俄罗斯和奥地利动员起来，德国的参与对于任何和平外交行动都至关重要。

Alone we could do nothing.

独自一人我们什么也做不了。

The French Government were traveling at the moment, and I had had no time to consult them, and could not therefore be sure of their views, but I was prepared, if the German Government agreed with my suggestion, to tell the French Government that I thought it the right thing to act upon it."

法国政府此时正在旅行，我没有时间咨询他们，因此无法确定他们的看法，但如果德国政府同意我的建议，我准备告诉法国政府，我认为采取行动是正确的。”

Sir Edward Grey telegraphed to Sir Maurice de Bunsen, British Ambassador at Vienna, the text of the Russian telegram sent to the Russian Ambassador at Vienna asking the Austro-Hungarian Government for extension of the time limit for the Serbian reply, and protesting that a refusal would be "against international ethics." Grey asked Bunsen to support the Russian position.

爱德华·格雷爵士向英国驻维也纳大使莫里斯·德本生爵士电报了俄罗斯发给俄罗斯驻维也纳大使的电报文本，要求奥匈帝国政府延长塞尔维亚答复的时限，并抗议拒绝将“违反国际道德”。格雷请求本生支持俄罗斯的立场。

"I trust that if the Austro-Hungarian Government consider it too late to prolong the time limit, they will at any rate give time in the sense and for the reasons desired by Russia before taking any irretrievable steps."

“我相信，如果奥匈政府认为延长期限为时已晚，他们无论如何都会在采取任何无法挽回的步骤之前给予俄罗斯所希望的时间和理由。”

Sir Edward Grey telegraphed Mr. Crackanthorpe, British Chargé d'Affaires at Belgrade, an account of an interview of M.

爱德华·格雷爵士向英国驻贝尔格莱德临时代办克瑞肯索普先生电报，讲述了对 M. 的采访。

Boschkovitch, Serbian Minister at London, with Sir Arthur Nicholson, British Under-Secretary of Foreign Affairs.

塞尔维亚公使博什科维奇与英国外交副大臣阿瑟·尼科尔森爵士在伦敦。

"He mentioned that both the assassins of the archduke were Austrian subjects--Bosniaks; that one of them had been in Serbia, and that the Serbian authorities, considering him suspect and dangerous, had desired to expel him, but on applying to the Austrian authorities found that the latter protected him, and said that he was an innocent and harmless individual."

“他提到刺杀大公的两名凶手都是奥地利臣民——波斯尼亚人；其中一人在塞尔维亚，塞尔维亚当局认为他可疑且危险，本来想驱逐他，但在向奥地利当局申请时发现后者保护了他，并说他是一个无辜且无害的人。”

_France._--M.

_法国._--M。

Jules Cambon, French Ambassador at Berlin, reported to M.

法国驻柏林大使 Jules Cambon 向 M.

Bienvenu-Martin, Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs at Paris, an interview with Baron Beyens, Belgian Minister at Berlin.

巴黎代理外交部长比恩韦努-马丁在柏林接受比利时部长贝恩斯男爵的采访。

"The Belgian Minister appears very anxious....

“比利时部长看起来非常焦虑......

He is of opinion that Austria and Germany have desired to take advantage of the fact that, owing to a combination of circumstances at the present moment, Russia and England appear to them to be threatened by domestic troubles, while in France the state of the army is under discussion.

他认为，奥地利和德国希望利用这样一个事实：由于目前的各种情况，俄罗斯和英国在他们看来似乎受到国内麻烦的威胁，而法国正在讨论军队状况。

Moreover, he does not believe in the pretended ignorance of the Government of Berlin on the subject of Austria's _démarche_.

此外，他不相信柏林政府对奥地利的《外交政策》问题假装无知。

"He thinks that, if the form of it has not been submitted to the Cabinet at Berlin, the moment of its dispatch has been cleverly chosen in consultation with that Cabinet, in order to surprise the Triple Entente at a moment of disorganization.

“他认为，如果它的形式没有提交给柏林内阁，那么它的发送时机是与该内阁协商后巧妙选择的，以便在三国协约国解体之际给其带来惊喜。

"He has seen the Italian Ambassador, who has just interrupted his holiday in order to return.

“他见到了意大利大使，后者刚刚中断假期返回。

It looks as if Italy would be surprised, to put it no higher, at having been kept out of the whole affair by her two Allies."

毫不夸张地说，意大利似乎会因为被她的两个盟友排除在整个事件之外而感到惊讶。”

M。

Bienvenu-Martin notified the French Legations at London, Berlin, St. Petersburg, Vienna, and Stockholm of a visit made him by Baron von Schoen, the German Ambassador, to protest against an article in the _Écho de Paris_ calling his _démarche_ of yesterday a "German threat." M.

比恩韦努-马丁通知法国驻伦敦、柏林、圣彼得堡、维也纳和斯德哥尔摩使馆，德国大使冯舍恩男爵将造访他，以抗议《巴黎回响报》上一篇称他昨天的政令为“德国威胁”的文章。 M。

Berthelot, French Political Director, assured him that no private information had been given out by the Foreign office of the _démarche_, and that the article merely showed that the proceeding was known elsewhere than at the Quai d'Orsay.

法国政治主任贝特洛向他保证，《外交通报》外交部没有透露任何私人信息，而这篇文章只是表明，除了奥赛码头外，其他地方都知道这一诉讼程序。

The German Ambassador did not take up the allusion.

德国大使没有提及这个暗示。

M。

Paléologue, French Ambassador at St. Petersburg, reported to M.

法国驻圣彼得堡大使帕莱奥洛格向 M.

Bienvenu-Martin that M.

Bienvenu-Martin 认为 M.

Sazonof, Russian Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had been unfavorably impressed by the evasive replies and recriminations of Count de Pourtalès, the German Ambassador, over the note to Serbia.

德国大使德普塔莱斯伯爵就给塞尔维亚的照会所做出的回避和指责给俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫留下了不好的印象。

"The ministers will hold a council to-morrow with the czar presiding.

“部长们明天将召开由沙皇主持的会议。

M。

Sazonof preserves complete moderation.

萨佐诺夫保持完全的节制。

'We must avoid,' he said to me, 'everything which might precipitate the crisis.

他对我说：“我们必须避免一切可能引发危机的事情。”

I am of opinion that, even if the Austro-Hungarian Government come to blows with Serbia, we ought not to break off negotiations.'"

我认为，即使奥匈政府与塞尔维亚发生冲突，我们也不应该中断谈判。”

M。

Jules Cambon, French Ambassador at Berlin, reported to M.

法国驻柏林大使 Jules Cambon 向 M.

Bienvenu-Martin the interview with Herr von Jagow, German Secretary of State, by Sir Horace Rumbold.

Bienvenu-Martin 霍勒斯·朗博尔德爵士对德国国务卿冯·雅戈先生的采访。

"The British Chargé d'Affaires inquired of Herr von Jagow, as I had done yesterday, if Germany had had no knowledge of the Austrian note before it was dispatched, and he received so clear a reply in the negative that he was not able to carry the matter further; but he could not refrain from expressing his surprise at the blank cheque given by Germany to Austria.

“正如我昨天所做的那样，英国临时代办询问冯·雅戈先生，德国在奥地利的照会发出前是否对此一无所知，他得到的答复非常明确是否定的，因此他无法进一步讨论此事；但他还是忍不住对德国向奥地利开出的空白支票表示惊讶。

"Herr von Jagow having replied to him that the matter was a domestic one for Austria, he remarked that it had become essentially an international one."

“冯·雅高先生回复他说这是奥地利的国内问题，但他说这基本上已经成为国际问题。”

Later in the day M.

当天晚些时候，M.

Cambon reported the interview between Herr von Jagow and M.

康邦报道了冯·雅高先生和 M. 之间的采访。

Broniewski, Russian Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin.

布罗涅夫斯基，俄罗斯驻柏林临时代办。

"M.

“M。

Broniewski, like myself, has heard the rumor that Austria, while declaring that she did not desire an annexation of territory, would occupy parts of Serbia until she had received complete satisfaction.

布罗涅夫斯基和我一样，听到了这样的传言：奥地利虽然宣称不希望吞并领土，但将占领塞尔维亚的部分地区，直到她完全满意为止。

'One knows,' he said to me, 'what this word "satisfaction" means.' M.

“人们知道，”他对我说，“‘满意’这个词意味着什么。” M。

Broniewski's impressions of Germany's ultimate intentions are very pessimistic."

布罗涅夫斯基对德国最终意图的印象非常悲观。”

M。

Dumaine, French Ambassador at Vienna, reported to M.

法国驻维也纳大使杜曼向 M.

Bienvenu-Martin that Prince Koudacheff, Russian Chargé d'Affaires, had sent his Government's request of an extension of the time limit for the Serbian reply to Count Berchtold, the Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, in two telegrams, one addressed to him on his journey, and the other to Ischl, his destination.

比恩韦努-马丁指出，俄罗斯临时代办库达切夫亲王已向奥匈帝国外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵发出了俄罗斯政府关于延长塞尔维亚答复期限的请求，并通过两封电报，一封在途中发给他，另一封发给他的目的地伊舍尔。

The prince does not expect any result.

王子并不期待任何结果。

Baron Macchio, General Secretary of the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Office, had received "with icy coldness" the prince's expostulation that the submission by Austria-Hungary of grievances against Serbia without permitting time for their examination was not consonant with international courtesy.

奥匈帝国外交部秘书长马基奥男爵“冰冷”地接受了王子的劝告，即奥匈帝国在没有给予塞尔维亚审查时间的情况下对塞尔维亚提出不满，这不符合国际礼节。

The baron replied that one's interests sometimes exempted one from being courteous.

男爵回答说，一个人的利益有时使人不必表现出礼貌。

"The Austrian Government is determined to inflict humiliation on Serbia: it will accept no intervention from any power until the blow has been delivered and received full in the face by Serbia."

“奥地利政府决心对塞尔维亚施以羞辱：在塞尔维亚全面打击之前，它不会接受任何势力的干预。”

M。

Barrère, French Ambassador at Rome, reported to M.

法国驻罗马大使巴雷向 M.

Bienvenu-Martin that the request by the Russian Government for Italy's cooperation in securing from Austria-Hungary an extension of the time limit for the Serbian reply, came too late for action thereon, owing to the absence from Rome of the Prime Minister, the Marquis di San Giuliano.

比恩韦努-马丁指出，俄罗斯政府要求意大利合作以确保奥匈帝国延长塞尔维亚答复的时限，但由于总理圣朱利亚诺侯爵不在罗马，因此无法采取行动。

M。

Jules Cambon, French Ambassador at Berlin, notified M.

法国驻柏林大使 Jules Cambon 通知了 M.

Bienvenu-Martin that report had come from Vienna of rupture between Austria-Hungary and Serbia.

Bienvenu-Martin 的报告来自维也纳，内容是奥匈帝国和塞尔维亚之间的决裂。

"Large crowds consisting of several hundred persons are collecting here before the newspaper offices and a demonstration of numbers of young people has just passed through the Pariser-platz shouting cries of 'Hurrah' for Germany, and singing patriotic songs.

“数百人的大群人聚集在报社前，大批年轻人刚刚穿过巴黎广场，高呼德国万岁，唱着爱国歌曲。

The demonstrators are visiting the _Siegessaül_ [column of victory], the Austrian and then the Italian Embassy.

示威者首先参观了胜利之柱、奥地利大使馆，然后是意大利大使馆。

It is a significant outburst of chauvinism....

这是沙文主义的严重爆发......

"In financial circles measures are already being taken to meet every eventuality, for no means of averting the crisis is seen, in view of the determined support which Germany is giving to Austria.

“金融界已经采取措施应对各种可能发生的情况，鉴于德国对奥地利的坚定支持，目前看不到避免危机的方法。

"I, for my part, see in Great Britain the only power which might be listened to at Berlin.

“就我而言，英国是唯一可以在柏林听取意见的力量。

"Whatever happens, Paris, St. Petersburg, and London will not succeed in maintaining peace with dignity unless they show a firm and absolutely united front."

“无论发生什么，巴黎、圣彼得堡和伦敦都不会成功地维护有尊严的和平，除非它们表现出坚定和绝对的统一战线。”

At the hour of expiration of the ultimatum to Serbia, M.

在对塞尔维亚的最后通牒到期之际，M.

Dumaine, French Ambassador at Vienna, reported to M.

法国驻维也纳大使杜曼向 M.

Bienvenu-Martin that Prince Koudacheff, the Russian Chargé d'Affaires, had presented alone his request for an extension of the time limit, it seeming to the representatives of the other powers useless to support him when there was no time to do so.

比恩韦努-马丁认为，俄罗斯临时代办库达切夫亲王单独提出了延长期限的请求，在其他国家的代表看来，在没有时间的情况下支持他是没有用的。

"At the last moment we are assured that the Austrian Minister has just left Belgrade hurriedly; he must have thought the Serbian Government's acceptance of the conditions imposed by his Government inadequate."

“在最后一刻，我们确信奥地利部长刚刚匆匆离开贝尔格莱德；他肯定认为塞尔维亚政府对其政府提出的条件的接受程度不够。”

SERBIA'S REPLY TO THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN NOTE

塞尔维亚对奥匈帝国照会的答复

A few minutes before 6 p.

下午 6 点前几分钟。

m., July 25, 1914, the Serbian Government made its reply to the Austrian note.

1914年7月25日上午，塞尔维亚政府对奥地利照会作出答复。

This declared that no attempts had been made, or declarations uttered, by responsible representatives of Serbia, tending to subvert Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina, since March 31, 1909, when protests against the annexation of these countries made in the Skupshtina (Serbian Parliament) were cut short by declarations of the Serbian Government.

这表明，自 1909 年 3 月 31 日以来，塞尔维亚负责代表没有做出任何企图或发表任何旨在颠覆奥匈帝国在波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那统治的声明，当时塞尔维亚议会中反对吞并这些国家的抗议活动因塞尔维亚政府的声明而中断。

It drew attention to the fact that Austria-Hungary had since then made no complaint in this connection save in regard to a school book, concerning which it had received an entirely satisfactory explanation.

它提请注意这样一个事实，即奥匈帝国从那时起就没有在这方面提出过任何投诉，除了一本教科书，对此它得到了完全令人满意的解释。

"Serbia has several times given proofs of her pacific and moderate policy during the Balkan crisis, and it is thanks to Serbia and to the sacrifice that she has made in the exclusive interest of European peace that that peace has been preserved.

“塞尔维亚在巴尔干危机期间多次证明了其和平和温和的政策，正是由于塞尔维亚以及她为了欧洲和平的利益而做出的牺牲，才得以维护和平。

The Royal Government cannot be held responsible for manifestations of a private character, such as articles in the press and the peaceable work of societies--manifestations which take place in nearly all countries in the ordinary course of events, and which, as a general rule, escape official control.

王国政府不能对私人性质的表现负责，例如报刊上的文章和社团的和平工作——这些表现在几乎所有国家的正常事件过程中都会发生，而且一般来说，不受官方控制。

The Royal Government are all the less responsible, in view of the fact that at the time of the solution of a series of questions which arose between Serbia and Austria-Hungary they gave proof of a great readiness to oblige, and thus succeeded in settling the majority of these questions to the advantage of the two neighboring countries.

王国政府的责任就更小了，因为在解决塞尔维亚和奥匈帝国之间出现的一系列问题时，他们表现出了极大的意愿，从而成功地解决了大部分问题，这对两个邻国都有利。

"For these reasons the Royal Government have been pained and surprised at the statements, according to which members of the Kingdom of Serbia are supposed to have participated in the preparations for the crime committed at Sarajevo; the Royal Government expected to be invited to collaborate in an investigation of all that concerns this crime, and they were ready, in order to prove the entire correctness of their attitude, to take measures against any persons concerning whom representations were made to them.

“出于这些原因，王国政府对这些声明感到痛苦和惊讶，根据这些声明，塞尔维亚王国成员应该参与了在萨拉热窝犯下的罪行的准备工作；王国政府希望被邀请合作调查所有与这一罪行有关的事情，并且为了证明他们的态度完全正确，他们准备对向他们提出交涉的任何人采取措施。

Falling in, therefore, with the desire of the Imperial and Royal Government, they are prepared to hand over for trial any Serbian subject, without regard to his situation or rank, of whose complicity in the crime of Sarajevo proofs are forthcoming, and more especially they undertake to cause to be published on the first page of the 'Journal officiel,' on the date of July 26, the following declaration":

因此，根据帝国和王国政府的愿望，他们准备将任何塞尔维亚人移交审判，无论其情况或级别如何，只要有证据表明他们参与了萨拉热窝罪行，更特别的是，他们承诺在7月26日的“官方公报”第一页上发表以下声明：

[Here follows the declaration required by Austria-Hungary, with alterations intended to lessen the humiliation, which changes will be noted in a following criticism by the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Office.]

[以下是奥匈帝国要求的声明，为了减少羞辱而进行了一些修改，奥匈帝国外交部将在随后的批评中指出这些变化。]

"This declaration will be brought to the knowledge of the Royal army in an order of the day, in the name of his majesty the king, by his Royal Highness the Crown Prince Alexander, and will be published in the next official army bulletin.

“这份声明将以国王陛下的名义，由亚历山大王储殿下按照当天的命令通报给皇家军队，并将在下一份官方军队公报中发布。

"The Royal Government further undertake:

“王国政府进一步承诺：

"1.

“1.

To introduce at the first regular convocation of the Skupshtina a provision into the press law providing for the most severe punishment of incitement to hatred or contempt of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and for taking action against any publication the general tendency of which is directed against the territorial integrity of Austria-Hungary.

在第一次定期召开的议会会议上在新闻法中引入一项条款，规定对煽动仇恨或蔑视奥匈帝国君主制的行为给予最严厉的惩罚，并对任何总体倾向反对奥匈帝国领土完整的出版物采取行动。

The Government engage at the approaching revision of the Constitution to cause an amendment to be introduced into Article XXII of the Constitution of such a nature that such publication may be confiscated, a proceeding at present impossible under the categorical terms of Article XXII of the Constitution.

政府致力于对即将到来的宪法进行修订，以便对宪法第 22 条进行修改，其性质是可以没收此类出版物，但根据宪法第 22 条的明确规定，目前不可能进行这一程序。

"2.

”2.

The Government possess no proof, nor does the note of the Imperial and Royal Government furnish them with any, that the 'Narodna Odbrana' and other similar societies have committed up to the present any criminal act of this nature through the proceedings of any of their members.

政府没有任何证据，帝国和王国政府的照会也没有向他们提供任何证据，表明“Narodna Odbrana”和其他类似社团迄今为止通过其任何成员的诉讼程序犯下了任何此类性质的犯罪行为。

Nevertheless, the Royal Government will accept the demand of the Imperial and Royal Government, and will dissolve the 'Narodna Odbrana" Society and every other society which may be directing its efforts against Austria-Hungary.

尽管如此，王国政府将接受帝国和王国政府的要求，并将解散“Narodna Odbrana”协会和所有其他可能反对奥匈帝国的协会。

"3.

”3.

The Royal Serbian Government undertake to remove without delay from their public educational establishments in Serbia all that serves or could serve to foment propaganda against Austria-Hungary, whenever the Imperial and Royal Government furnish them with facts and proofs of this propaganda.

塞尔维亚皇家政府承诺，只要帝国和王国政府向其提供事实和证据，立即从塞尔维亚的公共教育机构中清除所有用于或可能用于煽动反奥匈帝国宣传的内容。

"4.

”4.

The Royal Government also agree to remove from military service all such persons as the judicial inquiry may have proved to be guilty of acts directed against the integrity of the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and they expect the Imperial and Royal Government to communicate to them at a later date the names and the acts of these officers and officials for the purposes of the proceedings which are to be taken against them.

王国政府还同意将所有此类人员从军队中除名，因为司法调查可能证明他们犯有危害奥匈帝国领土完整的行为，并且他们希望帝国和王国政府稍后向他们通报这些军官和官员的姓名和行为，以便对他们提起诉讼。

"5.

“5.

The Royal Government must confess that they do not clearly grasp the meaning or the scope of the demand made by the Imperial and Royal Government that Serbia shall undertake to accept the collaboration of the organs of the Imperial and Royal Government upon their territory, but they declare that they will admit such collaboration as agrees with the principle of international law, with criminal procedure, and with good neighborly relations.

王国政府必须承认，他们并不清楚帝国和王国政府提出的要求的含义或范围，即塞尔维亚应承诺接受帝国和王国政府机构在其领土上的合作，但他们声明，他们将接受符合国际法原则、刑事诉讼程序和睦邻关系的合作。

"6.

“6.

It goes without saying that the Royal Government consider it their duty to open an inquiry against all such persons as are, or eventually may be, implicated in the plot of June 28, and who happen to be within the territory of the kingdom.

不言而喻，王国政府认为有责任对所有涉及或最终可能涉及 6 月 28 日阴谋且恰好在王国境内的人展开调查。

As regards the participation in this inquiry of Austro-Hungarian agents or authorities appointed for this purpose by the Imperial and Royal Government, the Royal Government cannot accept such an arrangement, as it would be a violation of the constitution and of the law of criminal procedure; nevertheless, in concrete cases communications as to the results of the investigations in question might be given to the Austro-Hungarian agents.

至于奥匈帝国和王国政府为此目的任命的奥匈帝国特工或当局参与本次调查，王国政府不能接受这样的安排，因为这将违反宪法和刑事诉讼法；然而，在具体情况下，有关调查结果的信息可能会传达给奥匈帝国特工。

"7.

” 7.

The Royal Government proceeded, on the very evening of the delivery of the note, to arrest Commandant Voislav Tankossitch.

王国政府在送达照会的当天晚上就着手逮捕沃伊斯拉夫·坦克西奇指挥官。

As regards Milan Ziganovitch, who is a subject of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and who up to June 28 was employed (on probation) by the directorate of railways, it has not yet been possible to arrest him.

至于米兰·齐加诺维奇 (Milan Ziganovitch)，他是奥匈帝国君主国的臣民，截至 6 月 28 日一直受雇于铁路局（试用期），目前尚无法逮捕他。

"The Austro-Hungarian Government are requested to be so good as to supply as soon as possible, in the customary form, the presumptive evidence of guilt, as well as the eventual proofs of guilt which have been collected up to the present, at the inquiry at Sarajevo for the purposes of the later inquiry.

“请奥匈帝国政府尽快以惯常形式提供有罪推定证据，以及迄今为止在萨拉热窝调查中收集到的最终有罪证据，以供以后的调查之用。

"8.

” 8.

The Serbian Government will reinforce and extend the measures which have been taken for preventing the illicit traffic of arms and explosives across the frontier.

塞尔维亚政府将加强和扩大为防止边境非法贩运武器和爆炸物而采取的措施。

It goes without saying that they will immediately order an inquiry and will severely punish the frontier officials on the Schabatz-Loznitza line who have failed in their duty and allowed the authors of the crime of Sarajevo to pass.

不用说，他们将立即下令进行调查，并将严厉惩罚沙巴茨-洛兹尼察线上失职、放过萨拉热窝罪行的边防官员。

"9.

“9.

The Royal Government will gladly give explanations of the remarks made by their officials whether in Serbia or abroad, in interviews after the crime which according to the statement of the Imperial and Royal Government were hostile toward the [Dual] Monarchy, as soon as the Imperial and Royal Government have communicated to them the passages in question in these remarks, and as soon as they have shown that the remarks were actually made by the said officials, although the Royal Government will itself take steps to collect evidence and proofs.

根据帝国和王国政府的声明，一旦帝国和王国政府向他们传达了这些言论中的相关段落，并且一旦他们表明这些言论实际上是上述官员发表的，王国政府将很乐意解释其官员在塞尔维亚或国外在犯罪发生后接受采访时发表的言论，尽管王国政府本身将采取措施收集证据和证据。

"10.

” 10.

The Royal Government will inform the Imperial and Royal Government of the execution of the measures comprised under the above heads, in so far as this has not already been done by the present note, as soon as each measure has been ordered and carried out.

王国政府将在每项措施下令并实施后，立即通知帝国和王国政府上述各项措施的执行情况（只要本说明尚未这样做）。

"If the Imperial and Royal Government are not satisfied with this reply, the Serbian Government, considering that it is not to the common interest to precipitate the solution of this question, are ready, as always, to accept a pacific understanding, either by referring this question to the decision of the International Tribunal of The Hague, or to the Great Powers which took part in the drawing up of the declaration made by the Serbian Government on March 31, 1909."

“如果帝国和王国政府对这一答复不满意，塞尔维亚政府考虑到加速解决这一问题不符合共同利益，愿意一如既往地接受和平谅解，要么将此问题提交给海牙国际法庭的裁决，要么提交给参与起草塞尔维亚政府于 1909 年 3 月 31 日发表的声明的大国。”

The Austro-Hungarian Minister to Belgrade, Baron Giesl von Gieslingen, to whom the reply was delivered, on comparing it with his instructions, declared it unsatisfactory, and informed M.

奥匈帝国驻贝尔格莱德公使吉斯尔·冯·吉斯林根男爵收到了答复，在将答复与他的指示进行比较后，宣布答复不满意，并通知了M.

Pashitch, the Serbian Prime Minister that he and his legation would leave Belgrade that evening, turning over his Government's interests in Serbia to the German Legation.

塞尔维亚总理帕希奇表示，他和他的使馆将于当晚离开贝尔格莱德，将其政府在塞尔维亚的利益移交给德国使馆。

Rupture in diplomatic relations between Austria-Hungary and Serbia, he said, was a _fait accompli_.

他说，奥匈帝国和塞尔维亚之间的外交关系破裂是既成事实。

These events M.

这些事件M.

Pashitch reported on the same day to all the Serbian Legations abroad, and further announced:

帕希奇当天向所有驻外塞尔维亚使馆报告，并进一步宣布：

"The Royal Serbian Government have summoned the Skupshtina to meet on July 27 at Nish, whither all the ministries with their staffs are proceeding this evening.

“塞尔维亚皇家政府已召集 Skupshtina 于 7 月 27 日在尼什举行会议，所有部委及其工作人员将于今晚前往那里。

The crown prince has issued, in the name of the king, an order for the mobilization of the army, while to-morrow or the day after a proclamation will be made in which it will be announced that civilians who are not liable to military service should remain peaceably at home, while soldiers should proceed to their appointed posts and defend the country to the best of their ability, in the event of Serbia being attacked."

王储以国王的名义发布了动员军队的命令，明天或后天将发布公告，宣布不需服兵役的平民应安静地待在家里，而士兵则应前往指定岗位，在塞尔维亚受到攻击时尽最大努力保卫国家。”

The Austrian Minister left Belgrade at 6.30 p.

奥地利部长于下午 6 点 30 分离开贝尔格莱德。

米。

for Vienna.

对于维也纳。

On the same day the Serbian Minister at Vienna, M.

同一天，塞尔维亚驻维也纳部长 M.

Yov.

哟。

Yovanovitch, received his passports.

约万诺维奇收到了护照。

On the same day the Serbian reply was presented at Vienna, where it received the following commentaries by the Foreign Office:

同一天，塞尔维亚的答复在维也纳提交，并收到了外交部的以下评论：

"The Royal Serbian Government limits itself to establishing that since the declaration of March 31, 1909, there has been no attempt on the part of the Serbian Government to alter the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

“塞尔维亚王国政府仅限于证明，自 1909 年 3 月 31 日发表声明以来，塞尔维亚政府从未试图改变波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的立场。

"With this she deliberately shifts the foundation of our note, as we have not insisted that she and her officials have undertaken anything official in this direction.

“她故意改变了我们照会的基础，因为我们并没有坚持认为她和她的官员已经朝这个方向采取了任何正式行动。

Our gravamen is that in spite of the obligation assumed in the cited note, she has omitted to suppress the movement directed against the territorial integrity of the monarchy.

我们的遗憾是，尽管在所引用的注释中承担了义务，但她却忽略了镇压针对君主制领土完整的运动。

"Her obligation consisted in changing her attitude and the entire direction of her policies, and in entering into friendly and neighborly relations with the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and not to interfere with the possession of Bosnia.

“她的义务包括改变她的态度和政策的整体方向，并与奥匈帝国建立友好睦邻关系，并且不干涉对波斯尼亚的占有。

"The assertion of the Royal Serbian Government that the expressions of the press and the activity of Serbian associations possess a private character and thus escape governmental control, stands in full contrast with the institutions of modern states and even the most liberal of press and society laws, which nearly everywhere subject the press and the societies to a certain control of the state.

“塞尔维亚皇家政府声称新闻界的言论和塞尔维亚协会的活动具有私人性质，因此不受政府控制，这与现代国家的机构甚至最自由的新闻和社会法完全相反，这些法律几乎在所有地方都使新闻界和社会受到国家的某种控制。

This is also provided for by the Serbian institutions.

塞尔维亚机构也对此做出了规定。

The rebuke against the Serbian Government consists in the fact that it has totally omitted to supervise its press and its societies, in so far as it knew their direction to be hostile to the [Dual] Monarchy.

对塞尔维亚政府的指责在于，它完全忽视了对其媒体和社团的监督，因为它知道它们的方向是敌视[双]君主制。

"The assertion [that the Serbian Government was ready to proceed against all persons in regard to whom it would receive information] is incorrect.

“[塞尔维亚政府准备对其收到信息的所有人采取行动]的说法是不正确的。

The Serbian Government was accurately informed about the suspicion resting upon quite definite personalities and not only in the position, but also obliged by its own laws to institute investigations spontaneously.

塞尔维亚政府准确地获知了对相当明确的人物的怀疑，不仅在立场上，而且根据其本国法律有义务自发进行调查。

The Serbian Government has done nothing in this direction."

塞尔维亚政府在这方面没有采取任何行动。”

The Austro-Hungarian Foreign Office objected to the alterations made by Serbia in the declaration published in the official organ.

奥匈外交部对塞尔维亚在官方机构发表的声明中所做的修改表示反对。

This, in the Serbian reply, began:

塞尔维亚的答复是这样开始的：

"The Royal Serbian Government condemns every propaganda which should be directed against Austria-Hungary.

“塞尔维亚皇家政府谴责一切针对奥匈帝国的宣传。

"The Austrian demand reads: 'The Royal Serbian Government condemns the propaganda against Austria-Hungary....' The alteration of the declaration as demanded by us, which has been made by the Royal Serbian Government, is meant to imply that a propaganda directed against Austria-Hungary does not exist, and that it is not aware of such.

“奥地利的要求如下：‘塞尔维亚皇家政府谴责针对奥匈帝国的宣传……’按照我们的要求修改塞尔维亚皇家政府所做的声明，是为了暗示针对奥匈帝国的宣传并不存在，而且它也没有意识到这一点。

This formula is insincere, and the Serbian Government reserves itself the subterfuge for later occasions that it had not disavowed by this declaration the existing propaganda, nor recognized the same as hostile to the [Dual] Monarchy, whence it could deduce further that it is not obliged to suppress in the future a propaganda similar to the present one."

这种说法是不真诚的，塞尔维亚政府为以后的场合保留了借口，即它没有通过这一声明否认现有的宣传，也没有承认这种宣传是对[双]君主制的敌意，因此它可以进一步推断，它没有义务在未来压制类似于目前的宣传。”

Objection was similarly made to the alteration in the Serbian apology for acts of Serbian officers.

塞尔维亚对塞尔维亚军官行为的道歉的改变也遭到了同样的反对。

This apology began:

这段道歉开始了：

"The Royal Government regrets that according to a communication of the Imperial and Royal Government certain Serbian officers and functionaries have participated in the propaganda.

“王国政府感到遗憾的是，根据帝国和王国政府的来函，某些塞尔维亚官员和工作人员参与了宣传。

"The formula as demanded by Austria reads: The Royal Government regrets that Serbian officers and functionaries ...

“奥地利要求的公式如下：王国政府对塞尔维亚官员和工作人员感到遗憾......

have participated....

参加过....

Also with this formula and the further addition 'according to the declaration of the Imperial and Royal Government,' the Serbian Government pursues the object, already indicated above, to preserve a free hand for the future.

同样，通过这一公式以及“根据帝国和王国政府的声明”的进一步补充，塞尔维亚政府追求上文已经指出的目标，即为未来保留自由。

"Austria had demanded:

“奥地利要求：

"1.

“1.

To suppress every publication which incites to hatred and contempt for the [Dual] Monarchy, and whose tendency is directed against the territorial integrity of the monarchy.

压制一切煽动对[双]君主制的仇恨和蔑视以及其倾向反对君主制领土完整的出版物。

"We wanted to bring about the obligation for Serbia to take care that such attacks of the press would cease in the future.

“我们希望塞尔维亚有义务注意此类媒体攻击将来会停止。

"Instead Serbia offers to pass certain laws which are meant as means toward this end, viz:

“相反，塞尔维亚提出通过某些法律，这些法律旨在实现这一目标，即：

"(_a_) A law according to which the expressions of the press hostile to the [Dual] Monarchy can be individually punished, a matter which is immaterial to us, all the more so, as the individual prosecution of press intrigues is very rarely possible and as, with a lax enforcement of such laws, the few cases of this nature would not be punished.

“(_a_) 根据一项法律，对[双]君主制怀有敌意的新闻界言论可以受到单独惩罚，这对我们来说并不重要，更重要的是，因为对新闻界阴谋进行单独起诉的可能性非常小，而且由于此类法律执行不严，极少数此类性质的案件不会受到惩罚。

The proposition, therefore, does not meet our demand in any way, and it offers not the least guaranty for the desired success.

因此，这个提议无论如何都不能满足我们的要求，也不能为我们所期望的成功提供任何保证。

"(_b_) An amendment to article 22 of the constitution, which would permit confiscation, a proposal which does not satisfy us, as the existence of such a law in Serbia is of no use to us.

“(_b_) 对宪法第 22 条的修正案允许没收，但这一提议并不令我们满意，因为塞尔维亚存在这样的法律对我们没有任何用处。

For we want the _obligation_ of the Government to _enforce_ it and that has not been promised us.

因为我们希望政府有_义务_执行它，但这并没有向我们承诺。

"These proposals are therefore entirely unsatisfactory and evasive as we are not told within what time these laws will be passed, and as in the event of the not passing of these laws by the Skupshtina everything would remain as it is, except in the event of a possible resignation of the Government.

“因此，这些提议完全不能令人满意且含糊其辞，因为我们不知道这些法律将在什么时间内通过，而且如果议会不通过这些法律，一切都将保持原样，除非政府可能辞职。

"2.

”2.

The propaganda of the Narodna Odbrana and affiliated societies hostile to the [Dual] Monarchy fills the entire public life of Serbia; it is therefore an entirely inacceptable reserve if the Serbian Government asserts that it knows nothing about it.

塞尔维亚国民党及其敌视[双]君主制的附属团体的宣传充斥着塞尔维亚的整个公共生活；因此，如果塞尔维亚政府声称它对此一无所知，那么这是一项完全不可接受的保留。

Aside from this, our demand is not completely fulfilled, as we have asked besides:

除此之外，我们的要求还没有完全满足，正如我们所要求的：

"To confiscate the means of propaganda of these societies to prevent the reformation of the dissolved societies under another name and in another form.

“没收这些社团的宣传手段，以防止解散的社团以另一种名义和形式进行改革。

"In these two directions the Belgrade Cabinet is perfectly silent, so that through this semiconcession there is offered us no guaranty for putting an end to the agitation of the associations hostile to the monarchy, especially the Narodna Odbrana.

“在这两个方向上，贝尔格莱德内阁完全保持沉默，因此，通过这种半让步，我们无法保证结束敌视君主制的协会，特别是国民党的煽动。

"3.

”3.

The Serbian Government first demands proofs for a propaganda hostile to the monarchy in the public instruction of Serbia while it must know that the textbooks introduced in the Serbian schools contain objectionable matter in this direction and that a large portion of the teachers are in the camp of the Narodna Odbrana and affiliated societies.

塞尔维亚政府首先要求提供塞尔维亚公共教育中敌视君主制宣传的证据，同时它必须知道塞尔维亚学校引入的教科书包含这方面令人反感的内容，而且很大一部分教师属于国民党及其附属社团的阵营。

"Furthermore the Serbian Government has not fulfilled a part of our demands, as we have requested, as it omitted in its text the addition desired by us: 'as far as the body of instructors is concerned, as well as the means of instruction'--a sentence which shows clearly where the propaganda hostile to the monarchy is to be found in the Serbian schools.

“此外，塞尔维亚政府没有按照我们的要求满足我们的部分要求，因为它在案文中省略了我们希望添加的内容：‘就教师队伍而言，以及教学手段’——这句话清楚地表明塞尔维亚学校中存在敌对君主制的宣传。

"4.

”4.

By promising the dismissal from the military and civil services of those officers and officials who are found guilty by judicial procedure, the Serbian Government limits its assent to those cases, in which these persons have been charged with a crime according to the statutory code.

塞尔维亚政府承诺将那些经司法程序判定有罪的军官和官员从军队和文职部门开除，从而限制了对这些人根据成文法被指控犯罪的案件的同意。

As, however, we demand the removal of such officers and officials as indulge in a propaganda hostile to the monarchy, which is generally not punishable in Serbia, our demands have not been fulfilled in this point."

然而，由于我们要求撤换那些沉迷于敌对君主制宣传的军官和官员，这种行为在塞尔维亚通常不会受到惩罚，因此我们的要求在这一点上尚未得到满足。”

The Serbian reply declared that Serbia was willing to permit that cooperation of officials of the [Dual] Monarchy on Serbian territory which does not run counter to international law and criminal law.

塞尔维亚的答复宣称，塞尔维亚愿意允许[双]君主国官员在塞尔维亚领土上进行合作，这不违反国际法和刑法。

"The international law, as well as the criminal law, has nothing to do with this question; it is purely a matter of the nature of state police which is to be solved by way of a special agreement.

“国际法以及刑法与这个问题无关；这纯粹是国家警察性质的问题，应通过特别协议解决。

The reserved attitude of Serbia is therefore incomprehensible and on account of its vague general form it would lead to unbridgeable difficulties.

因此，塞尔维亚的保留态度令人难以理解，而且由于其总体形式模糊，这将导致无法克服的困难。

"6.

“6.

The Austrian demand was clear and unmistakable:

奥地利的要求是明确无误的：

"1.

“1.

To institute a criminal procedure against the participants in the outrage.

对暴行参与者提起刑事诉讼。

"2.

”2.

Participation by Imperial and Royal Government officials in the examinations ('recherche' in contrast with 'enquête judiciaire').

帝国和王国政府官员参加考试（“recherche”与“enquête judiciaire”相对）。

"3.

”3.

It did not occur to us to let Imperial and Royal Government officials participate in the Serbian court procedure; they were to cooperate only in the police researches which had to furnish and fix the material for the investigation.

我们没有想到让帝国和王国政府官员参与塞尔维亚法庭程序；他们只能在警方的研究中进行合作，警方必须提供和确定调查材料。

"If the Serbian Government misunderstands us here, this is done deliberately, for it must be familiar with the difference between 'enquête judiciaire' and simple police researches.

“如果塞尔维亚政府在这里误解了我们，那么这是故意的，因为它必须熟悉‘enquête judiciaire’和简单的警察研究之间的区别。

As it desired to escape from every control of the investigation which would yield, if correctly carried out, highly undesirable results for it, and as it possesses no means to refuse in a plausible manner the cooperation of our officials (precedents for such police intervention exist in great numbers) it tries to justify its refusal by showing up our demands as impossible.

因为它希望摆脱对调查的一切控制，如果正确地进行调查，将会产生非常不希望的结果，而且因为它没有办法以合理的方式拒绝我们官员的合作（这种警察干预的先例存在很多），它试图通过表明我们的要求是不可能的来证明其拒绝的合理性。

"(In reference to arrest of conspirators).

“（指逮捕共谋者）。

"7.

” 7.

This reply is disingenuous.

这个回复是不诚实的。

According to our investigation, Ciganowic, by order of the police prefect in Belgrade, left three days after the outrage for Ribari, after it had become known that Ciganowic had participated in the outrage.

根据我们的调查，西加诺维奇在贝尔格莱德警察局长的命令下，在里巴里的暴行三天后离开，因为人们知道西加诺维奇参与了这次暴行。

In the first place, it is therefore incorrect that Ciganowic left the Serbian service on June 28.

首先，西加诺维奇于 6 月 28 日退役的说法是不正确的。

In the second place, we add that the prefect of police at Belgrade, who had himself caused the departure of this Ciganowic and who knew his whereabout, declared in an interview that a man by the name of Milan Ciganowic did not exist in Belgrade.

其次，我们补充说，贝尔格莱德警察局长亲自导致了这个齐加诺维奇的离开，并且知道他的下落，他在接受采访时宣称，贝尔格莱德不存在一个名叫米兰·齐加诺维奇的人。

"9.

“9.

(In reference to expressions made against Austria-Hungary by Serbian officials in interviews.)

（参考塞尔维亚官员在采访中针对奥匈帝国的言论。）

"The Royal Serbian Government must be aware of the interviews in question.

“塞尔维亚皇家政府必须了解相关采访。

If it demands of the Imperial and Royal Government that it should furnish all kinds of detail about the said interviews and if it reserves for itself the right of a formal investigation, it shows that it is not its intention seriously to fulfill the demand.

如果它要求帝国和王国政府提供上述采访的各种细节，如果它为自己保留正式调查的权利，那就表明它并没有认真履行这一要求。

"10.

” 10.

(In reference to referring the dispute to arbitration of the powers.)

（指将争议提交权力仲裁。）

"The Serbian Note, therefore, is entirely a play for time."

“因此，《塞尔维亚笔记》完全是一场时间游戏。”

BEGINNING OF MOBILIZATION

动员的开始

The diplomatic issue now became that over mobilization by Russia: whether it was a threat of war against Austria-Hungary alone, or against Germany as well.

现在的外交问题变成了俄罗斯的动员问题：它是单独针对奥匈帝国还是针对德国进行战争威胁。

On the day of Serbia's reply to the Austro-Hungarian note, July 25, 1914, General von Chelius, German honorary aide to the Czar, sent a telegram to Kaiser William II through the German Foreign Office, which stated:

1914年7月25日，塞尔维亚对奥匈照会作出答复的当天，德国沙皇名誉助手冯·切利乌斯将军通过德国外交部向德皇威廉二世发出电报，电报中写道：

"The maneuvers of the troops in the Krasnoe camp were suddenly interrupted and the regiments returned to their garrisons at once.

“克拉斯诺营地部队的演习突然中断，各团立即返回驻地。

The maneuvers have been cancelled.

演习已被取消。

The military pupils were raised to-day to the rank of officers instead of next fall.

军事学生今天而不是明年秋天晋升为军官。

At headquarters there obtains great excitement over the procedure of Austria.

总部对奥地利的做法感到非常兴奋。

I have the impression that complete preparations for mobilization against Austria are being made."

我的印象是，针对奥地利的动员准备已经做好了。”

On the same day Count Benckendorff, Russian Ambassador at London, telegraphed M.

同一天，俄罗斯驻伦敦大使本肯多夫伯爵致电 M.

Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs:

俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫：

"Grey has told the German Ambassador [Prince Lichnowsky] that in his opinion Austrian mobilization must lead to Russian mobilization, that grave danger of a general war will thereupon arise, and that he sees only one means of reaching a peaceful settlement, namely, that, in view of the Austrian and Russian mobilizations, Germany, France, Italy, and Great Britain should abstain from immediate mobilization, and should at once offer their good offices.

“格雷告诉德国大使（利希诺夫斯基亲王），在他看来，奥地利的动员必然导致俄罗斯的动员，全面战争的严重危险将随之出现，他认为达成和平解决的只有一种方法，即鉴于奥地利和俄罗斯的动员，德国、法国、意大利和英国应该放弃立即动员，并应立即进行斡旋。

Grey told me that the first essential of this plan was the consent of Germany and her promise not to mobilize.

格雷告诉我，这个计划的首要要素是德国的同意以及她不动员的承诺。

He has therefore, as a first step, made an inquiry on this point at Berlin."

因此，他首先在柏林就这一点进行了调查。”

On the same day the German Chancellor, Dr. Bethmann-Hollweg, telegraphed to Prince Lichnowsky:

同一天，德国总理贝特曼-霍尔韦格博士致电利希诺夫斯基亲王：

"The distinction made by Sir Edward Grey between an Austro-Serbian and an Austro-Russian conflict is perfectly correct.

“爱德华·格雷爵士对奥塞冲突和奥俄冲突的区分是完全正确的。

We do not wish to interpose in the former any more than England, and as heretofore we take the position that this question must be localized by virtue of all powers refraining from intervention.

与英国一样，我们也不想对前者进行干预，并且迄今为止我们采取的立场是，这个问题必须通过所有不干涉的力量来解决。

It is therefore our hope that Russia will refrain from any action in view of her responsibility and the seriousness of the situation.

因此，我们希望俄罗斯鉴于其责任和局势的严重性，不要采取任何行动。

We are prepared, in the event of an Austro-Russian controversy, quite apart from our known duties as Allies, to intercede between Russia and Austria jointly with the other powers."

我们准备在奥俄争端发生时，除了我们作为盟友的已知职责外，我们还准备与其他大国共同在俄罗斯和奥地利之间进行调解。”

SUNDAY, JULY 26, 1914

1914 年 7 月 26 日，星期日

_Austria-Hungary._ The Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at St. Petersburg, Count Szápáry, telegraphed to Count Berchtold, Secretary for Foreign Affairs in Vienna, that Count Pourtalès the German Ambassador, upon hearing reports of measures for Russian mobilization, had called the attention of M.

_奥匈帝国_奥匈帝国驻圣彼得堡大使萨帕里伯爵发电报驻维也纳的外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵说，德国大使普塔莱斯伯爵在听取了有关俄罗斯动员措施的报告后，已提请奥匈帝国大使注意。

Sazonof, the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, to the fact that nowadays mobilization was a highly dangerous form of diplomatic pressure.

俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫指出，当今的动员是一种高度危险的外交压力形式。

"For, in that event, the purely military consideration of the question by the general staffs would find expression, and if that button were once touched in Germany, the situation would get out of control.

“因为，在那种情况下，总参谋部对这个问题的纯粹军事考虑就会得到体现，而如果德国一旦触动了这个按钮，局势就会失控。

"M.

“M。

Sazonof assured the German Ambassador on his word of honor that the reports on the subject were incorrect; that up to that time not a single horse and not a single reservist had been called up, and that all the measures that were being taken were merely measures of preparation in the military districts of Kiev, Odessa, and perhaps Kazan and Moscow."

萨佐诺夫以名誉向德国大使保证，有关该问题的报道是不正确的；直到那时，还没有征召一匹马和预备役军人，所采取的所有措施都只是基辅、敖德萨、也许还有喀山和莫斯科军区的准备措施。”

M。

Suchomlinoff, Russian Minister for War, had immediately after this, summoned Major von Eggeling, German Military Attaché and confirmed M.

此后，俄罗斯陆军部长苏霍姆利诺夫立即召见德国武官冯·艾格林少校，并确认了 M.

Sazonof's assurance in detail.

萨佐诺夫的保证很详细。

As reported by the major, he said:

据少校报道，他说：

"For the present merely preparatory measures would be taken, not a horse would be taken, not a reservist called up.

“目前只会采取准备措施，不会带走一匹马，也不会征召预备役人员。

If Austria crossed the Serbian frontier, the military districts of Kiev, Odessa, Moscow, and Kazan, which face Austria, would be mobilized.

如果奥地利越过塞尔维亚边境，面向奥地利的基辅、敖德萨、莫斯科和喀山军区将被动员起来。

In no circumstances will mobilization take place on the German front, Warsaw, Vilna, and St. Petersburg.

在任何情况下都不会在德国前线、华沙、维尔纳和圣彼得堡进行动员。

Peace with Germany is earnestly desired....

我们热切地希望与德国实现和平......

I gave the Minister for War to understand that his friendly intentions would be appreciated by us, but that we should also consider mobilization against Austria to be in itself extremely threatening."

我让战争部长明白，我们将赞赏他的友好意图，但我们也应该考虑针对奥地利的动员本身就具有极大的威胁。”

_Russia._ M.

_俄罗斯._ M.

Sazonof, Minister for Foreign Affairs, telegraphed the Ambassador at Rome to persuade the Italian Government to act in the interests of peace by bringing influence to bear on her ally, Austria-Hungary, and by opposing the view that the dispute with Serbia could be localized.

外交部长萨佐诺夫致电驻罗马大使，劝说意大利政府为了和平而采取行动，向其盟友奥匈帝国施加影响，并反对将与塞尔维亚的争端局部化的观点。

Russia cannot possibly avoid coming to the help of Serbia.

俄罗斯不可能避免向塞尔维亚提供帮助。

M。

Kasansky, Acting Consul at Prague, telegraphed that Austro-Hungarian mobilization had been ordered.

驻布拉格代理领事卡桑斯基发电报称，奥匈帝国已下令动员。

M。

Sazonof reported to M.

萨佐诺夫向 M 报告。

Schebeko, Ambassador at Vienna, an interview just held with Count Szápáry, the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador.

驻维也纳大使谢贝科刚刚接受奥匈帝国大使萨帕里伯爵的采访。

"After discussing the ten demands addressed to Serbia, I drew his attention to the fact that, quite apart from the clumsy form in which they were presented, some of them were quite impracticable, even if the Serbian Government agreed to accept them.

“在讨论了向塞尔维亚提出的十项要求后，我提请他注意这样一个事实：除了提出这些要求的形式笨拙之外，其中一些要求即使塞尔维亚政府同意接受，也是相当不切实际的。

Thus, for example, points one and two could not be carried out without recasting the Serbian press law and associations law, and to that it might be difficult to obtain the consent of the Skupshtina.

因此，例如，如果不重新制定塞尔维亚新闻法和结社法，第一点和第二点就无法实施，而且可能很难获得塞尔维亚议会的同意。

As for enforcing points four and five, this might lead to most dangerous consequences, and even to the risk of acts of terrorism directed against the Royal Family and against Pashitch, which clearly could not be the intention of Austria.

至于执行第四点和第五点，这可能会导致最危险的后果，甚至导致针对王室和帕希奇的恐怖主义行为的风险，这显然不是奥地利的意图。

With regard to the other points it seemed to me that, with certain changes of detail, it would not be difficult to find a basis of mutual agreement, if the accusations contained in them were confirmed by sufficient proof.

至于其他几点，我认为，只要细节上有一些改变，如果其中的指控得到充分的证据证实，就不难找到双方一致的基础。

"In the interest of the maintenance of peace, which, according to the statements of Szápáry, is as much desired by Austria as by all the powers, it was necessary to end the tension of the present moment as soon as possible.

“根据萨帕里的声明，为了维持和平，奥地利和所有大国都渴望维持和平，有必要尽快结束目前的紧张局势。

With this object in view it seemed to me most desirable that the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador should be authorized to enter into a private exchange of views in order to redraft certain articles of the Austrian note of July 23 in consultation with me.

考虑到这一目标，我认为最理想的是授权奥匈帝国大使进行私下交换意见，以便与我协商重新起草7月23日奥地利照会的某些条款。

This method of procedure would perhaps enable us to find a formula which would prove acceptable to Serbia, while giving satisfaction to Austria in respect of the chief of her demands.

这种程序方法也许能够使我们找到一个塞尔维亚可以接受的方案，同时满足奥地利的主要要求。

Please convey the substance of this telegram to the Minister for Foreign Affairs in a judicious and friendly manner."

请以明智和友好的方式将本电报的实质内容转达给外交部长。”

Communicated to Russian Ambassadors in Germany, France, Great Britain, and Italy.

与俄罗斯驻德国、法国、英国和意大利大使进行了沟通。

The Ambassador at Berlin was requested to communicate the contents of the telegram to Secretary of State von Jagow, and express to him the hope that he would advise Vienna to meet Russia's proposal in a friendly spirit.

请驻柏林大使将电报内容转达国务卿冯雅戈，并表示希望他建议维也纳以友好的态度满足俄罗斯的建议。

M。

Sevastopoulo, Chargé d'Affaires at Paris, telegraphed M.

驻巴黎临时代办塞瓦斯托普洛致电 M.

Sazonof that, when M.

萨佐诺夫认为，当 M.

Berthelot, French Political Director, informed Count Szécen, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador, of the Serbian reply to the ultimatum, the count did not conceal his surprise that it was not accepted.

法国政治总监贝尔特洛将塞尔维亚对最后通牒的答复告知奥匈帝国大使塞岑伯爵，伯爵毫不掩饰他对最后通牒未被接受的惊讶。

In a supplementary telegram he said M.

他在补充电报中说，M.

Berthelot was convinced that Germany's aim, in her negotiations at Paris, was to intimidate France to mediate with Russia.

贝特洛确信德国在巴黎谈判的目的是恐吓法国与俄罗斯进行调解。

M。

Broniewsky, Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin, reported noisy demonstrations there by a crowd largely composed of Austrians on news of Austrian mobilization, and anti-Russian shouting by the crowd before the Russian Embassy.

驻柏林临时代办布罗涅夫斯基报道称，在得知奥地利动员的消息后，当地主要由奥地利人组成的人群举行了喧闹的示威活动，并在俄罗斯大使馆前爆发了反俄呼喊。

No precautions were taken by the police.

警方没有采取任何预防措施。

_Germany._ Major von Eggeling telegraphed to the German Chancellor, Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg, that it was certain mobilization had been ordered for Kiev and Odessa; it was doubtful at Warsaw and Moscow, and improbable elsewhere in Russia.

_德国。_冯·艾格林少校发电报给德国总理冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格博士，表示已经下令向基辅和敖德萨进行动员；在华沙和莫斯科这令人怀疑，而在俄罗斯其他地方则不太可能。

The Chancellor telegraphed to Baron von Schoen, German Ambassador at Paris, after Austria-Hungary's official declaration to Russia, that she had no intention to annex the territory of Serbia or to impair her sovereignty, the responsibility for a European war rested on Russia.

在奥匈帝国向俄罗斯正式声明后，德国总理致电德国驻巴黎大使冯舍恩男爵，表示无意吞并塞尔维亚领土或损害其主权，欧洲战争的责任在于俄罗斯。

"We depend upon France, with which we are at one in the desire for the preservation of the peace of Europe, that it will exercise its influence at St. Petersburg in favor of peace."

“我们依靠法国，我们与法国有着共同的愿望，维护欧洲的和平，法国将在圣彼得堡发挥其影响力以促进和平。”

This telegram, without the final sentence, the Chancellor sent also to Count Pourtalès, German Ambassador at St. Petersburg, and to Prince Lichnowsky, German Ambassador at London, adding in the latter case that a call was expected for the several classes of Russian reserves, which would be equivalent to mobilization, and, in this case, Germany would be forced to mobilize, much against her wish.

这份没有最后一句话的电报，总理还发给了德国驻圣彼得堡大使普塔莱斯伯爵和德国驻伦敦大使利希诺夫斯基亲王，并补充说，在后一种情况下，预计会召集俄罗斯几级预备队，这相当于动员，在这种情况下，德国将被迫动员，这与她的意愿非常违背。

"We ask [Great Britain] to act on this understanding at St. Petersburg with all possible emphasis."

“我们要求[英国]在圣彼得堡尽可能强调这一谅解。”

Count Pourtalès was directed to make the following declaration to the Russian Government:

普塔莱斯伯爵奉命向俄罗斯政府作出以下声明：

"Preparatory military measures by Russia will force us to countermeasures which must consist in mobilizing the army.

“俄罗斯的准备性军事措施将迫使我们采取反措施，其中必须包括动员军队。

"But mobilization means war.

“但是动员意味着战争。

"As we know the obligations of France toward Russia, this mobilization would be directed against both Russia and France.

“据我们所知，法国对俄罗斯负有义务，这次动员将针对俄罗斯和法国。

We cannot assume that Russia desires to unchain such a European war.

我们不能假设俄罗斯希望引发这样的欧洲战争。

Since Austria-Hungary will not touch the existence of the Serbian Kingdom, we are of the opinion that Russia can afford to assume an attitude of waiting.

既然奥匈帝国不会触及塞尔维亚王国的存在，我们认为俄罗斯可以采取等待的态度。

We can all the more support the desire of Russia to protect the integrity of Serbia as Austria-Hungary does not intend to question the latter.

我们更加支持俄罗斯保护塞尔维亚完整的愿望，因为奥匈帝国无意质疑后者。

It will be easy in the further development of the affair to find a basis for an understanding."

在事情的进一步发展中，很容易找到理解的基础。”

_Great Britain._ Sir Maurice de Bunsen, British Ambassador at Vienna, telegraphed to Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs at London, that it was the belief of the German Ambassador, Herr von Tschirscky, that Russia would keep quiet during the chastisement of Serbia.

英国驻维也纳大使莫里斯·德·本生爵士发电报驻伦敦的外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士表示，德国大使冯·齐尔斯基先生相信俄罗斯在惩罚塞尔维亚期间会保持沉默。

Everything, said Von Tschirscky, depended on the personality of the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, who could resist easily the pressure of a few newspapers; pan-Slav agitation in Russia was over; intervention in behalf of Serbia would open up Swedish, Polish, Ruthenian, Rumanian, and Persian questions; France, too, was not in a condition for war.

冯·齐尔斯基说，一切都取决于俄罗斯外交部长的个性，他可以轻松抵制几家报纸的压力；俄罗斯的泛斯拉夫人骚动结束了；代表塞尔维亚进行干预将引发瑞典、波兰、鲁塞尼亚、罗马尼亚和波斯问题；法国也没有处于战争状态。

Von Tschirscky doubted that Russia, who had no right to assume a protectorate over Serbia, would assert it by action; Germany knew what she was about in backing up Austria-Hungary; the Serbian concessions were all a sham, as proved by the Government previously ordering mobilization and preparing to retire from Belgrade.

冯·齐尔斯基怀疑俄罗斯无权对塞尔维亚实行保护，是否会通过行动来维护这一权利；德国知道自己支持奥匈帝国的目的是什么。塞尔维亚的让步都是骗局，政府先前下令动员并准备从贝尔格莱德撤军就证明了这一点。

Sir Horace Rumbold, British Chargé d'Affaires in Berlin, telegraphed Sir Edward Grey that Kaiser William was returning suddenly that night (from a sea trip to Norway) on his own initiative, and that the Foreign Office regretted it, owing to the speculation and excitement which it would cause.

英国驻柏林临时代办霍勒斯·朗博尔德爵士电告爱德华·格雷爵士，称威廉皇帝当天晚上突然主动返回（从挪威海上旅行），外交部对此表示遗憾，因为这会引起猜测和兴奋。

Herr von Zimmermann, German Under-Secretary of State, had inferred from Russia's statement that she would intervene in case of annexation of Serbian territory; that she would not do so if no territory were taken.

德国副国务卿冯·齐默尔曼先生从俄罗斯的声明中推断，如果塞尔维亚领土被吞并，她将进行干预；如果没有领土被占领，她就不会这样做。

In a supplementary telegram Sir Horace informed Sir Edward that Von Zimmermann considered that the communication by Germany to Austria-Hungary of his (Grey's) hope for a favorable view of the Serbian reply implied that the German Government associated itself to a certain extent with Grey's hope.

贺拉斯爵士在一份补充电报中告诉爱德华爵士，冯·齐默尔曼认为，德国向奥匈帝国传达的他（格雷）希望塞尔维亚答复有利的意见意味着德国政府在某种程度上与格雷的希望联系在一起。

It did not, however, go beyond this.

然而，它并没有超出这个范围。

Sir Rennell Rodd, British Ambassador at Rome, telegraphed Sir Edward Grey that Austria-Hungary had informed the Italian Government that the Austro-Hungarian Minister to Belgrade had been recalled, but that this did not imply a declaration of war.

英国驻罗马大使伦内尔·罗德爵士电告爱德华·格雷爵士，奥匈帝国已通知意大利政府，奥匈帝国驻贝尔格莱德公使已被召回，但这并不意味着宣战。

Sir Edward telegraphed to Sir Rennell Rodd, Sir Francis Bertie, Ambassador at Paris, and Sir Horace Rumbold, Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin, to ask if the ministers of foreign affairs at their courts would instruct their ambassadors at London to meet with him in conference "to discover an issue which would prevent complications," and to suggest that the ministers should instruct their representatives at Belgrade, Vienna, and St. Petersburg to request a suspension of military operations pending results of the conference.

爱德华爵士致电伦内尔·罗德爵士、驻巴黎大使弗朗西斯·伯蒂爵士和驻柏林临时代办霍勒斯·朗博尔德爵士，询问各国外交部长是否会指示驻伦敦大使与他在会议上会面，“以发现一个可以防止复杂化的问题”，并建议各国部长指示驻贝尔格莱德、维也纳和圣彼得堡的代表请求暂停军事行动，等待会议结果。

Sir Maurice de Bunsen, British Ambassador at Vienna, telegraphed to Sir Edward Grey that the Russian Ambassador, M.

英国驻维也纳大使莫里斯·德本生爵士致电爱德华·格雷爵士，俄罗斯大使 M.

Schebeko, just returned from leave of absence, thinks Austria-Hungary determined on war, and that it will be impossible for Russia to remain indifferent.

刚刚休假归来的谢贝科认为，奥匈帝国决意开战，俄罗斯不可能无动于衷。

He and the French Ambassador, M.

他和法国大使 M.

Dumaine, doubt whether the principle of Grey's suggestion that Russia, being an interested party, is entitled to have a say in a purely Austro-Serbian dispute, would be accepted by either Austria-Hungary or Germany.

杜曼怀疑格雷建议的原则，即俄罗斯作为利益相关方有权在纯粹的奥塞争端中拥有发言权，奥匈帝国或德国是否会接受这一原则。

_France._ M.

_法国._ M.

Bienvenu-Martin, Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs, notified M.

外交部代理部长比恩韦努-马丁 (Bienvenu-Martin) 通知了 M.

Viviani, Prime Minister on board _La France_, and the French Ambassadors at London, St. Petersburg, Berlin, Vienna, and Rome, of the events at Belgrade on Saturday, July 25, ending with the order for mobilization given by the Serbian Government, which had retired to Kragoujewatz, whither it was followed by the French and Russian Ministers.

法国总理维维亚尼以及法国驻伦敦、圣彼得堡、柏林、维也纳和罗马大使在 7 月 25 日星期六在贝尔格莱德举行的活动中，以塞尔维亚政府下达的动员令结束，塞尔维亚政府已退到克拉古耶瓦茨，法国和俄罗斯部长随后也前往那里。

At Vienna people "soothe themselves with the illusion that Russia 'will not hold firm.'"

在维也纳，人们“用俄罗斯‘不会坚持下去’的幻想来安慰自己。”

"It must not be forgotten that Italy is bound by the engagements of the Triple Alliance only if she has been consulted beforehand.

“决不能忘记，只有事先征求意大利的意见，意大利才会受到三国同盟的约束。

"From St. Petersburg we learn that M.

“我们从圣彼得堡了解到，M.

Sazonof [Minister for Foreign Affairs] has advised Serbia to ask for British mediation.

萨佐诺夫（外交部长）建议塞尔维亚寻求英国调解。

At the Council of Ministers on the 25th, which was held in presence of the emperor, the mobilization of thirteen army corps intended eventually to operate against Austria was considered; this mobilization, however, would only be made effective if Austria were to bring armed pressure to bear upon Serbia, and not till after notice had been given by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, upon whom falls the duty of fixing the day, liberty being left to him to go on with negotiations even if Belgrade should be occupied.

25 日在皇帝在场的情况下召开的部长会议考虑了动员 13 个军团最终对奥地利采取行动的问题；然而，只有奥地利对塞尔维亚施加武装压力，而且只有在外交部长发出通知之后，这一动员才会有效。外交部长有责任确定具体日期，即使贝尔格莱德被占领，他也可以自由地继续谈判。

Russian opinion makes clear that it is both politically and morally impossible for Russia to allow Serbia to be crushed.

俄罗斯舆论明确表示，无论从政治上还是道义上，俄罗斯都不可能允许塞尔维亚被压垮。

"In London the German _démarche_ was made on the 25th, in the same terms as those used by Baron von Schoen at Paris.

“25 日，德国在伦敦发布了《通函》，其条款与冯·舍恩男爵在巴黎使用的条款相同。

Sir Edward Grey has replied to Prince Lichnowsky that if the war were to break out no power in Europe could take up a detached attitude.

爱德华·格雷爵士回复利奇诺夫斯基王子说，如果战争爆发，欧洲任何国家都不会采取超然态度。

He did not express himself more definitely and used very reserved language to the Serbian Minister [M.

他没有更明确地表达自己的意思，并对塞尔维亚部长[M.

Boschkovitch].

博施科维奇]。

The communication made on the evening of the 25th by the Austrian Ambassador makes Sir Edward Grey more optimistic; since the diplomatic rupture does not necessarily involve immediate military operations, the Secretary of State is still willing to hope that the powers will have time to intervene.

奥地利大使25日晚间的沟通让爱德华·格雷爵士更加乐观；由于外交破裂并不一定涉及立即采取军事行动，国务卿仍然愿意希望列强有时间进行干预。

"At Berlin the language used by the Secretary of State [Von Jagow] to the Russian Chargé d'Affaires [Broniewsky] is unsatisfactory and dilatory; when the latter asked him to associate himself with a _démarche_ at Vienna for an extension of the time limit, he replied that he had already taken action in this sense but that it was too late; to the request for an extension of the time limit before active measures were taken, he replied that this had to do with a domestic matter, and not with a war but with local operations.

“在柏林，国务卿[冯·贾戈]对俄罗斯临时代办[布罗涅夫斯基]使用的语言令人不满意且拖延；当后者要求他与维也纳的一份《意见书》联系以延长时限时，他回答说，他已经在这方面采取了行动，但为时已晚；对于延长采取积极措施前期限的请求，他回答说，这是国内事务，不是战争，而是当地行动。

Herr von Jagow pretends not to believe that the Austrian action could lead to general consequences.

冯·雅戈先生假装不相信奥地利的行动会导致普遍后果。

"A real explosion of chauvinism has taken place at Berlin.

“沙文主义在柏林真正爆发。

The German Emperor returns direct to Kiel.

德国皇帝直接返回基尔。

M。

Jules Cambon thinks that, at the first military steps taken by Russia, Germany would immediately reply, and probably would not wait for a pretext before attacking us.

儒勒·康朋认为，一旦俄罗斯采取军事行动，德国就会立即做出回应，而且很可能不会等待借口就攻击我们。

"At Vienna, the French Ambassador [Dumaine] has not had time to join in the _démarche_ of his Russian colleague [Schebeko] for obtaining an extension of the time limit fixed for Serbia; he does not regret it, this _démarche_ having been categorically rejected, and England not having had time to give instructions to her representative about it.

“在维也纳，法国大使 [Dumaine] 还没有时间加入他的俄罗斯同事 [Schebeko] 的《意见书》，要求延长为塞尔维亚确定的时限；他并不后悔，因为这一意见被断然拒绝，而英格兰也没有时间就此向其代表发出指示。

"A note from the British Embassy has been delivered to me: it gives an account of the conversation between the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg [Buchanan] and M.

“英国大使馆已向我递交了一份照会：其中记述了英国驻圣彼得堡大使 [布坎南] 与 M. 之间的谈话。

Sazonof and M.

萨佐诺夫和 M.

Paléologue.

帕莱奥洛格。

Sir Edward Grey thinks that the four powers who are not directly interested ought to press both on Russia and Austria that their armies should not cross the frontier, and that they should give time to England, France, Germany, and Italy to bring their mediation into play.

爱德华·格雷爵士认为，没有直接利益的四个国家应该向俄罗斯和奥地利施压，要求他们的军队不要越过边境，并给英国、法国、德国和意大利时间发挥斡旋作用。

If Germany accepts, the British Government has reason to think that Italy also would be glad to be associated in the joint action of England and France; the adherence of Germany is essential, for neither Austria nor Russia would tolerate any intervention except that of impartial friends or Allies."

如果德国接受，英国政府有理由认为意大利也乐意参与英法联合行动；德国的加入至关重要，因为除了公正的朋友或盟友之外，奥地利和俄罗斯都不会容忍任何干预。”

M。

Barrère, French Ambassador at Rome, informed M.

法国驻罗马大使巴雷尔 (Barrère) 向 M.

Bienvenu-Martin that a telegram from Vienna stated that diplomatic rupture between Austria and Serbia had taken place, and Austria was proceeding to military measures.

比恩韦努-马丁称，从维也纳发来的电报称，奥地利和塞尔维亚之间发生了外交破裂，奥地利正在采取军事措施。

Marquis di San Giuliano, the Prime Minister, would return in two days to Rome.

首相圣朱利亚诺侯爵将于两天后返回罗马。

The president of the council had given Barrère the impression that Italy would be neutral in case of war, maintaining "an attitude of observation." M.

委员会主席给巴雷尔的印象是，如果发生战争，意大利将保持中立，保持“观察的态度”。 M。

Salandra [afterward Prime Minister] had said that:

萨兰德拉（后来的总理）曾说过：

"'We shall make the greatest efforts to prevent peace being broken; our situation is somewhat analogous to that of England.

“‘我们将尽最大努力防止和平被破坏；我们的情况有点类似于英国。

Perhaps we could do something in a pacific sense together with the English.' M.

也许我们可以与英国人一起做一些和平意义上的事情。 M。

Salandra stated definitely to me that the Austrian note had been communicated to Rome at the last moment."

萨兰德拉明确地向我表示，奥地利照会是在最后一刻转达罗马的。”

M。

Barrère, in a second telegram, said that the greater part of Italian public opinion was hostile to Austria "in this serious business."

巴雷尔在第二封电报中表示，大部分意大利公众舆论“在这件严肃的事情上”对奥地利怀有敌意。

M。

Paléologue, French Ambassador at St. Petersburg, telegraphed that M.

法国驻圣彼得堡大使帕莱奥洛格发电报说，M.

Sazonof, Minister for Foreign Affairs, had advised Serbia to ask for British mediation.

外交部长萨佐诺夫曾建议塞尔维亚请求英国调解。

M。

Bienvenu-Martin thereupon telegraphed M.

Bienvenu-Martin随即发电报M.

de Fleuriau, Chargé d'Affaires, London, that France desired British mediation.

伦敦临时代办 de Fleuriau 表示，法国希望英国进行调解。

M。

Paléologue reported at greater length M.

Paléologue 以更长的篇幅报道了 M.

Sazonof's determination to secure a peaceful solution to the Serbian question.

萨佐诺夫决心和平解决塞尔维亚问题。

"'Up to the last moment,' he declared to me, 'I shall show myself ready to negotiate.'

“‘直到最后一刻，’他向我宣称，‘我将表明自己已经做好谈判的准备。’

"It is in this spirit that he has just sent for Count Szápáry to come to a 'frank and loyal explanation.' M.

“正是本着这种精神，他刚刚派人去请萨帕里伯爵来做出‘坦率而忠诚的解释’。 M。

Sazonof commented in his presence on the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum, article by article, making clear the insulting character of the principal clauses.

萨佐诺夫当面逐条评论了奥匈帝国的最后通牒，明确了主要条款的侮辱性质。

'The intention which inspired this document,' he said, 'is legitimate if you pursued no aim other than the protection of your territory against the intrigues of Serbian anarchists; but the procedure to which you have had recourse is not defensible.' He concluded: 'Take back your ultimatum, modify its form, and I will guarantee you the result.'

他说，“如果你除了保护你的领土免受塞尔维亚无政府主义者的阴谋侵害之外别无其他目的，那么激发这份文件的意图就是合法的；”但你所诉诸的程序是站不住脚的。”他总结道：“收回你的最后通牒，修改其形式，我会向你保证结果。”

"The Austro-Hungarian Ambassador showed himself moved by this language; however, while awaiting instructions, he reserves the opinion of his Government.

“奥匈帝国大使表示自己被这种语言所感动；然而，在等待指示期间，他保留其政府的意见。

Without being discouraged M.

不灰心M.

Sazonof has decided to propose this evening to Count Berchtold the opening of direct conversations between Vienna and St. Petersburg on the changes to be introduced into the ultimatum.

萨佐诺夫决定今晚向贝希托尔德伯爵提议在维也纳和圣彼得堡之间就最后通牒中的修改展开直接对话。

"This friendly and semiofficial interposition of Russia between Austria and Serbia has the advantage of being expeditious.

“俄罗斯在奥地利和塞尔维亚之间进行的这种友好和半官方的干预具有迅速的优势。

I therefore believe it to be preferable to any other procedure and likely to succeed."

因此，我相信它比任何其他程序都更可取，并且可能会成功。”

M。

Dumaine, French Ambassador at Vienna, reported to M.

法国驻维也纳大使杜曼向 M.

Bienvenu-Martin that M.

Bienvenu-Martin 认为 M.

Schebeko, Russian Ambassador, had returned in haste from Russia, whither he had gone on the assurance of Count Berchtold, Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, that the demands on Serbia would be acceptable.

俄罗斯大使谢贝科匆忙从俄罗斯返回，奥匈帝国外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵向他保证，对塞尔维亚的要求是可以接受的。

Other Austrian officials had taken the same attitude, which is quite usual in Austro-Hungarian diplomacy, and this procedure has greatly increased the irritation of the Russian Government.

其他奥地利官员也采取了同样的态度，这在奥匈外交中很常见，这一做法大大增加了俄罗斯政府的恼怒。

M。

Schebeko, seizing advantage of the delay of mobilization, will make a proposal calculated to test the value of the pacific declarations of Germany.

舍贝科将利用动员行动延迟的机会，提出一项旨在检验德国和平宣言价值的提案。

This is for a conference of the British, French, Italian, and German Ambassadors, to refuse concurrence in which the German Ambassador, M.

这是为了召开英国、法国、意大利和德国大使会议，拒绝德国大使 M.

Tschirsky, will almost certainly have to plead the principle of "localizing the conflict."

切尔斯基几乎肯定会以“冲突局部化”的原则为借口。

"My impression is that the Austro-Hungarian Government, although surprised and perhaps regretting the vigor with which they have been inspired, will believe themselves obliged to commence military action."

“我的印象是，奥匈帝国政府虽然对他们受到的激励感到惊讶，或许也感到遗憾，但他们相信自己有义务开始军事行动。”

M。

Bienvenu-Martin reported to M.

Bienvenu-Martin 向 M 报告。

Viviani on _La France_ and to the ambassadors at London, St. Petersburg, Berlin, Vienna, and Rome the rupture of diplomatic relations with Serbia made by Austria-Hungary.

维维亚尼向法国驻伦敦、圣彼得堡、柏林、维也纳和罗马大使通报奥匈帝国与塞尔维亚断绝外交关系。

"According to a telegram from M.

“根据 M 的电报。

Jules Cambon [at Berlin], the British Ambassador [Sir Edward Goschen] thinks that there is a slight yielding; when he observed to Herr von Jagow that Sir Edward Grey did not ask him to intervene between Austria and Serbia, but, as this question ceased to be localized, to intervene with England, France, and Italy at Vienna and St. Petersburg, the Secretary of State declared that he would do his best to maintain peace."

英国大使爱德华·戈申爵士（Sir Edward Goschen）（在柏林）朱尔斯·坎本（Jules Cambon）认为存在轻微让步；当他向冯·雅高先生指出，爱德华·格雷爵士并没有要求他介入奥地利和塞尔维亚之间的事务，而是因为这个问题不再是局部问题，而是在维也纳和圣彼得堡与英国、法国和意大利进行干预时，国务卿宣布他将尽最大努力维持和平。

M。

Bienvenu-Martin also reported that Italy, not having been consulted about the note to Serbia, felt herself relieved from all responsibility in the grave step taken by her ally.

比恩韦努-马丁还报道说，意大利没有就给塞尔维亚的照会征求意见，因此认为自己免除了其盟友采取的严重步骤的所有责任。

He also told of his answer to the German Ambassador, Baron von Schoen, who sought France's influence to keep Russia from war, that Germany ought, on her side, to influence Austria-Hungary to avoid military operations leading to the occupation of Serbia, and the consequent intervention of Russia.

他还向德国大使冯舍恩男爵（Baron von Schoen）提出了自己的答复，德国大使寻求法国的影响力以阻止俄罗斯卷入战争，德国应该站在德国一边影响奥匈帝国，以避免军事行动导致塞尔维亚被占领，以及俄罗斯随后的干预。

"The ambassador having observed to me that this could not be reconciled with the position taken up by Germany 'that the question concerned only Austria and Serbia,' I told him that mediation at Vienna and St. Petersburg would be the act of the four other powers less interested in the question.

“大使向我表示，这与德国所采取的‘问题只涉及奥地利和塞尔维亚’的立场不一致，我告诉他，在维也纳和圣彼得堡进行的调解将由其他四个对该问题不太感兴趣的国家采取。

"Herr von Schoen then intrenched himself behind his lack of instructions in this respect, and I told him that in these conditions I did not feel myself in a position to take any action at St. Petersburg alone."

“冯·舍恩先生随后在这方面缺乏指示，让自己陷入困境，我告诉他，在这种情况下，我觉得自己无法单独在圣彼得堡采取任何行动。”

After his visit to M.

在他拜访M之后。

Bienvenu-Martin at 5 p.

Bienvenu-Martin 下午 5 点

米。

Baron von Schoen went to see M.

冯·舍恩男爵去见M.

Berthelot, the Political Director, to have an account of the interview officially published in the press.

政治主任贝特洛特在媒体上正式发表了这次采访的报道。

The article he proposed indicated the most amicable cooperation between France and Germany in the furtherance of European peace.

他提出的文章表明法国和德国在促进欧洲和平方面进行了最友好的合作。

"The Political Director replied at once, 'Then, in your opinion, every thing is settled, and you bring us the assurance that Austria accepts the Serbian note or will enter into conversations with the powers on this matter?' The ambassador having ...

“政治主任立即回答说，‘那么，在你看来，一切都已经解决了，你向我们保证奥地利接受塞尔维亚的照会，或者将就此事与列强进行对话？’大使有...

vigorously denied the suggestion, it was explained to him that if there was no modification in Germany's negative attitude, the terms of the suggested 'note to the press' were exaggerated, and of a nature to give a false security to French opinion by creating illusion on the real situation, the dangers of which were only too evident.

法国极力否认这一建议，有人向他解释说，如果德国的消极态度没有改变，那么所建议的“给新闻界的照会”的措辞就被夸大了，本质上是通过对真实情况制造幻觉来给法国舆论提供虚假的安全感，其危险是再明显不过的了。

"To the assurances lavished by the German Ambassador as to the optimistic impressions which he had formed, the Acting Political Director replied by asking if he might speak to him in a manner quite personal and private, as man to man, quite freely and without regard to their respective functions.

“德国大使对他所形成的乐观印象做出了慷慨的保证，代理政治主任回答说，他是否可以以非常个人和私密的方式与他交谈，就像人与人一样，非常自由地并且不考虑他们各自的职能。

Baron von Schoen asked him to do so.

冯·舍恩男爵要求他这么做。

"M.

“M。

Berthelot then said that to any simple mind Germany's attitude was inexplicable if it did not aim at war; a purely objective analysis of the facts and the psychology of the Austro-German relations led logically to this conclusion.

贝特洛接着说，对于任何一个头脑简单的人来说，如果德国的态度不是以战争为目的，那么它的态度是令人费解的。对奥德关系事实和心理的纯粹客观分析合乎逻辑地得出了这一结论。

In the face of the repeated statement that Germany was ignorant of the contents of the Austrian note, it was no longer permissible to raise any doubt on that point; but was it probable that Germany would have arrayed herself on the side of Austria in such an adventure with her eyes closed?

面对德国一再表示不了解奥地利照会内容的情况，不再允许对这一点提出任何疑问；但在这样的冒险中，德国有可能闭着眼睛站在奥地利一边吗？

Did the psychology of all the past relations of Vienna and Berlin allow one to admit that Austria could have taken up a position without any possible retreat, before having weighed with her ally all the consequences of her uncompromising attitude?

维也纳和柏林过去所有关系的心理是否允许人们承认，在与盟友权衡其不妥协态度的所有后果之前，奥地利本可以采取没有任何可能退缩的立场？

How surprising appeared the refusal by Germany to exercise mediating influence at Vienna now that she knew the extraordinary text of the Austrian note!

既然德国知道了奥地利照会的非凡内容，那么德国拒绝在维也纳发挥调解影响力是多么令人惊讶啊！

What responsibility was the German Government assuming and what suspicions would rest upon them if they persisted in interposing between Austria and the powers, after what might be called the absolute submission of Serbia, and when the slightest advice given by them to Vienna would put an end to the nightmare which weighed on Europe!

如果德国政府在塞尔维亚所谓的绝对屈服之后继续介入奥地利和列强之间，而他们向维也纳提出的最轻微的建议就会结束困扰欧洲的噩梦，那么他们将承担什么样的责任，将会受到什么样的怀疑！

"The breaking off of diplomatic relations by Austria, her threats of war, and the mobilization which she was undertaking make peculiarly urgent pacific action on the part of Germany, for from the day when Austrian troops crossed the Serbian frontier, one would be faced by an act which without doubt would oblige the St. Petersburg Cabinet to intervene, and would risk the unloosing of a war which Germany declares that she wishes to avoid.

“奥地利断绝外交关系、战争威胁以及正在进行的动员，使德国采取了特别紧迫的和平行动，因为从奥地利军队越过塞尔维亚边境的那一天起，人们将面临一种毫无疑问迫使圣彼得堡内阁进行干预的行为，并可能引发一场德国宣称她希望避免的战争。

"Herr von Schoen, who listened smiling, once more affirmed that Germany had been ignorant of the text of the Austrian note, and had approved it only after its delivery; she thought, however, that Serbia had need of a lesson severe enough for her not to be able to forget it, and that Austria owed it to herself to put an end to a situation which was dangerous and intolerable for a great power.

冯·舍恩先生微笑着听着，再次确认德国对奥地利照会的内容一无所知，只是在照会送达后才批准；然而，她认为塞尔维亚需要一个足够严厉的教训，让她不能忘记这一点，奥地利有责任结束这种对大国来说是危险和无法容忍的局面。

He declared besides that he did not know the text of the Serbian reply, and showed his personal surprise that it had not satisfied Austria, if indeed it was such as the papers, which are often ill informed, represented it to be.

此外，他还宣称，他不知道塞尔维亚答复的内容，并表示他个人感到惊讶的是，如果确实像通常消息不灵通的报纸所描述的那样，它并没有令奥地利满意。

"He insisted again on Germany's peaceful intentions and gave his impressions as to the effect that might arise from good advice given, for instance, at Vienna, by England in a friendly tone.

“他再次坚持德国的和平意图，并以友好的语气表达了他对英国在维也纳等场合提出的良好建议可能产生的效果的印象。

According to him Austria was not uncompromising; what she rejects is the idea of a formal mediation, the 'spectre' of a conference: a peaceful word coming from St. Petersburg, good words said in a conciliatory tone by the powers of the Triple Entente, would have a chance of being well received.

在他看来，奥地利并不是不妥协的。她所拒绝的是正式调解的想法，即会议的“幽灵”：来自圣彼得堡的和平话语，三国协约国以和解语气说出的好话，将有机会受到好评。

He added, finally, that he did not say that Germany on her side would not give some advice at Vienna.

最后他补充说，他并没有说德国方面不会在维也纳提出一些建议。

"In these conditions the Political Director announced that he would ask the minister if it appeared to him opportune to communicate to the press a short note in a moderate tone."

“在这种情况下，政治主任宣布，他将询问部长是否适合以温和的语气向媒体传达一份简短的消息。”

M。

Chevalley, French Minister at Christiania, telegraphed to M.

法国驻克里斯蒂安尼亚公使谢瓦莱 (Chevalley) 发电报给 M.

Bienvenu-Martin that the whole German fleet in Norway was returning to Germany.

Bienvenu-Martin 表示，在挪威的整个德国舰队正在返回德国。

M。

d'Annoville, French Chargé d'Affaires at Luxemburg, telegraphed that the last four classes of [German] reservists set at liberty had been forbidden to leave their places of residence, and were ordered to hold themselves at the disposition of the _Kommandutur_ at any moment.

法国驻卢森堡临时代办达诺维尔发电报说，最后四批获得自由的德国预备役军人被禁止离开他们的居住地，并被命令随时听从指挥部的部署。

MONDAY, JULY 27, 1914

1914 年 7 月 27 日星期一

_Austria-Hungary._ On the following day Count Szápáry, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at St. Petersburg, telegraphed Count Berchtold, Minister for Foreign Affairs at Vienna, of a conversation he had just had with M.

_奥匈帝国。_第二天，奥匈帝国驻圣彼得堡大使萨帕里伯爵向驻维也纳外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵发电报，讲述了他刚刚与奥匈帝国的谈话。

Sazonof.

萨佐诺夫。

Mistaken impressions, he told the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, were abroad in Russia as to Austria-Hungary's intentions.

他告诉俄罗斯外交部长，俄罗斯人对奥匈帝国的意图存在错误的印象。

"We were credited with wishing to push forward into Balkan territory, and to begin a march to Salonica or even to Constantinople.

“我们被认为希望推进巴尔干领土，并开始向萨洛尼卡甚至君士坦丁堡进军。

Others, again, went so far as to describe our action merely as the starting point of a preventive war against Russia.

其他人甚至再次将我们的行动描述为针对俄罗斯的预防性战争的起点。

I said that all this was erroneous, and that parts of it were absolutely unreasonable.

我说这一切都是错误的，有的地方根本不合理。

The goal of our action was self-preservation and self-defense against hostile propaganda by word, in writing, and in action, which threatened our integrity.

我们行动的目标是自我保护和自卫，以抵御威胁我们诚信的言语、书面和行动的敌对宣传。

It would occur to no one in Austria-Hungary to threaten Russian interests, or indeed to pick a quarrel with Russia.

奥匈帝国没有人会威胁俄罗斯的利益，甚至不会与俄罗斯发生争执。

And yet we were absolutely determined to reach the goal which we had set before us, and the path which we had chosen seemed to us the most suitable.

然而，我们绝对决心实现我们设定的目标，而且我们选择的道路对我们来说似乎是最合适的。

As, however, the action under discussion was action in self-defense, I could not conceal from him that we could not allow ourselves to be diverted from it by any consequences, of whatever kind they might be.

然而，由于所讨论的行动是自卫行动，我不能向他隐瞒，我们不能让自己因任何后果而偏离这一行动，无论后果是什么。

"M.

“M。

Sazonof agreed with me.

萨佐诺夫同意我的观点。

Our goal, as I had described it to him, was an entirely legitimate one, but he considered that the path which we were pursuing with a view to attaining it was not the surest.

正如我向他描述的那样，我们的目标是完全合理的，但他认为我们为实现这一目标而追求的道路并不是最可靠的。

He said that the note which we had delivered was not happy in its form.

他说我们交付的纸条的形式不满意。

He had since been studying it, and if I had time, he would like to look it through once more with me.

他一直在研究，如果我有时间，他愿意和我再看一遍。

I remarked that I was at his service, but was not authorized either to discuss the text of the note with him or to interpret it.

我说我是为他服务的，但无权与他讨论或解释便条的内容。

Of course, however, his remarks were of interest.

当然，他的言论很有趣。

The minister then took all the points of the note in order, and on this occasion found seven of the ten points admissible without very great difficulty; only the two points dealing with the collaboration of the Imperial and Royal officials in Serbia and the point dealing with the removal of officers and civil servants to be designated by us, seemed to him to be unacceptable in their present form.

然后，部长按顺序列出了纸条上的所有要点，这一次，毫不费力地发现十点中的七点是可以接受的。只有涉及塞尔维亚帝国和王室官员合作的两点以及涉及我们指定的官员和公务员的免职问题，在他看来，目前的形式是不可接受的。

With regard, to the first two points, I was in a position to give an authentic interpretation in the sense of your excellency's telegram of the 25th instant; with regard to the third, I expressed the opinion that it was a necessary demand.

关于前两点，我可以按照阁下25日电报的方式作出真实的解释；关于第三点，我认为这是必要的要求。

Moreover, matters had already been set in motion.

而且，事情已经开始了。

The Serbians had mobilized on the previous day, and I did not know what had happened since then."

塞尔维亚人前一天就动员起来了，我不知道从那以后发生了什么。”

Count Berchtold instructed Count Szápáry by telegraph to declare to M.

贝希托尔德伯爵通过电报指示萨帕里伯爵向 M.

Sazonof that, so long as the war between Austria-Hungary and Serbia remained localized, the [Dual] Monarchy did not aim in any way at territorial acquisitions of any sort.

萨佐诺夫认为，只要奥匈帝国和塞尔维亚之间的战争仍然是局部的，[双]君主国就不会以任何方式以获取任何形式的领土为目标。

Count Szögyény, Ambassador at Berlin, telegraphed to Count Berchtold that M.

驻柏林大使 Szögyény 伯爵发电报 Berchtold 伯爵说，M.

Sazonof had explained to Count Pourtalès, the German Ambassador at St. Petersburg, that he could not guarantee that Russia had not begun mobilization, and confessed that certain necessary military measures were being taken.

萨佐诺夫向德国驻圣彼得堡大使普塔莱斯伯爵解释说，他不能保证俄罗斯没有开始动员，并承认正在采取某些必要的军事措施。

"Major von Eggeling, German Military Attaché at St. Petersburg, reports that the Russian Minister for War, M.

“德国驻圣彼得堡武官冯·艾格林少校报告说，俄罗斯陆军部长 M.

Suchomlinof, has given him his word of honor that not a man or a horse has been mobilized; however, naturally, certain military precautions have been taken; precautions which, as the German military attaché adds ...

苏霍姆利诺夫向他保证，没有人或马被动员；然而，自然地，已经采取了某些军事预防措施；正如德国武官补充的那样，采取了预防措施......

'are to be sure pretty far-reaching.'"

“肯定是影响深远的。”

Count Berchtold informed the Austro-Hungarian Ambassadors at Berlin, Rome, London, Paris, and St. Petersburg of the annotations of his Government to the Serbian reply.

贝希托尔德伯爵向奥匈帝国驻柏林、罗马、伦敦、巴黎和圣彼得堡大使通报了其政府对塞尔维亚答复的说明。

_Germany._ The Austro-Hungarian Consulate at Kovno, Russia, telegraphed to the German Chancellor, Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg, that Kovno had been declared to be in a state of war.

_德国。_奥匈帝国驻俄罗斯科夫诺领事馆发电报给德国总理冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格博士，称科夫诺已被宣布处于战争状态。

The German Minister at Berne, Switzerland, telegraphed to the Chancellor that the French Fourteenth Corps had discontinued maneuvers.

德国驻瑞士伯尔尼部长电告总理，法国第十四军团已停止演习。

Count Pourtalès, German Ambassador at St. Petersburg, telegraphed to the Chancellor at Berlin:

德国驻圣彼得堡大使普塔莱斯伯爵致电柏林总理：

"The Secretary of War [Suchomlinof] has given me his word of honor that no order to mobilize has as yet been issued.

“战争部长[苏霍姆利诺夫]已向我保证，目前尚未发布任何动员令。

Though general preparations are being made, no reserves were called and no horses mustered.

虽然一般准备工作正在进行中，但没有召集预备队，也没有召集马匹。

If Austria crossed the Serbian frontier, such military districts as are directed toward Austria, viz Kiev, Odessa, Moscow, Kazan, are to be mobilized.

如果奥地利越过塞尔维亚边境，那么针对奥地利的军区，即基辅、敖德萨、莫斯科、喀山，都将被动员起来。

Under no circumstances those on the German frontier, Warsaw, Vilni, St. Petersburg.

在任何情况下，都不要在德国边境、华沙、维尔尼、圣彼得堡。

Peace with Germany was desired very much.

人们非常渴望与德国实现和平。

Upon my inquiry into the object of mobilization against Austria he shrugged his shoulders and referred to the diplomats.

当我询问针对奥地利的动员目的时，他耸了耸肩，提到了外交官。

I told the secretary that we appreciated the friendly intentions, but considered mobilization even against Austria as very menacing."

我告诉国务卿，我们赞赏这种友好意图，但认为即使是针对奥地利的动员也是非常具有威胁性的。”

The Chancellor telegraphed Prince Lichnowsky, German Ambassador at London:

总理致电德国驻伦敦大使利希诺夫斯基亲王：

"We know as yet nothing of a suggestion of Sir Edward Grey's to hold a quadruple conference in London.

“我们还不知道爱德华·格雷爵士关于在伦敦举行四次会议的建议。

It is impossible for us to place our ally in his dispute with Serbia before a European tribunal.

我们不可能将我们的盟友与塞尔维亚的争端提交欧洲法庭审理。

Our mediation must be limited to the danger of an Austro-Russian conflict."

我们的调解必须仅限于奥俄冲突的危险。”

This was supplemented by a telegram:

一封电报补充了这一点：

"We have at once started the mediation proposal in Vienna in the sense as desired by Sir Edward Grey.

“我们立即在维也纳启动了爱德华·格雷爵士所希望的调解建议。

We have communicated besides to Count Berchtold the desire of M.

我们还向 Berchtold 伯爵传达了 M 的愿望。

Sazonof for a direct parley with Vienna."

萨佐诺夫要求与维也纳直接谈判。”

_Russia._ Count Benckendorff, Russian Ambassador at London, telegraphed to M.

_俄罗斯._ 俄罗斯驻伦敦大使本肯多夫伯爵发电报给 M.

Sazonof, Minister for Foreign Affairs at St. Petersburg, to know if his views on direct discussions with the Vienna Cabinet harmonized with Grey's scheme for mediation by the four powers, Great Britain, France, Italy, and Germany.

圣彼得堡外交部长萨佐诺夫想知道他关于与维也纳内阁直接讨论的观点是否与格雷的由英、法、意、德四国调解的计划相一致。

"Having heard from the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg that you would be prepared to accept such a combination, Grey decided to turn it into an official proposal, which he communicated yesterday to Berlin, Paris, and Rome."

“从英国驻圣彼得堡大使那里得知，你们准备接受这样的合并后，格雷决定将其转变为正式提案，并于昨天将其传达给柏林、巴黎和罗马。”

M。

Sazonof replied by telegraph that the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg, Sir George Buchanan, had asked him if the Russian Government thought it desirable for Great Britain to take the initiative in convoking a conference in London of the four powers.

萨佐诺夫在电报中回复说，英国驻圣彼得堡大使乔治·布坎南爵士曾问他，俄罗斯政府是否认为英国应该主动在伦敦召开四国会议。

"I replied that I have begun conversations with the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador under conditions which, I hope, may be favorable.

“我回答说，我已经开始与奥匈帝国大使进行对话，我希望对话的条件可能是有利的。

I have not, however, received as yet any reply to the proposal made by me for revising the note between the two Cabinets.

然而，对于我提出的修改两国内阁照会的建议，我尚未收到任何答复。

"If direct explanations with the Vienna Cabinet were to prove impossible, I am ready to accept the British proposal, or any other proposal of a kind that would bring about a favorable solution of the conflict.

“如果与维也纳内阁的直接解释被证明是不可能的，我准备接受英国的提议，或任何其他能够带来有利的冲突解决方案的提议。

"I wish, however, to put an end from this day forth to a misunderstanding which might arise from the answer given by the French Minister of Justice to the German Ambassador, regarding counsels of moderation to be given to the Imperial [Russian] Cabinet."

“然而，我希望从今天起结束法国司法部长对德国大使的答复中可能产生的误解，该答复涉及向帝国[俄罗斯]内阁提供温和的建议。”

This telegram Benckendorff communicated to Grey on the following day.

第二天，本肯多夫将这份电报转达给格雷。

M。

Sazonof telegraphed to the Russian Ambassadors at Paris, London, Berlin, Vienna, and Rome that the Serbian reply exceeded expectations in its moderation and desire to afford the fullest satisfaction.

萨佐诺夫向俄罗斯驻巴黎、伦敦、柏林、维也纳和罗马大使发电报称，塞尔维亚的答复超出了预期，其温和性和希望得到充分满意的愿望。

"We do not see what further demands could be made by Austria, unless the Vienna Cabinet is seeking for a pretext for war with Serbia."

“我们看不到奥地利会提出什么进一步要求，除非维也纳内阁正在寻找与塞尔维亚开战的借口。”

M。

Isvolsky, Russian Ambassador at Paris, telegraphed to M.

俄罗斯驻巴黎大使伊斯沃尔斯基致电M.

Sazonof that the German Ambassador, Baron von Schoen, had confirmed his declaration of yesterday in writing, i.e.:

萨佐诺夫得知，德国大使冯舍恩男爵已书面确认了他昨天的声明，即：

"1.

“1.

That Austria has declared to Russia that she seeks no territorial acquisitions and that she harbors no designs against the integrity of Serbia.

奥地利已向俄罗斯声明，她不谋求获得领土，也无意破坏塞尔维亚的完整。

Her sole object is to secure her own peace and quiet.

她唯一的目标是确保自己的平静与安宁。

"2.

”2.

That consequently it rests with Russia to avoid war.

因此，避免战争的责任在于俄罗斯。

"3.

”3.

That Germany and France, entirely at one in their ardent desire to preserve peace, should exercise their moderating influence upon Russia.

德国和法国出于维护和平的热切愿望完全一致，应该对俄罗斯施加温和的影响。

"Baron von Schoen laid special emphasis on the expression of solidarity of Germany and France.

“冯舍恩男爵特别强调了德法两国团结的表达。

The Minister of Justice is convinced that these steps on the part of Germany are taken with the evident object of alienating Russia and France, of inducing the French Government to make representations at St. Petersburg, and of thus compromising our ally in our eyes; and finally, in the event of war, of throwing the responsibility not on Germany, who is ostensibly making every effort to maintain peace, but on Russia and France."

司法部长确信，德国采取这些步骤的明显目的是疏远俄罗斯和法国，诱使法国政府在圣彼得堡进行交涉，从而损害我们眼中的盟友；最后，一旦发生战争，责任不应归咎于表面上竭尽全力维护和平的德国，而应归咎于俄罗斯和法国。”

In a supplementary telegram M.

在补充电报中 M.

Isvolsky stated that the telegram from Belgrade to Paris, giving the Serbian reply to the Austrian note was delayed twenty hours, and that the telegram from the French Foreign Office containing instructions to support Russia's representations, which had been sent at the special urgent rate at 11 a.

伊斯沃尔斯基表示，塞尔维亚对奥地利照会的答复从贝尔格莱德发往巴黎的电报延迟了二十个小时，法国外交部的电报载有支持俄罗斯交涉的指示，该电报已于上午 11 点以特别紧急的速度发出。

m., July 25, 1914, only reached its destination at 6 p.

1914年7月25日下午6点才到达目的地。

米。

"There is no doubt that this telegram was intentionally delayed by the Austrian telegraph office."

“毫无疑问，这封电报是奥地利电报局故意拖延的。”

M。

Isvolsky telegraphed to M.

伊斯沃尔斯基发电报给M.

Sazonof:

萨佐诺夫：

"The Austrian Ambassador [Count Szécsen] has informed the Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs [M.

“奥地利大使 [Count Szécsen] 已通知代理外交部长 [M.

Bienvenu-Martin] that to-morrow, Tuesday, Austria will proceed to take 'energetic action' with the object of forcing Serbia to give the necessary guaranties.

Bienvenu-Martin]明天星期二，奥地利将继续采取“积极行动”，目的是迫使塞尔维亚提供必要的保证。

The minister having asked what form such action would take, the ambassador replied that he had no exact information on the subject, but it might mean either the crossing of the Serbian frontier, or an ultimatum, or even a declaration of war."

部长询问这种行动将采取什么形式，大使回答说，他没有关于这个问题的确切信息，但这可能意味着跨越塞尔维亚边境，或者发出最后通牒，甚至宣战。”

M。

Broniewsky, Russian Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin, telegraphed M.

俄罗斯驻柏林临时代办布罗涅夫斯基 (Broniewsky) 电告 M.

Sazonof:

萨佐诺夫：

"I begged the Minister for Foreign Affairs [Von Jagow] to support your proposal in Vienna that Szápáry [Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at St. Petersburg] should be authorized to draw up, by means of a private exchange of views with you, a wording of the Austro-Hungarian demands which would be acceptable to both parties.

“我恳求外交部长[冯·雅戈]支持您在维也纳的提议，即授权萨帕里[奥匈帝国驻圣彼得堡大使]通过与您私下交换意见的方式起草一份双方都能接受的奥匈帝国要求的措辞。

Jagow answered that he was aware of this proposal and that he agreed with Pourtalès [German Ambassador at St. Petersburg] that, as Szápáry had begun this conversation, he might as well go on with it.

雅戈回答说，他知道这个提议，并且他同意普塔莱斯（德国驻圣彼得堡大使）的观点，即既然萨帕里已经开始了这次谈话，他不妨继续下去。

He will telegraph in this sense to the German Ambassador at Vienna.

他将就此向德国驻维也纳大使发电报。

I begged him to press Vienna with greater insistence to adopt this conciliatory line; Jagow answered that he could not advise Austria to give way."

我恳求他更加坚决地敦促维也纳采取这一和解路线。雅戈回答说，他不能建议奥地利让步。”

In a second telegram M.

在第二封电报中，M.

Broniewsky gave an account of an interview just held between Von Jagow and the French Ambassador, M.

布罗涅夫斯基讲述了冯·雅戈和法国大使 M·冯·雅戈刚刚进行的一次采访。

Jules Cambon:

儒勒·康朋：

"Cambon endeavored to induce Von Jagow to accept the British proposal for action in favor of peace to be taken simultaneously at St. Petersburg and at Vienna by Great Britain, Germany, Italy, and France.

“康蓬竭力劝说冯·贾高接受英国的建议，即英国、德国、意大利和法国同时在圣彼得堡和维也纳采取有利于和平的行动。

Cambon suggested that these powers should give their advice to Vienna in the following terms: 'To abstain from all action which might aggravate the existing situation.' By adopting this vague formula, all mention of the necessity of refraining from invading Serbia might be avoided.

康朋建议，这些国家应向维也纳提出以下建议：“避免采取一切可能使现有局势恶化的行动。”通过采用这一模糊的公式，可能会避免所有关于避免入侵塞尔维亚的必要性的提及。

Jagow refused point blank to accept this suggestion in spite of the entreaties of the ambassador, who emphasized, as a good feature of the suggestion, the mixed grouping of the powers, thanks to which the opposition between the Alliance and the Entente--a matter of which Jagow himself had often complained--was avoided."

尽管大使一再恳求，贾戈还是直截了当地拒绝接受这一建议，大使强调，这一建议的一个很好的特点就是权力的混合组合，这样就避免了联盟与协约国之间的对立——这是贾戈本人经常抱怨的问题。

Nicholas II telegraphed his reply to the appeal for Russian aid made by Prince Alexander of Serbia on July 25, 1914.

1914 年 7 月 25 日，尼古拉二世致电塞尔维亚亚历山大亲王请求俄罗斯援助的答复。

It assured the prince of the Czar's cordial sympathy with the Serbian people.

这向王子保证了沙皇对塞尔维亚人民的诚挚同情。

"The existing situation is engaging my most serious attention, and my government are using their utmost endeavor to smooth away the present difficulties.

“目前的局势引起了我的最严重关注，我国政府正在尽最大努力消除目前的困难。

I have no doubt that your highness and the Royal Serbian Government wish to render that task easy by neglecting no step which might lead to a settlement, and thus both prevent the horrors of a new war and safeguard the dignity of Serbia.

我毫不怀疑殿下和塞尔维亚王国政府希望通过不忽视任何可能导致解决的步骤来使这项任务变得容易，从而既防止新战争的恐怖，又维护塞尔维亚的尊严。

"So long as the slightest hope exists of avoiding bloodshed, all our efforts must be directed to that end; but if in spite of our earnest wish we are not successful, your highness may rest assured that Russia will in no case disinterest herself in the fate of Serbia."

“只要存在避免流血的一丝希望，我们所有的努力都必须为此目的；但如果尽管我们热切希望我们没有成功，殿下请放心，俄罗斯在任何情况下都不会不关心塞尔维亚的命运。”

M。

Schebeko, Russian Ambassador at Vienna, telegraphed to M.

俄罗斯驻维也纳大使谢贝科致电 M.

Sazonof of a conversation he had had in the absence of Count Berchtold, Minister for Foreign Affairs, with Baron Macchio, the Under-Secretary.

萨佐诺夫讲述了他在外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵缺席的情况下与副国务卿马基奥男爵的一次谈话。

"I drew his attention to the unfavorable impression produced in Russia by the presentation of demands by Austria to Serbia, which it was quite impossible for any independent state, however small, to accept.

“我提请他注意奥地利向塞尔维亚提出的要求给俄罗斯带来了不利的印象，任何独立国家，无论多么小，都不可能接受这一要求。

I added that this method of procedure might lead to the most undesirable complications, and that it had aroused profound surprise and general condemnation in Russia.

我补充说，这种手术方法可能会导致最不受欢迎的并发症，并在俄罗斯引起了极大的惊讶和普遍谴责。

We can only suppose that Austria, influenced by the assurances given by the German representative at Vienna, who has egged her on throughout this crisis, has counted on the probable localization of the dispute with Serbia, and on the possibility of inflicting with impunity a serious blow upon that country.

我们只能假设，奥地利受到德国驻维也纳代表所作保证的影响（德国代表在这场危机中一直怂恿奥地利），指望着与塞尔维亚的争端可能会局部化，并指望有可能对该国造成不受惩罚的严重打击。

The declaration by the Russian Government that Russia could not possibly remain indifferent in the face of such conduct has caused a great sensation here."

俄罗斯政府宣称俄罗斯不可能对此类行为无动于衷，这在当地引起了巨大轰动。”

Count Benckendorff, Russian Ambassador at London, telegraphed to M.

俄罗斯驻伦敦大使本肯多夫伯爵发电报给 M.

Sazonof:

萨佐诺夫：

"Grey has just informed the German Ambassador, who came to question him as to the possibility of taking action at St. Petersburg, that such action ought rather to be taken at Vienna, and that the Berlin Cabinet were the best qualified to do so.

“格雷刚刚通知德国大使，德国大使来询问他是否有可能在圣彼得堡采取行动，这种行动应该在维也纳采取，而柏林内阁最有资格这样做。

Grey also pointed out that the Serbian reply to the Austrian note had exceeded anything that could have been expected in moderation and in its spirit of conciliation.

格雷还指出，塞尔维亚对奥地利照会的答复超出了人们对温和和和解精神的预期。

Grey added that he had therefore come to the conclusion that Russia must have advised Belgrade to return a moderate reply, and that he thought the Serbian reply could form the basis of a peaceful and acceptable solution of the question.

格雷补充说，因此他得出的结论是，俄罗斯一定建议贝尔格莱德做出温和的答复，并且他认为塞尔维亚的答复可以构成和平和可接受的问题解决方案的基础。

"In these circumstances, continued Grey, if Austria were to begin hostilities in spite of that reply, she would prove her intention of crushing Serbia.

格雷继续说道：“在这种情况下，如果奥地利不顾这一答复而开始敌对行动，她将证明她粉碎塞尔维亚的意图。

Looked at in this light, the question might give rise to a situation which might lead to a war in which all the powers would be involved.

从这个角度来看，这个问题可能会引发一场所有列强都参与其中的战争。

"Grey finally declared that the British Government were sincerely anxious to act with the German Government as long as the preservation of peace was in question; but, in the contrary event, Great Britain reserved to herself full liberty of action."

“格雷最后宣布，只要维护和平存在问题，英国政府真诚地渴望与德国政府采取行动；但是，在相反的情况下，英国保留充分的行动自由。”

_Great Britain._ Sir Maurice de Bunsen, Ambassador at Vienna, telegraphed to Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs at London, that he had consulted with his colleagues about the mediation of the four powers, and the impression was that the note to Serbia was intentionally drawn to make war inevitable, and, until Serbia had been punished, no proposals for mediation would be listened to.

英国驻维也纳大使莫里斯·德本生爵士电告伦敦外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士说，他已与他的同事就四个国家的调解问题进行了磋商，给人的印象是，向塞尔维亚发出照会是故意让战争不可避免，而且，在塞尔维亚受到惩罚之前，不会听取任何调解建议。

"This country has gone wild with joy at the prospect of war with Serbia, and its postponement or prevention would undoubtedly be a great disappointment.

“这个国家对与塞尔维亚发生战争的前景感到欣喜若狂，而推迟或阻止战争无疑将令人非常失望。

"I propose, subject to any special directions you desire to send me, to express to the Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs the hope of his majesty's Government that it may yet be possible to avoid war, and to ask his excellency whether he cannot suggest a way out even now."

“我建议，根据您希望向我发送的任何特别指示，向奥地利外交部长表达陛下政府的希望，即有可能避免战争，并询问阁下是否现在就不能提出出路。”

Sir Francis Bertie, Ambassador at Paris, telegraphed to Grey that France had accepted his proposal for the four-power mediation, and sent the necessary instructions to her representatives at Belgrade, Vienna, and St. Petersburg.

驻巴黎大使弗朗西斯·伯蒂爵士致电格雷表示，法国已接受他提出的四国调解建议，并向其驻贝尔格莱德、维也纳和圣彼得堡的代表发出了必要的指示。

"Instructions have been sent to the French Ambassador at Berlin to concert with his British colleague as to the advisability of their speaking jointly to the German Government.

“已向法国驻柏林大使发出指示，要求其与他的英国同事协调一致向德国政府发表讲话。

Until it is known that the Germans have spoken at Vienna with some success, it would, in the opinion of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, be dangerous for the French, Russian, and British Ambassadors to do so."

外交部认为，在德国人在维也纳讲话取得一定成功之前，法国、俄罗斯和英国大使这样做将是危险的。”

Sir Edward Goschen, Ambassador at Berlin, telegraphed to Grey:

驻柏林大使爱德华·戈申爵士致电格雷：

"Secretary of State [Von Jagow] says that conference you suggest would practically amount to a court of arbitration and could not, in his opinion, be called together except at the request of Austria and Russia.

“国务卿[冯·贾戈]说，你建议的会议实际上相当于一个仲裁法庭，他认为，除非奥地利和俄罗斯提出要求，否则不能召开会议。

He could not therefore fall in with your suggestion, desirous though he was to cooperate for the maintenance of peace.

因此，尽管他希望合作维护和平，但他不能同意你的建议。

I said I was sure that your idea had nothing to do with arbitration, but meant that representatives of the four nations not directly interested should discuss and suggest means for avoiding a dangerous situation.

我说我确信你的想法与仲裁无关，而是意味着没有直接利害关系的四个国家的代表应该讨论并提出避免危险情况的方法。

He maintained, however, that such a conference as you proposed was not practicable.

然而，他坚持认为，你提议的这样的会议是不切实际的。

He added that news he had just received from St. Petersburg showed that there was an intention on the part of M.

他补充说，他刚刚从圣彼得堡收到的消息表明，M. 是有意图的。

de Sazonof [Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs] to exchange views with Count Berchtold [Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs].

德萨佐诺夫（俄罗斯外交部长）与贝希托尔德伯爵（奥匈帝国外交部长）交换了意见。

He thought that this method of procedure might lead to a satisfactory result, and that it would be best, before doing anything else, to await outcome of the exchange of views between the Austrian and Russian Governments.

他认为这种程序方法可能会带来令人满意的结果，在采取其他行动之前最好等待奥地利和俄罗斯政府之间交换意见的结果。

"In the course of a short conversation Secretary of State said that as yet Austria was only partially mobilizing, but that if Russia mobilized against Germany latter would have to follow suit.

“在一次简短的谈话中，国务卿表示，奥地利目前还只是部分动员，但如果俄罗斯动员起来反对德国，后者也必须效仿。

I asked him what he meant by 'mobilizing against Germany.' He said that if Russia only mobilized in south, Germany would not mobilize, but if she mobilized in north, Germany would have to do so too, and Russian system of mobilization was so complicated that it might be difficult exactly to locate her mobilization.

我问他“动员起来反对德国”是什么意思。他说，如果俄罗斯只在南方动员，德国就不会动员，但如果在北方动员，德国也得动员，而且俄罗斯的动员体系非常复杂，很难准确定位她的动员情况。

Germany would therefore have to be very careful not to be taken by surprise.

因此，德国必须非常小心，以免措手不及。

"Finally, Secretary of State said that news from St. Petersburg had caused him to take more hopeful view of the general situation."

“最后，国务卿表示，来自圣彼得堡的消息使他对总体局势抱有更加乐观的看法。”

Sir George Buchanan, Ambassador at St. Petersburg, telegraphed Grey an account of the interview between M.

驻圣彼得堡大使乔治·布坎南爵士向格雷电报了 M·布坎南先生的采访内容。

Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Count Szápáry, the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador, in which Sazonof had pointed out that Austria's demands entailed entire revision of existing Serbian laws, and were moreover incompatible with Serbia's dignity as an independent state; and that it would be useless for Russia, being an object of suspicion in Austria, to offer her good offices.

俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫和奥匈帝国大使萨佐诺夫伯爵，其中萨佐诺夫指出，奥地利的要求需要对塞尔维亚现行法律进行全面修改，而且与塞尔维亚作为独立国家的尊严不相容；俄罗斯作为奥地利的怀疑对象，向她斡旋是没有用的。

"In order, however, to put an end to the present tension, he thought that England and Italy might be willing to collaborate with Austria."

“然而，为了结束目前的紧张局势，他认为英国和意大利可能愿意与奥地利合作。”

Sir George told M.

乔治爵士告诉M.

Sazonof that Grey could do nothing more than he had promised on the 24th inst., and that the Russian Minister was mistaken if he believed that peace would be promoted by Great Britain telling Germany it would have to deal with her as well as with Russia and France if it supported Austria by force of arms.

萨佐诺夫表示，格雷除了他在24日的承诺之外无能为力，如果俄罗斯部长相信英国告诉德国，如果英国以武力支持奥地利，那么英国将不得不与她打交道，以及与俄罗斯和法国打交道，那么俄罗斯部长就错了。

"Their attitude would merely be stiffened by such a menace, and we could only induce Germany to use her influence at Vienna to avert war by approaching her in the capacity of a friend who was anxious to preserve peace.

“这样的威胁只会让他们的态度更加僵硬，我们只能诱使德国利用她在维也纳的影响力，以渴望维护和平的朋友的身份接近她，从而避免战争。

His excellency must not, if our efforts were to be successful, do anything to precipitate a conflict.

如果我们的努力要取得成功，阁下绝不能做任何引发冲突的事情。

I trusted that the Russian Government would defer mobilization ukase for as long as possible, and that troops would not be allowed to cross the frontier even when it was issued.

我相信俄罗斯政府会尽可能推迟动员令，即使发出动员令后也不会允许军队越境。

"The Minister for Foreign Affairs replied that, until the issue of the imperial ukase, no effective steps toward mobilization could be taken, and the Austro-Hungarian Government would profit by delay in order to complete her military preparations if it were deferred too long."

“外交部长回答说，在帝国紧急动员令问题出现之前，无法采取有效的动员措施，如果推迟太久，奥匈帝国政府将通过拖延来完成军事准备工作。”

In a supplementary telegram Buchanan reported that M.

布坎南在一份补充电报中报道说，M.

Sazonof had proposed

萨佐诺夫提出

"that the modifications to be introduced into Austrian demands should be the subject of direct conversation between Vienna and St. Petersburg."

“对奥地利要求的修改应成为维也纳和圣彼得堡之间直接对话的主题。”

Grey telegraphed to Sir Eward Goschen, British Ambassador at Berlin, that Prince Lichnowsky, the German Ambassador at London, had informed him that Germany accepted in principle the four-power mediation, reserving its right as ally to help Austria if attacked.

格雷电告英国驻柏林大使埃瓦尔·戈申爵士，德国驻伦敦大使利希诺夫斯基亲王已通知他，德国原则上接受四国调解，保留在奥地利受到攻击时作为盟友帮助奥地利的权利。

"He has also been instructed to request me to use influence in St. Petersburg to localize the war and to keep up the peace of Europe.

“他还奉命要求我利用在圣彼得堡的影响力来局部化战争并维护欧洲的和平。

"I have replied that the Serbian reply went further than could have been expected to meet the Austrian demands.

“我已经答复说，塞尔维亚的答复超出了满足奥地利要求的预期。

German Secretary of State [Von Jagow] has himself said that there were some things in the Austrian note that Serbia could hardly be expected to accept.

德国国务卿冯·雅戈本人表示，奥地利照会中的某些内容很难指望塞尔维亚接受。

I assumed that Serbian reply could not have gone as far as it did unless Russia had exercised conciliatory influence at Belgrade, and it was really at Vienna that moderating influence was now required.

我认为，除非俄罗斯在贝尔格莱德施加了和解影响，否则塞尔维亚的答复不可能达到现在的程度，而现在确实需要在维也纳施加缓和影响。

If Austria put the Serbian reply aside as being worth nothing and marched into Serbia, it meant that she was determined to crush Serbia at all costs, being reckless of the consequences that might be involved.

如果奥地利将塞尔维亚的答复视为毫无价值而进军塞尔维亚，那就意味着她决心不惜一切代价粉碎塞尔维亚，不计后果。

Serbian reply should at least be treated as a basis for discussion and pause.

塞尔维亚的答复至少应该被视为讨论和暂停的基础。

I said German Government should urge this at Vienna.

我说德国政府应该在维也纳敦促这样做。

"I recalled what German Government had said as to the gravity of the situation if the war could not be localized, and observed that if Germany assisted Austria against Russia it would be because, without any reference to the merits of the dispute, Germany could not afford to see Austria crushed.

“我回顾了德国政府所说的，如果战争不能局部化，局势将变得严重，并指出，如果德国帮助奥地利对抗俄罗斯，那是因为，在不考虑争端的是非曲直的情况下，德国不能看到奥地利被压垮。

Just so other issues might be raised that would supersede the dispute between Austria and Serbia, and would bring other powers in, and the war would be the biggest ever known; but as long as Germany would work to keep the peace I would keep closely in touch.

正是这样，可能会提出其他问题，从而取代奥地利和塞尔维亚之间的争端，并吸引其他大国介入，而这场战争将是有史以来规模最大的战争；但只要德国致力于维护和平，我就会保持密切联系。

I repeated that after the Serbian reply it was at Vienna that some moderation must be urged."

我重申，在塞尔维亚作出答复后，必须在维也纳敦促采取一定的克制态度。”

Grey telegraphed Buchanan at St. Petersburg, referring him to the above, and informing him that the Russian Ambassador at London, Count Benckendorff had told him [Grey] that the impression prevailed in German and Austrian circles that Great Britain would stand aside in event of war.

格雷给圣彼得堡的布坎南发电报，向他提及上述情况，并告诉他俄罗斯驻伦敦大使本肯多夫伯爵告诉他[格雷]，德国和奥地利圈子普遍认为，一旦发生战争，英国将袖手旁观。

This the Ambassador deplored for its adverse effect on peace.

大使对这对和平造成的不利影响表示遗憾。

Grey informed Sir Maurice de Bunsen, British Ambassador at Vienna, of his interview just held with Count Mensdorff, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at London.

格雷向英国驻维也纳大使莫里斯·德本生爵士通报了他刚刚与奥匈帝国驻伦敦大使门斯多夫伯爵进行的面谈。

"Mensdorff said that the Austrian Government, very reluctantly and against their wish, were compelled to take more severe measures to enforce a fundamental change of the attitude of enmity pursued up to now by Serbia....

“门斯多夫说，奥地利政府非常不情愿地、违背他们的意愿，被迫采取更严厉的措施，从根本上改变塞尔维亚迄今为止所追求的敌对态度......

We would understand that the Austrian Government must consider that the moment had arrived to obtain, by means of the strongest pressure, guaranties for the definite suppression of the Serbian aspirations and for the security of peace and order on the southeastern frontier of Austria.

我们理解，奥地利政府必须认为，通过最强大的压力获得保证的时机已经到来，以确保明确压制塞尔维亚的愿望并确保奥地利东南边境的和平与秩序。

"As the peaceable means to this effect were exhausted, the Austrian Government must at last appeal to force.

“由于达到这一目的的和平手段已经用尽，奥地利政府最终必须诉诸武力。

Their action, which had no sort of aggressive tendency, could not be represented otherwise than as self-defense.

他们的行为没有任何攻击倾向，只能说是自卫。

Also they thought that they would serve a European interest if they prevented Serbia from being henceforth an element of general unrest such as she had been for the last ten years.

他们还认为，如果他们能够阻止塞尔维亚今后像过去十年那样成为普遍动乱的一个因素，那么他们将符合欧洲的利益。

The high sense of justice of the British nation and of British statesmen could not blame the Austrian Government if the latter defended by the sword what was theirs, and cleared up their position with a country whose hostile policy had forced upon them for years measures so costly as to have gravely injured Austrian national prosperity.

如果奥地利政府用剑保卫他们的领土，并与一个多年来迫使他们采取敌对政策、严重损害奥地利国家繁荣的国家的立场，那么英国民族和英国政治家的高度正义感就不能责怪奥地利政府。

Finally, the Austrian Government, confiding in their amicable relations with us, felt that they could count on our sympathy in a fight that was forced on them, and on our assistance in localizing the fight, if necessary.

最后，奥地利政府信任我们与我们的友好关系，认为他们可以在被迫进行的战斗中得到我们的同情，并在必要时在局部化战斗中得到我们的协助。

"Count Mensdorff added on his own account that, as long as Serbia was confronted with Turkey, Austria never took very severe measures because of her adherence to the policy of the free development of the Balkan States.

门斯多夫伯爵还补充说，只要塞尔维亚与土耳其对抗，奥地利就从未采取过非常严厉的措施，因为它坚持巴尔干国家自由发展的政策。

Now that Serbia had doubled her territory and population without any Austrian interference, the repression of Serbian subversive aims was a matter of self-defense and self-preservation on Austria's part.

既然塞尔维亚在没有奥地利干涉的情况下将其领土和人口增加了一倍，那么镇压塞尔维亚的颠覆目标就是奥地利方面的自卫和自保问题。

He reiterated that Austria had no intention of taking Serbian territory or aggressive designs against Serbian territory.

他重申，奥地利无意占领塞尔维亚领土，也无意对塞尔维亚领土进行侵略图谋。

"I said that I could not understand the construction put by the Austrian Government upon the Serbian reply, and I told Count Mensdorff the substance of the conversation that I had had with the German Ambassador this morning about that reply.

“我说我无法理解奥地利政府对塞尔维亚答复的解释，我告诉门斯多夫伯爵今天早上我与德国大使就该答复进行的谈话的实质内容。

"Count Mensdorff admitted that, on paper, the Serbian reply might seem to be satisfactory; but the Serbians had refused the one thing--the cooperation of Austrian officials and police--which would be a real guaranty that in practice the Serbians would not carry on their subversive campaign against Austria.

“门斯多夫伯爵承认，从表面上看，塞尔维亚人的答复似乎令人满意；但塞尔维亚人拒绝了一件事——奥地利官员和警察的合作——这将是塞尔维亚人实际上不会对奥地利进行颠覆运动的真正保证。

"I said that it seemed to me as if the Austrian Government believed that, even after the Serbian reply, they could make war upon Serbia anyhow, without risk of bringing Russia into the dispute.

“我说，在我看来，奥地利政府似乎相信，即使在塞尔维亚作出答复后，他们仍然可以对塞尔维亚发动战争，而不用担心将俄罗斯卷入争端。

If they could make war on Serbia and at the same time satisfy Russia, well and good; but, if not, the consequences would be incalculable.

如果他们能够对塞尔维亚发动战争，同时满足俄罗斯的要求，那就太好了；但如果不这样做，后果将难以估量。

I pointed out to him that I quoted this phrase from an expression of the views of the German Government.

我向他指出，我引用的这句话是德国政府表达的观点。

I feared that it would be expected in St. Petersburg that the Serbian reply would diminish the tension, and now, when Russia found that there was increased tension, the situation would become increasingly serious.

我担心圣彼得堡预计塞尔维亚的答复会缓和紧张局势，而现在，当俄罗斯发现紧张局势加剧时，局势会变得越来越严重。

Already the effect on Europe was one of anxiety.

对欧洲的影响已经是一种焦虑。

I pointed out [as an instance of this] that our fleet was to have dispersed to-day, but we had felt unable to let it disperse.

我指出（作为一个例子）我们的舰队今天应该散去，但我们觉得不能让它散去。

We should not think of calling up reserves at this moment, and there was no menace in what we had done about our fleet; but, owing to the possibility of a European conflagration, it was impossible for us to disperse our forces at this moment.

我们现在不应该考虑召集预备队，而且我们对我们的舰队所做的一切并没有构成威胁。但是，由于欧洲可能发生大火，我们此时不可能分散兵力。

It seemed to me that the Serbian reply already involved the greatest humiliation to Serbia that I had ever seen a country undergo, and it was disappointing to me that the reply was treated by the Austrian Government as if it were as unsatisfactory as a blank negative."

在我看来，塞尔维亚的答复已经是对塞尔维亚最大的羞辱，这是我所见过的一个国家所经历的最大的羞辱，令我失望的是，奥地利政府将答复视为如同空白否定一样不能令人满意。”

Grey informed Sir Rennell Rodd, British Ambassador at Rome, that the Italian Ambassador at London had stated to Sir Arthur Nicholson, Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, that Italy agreed to the four-power conference, and that the Marquis di San Giuliano, Italian Minister for Foreign Affairs, would recommend to Germany the suggestion that Russia, Austria-Hungary, and Serbia should suspend military operations pending result of the conference, and would inquire what procedure Germany proposed to be followed at Vienna.

格雷告诉英国驻罗马大使伦内尔·罗德爵士，意大利驻伦敦大使已向外交部副部长阿瑟·尼科尔森爵士表示，意大利同意举行四国会议，意大利外交部长圣朱利亚诺侯爵将向德国建议俄罗斯、奥匈帝国和塞尔维亚在会议结果出来之前暂停军事行动，并将询问德国在维也纳提议采取什么程序。

Sir Francis Bertie, Ambassador at Paris, sent Grey a memorandum of M.

驻巴黎大使弗朗西斯·伯蒂爵士向格雷发送了一份 M.

Bienvenu-Martin's, French Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs, as to steps to be taken to prevent hostilities between Austria-Hungary and Serbia.

法国代理外交部长比恩韦努-马丁建议采取措施防止奥匈帝国和塞尔维亚之间的敌对行动。

M。

Jules Cambon, French Ambassador at Berlin, has been requested to act in concert with the British Ambassador there in Grey's plan.

格雷的计划要求法国驻柏林大使儒勒·康邦与英国驻柏林大使协调行动。

M。

Paul Cambon, Ambassador at London, has been appointed France's representative in the four-power conference.

驻伦敦大使保罗·坎本（Paul Cambon）被任命为法国出席四国会议的代表。

France is ready to instruct her representatives at St. Petersburg, Vienna, and Belgrade to induce these governments to abstain from hostilities pending the results of the conference.

法国准备指示其驻圣彼得堡、维也纳和贝尔格莱德的代表，劝说这些政府在会议结果出来之前放弃敌对行动。

But M.

但是M。

Bienvenu-Martin considers success of the conference depends on the action Berlin is willing to take at Vienna beforehand.

比恩韦努-马丁认为会议的成功取决于柏林方面愿意在维也纳采取的行动。

Sir George Buchanan, Ambassador at St. Petersburg, telegraphed to Grey an account of an interview just had with M.

驻圣彼得堡大使乔治·布坎南爵士向格雷电报了刚刚与 M. 进行的一次面谈。

Sazonof, Minister for Foreign Affairs.

萨佐诺夫，外交部长。

Sazonof was conciliatory and optimistic.

萨佐诺夫性格温和且乐观。

"Sazonof said he was perfectly ready to stand aside if the powers accepted the proposal for a conference, but he trusted that you would keep in touch with the Russian Ambassador in the event of its taking place."

“萨佐诺夫表示，如果列强接受召开会议的提议，他完全准备好袖手旁观，但他相信，如果会议召开，你会与俄罗斯大使保持联系。”

_France._ M.

_法国._ M.

Farges, Consul General at Basle, Switzerland, reported to M.

驻瑞士巴塞尔总领事法尔格斯向 M.

Bienvenu-Martin, Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs at Paris, that German officers on leave in this district had been ordered to return to Germany, and that owners of motor cars in Baden had been ordered to be ready to place them at the disposal of the Government, and secrecy enjoined as to the order under penalty of fine.

巴黎代理外交部长比恩韦努-马丁表示，在该地区休假的德国军官已被命令返回德国，巴登的汽车车主已被命令准备好将其交给政府使用，并要求对该命令保密，否则将处以罚款。

People at Basle are uneasy, and banking facilities restricted.

巴塞尔的人们感到不安，银行设施也受到限制。

M。

de Fleuriau, Chargé d'Affaires at London, reported to M.

de Fleuriau，驻伦敦临时代办，向 M.

Bienvenu-Martin that the German and Austrian Ambassadors there were letting it appear that they were sure Great Britain would preserve neutrality in case of war.

Bienvenu-Martin 表示，德国和奥地利大使表现出他们确信英国在发生战争时会保持中立。

Sir Arthur Nicholson, Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had, however, assured Prince Lichnowsky, the German Ambassador, that Great Britain was free to intervene if she judged it expedient.

然而，外交部副部长阿瑟·尼科尔森爵士向德国大使利奇诺夫斯基亲王保证，如果她认为有利的话，英国可以自由干预。

To make this understood in Germany, nevertheless, that Government should be made to know for certain that they will find Great Britain by the side of France and Russia.

然而，为了让德国理解这一点，应该让德国政府明确地知道，他们会发现英国站在法国和俄罗斯一边。

M。

Paléologue, Ambassador at St. Petersburg, telegraphed that M.

驻圣彼得堡大使帕莱奥洛格发电报说，M.

Sazonof, Minister for Foreign Affairs, was using conciliatory language to the ambassadors, and was restraining the press, particularly in recommending great moderation toward Germany.

外交部长萨佐诺夫对大使们使用了和解性的语言，并限制了媒体，特别是在建议对德国采取极大的温和态度时。

M。

Bompard, Ambassador at Constantinople, telegraphed from Therapia that the Turks were delighted at the misfortunes of Serbia, and thought that Russia will not intervene in her favor under circumstances which would extend the war beyond Serbia and Austria.

驻君士坦丁堡大使庞帕德从塞拉皮亚电报称，土耳其人对塞尔维亚的不幸感到高兴，并认为俄罗斯不会在战争扩大到塞尔维亚和奥地利以外的情况下进行有利于她的干预。

"The unanimous feeling in Ottoman political circles is that Austria, with the support of Germany, will attain her objects, and that she will make Serbia follow Bulgaria and enter into the orbit of the Triple Alliance."

“奥斯曼政界一致认为，奥地利在德国的支持下将达到她的目的，她将使塞尔维亚追随保加利亚，进入三国同盟的轨道。”

M。

de Fleuriau, Chargé d'Affaires at London, reported the interview between Sir Edward Grey, Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and Prince Lichnowsky, German Ambassador.

驻伦敦临时代办德弗勒里奥报道了外交部长爱德华·格雷爵士与德国大使利希诺夫斯基亲王之间的会面。

"The attitude of Great Britain is confirmed by the postponement of the demobilization of the fleet.

“英国推迟舰队复员就证实了英国的态度。

The First Lord of the Admiralty [Winston Churchill] took this measure quietly on Friday on his own initiative; to-night Sir Edward Grey and his colleagues decided to make it public.

第一海军大臣[温斯顿·丘吉尔]于周五主动悄悄采取了这一措施；今晚，爱德华·格雷爵士和他的同事决定将其公开。

This result is due to the conciliatory attitude of Serbia and Russia."

这一结果归功于塞尔维亚和俄罗斯的和解态度。”

M。

de Fleuriau, Chargé d'Affaires at London, reported news from St. Petersburg of the willingness of Russia to stand aside if Serbia appealed to the powers.

驻伦敦临时代办德·弗勒里奥从圣彼得堡报道了消息称，如果塞尔维亚向列强求助，俄罗斯愿意袖手旁观。

Accordingly Sir Edward Grey will proceed with his plan of a conference, on the understanding that, pending its results, Russia, Austria, and Serbia abstain from active military operations.

因此，爱德华·格雷爵士将继续执行他的会议计划，但有一项谅解：在会议结果之前，俄罗斯、奥地利和塞尔维亚将放弃积极的军事行动。

To this the German Ambassador, Prince Lichnowsky is favorably disposed.

德国大使利希诺夫斯基亲王对此表示赞成。

Later M.

后来M。

de Fleuriau reported that the Serbian Minister at London, M.

de Fleuriau 报道称，塞尔维亚驻伦敦部长 M.

Boschkovitch, had not yet received instructions to ask for British mediation.

博什科维奇尚未收到请求英国调解的指示。

Possibly telegrams to that effect had been stopped on the way.

可能是这样的电报在途中被拦截了。

M。

Bienvenu-Martin having received Sir Edward Grey's proposal for the four-power conference, authorized M.

Bienvenu-Martin 收到爱德华·格雷爵士关于四国会议的提议后，授权 M.

de Fleuriau to represent France in it.

de Fleuriau 代表法国参赛。

He repeated his conviction of failure of the conference unless Germany's influence were first exercised pacifically at Vienna.

他重申，除非德国首先在维也纳和平地发挥影响力，否则这次会议将会失败。

"I have also noted, during Baron von Schoen's observations, that the Austro-Hungarian Government was particularly susceptible when the words 'mediation,' 'intervention,' 'conference' were used, and was more willing to admit 'friendly advice' and 'conversations.'"

“我还注意到，在冯舍恩男爵的观察中，奥匈政府在使用‘调解’、‘干预’、‘会议’等词语时特别容易受到影响，并且更愿意接受‘友好建议’和‘对话’。”

De Fleuriau reported that Italy had accepted intervention by the powers to prevent military operations.

德弗勒里奥报道称，意大利已接受列强的干预，以阻止军事行动。

Germany had not yet replied to Italy's request for information as to procedure to be followed with regard to Austria-Hungary.

德国尚未答复意大利要求提供有关奥匈帝国问题应遵循程序的信息的请求。

M。

Barrère, Ambassador at Rome, reported his interview with the Marquis di San Giuliano, in which that Minister for Foreign Affairs had repudiated his reported approval of the action of Austria-Hungary.

驻罗马大使巴雷尔报道了他对圣朱利亚诺侯爵的采访，其中外交部长否认了他所报道的对奥匈帝国行动的批准。

"He is convinced that Austria will not withdraw any of her claims, and will maintain them, even at the risk of bringing about a general conflagration; he doubts whether Germany is disposed to lend herself to any pressure on her ally.

“他确信奥地利不会撤回其任何主张，并将维持这些主张，即使冒着引发全面大火的风险；他怀疑德国是否愿意向其盟友施加任何压力。

He asserts, however, that Germany at this moment attaches great importance to her relations with London, and he believes that if any power can determine Berlin in favor of peaceful action, it is England.

但他坚称，德国目前非常重视与伦敦的关系，他认为，如果有哪个国家能够决定柏林采取和平行动，那就是英国。

"As for Italy she will continue to make every effort in favor of peace.

“至于意大利，她将继续尽一切努力支持和平。

It is with this end in view that he had adhered without hesitation to Sir Edward Grey's proposal for a meeting in London of the ambassadors of those powers which are not directly interested in the Austro-Serbian dispute."

正是出于这个目的，他毫不犹豫地接受了爱德华·格雷爵士的提议，即与奥塞争端没有直接利益的国家的大使在伦敦举行会议。”

M。

Jules Cambon, Ambassador at Berlin, reported the interview of Sir Edward Goschen, the British Ambassador, with the German Secretary of State, and said that Herr von Jagow's language confirmed that of Baron von Schoen at Paris.

驻柏林大使儒勒·康本报道了英国大使爱德华·戈申爵士与德国国务卿的会见，并表示冯·雅戈先生的语言证实了冯·舍恩男爵在巴黎的语言。

M。

Bienvenu-Martin then notified the French Ambassadors at London, St. Petersburg, Berlin, Vienna, and Rome, of his interview with Count Szécsen, the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador, and the memorandum he had submitted criticizing the Serbian reply to the Austrian note.

随后，比恩韦努-马丁向法国驻伦敦、圣彼得堡、柏林、维也纳和罗马大使通报了他对奥匈帝国大使塞克森伯爵的采访，以及他提交的批评塞尔维亚对奥地利照会的答复的备忘录。

_Belgium._ Baron Beyens, Minister at Berlin, reported to M.

_比利时._ 柏林部长 Baron Beyens 向 M.

Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs at Brussels, the diplomatic situation at the German capital.

布鲁塞尔外交部长达维尼翁介绍了德国首都的外交局势。

Germany had not replied to the British proposal.

德国尚未对英国的提议做出回应。

"The decision rests with the emperor."

“决定权在皇帝手中。”

TUESDAY, JULY 28, 1914

1914 年 7 月 28 日，星期二

_Serbia._ Count Berchtold, Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, this day telegraphed to M.

_塞尔维亚._奥匈帝国外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵今天发电报给M.

Pashitch, Serbian Prime Minister, that Serbia's reply to the Austrian note being unsatisfactory, the Austro-Hungarian Government

塞尔维亚总理帕希奇表示，塞尔维亚对奥地利照会的答复不能令人满意，奥匈帝国政府

"was compelled to see to the safeguarding of their rights and interests, and, with this object, to have recourse to force of arms.

"被迫保护他们的权利和利益，并为此目的诉诸武力。

Austria-Hungary consequently considers herself henceforward in a state of war with Serbia."

因此，奥匈帝国认为自己从此与塞尔维亚处于战争状态。”

M。

Pashitch telegraphed this news from Nish to all the Serbian Legations abroad.

帕希奇将这一消息从尼什电报给所有驻外塞尔维亚使馆。

Dr. M.

M博士

Spalaikovitch, Serbian Minister at Petrograd, gave the information officially to M.

塞尔维亚驻彼得格勒部长斯帕莱科维奇正式向 M. 提供了这一信息。

Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs.

萨佐诺夫，俄罗斯外交部长。

"I have the honor to inform your excellency of this regrettable act, which a great power had the courage to commit against a small Slav country which only recently emerged from a long series of heroic but exhausting battles, and I beg leave on this occasion of deep gravity for my country to express the hope that this act, which disturbs the peace of Europe and revolts her conscience, will be condemned by the whole civilized world and severely punished by Russia, the protector of Serbia.

“我荣幸地向阁下通报这一令人遗憾的行为，一个大国有勇气对一个最近才刚刚摆脱一系列英勇但令人疲惫不堪的战斗的斯拉夫小国犯下这一令人遗憾的行为，我请求我国在这个严重的时刻表示希望，这一扰乱欧洲和平并违背其良心的行为将受到整个文明世界的谴责，并受到塞尔维亚保护者俄罗斯的严厉惩罚。

"I beg your excellency to be so kind as to lay this petition from the whole Serbian nation before the throne of his majesty."

“我恳求阁下将整个塞尔维亚民族的请愿书提交给国王陛下。”

_Austria-Hungary._ An official communication was given to the press at Vienna summarizing the Government's criticism of the Serbian reply to the Austro-Hungarian note.

_奥匈帝国。_在维也纳向新闻界发出了一份正式通讯，总结了政府对塞尔维亚对奥匈照会的答复的批评。

"Inasmuch as the Austro-Hungarian demands constitute the minimum regarded as necessary for the reestablishment of a permanent peace in the southeast of the [Dual] Monarchy, the Serbian reply is considered to be insufficient.

“由于奥匈帝国的要求构成了在[双]君主国东南部重建永久和平所必需的最低要求，因此塞尔维亚的答复被认为是不够的。

"That the Serbian Government is aware of this appears from the fact that they contemplate the settlement of the dispute by arbitration, and also from the fact that on the day on which their reply was due, and before it was in fact submitted, they gave orders for mobilization."

“塞尔维亚政府意识到了这一点，因为他们考虑通过仲裁解决争端，而且在他们应作出答复的那天，在实际提交答复之前，他们下达了动员令。”

Count Szögyény, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at Berlin, telegraphed to Count Berchtold that Germany had declined to take part in the four power-conference

奥匈帝国驻柏林大使索吉尼伯爵致电贝希托尔德伯爵称，德国拒绝参加四次权力会议

"on the ground that it is impossible for Germany to bring her ally before a European court in her settlement with Serbia."

“因为德国不可能将她的盟友带到欧洲法院与塞尔维亚达成和解。”

Baron von Müller telegraphed to Count Berchtold from Tokyo, Japan, that the semiofficial Japan "Times" concludes a leading article on the Serbian question with the statement that Japan is on the best of terms with the three great powers concerned, Austria-Hungary, Germany, and Russia, while it is in no way interested in Serbia.

冯·穆勒男爵从日本东京电告贝希托尔德伯爵，日本半官方的《泰晤士报》在一篇关于塞尔维亚问题的头条文章的结尾表示，日本与奥匈帝国、德国和俄罗斯这三个大国关系很好，但对塞尔维亚毫无兴趣。

He infers that, in case of war, Japan would, as a matter of course, maintain strict neutrality.

他推断，一旦发生战争，日本理所当然地会保持严格的中立。

Count Berchtold telegraphed Count Szögyény at Berlin the report made by Count Mensdorff, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at London, of his interview on the 27th with Sir Edward Grey.

贝希托尔德伯爵向柏林的索吉尼伯爵电报了奥匈帝国驻伦敦大使门斯多夫伯爵27日与爱德华·格雷爵士会面的报告。

"I believe that I need not specially point out to your excellency that Grey's proposal for a conference, in so far as it relates to our conflict with Serbia, appears, in view of the state of war which has arisen, to have been outstripped by events."

“我认为，我不需要向阁下特别指出，格雷关于召开会议的提议，就涉及我们与塞尔维亚的冲突而言，鉴于已经出现的战争状态，似乎已经被事件所超越。”

Count Berchtold telegraphed Count Mensdorff in London to explain to Sir Edward Grey in detail the _dossier_ of charges against Serbia accompanying the Austrian note, and

贝希托尔德伯爵致电伦敦的门斯多夫伯爵，向爱德华·格雷爵士详细解释奥地利照会所附对塞尔维亚指控的_档案_，以及

"make clear to him that the offer of Serbia to meet points in our note was only an apparent one, intended to deceive Europe without giving any guaranty for the future.

“向他明确表示，塞尔维亚提出满足我们照会中的要点的提议只是表面上的，旨在欺骗欧洲而不为未来提供任何保证。

"As the Serbian Government knew that only an unconditional acceptance of our demands could satisfy us, the Serbian tactics can easily be seen through: Serbia accepted a number of our demands, with all sorts of reservations, in order to impress public opinion in Europe, trusting that she would not be required to fulfill her promises.

“塞尔维亚政府知道，只有无条件接受我们的要求才能让我们满意，因此塞尔维亚的策略很容易被识破：塞尔维亚接受了我们的一些要求，但有各种保留，目的是为了给欧洲舆论留下深刻印象，相信她不会被要求履行她的承诺。

In conversing with Sir Edward Grey, your excellency should lay special emphasis on the circumstance that the general mobilization of the Serbian army was ordered for the afternoon of July 25 at three o'clock, while the answer to our note was delivered just before the expiration of the time fixed--that is to say, a few minutes before six o'clock.

在与爱德华·格雷爵士交谈时，阁下应该特别强调这样一个情况：塞尔维亚军队的总动员是在7月25日下午三点钟下令进行的，而对我们照会的答复是在规定的时间即将到期之前——也就是说，六点钟前几分钟——送达的。

Up to then we had made no military preparations, but by the Serbian mobilization we were compelled to do so."

在那之前我们还没有做任何军事准备，但由于塞尔维亚的动员，我们被迫这样做。”

Count Berchtold telegraphed to Count Szápáry, Ambassador at St. Petersburg, an account of an interview with the Russian Ambassador at Vienna.

贝希托尔德伯爵向驻圣彼得堡大使萨帕里伯爵发电报，讲述了接受俄罗斯驻维也纳大使采访的情况。

Count Berchtold had informed M.

贝希托尔德伯爵已通知 M.

Schebeko of Austria-Hungary's inability to concur in Russia's proposal to take the Serbian reply to the Austrian note as a starting point for an understanding between the disputants.

奥匈帝国的谢贝科无法同意俄罗斯的建议，即以塞尔维亚对奥地利照会的答复作为争端双方之间谅解的起点。

"No one in our country could understand, nor could anyone approve negotiations with reference to the wording used in the answer which we had designated as unsatisfactory.

“我们国家没有人能够理解，也没有人能够批准根据我们指定为不满意的答复中使用的措辞进行谈判。

This was all the more impossible because, as the ambassador knew, there was a deep feeling of general excitement which had already mastered public opinion.

这更是不可能的，因为正如大使所知，普遍的兴奋情绪已经主导了公众舆论。

Moreover, on our side war had to-day been declared against Serbia.

此外，我们今天已向塞尔维亚宣战。

"In reply to the explanations of the ambassador, which culminated in asserting that we should not in any way suppress the admitted hostile opinion in Serbia by a warlike action, but that, on the contrary, we should only increase it, I gave him some insight into our present relations toward Serbia which made it necessary, quite against our will, and without any selfish secondary object, for us to show our restless neighbor, with the necessary emphasis, our firm intention not to permit any longer a movement which was allowed to exist by the Government, and which was directed against the existence of the [Dual] Monarchy.

“在答复大使的解释时，大使的解释最终断言，我们不应该以任何方式通过战争行动镇压塞尔维亚境内公认的敌对意见，而相反，我们只能增加这种敌对意见，我向他介绍了我们目前与塞尔维亚的关系，这使得我们有必要以必要的强调，向我们焦躁不安的邻国表明我们坚决不再允许政府允许存在的运动，这完全违背我们的意愿，并且没有任何自私的次要目标，是针对[二元]君主制的存在。

The attitude of Serbia after the receipt of our note had further not been calculated to make a peaceful solution possible, because Serbia, even before she transmitted to us her unsatisfactory reply, had ordered a general mobilization, and in so doing had already committed a hostile act against us.

塞尔维亚在收到我们的照会后的态度也不是为了使和平解决成为可能，因为塞尔维亚甚至在向我们转达其令人不满意的答复之前就已经下令进行全面动员，这样做就已经对我们采取了敌对行动。

In spite of this, however, we had waited for three days.

尽管如此，我们还是等了三天。

Yesterday hostilities were opened against us on the Hungarian frontier on the part of Serbia.

昨天，塞尔维亚方面在匈牙利边境对我们展开了敌对行动。

By this act we were deprived of the possibility of maintaining any longer the patience which we had shown toward Serbia.

这一行为使我们失去了继续保持我们对塞尔维亚所表现出的耐心的可能性。

The establishment of a fundamental but peaceful amelioration of our relations toward Serbia had now been made impossible, and we were compelled to meet the Serbian provocation in the only form which in the given circumstances was consistent with the dignity of the monarchy."

现在已经不可能从根本上和平地改善我们与塞尔维亚的关系，我们被迫以在特定情况下符合君主制尊严的唯一形式来应对塞尔维亚的挑衅。”

Count Berchtold telegraphed to Count Mensdorff in London of his interview with Sir Maurice de Bunsen, British Ambassador in Vienna.

贝希托尔德伯爵向伦敦的门斯多夫伯爵发电报，告知他与英国驻维也纳大使莫里斯·德本生爵士的会面情况。

Bunsen had explained Sir Edward Grey's position.

本生已经解释了爱德华·格雷爵士的立场。

Count Berchtold telegraphed Count Szögyény at Berlin to communicate to the German Chancellor or Secretary of State the following information:

贝希托尔德伯爵致电柏林的索吉尼伯爵，向德国总理或国务卿通报以下信息：

"According to mutually consistent reports, received from St. Petersburg, Kiev, Warsaw, Moscow, and Odessa, Russia is making extensive military preparations.

“根据来自圣彼得堡、基辅、华沙、莫斯科和敖德萨的相互一致的报告，俄罗斯正在进行广泛的军事准备。

M。

Sazonof has indeed given an assurance on his word of honor, as has also the Russian Minister of War, that mobilization has not up to now been ordered; the latter has, however, told the German Military Attaché that the military districts which border on Austria-Hungary--Kiev, Odessa, Moscow, and Kazan--will be mobilized should our troops cross the Serbian frontier.

萨佐诺夫确实以他的名誉保证，俄罗斯陆军部长也保证说，到目前为止还没有下令进行动员；然而，后者告诉德国武官，如果我们的军队越过塞尔维亚边境，与奥匈帝国接壤的基辅、敖德萨、莫斯科和喀山等军区将被动员起来。

"Under these circumstances I would urgently ask the Cabinet at Berlin to take into immediate consideration the question whether the attention of Russia should not be drawn, in a friendly manner, to the fact that the mobilization of the above districts amounts to a threat against Austria-Hungary, and that, therefore, should these measures be carried out, they would be answered by the most extensive military countermeasures, not only by the [Dual] Monarchy but by our ally, the German Empire.

“在这种情况下，我紧急要求柏林内阁立即考虑这样一个问题：是否不应以友好的方式引起俄罗斯的注意，即上述地区的动员构成了对奥匈帝国的威胁，因此，如果采取这些措施，不仅是[双]君主国，而且是我们的盟友德意志帝国，都将采取最广泛的军事反制措施来回应。

"In order to make it more easy for Russia to withdraw, it appears to us appropriate that such a step should, in the first place, be taken by Germany alone; nevertheless we are ready to take this step in conjunction with Germany.

“为了让俄罗斯更容易撤军，我们认为这一步骤首先应该由德国单独采取；尽管如此，我们准备与德国一起采取这一步骤。

"Unambiguous language appears to me at the present moment to be the most effective method of making Russia fully conscious of all that is involved in a threatening attitude."

“在我看来，目前明确的语言是让俄罗斯充分意识到威胁态度所涉及的一切的最有效方法。”

_Russia._ Consul General at Fiume telegraphed to M.

_俄罗斯._ 驻阜姆总领事致电 M.

Sazonof, Minister for Foreign Affairs at St. Petersburg, that a state of siege had been proclaimed in Slavonia, in Croatia, and at Fiume, and reservists of all classes called out.

圣彼得堡外交部长萨佐诺夫表示，斯拉沃尼亚、克罗地亚和阜姆已宣布进入戒严状态，各阶层预备役军人都已出动。

M。

Broniewsky, Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin, telegraphed M.

驻柏林临时代办布罗涅夫斯基 (Broniewsky) 电告 M.

Sazonof that the local papers had not published _in extenso_ the Serbian reply, evidently being well aware of the calming effect it would have on German readers.

萨佐诺夫表示，当地报纸没有详尽地发表塞尔维亚人的答复，显然很清楚这会对德国读者产生镇静作用。

M。

Schebeko, Ambassador at Vienna, telegraphed that the Austro-Hungarian order for general mobilization had been signed.

驻维也纳大使舍贝科发电报说，奥匈帝国总动员令已经签署。

M。

Sazonof telegraphed the ambassadors at London, Paris, Berlin, Vienna, and Rome:

萨佐诺夫致电伦敦、巴黎、柏林、维也纳和罗马的大使：

"In face of the hostilities between Austria-Hungary and Serbia, it is necessary that Great Britain should take instant mediatory action, and that the military measures undertaken by Austria against Serbia should be immediately suspended.

“面对奥匈帝国和塞尔维亚之间的敌对行动，英国有必要立即采取调解行动，奥地利对塞尔维亚采取的军事措施也应立即停止。

Otherwise mediation will only serve as an excuse to make the question drag on, and will meanwhile make it possible for Austria to crush Serbia completely and to acquire a dominant position in the Balkans."

否则，调解只会成为拖延问题的借口，同时也会让奥地利有可能彻底压垮塞尔维亚，并在巴尔干地区获得主导地位。”

_Germany._ The Chancellor, Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg, confidentially reported to the Government of Germany that the evidence presented by Austria-Hungary was conclusive of the complicity in the crime of Sarajevo of members of the Serbian Government and army, and the existence of organized Serb propaganda against the Dual Monarchy.

_德国._德国总理冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格博士向德国政府秘密报告说，奥匈帝国提供的证据确实证明塞尔维亚政府和军队成员在萨拉热窝犯罪中共谋，并且存在有组织的塞尔维亚反对双重君主制的宣传。

Austria-Hungary therefore was justified in her action as well as demands against Serbia.

因此，奥匈帝国对塞尔维亚的行动和要求是合理的。

The Chancellor telegraphed to Count Pourtalès, Ambassador at St. Petersburg:

总理致电驻圣彼得堡大使普塔莱斯伯爵：

"We continue in our endeavor to induce Vienna to elucidate in St. Petersburg the object and scope of the Austrian action in Serbia in a manner both convincing and satisfactory to Russia.

“我们继续努力促使维也纳在圣彼得堡以令俄罗斯信服和满意的方式阐明奥地利在塞尔维亚行动的目的和范围。

The declaration of war which has meanwhile ensued alters nothing in this matter."

与此同时，随之而来的宣战并没有改变这件事。”

Count Berchtold, Minister for Foreign Affairs in Vienna, telegraphed to the German Chancellor that the British mediation proposal, "owing to the opening of hostilities by Serbia," was "belated." William II at 10.

维也纳外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵致电德国总理称，“由于塞尔维亚开始敌对行动”，英国的调解提议“姗姗来迟”。 10 岁的威廉二世。

45 p.

45页。

m., sent the following message to Nicholas II:

m.，向尼古拉二世发送了以下消息：

"I have heard with the greatest anxiety of the impression which is caused by the action of Austria-Hungary against Serbia.

“我怀着最大的焦虑听到了奥匈帝国对塞尔维亚的行动所造成的印象。

The unscrupulous agitation which has been going on for years in Serbia has led to the revolting crime of which Archduke Franz Ferdinand has become a victim.

塞尔维亚多年来肆无忌惮的煽动导致了令人厌恶的罪行，弗朗茨·斐迪南大公成为了受害者。

The spirit which made the Serbians murder their own king and his consort still dominates that country.

导致塞尔维亚人谋杀自己的国王及其配偶的精神仍然统治着这个国家。

Doubtless you will agree with me that both of us, you as well as I, and all other sovereigns, have a common interest to insist that all those who are responsible for this horrible murder shall suffer their deserved punishment.

毫无疑问，你会同意我的观点，我们，你，我，以及所有其他主权国家，都有共同的利益，坚持让所有对这起可怕谋杀负责的人受到应有的惩罚。

"On the other hand, I by no means overlook the difficulty encountered by you and your Government to stem the tide of public opinion.

“另一方面，我绝不忽视你和你的政府在遏制舆论浪潮方面遇到的困难。

In view of the cordial friendship which has joined us both for a long time with firm ties, I shall use my entire influence to induce Austria-Hungary to obtain a frank and satisfactory understanding with Russia.

鉴于我们双方长期以来的真诚友谊和牢固的联系，我将利用我的全部影响力促使奥匈帝国与俄罗斯取得坦诚和令人满意的谅解。

I hope confidently that you will support me in my efforts to overcome all difficulties which may yet arise.

我满怀信心地希望你们能够支持我努力克服可能出现的一切困难。

"Your most sincere and devoted friend and cousin."

“你最真诚、最忠诚的朋友和表弟。”

_Great Britain._ Sir Maurice de Bunsen, Ambassador at Vienna, sent to Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs at London, the text of the Austro-Hungarian declaration of war against Serbia.

_英国。_驻维也纳大使莫里斯·德本生爵士向伦敦外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士发送了奥匈帝国对塞尔维亚宣战的文本。

This was followed by the statements:

随后发表了以下声明：

“奥匈帝国刚刚根据 1907 年 10 月 18 日公约第一条的规定，向塞尔维亚发出了关于开始敌对行动的正式声明，并认为自己从此与塞尔维亚处于战争状态。

"In bringing the above to notice of his Britannic Majesty's embassy, the Ministry for Foreign Affairs has the honor to declare that Austria-Hungary will act during the hostilities in conformity with the terms of the conventions of the The Hague of October 18, 1907, as also with those of the Declaration of London of February 28, 1909, provided an analogous procedure is adopted by Serbia."

“在提请英国女王陛下大使馆注意上述事项时，外交部荣幸地宣布，奥匈帝国将在敌对行动期间按照 1907 年 10 月 18 日海牙公约的条款以及 1909 年 2 月 28 日伦敦宣言的条款行事，前提是塞尔维亚采取类似的程序。”

The French Embassy informed Sir Edward Grey that France accepted his four-power mediation proposal, and had appointed M.

法国大使馆通知爱德华·格雷爵士，法国接受了他的四国调解建议，并任命了M·格雷爵士。

Paul Cambon her representative in the conference.

保罗·坎本 (Paul Cambon) 是她在会议上的代表。

Count Benckendorff, Russian Ambassador at London, communicated to Grey a telegram from M.

俄罗斯驻伦敦大使本肯多夫伯爵向格雷转达了一封来自 M. 的电报。

Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, which stated that his interviews with the German Ambassador, Count Pourtalès, confirmed his impression that Germany would support Austria-Hungary's uncompromising attitude.

俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫表示，他对德国大使普塔莱斯伯爵的采访证实了他的印象，即德国将支持奥匈帝国的不妥协态度。

"The Berlin Cabinet, who could have prevented the whole of this crisis developing, appear to be exerting no influence on their ally....

“柏林内阁本来可以阻止整个危机的发展，但似乎没有对他们的盟友施加任何影响......

"This attitude of the German Government is most alarming.

“德国政府的这种态度非常令人震惊。

"It seems to me that Great Britain is in a better position than any other power to make another attempt at Berlin to induce the German Government to take the necessary action.

“在我看来，英国比任何其他国家都更有能力在柏林再次尝试促使德国政府采取必要的行动。

There is no doubt that the key of the situation is to be found at Berlin."

毫无疑问，问题的关键在于柏林。”

Sir Francis Bertie, Ambassador at Paris, telegraphed Grey that M.

驻巴黎大使弗朗西斯·伯蒂爵士致电格雷说，M.

Bienvenu-Martin, Acting Secretary for Foreign Affairs, realized the position of Great Britain.

代理外交大臣比恩韦努-马丁认识到了英国的立场。

"He quite appreciates the impossibility for his [British] majesty's Government to declare themselves 'solidaires' with Russia on a question between Austria and Serbia, which in its present condition is not one affecting England.

“他非常赞赏英国国王陛下的政府不可能在奥地利和塞尔维亚之间的问题上宣布与俄罗斯‘团结’，就目前的情况而言，这一问题不会影响英国。

He also sees that you cannot take up an attitude at Berlin and Vienna more Serbian than that attributed in German and Austrian sources to the Russian Government.

他还认为，你在柏林和维也纳采取的态度不可能比德国和奥地利消息来源中对俄罗斯政府的态度更塞尔维亚化。

"The German Ambassador [Baron von Schoen] has stated that Austria would respect the integrity of Serbia, but when asked whether her independence also would be respected, he gave no assurance."

“德国大使[Baron von Schoen]表示奥地利将尊重塞尔维亚的完整性，但当被问及她的独立是否也会得到尊重时，他没有做出任何保证。”

Sir Edward Goschen, Ambassador at Berlin, telegraphed that, after conference with his French and Italian colleagues, he had found that the German Secretary of State von Jagow had, while refusing to take part in the proposed conference, said to all of them that he desired to work with their Governments for the maintenance of general peace.

驻柏林大使爱德华·戈申爵士电报说，在与法国和意大利同事会面后，他发现德国国务卿冯·雅戈虽然拒绝参加拟议的会议，但对他们所有人表示，他希望与他们的政府合作，维护普遍和平。

"We therefore deduced that if he is sincere in this wish he can be objecting only to the form of your proposal.

“因此我们推断，如果他真诚地有这个愿望，他只能反对你提议的形式。

Perhaps he himself could be induced to suggest lines on which he would find it possible to work with us."

也许他本人会被诱导提出建议，他会发现可以与我们合作。”

Maurice de Bunsen, Ambassador at Vienna, telegraphed that Count Berchtold, Minister for Foreign Affairs, declared Austria-Hungary could not delay military proceedings against Serbia, and so declined the mediation proposed.

驻维也纳大使莫里斯·德本生发电报说，外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵宣称奥匈帝国不能拖延对塞尔维亚的军事诉讼，因此拒绝了调解提议。

"Prestige of [Dual] Monarchy was engaged, and nothing could now prevent conflict."

“[双重]君主制的威望已经受到影响，现在没有什么可以阻止冲突。”

The Ambassador supplemented this in a longer telegram, giving details of his interview with Count Berchtold.

大使在一封较长的电报中补充了这一点，详细介绍了他与贝希托尔德伯爵的面谈。

Sir Rennell Rodd, Ambassador at Rome, telegraphed an account of an interview the Marquis di San Giuliano, Prime Minister, had just had with the Serbian Chargé d'Affaires.

驻罗马大使伦内尔·罗德爵士电报了总理圣朱利亚诺侯爵刚刚与塞尔维亚临时代办进行会面的情况。

If explanations were given of mode in which Austrian agents would intervene under Articles V and VI of the note to Serbia, Serbia might still accept the whole note.

如果根据给塞尔维亚的照会第五条和第六条解释奥地利特工的干预方式，塞尔维亚可能仍会接受整个照会。

This explanation could be imparted, without loss of dignity to Austria, through the powers, who might then advise Serbia to accept the note without conditions.

这一解释可以在不损害奥地利尊严的情况下通过列强予以传达，然后列强可能会建议塞尔维亚无条件接受该照会。

The Marquis pointed out a passage in the Austrian note which had been misinterpreted by Serbia, and so might be used as a basis for settlement, namely, that regarding cooperation of Austrian agents in Serbia; this was to be only in investigation, not in judicial or administrative measures.

侯爵指出奥地利照会中的一段话被塞尔维亚曲解，因此可以作为解决问题的依据，即关于奥地利特工在塞尔维亚的合作的一段话；这只是调查，而不是司法或行政措施。

Mr. Crackanthorpe, Chargé d'Affaires in Serbia, telegraphed from Nish that he was urging greatest moderation on the Serbian Government pending mediatory efforts by the powers.

驻塞尔维亚临时代办克拉坎索普先生从尼什发来电，敦促塞尔维亚政府在大国调解努力之前保持最大程度的克制。

"Two Serbian steamers fired on and damaged, and two Serbian merchant vessels have been captured by a Hungarian monitor at Orsova."

“两艘塞尔维亚轮船被开火并损坏，两艘塞尔维亚商船在奥尔索瓦被匈牙利监视器捕获。”

This was supplemented by a telegram that war had been declared by Austria.

奥地利已宣战的电报对此进行了补充。

Grey telegraphed to Sir Edward Goschen, Ambassador at Berlin, explaining the nature of his proposed four-power conference.

格雷发电报给驻柏林大使爱德华·戈申爵士，解释了他提议的四国会议的性质。

No suggestion would be put forward that has not previously been ascertained to be acceptable to Austria and Russia.

先前未确定奥地利和俄罗斯可接受的任何建议均不会提出。

A direct exchange of views between these countries is preferable to all other methods.

这些国家之间直接交换意见优于所有其他方法。

This the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, M.

这位是俄罗斯外交部长，M.

Sazonof, is reported to have offered.

据报道，萨佐诺夫已经提出了这一要求。

If Austria accepts, the situation will become less critical.

如果奥地利接受，局势将变得不那么危急。

Prince Lichnowsky, German Ambassador at London, reports that his Government has counseled moderation at Vienna.

德国驻伦敦大使利希诺夫斯基亲王报告称，德国政府已建议维也纳采取温和态度。

This is very satisfactory.

这是非常令人满意的。

A supplementary telegram read:

补充电报内容如下：

"German Government, having accepted principle of mediation between Austria and Russia by the four powers, if necessary, I am ready to propose that the German Secretary of State should suggest the lines on which this principle should be applied.

“德国政府已经接受了奥地利和俄罗斯之间由四个国家进行调解的原则，如有必要，我准备建议德国国务卿提出应用这一原则的路线。

I will, however, keep the idea in reserve until we see how the conversations between Austria and Russia progress."

不过，在我们看到奥地利和俄罗斯之间的对话取得如何进展之前，我将保留这个想法。”

Grey telegraphed to Sir George Buchanan, Ambassador at St. Petersburg, his satisfaction over prospect of direct exchange of views between Russia and Austria, and readiness to facilitate this if he knew what Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, proposes that the ministers at Belgrade do.

格雷致电驻圣彼得堡大使乔治·布坎南爵士，表示他对俄罗斯和奥地利之间直接交换意见的前景感到满意，并且如果他知道俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫建议贝尔格莱德部长们做什么，他愿意为此提供便利。

"Could he not first mention in an exchange of views with Austria his willingness to cooperate in some such scheme?

“他能否在与奥地利交换意见时首先提到他愿意在此类计划中进行合作？

It might then take more concrete shape."

然后它可能会采取更具体的形状。”

Sir Edward Goschen, Ambassador at Berlin, telegraphed report to Grey on the 28th inst.

驻柏林大使爱德华·戈申爵士28日电告格雷。

of an interview with the German Chancellor, Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg.

采访德国总理冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格博士。

The Chancellor was most anxious for Germany and Great Britain to work together for European peace, as they had successfully done in last preceding crisis.

德国总理最渴望德国和英国共同努力实现欧洲和平，就像他们在上次危机中成功所做的那样。

He could not accept the four-power proposal, since the conference would look like an "Areopagus" of two groups of two powers, each sitting in judgment on two other powers, but this refusal should not militate against his strong desire for effective cooperation.

他无法接受四国提议，因为这次会议看起来就像由两个国家组成的两组组成的“战神会议”，每个国家都对另外两个国家进行审判，但这种拒绝不应妨碍他对有效合作的强烈愿望。

He was doing his best at Vienna and St. Petersburg to get both powers into friendly direct discussion, but if, as reported, Russia had mobilized fourteen army corps in the south, this would put it out of his power to continue preaching moderation at Vienna.

他在维也纳和圣彼得堡竭尽全力让两国进行友好的直接讨论，但如果如报道所述，俄罗斯在南方调动了十四个军团，这将使他无权继续在维也纳宣扬温和。

Austria, who was only partially mobilizing, would have to take similar measures; so, if war results, Russia will be responsible.

奥地利只进行了部分动员，因此也必须采取类似措施；因此，如果发生战争，俄罗斯将承担责任。

Goschen remarked that surely part of the responsibility rested on Austria for refusing to accept the almost wholly compliant reply of Serbia, or to admit it as a basis for discussion.

戈申表示，奥地利拒绝接受塞尔维亚几乎完全顺从的答复，或承认其作为讨论的基础，这肯定有部分责任。

The Chancellor repeated his views about the Serbian question being wholly Austria's affair, with which Russia had nothing to do.

总理重申了他的观点，即塞尔维亚问题完全是奥地利的事情，与俄罗斯无关。

"Austrian colleague said to me to-day that a general war was most unlikely, as Russia neither wanted nor was in a position to make war.

“奥地利同事今天对我说，全面战争的可能性极小，因为俄罗斯既不想也没有能力发动战争。

I think that that opinion is shared by many people here."

我认为这里很多人都同意这个观点。”

Ambassador Buchanan telegraphed from St. Petersburg report of interview with M.

布坎南大使从圣彼得堡电报了对 M. 的采访报告。

Sazonof, the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, who thanked Grey for his language to Prince Lichnowsky, the German Ambassador.

俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫感谢格雷向德国大使利希诺夫斯基王子发表的讲话。

Sazonof was pessimistic.

萨佐诺夫很悲观。

Buchanan asked him if he would be satisfied with Austria's assurances to respect Serbia's integrity and independence.

布坎南问他是否对奥地利尊重塞尔维亚完整和独立的保证感到满意。

He replied: Not if she attacked Serbia; that he would order mobilization on the day that Austria crossed the Serbian frontier.

他回答说：如果她攻击塞尔维亚就不会；他将在奥地利越过塞尔维亚边境的那天下令动员。

"I told the German Ambassador [Count Pourtalès], who appealed to me to give moderating counsels to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, that from the beginning I had not ceased to do so, and that the German Ambassador at Vienna should now in his turn use his restraining influence.

“我告诉德国大使[普塔莱斯伯爵]，他呼吁我向外交部长提供温和的建议，从一开始我就没有停止这样做，而德国驻维也纳大使现在应该轮流使用他的克制影响力。

I made it clear to his excellency that, Russia being thoroughly in earnest, a general war could not be averted if Serbia were attacked by Austria."

我向阁下明确表示，俄罗斯是认真的，如果塞尔维亚遭到奥地利的攻击，全面战争就无法避免。”

Ambassador de Bunsen at Vienna telegraphed news of Austria's declaration of war against Serbia, and her declination of Russia's suggestion of direct discussion with her.

德本生驻维也纳大使电报奥地利对塞尔维亚宣战的消息，并拒绝俄罗斯与她直接讨论的建议。

Russian Ambassador Schebeko said that the London conference now offered the only prospect of European peace, and he was sure Russia would agree to it.

俄罗斯大使谢贝科表示，伦敦会议现在是欧洲和平的唯一前景，他确信俄罗斯会同意。

"So long as opposing armies have not actually come in contact, all hope need not be abandoned."

“只要敌对双方的军队没有真正发生接触，就不必放弃所有希望。”

_France._ M.

_法国._ M.

Viviani, French Prime Minister, on board _La France_, telegraphed to M.

法国总理维维亚尼在_La France_号上发电报给M.

Bienvenu-Martin, Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs at Paris, approving his course.

巴黎代理外交部长比恩韦努-马丁批准了他的路线。

Russia was not responsible for present situation, and Germany could not with grace refuse to counsel Austria, provoker of the crisis.

俄罗斯对目前的局势不负有责任，德国也不能优雅地拒绝向危机挑起者奥地利提供咨询。

He approved Grey's proposition of a four-power conference.

他批准了格雷召开四国会议的提议。

"The action of the four less interested powers cannot ...

“四个不太感兴趣的国家的行动不能......

be exerted only at Vienna and St. Petersburg.

仅在维也纳和圣彼得堡发挥作用。

In proposing to exert it also at Belgrade, which means, in fact, between Vienna and Belgrade, Sir E.

E. 爵士提议在贝尔格莱德（实际上是在维也纳和贝尔格莱德之间）发挥作用。

Grey grasps the logic of the situation; and, in not excluding St. Petersburg, he offers, on the other hand, to Germany a method of withdrawing with perfect dignity from the _démarche_ by which the German Government have caused it to be known at Paris and at London that the affair was looked upon by them as purely Austro-Serbian and without any general character."

格雷掌握了局势的逻辑；另一方面，他在不排除圣彼得堡的情况下，向德国提供了一种完全有尊严地退出《外交政策》的方法，德国政府通过该方法使巴黎和伦敦知道，他们认为这起事件纯粹是奥塞关系，没有任何一般性。”

M。

Bienvenu-Martin replied to M.

Bienvenu-Martin 回复了 M.

Viviani that Germany had taken no sincere action to hold back Austria, and was opposing Grey's plan of mediation, thus dooming it to failure.

维维亚尼认为德国没有采取真诚的行动来遏制奥地利，并且反对格雷的调停计划，因此注定会失败。

Austria will take energetic measures to-morrow, the 29th, to compel Serbia to give them the satisfaction demanded, and has begun to mobilize.

奥地利明天即29日将采取有力措施，迫使塞尔维亚给予他们所要求的满足，并且已经开始动员起来。

M。

Paul Cambon, Ambassador at London, reported interviews of Sir Edward Grey, Secretary of Foreign Affairs, with Count Mensdorff, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador, and Prince Lichnowsky, German Ambassador.

驻伦敦大使保罗·坎本报道了外交部长爱德华·格雷爵士与奥匈帝国大使门斯多夫伯爵和德国大使利希诺夫斯基亲王的采访。

The first continued to maintain that the Serbian reply was unacceptable.

第一个继续坚持认为塞尔维亚的答复是不可接受的。

The second talked like Baron von Schoen at Paris; he desired Great Britain to use moderating influence at St. Petersburg.

第二个说话就像巴黎的冯·舍恩男爵一样。他希望英国在圣彼得堡发挥缓和的影响力。

Grey replied that this would be embarrassing, as Russia had been moderate from the beginning, especially in her pacific advice to Serbia.

格雷回答说，这会令人尴尬，因为俄罗斯从一开始就很温和，特别是在她对塞尔维亚的和平建议方面。

It was at Vienna that action was necessary, and there Germany's help was indispensable.

在维也纳，行动是必要的，而德国的帮助也是不可或缺的。

News had come from St. Petersburg of the first direct conversations between Russia and Austria, that of Prime Minister Sazonof and Ambassador Szápáry.

圣彼得堡传来俄罗斯和奥地利总理萨佐诺夫和萨帕里大使首次直接对话的消息。

Secretary Grey and Under-Secretary Nicholson were doubtful of its success, since M.

格雷部长和尼科尔森副部长对其成功表示怀疑，因为 M.

Sazonof had not yet secured assent to a revision of the Serbian note by the two cabinets.

萨佐诺夫尚未获得两个内阁对塞尔维亚照会修改的同意。

"In any case, at a moment when the least delay might have serious consequences, it would be very desirable that these direct negotiations should be carried on in such a way as not to hamper Sir E.

“无论如何，在最短的拖延可能会产生严重后果的时刻，非常希望这些直接谈判应该以不妨碍E爵士的方式进行。

Grey's action, and not to furnish Austria with a pretext for slipping out of the friendly intervention of the four powers.

格雷的行动，并不是为了给奥地利提供逃避四国友好干预的借口。

"The British Ambassador at Berlin having made a determined effort to obtain Herr von Jagow's adherence to Sir E.

“英国驻柏林大使做出了坚定的努力，以争取冯·雅高先生对 E. 爵士的支持。

Grey's suggestion, the German Minister for Foreign Affairs replied that it was best to await the result of the conversation which had been begun between St. Petersburg and Vienna.

根据格雷的建议，德国外交部长回答说，最好等待圣彼得堡和维也纳之间已经开始的对话的结果。

Sir E.

E爵士

Grey has, in consequence, directed Sir E.

结果，格雷指导了E爵士。

Goschen to suspend his _démarche_ for the moment.

戈申暂时搁置他的_démarche_。

In addition, the news that Austria has just officially declared war against Serbia opens a new phase of the question."

此外，奥地利刚刚正式对塞尔维亚宣战的消息开启了问题的新阶段。”

M。

Jules Cambon, Ambassador at Berlin, reported an interview of Herr von Jagow with M.

驻柏林大使儒勒·康本 (Jules Cambon) 报道了冯·雅戈先生 (Herr von Jagow) 与 M. 的采访。

Broniewsky, Russian Chargé d'Affaires, in which the German Secretary of State was hopeful that Austria-Hungary's willingness to converse with Russia after the expiration of the ultimatum to Serbia might discover an issue from present difficulties.

俄罗斯临时代办布罗涅夫斯基在信中表示，德国国务卿希望奥匈帝国在对塞尔维亚的最后通牒到期后与俄罗斯进行对话的意愿可能会从目前的困难中发现一个问题。

M。

Cambon adds that perhaps Austria is seeking time to make her preparations.

康邦补充说，也许奥地利正在寻找时间做好准备。

Von Jagow told Cambon that he could not accept the kind of conference proposed by Grey, and that success depended on mediation taking another form.

冯·贾高告诉坎本，他不能接受格雷提议的那种会议，成功取决于采取另一种形式的调解。

"I laid stress upon the danger of delay, which might bring on war, and asked him if he wished for war.

“我强调了拖延的危险，这可能会引发战争，并问他是否希望发动战争。

He protested, and added that direct conversations between Vienna and St. Petersburg were in progress, and that from now on he expected a favorable result."

他提出抗议，并补充说维也纳和圣彼得堡之间的直接对话正在进行中，从现在开始他预计会得到有利的结果。”

Von Jagow had made the same suggestion to the British and Italian Ambassadors.

冯·贾戈向英国和意大利大使提出了同样的建议。

"My colleagues and I thought that this was only a question of form, and the British Ambassador is going to suggest to his Government that they should change the wording of their proposal, which might take the character of a diplomatic _démarche_ at Vienna and St. Petersburg.

“我和我的同事认为这只是一个形式问题，英国大使将建议英国政府改变提案的措辞，这可能具有维也纳和圣彼得堡外交交涉的性质。

"In consequence of the repugnance shown by Herr von Jagow to any démarche at Vienna, Sir Edward Grey could put him in a dilemma by asking him to state himself precisely how diplomatic action by the powers to avoid war could be brought about.

“由于冯·雅戈先生对维也纳的任何外交政策都表现出反感，爱德华·格雷爵士要求他准确地说明列强如何采取外交行动来避免战争，这可能会让他陷入两难境地。

"We ought to associate ourselves with every effort in favor of peace compatible with our engagements toward our ally; but to place the responsibility in the proper quarter, we must take care to ask Germany to state precisely what she wishes."

“我们应该尽一切努力促进和平，与我们对盟友的承诺相一致；但为了将责任归咎于适当的一方，我们必须小心地要求德国准确地表明她的愿望。”

M。

Paléologue, Ambassador at St. Petersburg, reported that M.

驻圣彼得堡大使帕莱奥洛格 (Paléologue) 报告说，M.

Sazonof, Russian Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had said "Austria is unwilling to converse."

俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫曾表示“奥地利不愿意对话”。

M。

Dumaine, Ambassador to Vienna, reported the declaration of Count Berchtold, Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, to British Ambassador Bunsen that discussion of the Serbian reply was useless, war having been declared.

驻维也纳大使杜梅因向英国大使本生报告了奥匈帝国外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵的声明，即讨论塞尔维亚的答复毫无用处，因为战争已经宣战。

M。

Schebeko, Russian Ambassador, said that his position from the beginning had been that the question was not of localizing the war, but preventing it.

俄罗斯大使谢贝科表示，他从一开始的立场就是，问题不是局部化战争，而是预防战争。

The declaration of war made _pourparlers_ by the four powers extremely difficult.

宣战让四国的谈判变得极其困难。

The German formula, "Mediation between Austria and Russia," is unsuitable, since it assumes a dispute between the two empires which does not exist.

德国的公式“奥地利和俄罗斯之间的调解”是不合适的，因为它假设两个帝国之间不存在争端。

WEDNESDAY, JULY 29, 1914

1914 年 7 月 29 日，星期三

_Austria-Hungary._ On the following day, July 29, 1914, Count Berchtold, Minister for Foreign Affairs at Vienna, telegraphed the Ambassadors at St. Petersburg, London, Paris, and Rome, copies of a memorandum which he had handed Herr von Tschirscky that day in answer to the _démarche_ made by the German Ambassador, namely that the Austro-Hungarian Government should accept the Serbian reply either as satisfactory or as a basis for discussion.

_奥匈帝国_第二天，即 1914 年 7 月 29 日，维也纳外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵向驻圣彼得堡、伦敦、巴黎和罗马的大使电报了一份备忘录副本，该备忘录是他当天交给冯·齐尔斯基先生的，以答复德国大使提出的《通函》，即奥匈帝国政府应接受塞尔维亚的答复要么令人满意，要么作为讨论的基础。

The memorandum declared that, contrary to the assumption of Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, at whose instance the proceeding was taken, the parts of the Serbian reply which were not accepted by Austria-Hungary are the most vital in it, since they contain the guarantees for Serbia's observance of the demands made on her.

备忘录宣称，与采取这一程序的英国外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士的假设相反，塞尔维亚答复中未被奥匈帝国接受的部分是其中最重要的部分，因为它们包含了塞尔维亚遵守对其提出的要求的保证。

So, too, it is an assumption that the action taken against Serbia was directed against Russia and her influence in the Balkans.

因此，人们也认为针对塞尔维亚采取的行动是针对俄罗斯及其在巴尔干地区的影响力。

Austria-Hungary does not charge Russia with instigating the Serbian propaganda against the Dual Monarchy.

奥匈帝国并没有指控俄罗斯煽动塞尔维亚宣传反对二元君主制。

Our feelings toward her are entirely friendly.

我们对她的感情是完全友好的。

Austria-Hungary cannot adopt the desired attitude toward the Serbian reply since this has already been outstripped by events.

奥匈帝国不能对塞尔维亚的答复采取期望的态度，因为事态发展已经超越了这一点。

Our declaration of war was made after vainly waiting three days for Serbia to abandon her point of view.

我们在三天后徒劳地等待塞尔维亚放弃她的观点后才宣战。

"If the British Cabinet is prepared to use its influence on the Russian Government with a view to the maintenance of peace between the great powers, and with a view to the localization of the war which has been forced upon us by many years of Serbian intrigues, the Imperial and Royal Government could only welcome this."

“如果英国内阁准备利用其对俄罗斯政府的影响力，以维护大国之间的和平，并将多年来塞尔维亚阴谋强加给我们的战争局部化，那么帝国和王国政府只会对此表示欢迎。”

Ambassador Szécsen telegraphed from Paris that France was unmistakably making military preparations.

塞森大使从巴黎电报说，法国毫无疑问正在进行军事准备。

"The German Ambassador, Baron von Schoen is commissioned to discuss these preparations with M.

“德国大使冯舍恩男爵受命与 M. 讨论这些准备工作。

Viviani [French Prime Minister] to-day, and to point out that in these circumstances Germany may be compelled to take similar measures which necessarily could not be kept secret, and which could not fail to cause great public excitement when they became known.

维维亚尼（法国总理）今天指出，在这种情况下，德国可能被迫采取类似的措施，这些措施必然无法保密，而且当这些措施为人所知时，必然会引起公众的极大兴奋。

In this way the two countries, although they are only striving for peace, will be compelled to at least a partial mobilization, which would be dangerous.

这样一来，两国虽然只是在争取和平，但至少会被迫进行部分动员，这是危险的。

"Further, in accordance with these instructions, Baron Schoen will declare that Germany has a lively desire that the conflict between us and Serbia should remain localized, and that in this Germany relies on the support of France."

“此外，根据这些指示，舍恩男爵将宣布，德国强烈希望我们和塞尔维亚之间的冲突保持局部化，而在这方面，德国依赖法国的支持。”

Ambassador Szögyény telegraphed from Berlin that as early as the 26th inst.

索吉尼大使早在 26 日就从柏林发来电报。

the German Government had warned Russia that mobilization by her would cause German mobilization.

德国政府警告俄罗斯，她的动员将导致德国的动员。

"Another telegram has to-day been sent to St. Petersburg, stating that owing to the further progress of the Russian measures of mobilization Germany might be brought to mobilize."

“今天已向圣彼得堡发出另一份电报，指出由于俄罗斯动员措施的进一步进展，德国可能会被动员起来。”

Ambassador Szápáry telegraphed from St. Petersburg that M.

萨帕里大使从圣彼得堡发来电报说，M.

Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, was greatly excited over the alleged disinclination of Austria-Hungary to continue exchange of ideas with Russia, and over her mobilization, which is supposed to be more extensive than necessary, and therefore directed against Russia.

俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫对奥匈帝国据称不愿意继续与俄罗斯交流思想以及她的动员感到非常兴奋，这种动员应该比必要的更广泛，因此是针对俄罗斯的。

I visited the minister to explain matters.

我拜访部长解释此事。

I agreed that you (Count Berchtold) had declined to discuss the wording of the Serbian reply, but made it clear that we had no intention, if the conflict remained localized, to annex Serbian territory or touch her sovereignty, and would always be ready to keep in touch with St. Petersburg on Austro-Hungarian and Russian interests.

我同意你（贝希托尔德伯爵）拒绝讨论塞尔维亚答复的措辞，但明确表示，如果冲突仍然是局部的，我们无意吞并塞尔维亚领土或触及其主权，并且随时准备就奥匈和俄罗斯利益与圣彼得堡保持联系。

M。

Sazonof accepted the assurance in regard to territory, but on the point of sovereignty said he must continue to believe that our coercion of Serbia would result in her becoming our vassal, and that this would upset equilibrium in the Balkans, and so involve Russian interests.

萨佐诺夫接受了有关领土的保证，但在主权问题上表示，他必须继续相信我们对塞尔维亚的胁迫将导致她成为我们的附庸，这将破坏巴尔干地区的平衡，从而涉及俄罗斯的利益。

Russia recognized our legitimate interest there, but its assertion must be acceptable to Serbia.

俄罗斯承认我们在那里的合法利益，但其主张必须为塞尔维亚所接受。

"I expressed the view that this was not a Russian but a Serbian interest, whereupon M.

“我表达了这样的观点：这不是俄罗斯的利益，而是塞尔维亚的利益，因此，M.

Sazonof claimed that Russian interests were in this case Serbian interests, so that I was obliged to make an end of the vicious circle by going on to a new topic.

萨佐诺夫声称，在这种情况下，俄罗斯的利益就是塞尔维亚的利益，因此我不得不通过新的话题来结束恶性循环。

"I mentioned that I had heard that there was a feeling of anxiety in Russia, because we had mobilized eight corps for action against Serbia.

“我提到，我听说俄罗斯有一种焦虑感，因为我们动员了八个军团对塞尔维亚采取行动。

M。

Sazonof assured me that it was not he (who knew nothing about this) but the Chief of the General Staff who had expressed this anxiety.

萨佐诺夫向我保证，表达这种焦虑的不是他（他对此一无所知），而是总参谋长。

I endeavored to convince the minister that any unprejudiced person could easily be persuaded that our southern corps could not constitute a menace for Russia.

我努力让部长相信，任何不带偏见的人都可以轻易地相信我们的南方军团不会对俄罗斯构成威胁。

"I indicated to the minister that it would be well if his Imperial Master were informed of the true situation, as it was urgently necessary, if it was desired to maintain peace, that a speedy end should be put to the military competition which now threatened to ensue on account of false news.

“我向大臣表示，如果他的帝国主子能够了解真实情况就好了，因为如果想要维持和平，就迫切需要尽快结束由于虚假消息而可能引发的军事竞赛。

"The minister further informed me that a ukase would be signed to-day, which would give orders for a mobilization in a somewhat extended form.

“部长进一步告诉我，今天将签署一项紧急命令，该命令将下达某种扩展形式的动员令。

He was able, however, to assure me in the most official way that these troops were not intended to attack us.

然而，他能够以最正式的方式向我保证，这些部队无意攻击我们。

They would only stand to arms in case Russian interests in the Balkans should be in danger.

只有当俄罗斯在巴尔干地区的利益受到威胁时，他们才会拿起武器。

An explanatory note would make it clear that this was a measure of precaution, since we, who in any case have the advantage of quicker mobilization, have now also already so great a start.

一项解释性说明将表明，这是一种预防措施，因为我们无论如何都具有更快动员的优势，现在也已经有了一个很好的开始。

In earnest words I drew M.

认真地说，我画了M。

Sazonof's attention to the impression which such a measure would make in our country.

萨佐诺夫关注这样的措施会给我国带来的印象。

I went on to express doubt whether the explanatory note would be calculated to soften the impression, whereupon the minister again gave expression to assurances regarding the harmlessness (!) of this measure."

我接着对解释性说明是否会缓和印象表示怀疑，于是部长再次就这一措施的无害性（！）做出保证。”

Count Berchtold telegraphed to Count Szögyény at Berlin that the Russian military districts of Kiev, Odessa, Moscow, and Kazan were being mobilized.

贝希托尔德伯爵向柏林的索吉尼伯爵发电报称，俄罗斯基辅、敖德萨、莫斯科和喀山军区正在动员之中。

The ambassador should notify the German Government of this, and emphasize that if Russian mobilization were not stopped without delay, Austria-Hungary would follow with general mobilization.

大使应将此事通知德国政府，并强调，如果俄罗斯不立即停止动员，奥匈帝国将随之进行总动员。

The representatives of Germany and Austria-Hungary at St. Petersburg, and, if necessary, at Paris, will declare the same to the Government there.

德国和奥匈帝国驻圣彼得堡以及必要时驻巴黎的代表将向当地政府宣布同样的情况。

We will not be diverted from our course against Serbia.

我们不会改变对抗塞尔维亚的方针。

_Germany._ Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg telegraphed to Ambassador von Schoen at Paris to protest against the military measures France was reported to be taking, and say that, in answer, Germany would have to proclaim "a threatening state of war."

德国总理冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格致电驻巴黎大使冯·舍恩，抗议据报道法国正在采取的军事措施，并表示，作为回应，德国将不得不宣布“威胁性战争状态”。

"While this would not mean a call for the reserves or mobilization, yet the tension would be aggravated.

“虽然这并不意味着需要储备或动员，但紧张局势将会加剧。

We continue to hope for the preservation of peace."

我们仍然希望维护和平。”

Count Pourtalès, Ambassador at St. Petersburg, had an interview with M.

驻圣彼得堡大使普塔莱斯伯爵接受了M.

Sazonof, Minister for Foreign Affairs, which he reported as follows:

外交部长萨佐诺夫报告如下：

"The secretary tried to persuade me that I should urge my Government to participate in a quadruple conference to find means to induce Austria-Hungary to give up those demands which touch upon the sovereignty of Serbia.

“秘书试图说服我，我应该敦促我国政府参加四方会议，以找到方法促使奥匈帝国放弃那些涉及塞尔维亚主权的要求。

I could merely promise to report the conversation and took the position that, after Russia had decided upon the baneful step of mobilization, every exchange of ideas appeared now extremely difficult, if not impossible.

我只能答应报告这次谈话，并采取这样的立场：在俄罗斯决定采取有害的动员步骤之后，每一次思想交流现在都显得极其困难，甚至不可能。

Besides, Russia now was demanding from us in regard to Austria-Hungary the same which Austria-Hungary was being blamed for with regard to Serbia, _i.e._, an infraction of sovereignty.

此外，俄罗斯现在在奥匈帝国问题上向我们提出的要求与奥匈帝国在塞尔维亚问题上受到的指责一样，即侵犯主权。

Austria-Hungary having promised to consider the Russian interests by disclaiming any territorial aspiration--a great concession on the part of a state engaged in war--should therefore be permitted to attend to its affairs with Serbia alone.

奥匈帝国承诺考虑俄罗斯的利益，放弃任何领土愿望——这对于一个参与战争的国家来说是一个巨大的让步——因此应该被允许单独处理与塞尔维亚的事务。

There would be time at the peace conference to return to the matter of forbearance toward the sovereignty of Serbia.

和平会议上将会有时间重新讨论对塞尔维亚主权的宽容问题。

"I added very solemnly that at this moment the entire Austro-Serbian affair was eclipsed by the danger of a general European conflagration, and I endeavored to present to the secretary the magnitude of this danger.

“我非常郑重地补充说，此时此刻，整个奥塞事件因欧洲全面大火的危险而黯然失色，我努力向国务卿介绍这种危险的严重程度。

"It was impossible to dissuade Sazonof from the idea that Serbia could not now be deserted by Russia."

“无法阻止萨佐诺夫相信塞尔维亚现在不能被俄罗斯抛弃。”

THE KAISER AND CZAR EXCHANGE TELEGRAMS

德皇和沙皇交换电报

William II received the following telegram from Nicholas II:

威廉二世收到尼古拉二世发来的以下电报：

"I am glad that you are back in Germany.

“我很高兴你回到德国。

In this serious moment I ask you earnestly to help me.

在这个严肃的时刻，我真诚地请求您帮助我。

An ignominious war has been declared against a weak country and in Russia the indignation which I fully share is tremendous.

对一个弱国发动了一场可耻的战争，在俄罗斯，我也深感愤怒。

I fear that very soon I shall be unable to resist the pressure exercised upon me and that I shall be forced to take measures which will lead to war.

我担心很快我将无法抗拒施加在我身上的压力，并且我将被迫采取导致战争的措施。

To prevent a calamity as a European war would be, I urge you in the name of our old friendship to do all in your power to restrain your ally from going too far."

为了防止欧洲战争那样的灾难，我以我们古老友谊的名义敦促你尽一切努力阻止你的盟友走得太远。”

The Kaiser replied at 6.30 p.

皇帝于下午 6.30 作出答复。

m.:

米：

"I have received your telegram and I share your desire for the conservation of peace.

“我收到了你的电报，我和你一样渴望维护和平。

However, I cannot--as I told you in my first telegram--consider the action of Austria-Hungary as an 'ignominious war.' Austria-Hungary knows from experience that the promises of Serbia as long as they are merely on paper are entirely unreliable.

然而，正如我在第一封电报中告诉你的那样，我不能将奥匈帝国的行动视为“可耻的战争”。奥匈帝国从经验中知道，塞尔维亚的承诺只要停留在纸面上，就完全不可靠。

"According to my opinion the action of Austria-Hungary is to be considered as an attempt to receive full guaranty that the promises of Serbia are effectively translated into deeds.

“根据我的观点，奥匈帝国的行动应被视为试图获得塞尔维亚的承诺有效转化为行动的充分保证。

In this opinion I am strengthened by the explanation of the Austrian Cabinet that Austria-Hungary intended no territorial gain at the expense of Serbia.

奥地利内阁的解释更加坚定了我的观点，即奥匈帝国无意以牺牲塞尔维亚为代价来获取领土。

I am therefore of opinion that it is perfectly possible for Russia to remain a spectator in the Austro-Serbian war without drawing Europe into the most terrible war it has ever seen.

因此，我认为，俄罗斯完全有可能继续作为奥塞战争的旁观者，而不会将欧洲拖入有史以来最可怕的战争。

I believe that a direct understanding is possible and desirable between your Government and Vienna, an understanding which--as I have already telegraphed you--my Government endeavors to aid with all possible effort.

我相信，贵国政府与维也纳之间达成直接谅解是可能的，也是可取的，正如我已经电报给你的那样，我国政府将竭尽全力提供这种谅解。

Naturally military measures by Russia, which might be construed as a menace by Austria-Hungary, would accelerate a calamity which both of us desire to avoid and would undermine my position as mediator which--upon your appeal to my friendship and aid--I willingly accepted."

俄罗斯的军事措施自然会被奥匈帝国视为威胁，这会加速我们双方都希望避免的灾难，并会削弱我作为调解人的地位，而在你向我提出友谊和援助的请求后，我欣然接受了这一点。”

The Czar answered:

沙皇回答说：

"Thanks for your telegram, which is conciliatory and friendly, whereas the official message presented to-day by your ambassador to my minister was conveyed in a very different tone.

“感谢你的电报，它是和解且友好的，而你的大使今天向我国部长传达的正式信息却以一种非常不同的语气传达。

I beg you to explain this divergency.

我请求你解释一下这种分歧。

It would be right to give over the Austro-Serbian problem to the Hague Tribunal.

将奥塞问题交给海牙法庭处理是正确的。

I trust in your wisdom and friendship."

我相信你的智慧和友谊。”

_Russia._ M.

_俄罗斯._ M.

Broniewsky, Chargé d'Affaires at Berlin, telegraphed to M.

驻柏林临时代办布罗涅夫斯基 (Broniewsky) 发电报给 M.

Sazonof, Minister for Foreign Affairs, that Herr von Jagow, German Secretary of State, had told him no news had been received from Vienna as to acceptance of private discussions at St. Petersburg--that it was very difficult for him to produce any effect at Vienna, especially openly.

外交部长萨佐诺夫说，德国国务卿冯雅戈先生告诉他，维也纳还没有收到关于接受在圣彼得堡举行私下讨论的消息，他很难在维也纳产生任何影响，尤其是公开的影响。

"He even added, in speaking to Cambon, that were pressure brought to bear too obviously, Austria would hasten to face Germany with a _fait accompli_."

“他甚至在与康朋交谈时补充道，如果施加的压力太明显，奥地利将加速面对德国，并带来既成事实。”

Von Jagow had heard from St. Petersburg that you were more inclined than previously to find a compromise acceptable to all parties.

冯·贾戈从圣彼得堡听说，你们比以前更倾向于找到各方都能接受的妥协方案。

I replied that this had been your position from the outset, provided the compromise were acceptable not only to Austria, but equally to Russia.

我回答说，这从一开始就是你们的立场，只要妥协不仅为奥地利所接受，而且同样为俄罗斯所接受。

He then said that Russian mobilization on the frontier, of which he had heard, would render an understanding with Austria difficult as she was making no preparations on the Russian frontier.

然后他说，他听说过俄罗斯在边境的动员，这将使与奥地利的谅解变得困难，因为奥地利没有在俄罗斯边境做任何准备。

I replied that I had information in my possession that Austria was mobilizing there, and that our mobilization was in reply to it.

我回答说，我掌握的信息表明奥地利正在那里进行动员，我们的动员是为了回应这一消息。

But our measures, I assured him, were not directed against Germany.

但我向他保证，我们的措施并不是针对德国的。

Alexander, Crown Prince of Serbia, telegraphed to Nicholas II his gratitude for the sympathy extended to Serbia by the Czar on the 28th inst.

塞尔维亚王储亚历山大28日致电尼古拉二世，感谢沙皇对塞尔维亚的慰问。

"It fills our hearts with the belief that the future of Serbia is secure now that it is the object of your majesty's gracious solicitude.

“我们心中充满了这样的信念：塞尔维亚的未来是有保障的，因为它是陛下亲切关怀的对象。

These painful moments cannot but strengthen the bonds of deep attachment which bind Serbia to Holy Slav Russia."

这些痛苦的时刻只能加强塞尔维亚与神圣斯拉夫俄罗斯之间深厚的依恋纽带。”

M。

Sazonof telegraphed Ambassador Isvolsky at Paris that Germany had decided to mobilize if Russia did not cease her military preparations.

萨佐诺夫向巴黎大使伊斯沃尔斯基发电报称，如果俄罗斯不停止军事准备，德国已决定进行动员。

"As we cannot comply with the wishes of Germany, we have no alternative but to hasten on our own military preparations and to assume that war is probably inevitable.

“由于我们无法满足德国的意愿，我们别无选择，只能加快自己的军事准备，并认为战争可能不可避免。

Please inform the French Government of this, and add that we are sincerely grateful to them for the declaration which the French Ambassador made to me on their behalf, that we could count fully upon the assistance of our ally, France.

请将此情况通知法国政府，并补充说，我们衷心感谢他们法国大使代表他们向我发表的声明，即我们可以充分依靠我们的盟友法国的援助。

In the existing circumstances that declaration is especially valuable to us.

在现有情况下，这一声明对我们来说尤其有价值。

"[Communicated to the Russian Ambassadors in Great Britain, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Germany.]"

“[已通知俄罗斯驻英国、奥匈帝国、意大利和德国大使。]”

_Great Britain._ Count Benckendorff, Russian Ambassador at London, reported to Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, that Russia would mobilize at Odessa, Kiev, Moscow, and Kazan.

_英国._ 俄罗斯驻伦敦大使本肯多夫伯爵向外交部长爱德华·格雷爵士报告说，俄罗斯将在敖德萨、基辅、莫斯科和喀山进行动员。

This information had been officially sent by Russia to Berlin on the 28th inst., with assurances that there was no aggressive intention against Germany.

俄罗斯已于28日正式向柏林发送了这一信息，并保证没有针对德国的侵略意图。

The Russian Ambassador, M.

俄罗斯大使，M.

Schebeko, was still retained at Vienna.

谢贝克仍留在维也纳。

Direct communication between Austria and Russia was, however, at an end, owing to Austria's declaration of war on Serbia.

然而，由于奥地利对塞尔维亚宣战，奥地利和俄罗斯之间的直接交流终止了。

Mediation by London Cabinet to end Austria's military operations was therefore most urgent.

因此，由伦敦内阁进行调解以结束奥地利的军事行动是当务之急。

If these continued Austria would crush Serbia while the conference was continuing.

如果这种情况继续下去，奥地利将在会议继续进行时碾压塞尔维亚。

Sir Edward Goschen, Ambassador at Berlin, telegraphed to Grey a report of his interview with Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg.

驻柏林大使爱德华·戈申爵士向格雷电报了他与总理冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格的面谈报告。

He informed me that Austria-Hungary refused to act on your suggestion to make the Serbian reply the basis of discussion.

他告诉我，奥匈帝国拒绝按照你的建议采取行动，将塞尔维亚的答复作为讨论的基础。

Von Jagow had written to Vienna that, though Serbia had shown a certain desire to meet the demands made on her, nevertheless he appreciated Austria's requirement of guaranties which were absent in the Serbian reply:

冯·雅高写信给维也纳表示，尽管塞尔维亚表现出了满足对她提出的要求的一定愿望，但他赞赏奥地利提出的担保要求，而塞尔维亚的答复中没有提到这一点：

"The Chancellor then went on to say that the hostilities which were about to be undertaken against Serbia had presumably the exclusive object of securing such guaranties, seeing that the Austrian Government already assured the Russian Government that they had no territorial designs.

“总理接着说，鉴于奥地利政府已经向俄罗斯政府保证，他们没有领土意图，因此即将对塞尔维亚进行的敌对行动的唯一目的可能是获得此类保证。

"He advised the Austro-Hungarian Government, should this view be correct, to speak openly in this sense.

“他建议奥匈帝国政府，如果这种观点是正确的，就在这个意义上公开发言。

The holding of such language would, he hoped, eliminate all possible misunderstandings.

他希望，这样的措辞能够消除所有可能的误解。

"As yet, he told me, he had not received a reply from Vienna.

“他告诉我，到目前为止，他还没有收到维也纳的回复。

"From the fact that he had gone so far in the matter of giving advice at Vienna, his excellency hoped that you would realize that he was sincerely doing all in his power to prevent danger of European complications."

“从他在维也纳提供建议的事上走了这么远这一事实来看，阁下希望您能意识到，他正在真诚地竭尽全力防止欧洲复杂化的危险。”

Goschen reported an interview with the German Secretary of State.

戈申报道了对德国国务卿的采访。

Von Jagow was much depressed.

冯·贾戈非常沮丧。

"He reminded me that he had told me the other day that he had to be very careful in giving advice to Austria, as any idea that they were being pressed would be likely to cause them to precipitate matters and present a _fait accompli_.

“他提醒我，他前几天告诉我，他在向奥地利提供建议时必须非常小心，因为任何认为他们受到压力的想法都可能导致他们促成事情的发展并呈现出既成事实。

This had, in fact, now happened, and he was not sure that his communication of your suggestion that Serbia's reply offered a basis for discussion had not hastened declaration of war.

事实上，现在已经发生了这种情况，他不确定他传达的关于塞尔维亚的答复为讨论提供基础的建议是否加速了宣战。

He was much troubled by reports of mobilization in Russia, and of certain military measures, which he did not specify, being taken in France.

他对俄罗斯动员以及法国采取的某些军事措施（他没有具体说明）的报道感到非常不安。

He subsequently spoke of these measures to my French colleague [M.

他随后向我的法国同事[M.

Jules Cambon] who informed him that French Government had done nothing more than the German Government had done, namely, recalled officers on leave.

Jules Cambon]告诉他，法国政府所做的与德国政府所做的没有什么不同，即召回休假的军官。

His excellency denied German Government had done this, but as a matter of fact it is true.

阁下否认德国政府这样做过，但事实上这是事实。

My French colleague said to under-Secretary of State [Herr von Zimmermann] that, when Austria had entered Serbia, and so satisfied her military prestige, the moment might then be favorable for four disinterested powers to discuss situation and come forward with suggestions for preventing graver complications.

我的法国同事对副国务卿冯·齐默尔曼先生说，当奥地利进入塞尔维亚并满足其军事威望时，此时此刻可能有利于四个无私的国家讨论局势并提出防止更严重的复杂化的建议。

Under-Secretary of State seemed to think idea worthy of consideration, as he replied that would be a different matter from conference proposed by you."

副国务卿似乎认为这个想法值得考虑，因为他回答说，这与你提议的会议不同。”

Grey replied to Goschen, stating his appreciation of the Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg's language, and assuring the Chancellor that Great Britain would strain every effort for peace.

格雷回复戈申，表示他对冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格博士的语言表示赞赏，并向总理保证英国将竭尽全力争取和平。

"If he can induce Austria to satisfy Russia and to abstain from going so far as to come into collision with her, we shall all join in deep gratitude to his excellency for having saved the peace of Europe."

“如果他能够说服奥地利满足俄罗斯的要求，并避免与她发生冲突，我们所有人都将深深感谢他拯救了欧洲的和平。”

Ambassador Buchanan at St. Petersburg telegraphed to Grey that partial mobilization had been ordered.

驻圣彼得堡的布坎南大使致电格雷表示，已下令进行部分动员。

This said M.

M 如此说道。

Sazonof, Minister for Foreign Affairs, was against Austria-Hungary alone.

外交部长萨佐诺夫单独反对奥匈帝国。

Direct conversation with St. Petersburg having been refused by Vienna, he would urge Germany that a return be made to your proposal of a four-power conference.

由于维也纳拒绝与圣彼得堡直接对话，他将敦促德国恢复四国会议的提议。

Ambassador Bunsen reported from Vienna that there was no step to be taken at present to stop war with Serbia, to which the Austro-Hungarian Government was fully committed by the declaration of war, and Kaiser Francis Joseph's appeal to his people, published this morning.

本生大使从维也纳报告说，目前没有采取任何措施来停止与塞尔维亚的战争，奥匈帝国政府通过宣战以及今天上午发表的弗朗西斯·约瑟夫皇帝向其人民发出的呼吁充分承诺了这一点。

In the opinion of Duke d'Avarans, the Italian Ambassador, Russia might be quieted by Austria-Hungary making a binding engagement not to destroy Serbian independence nor seize Serbian territory, but this she would refuse to do.

意大利大使达瓦朗公爵认为，奥匈帝国做出具有约束力的承诺，不破坏塞尔维亚独立，也不夺取塞尔维亚领土，可能会安抚俄罗斯，但她会拒绝这样做。

Sir Rennell Rodd, Ambassador at Rome, telegraphed that the Marquis di San Giuliano would urge in Berlin an exchange of views by the powers in London, and suggest that the German Secretary of State propose a formula acceptable to his Government.

驻罗马大使伦内尔·罗德爵士电报说，圣朱利亚诺侯爵将敦促柏林与伦敦的各国交换意见，并建议德国国务卿提出一个德国政府可以接受的方案。

"The Secretary for Foreign Affairs remarked that it was difficult to make Germany believe that Russia was in earnest.

“外交部长表示，很难让德国相信俄罗斯是认真的。

As Germany, however, was really anxious for good relations with ourselves, if she believed that Great Britain would act with Russia and France he thought it would have a great effect."

然而，由于德国确实渴望与我们建立良好的关系，如果她相信英国会与俄罗斯和法国采取行动，他认为这将产生巨大的影响。”

Grey replied to Rodd that the London conference was now impracticable owing to the attitude of Austria-Hungary, and that Italy must now speak at Berlin and Vienna.

格雷回复罗德说，由于奥匈帝国的态度，伦敦会议现在已经不可行，意大利现在必须在柏林和维也纳发表讲话。

Grey telegraphed to Ambassador Goschen at Berlin that the German Chancellor, Von Bethmann-Hollweg, said he was endeavoring to make Austria satisfactorily explain at St. Petersburg the scope of her proceedings in Serbia, but information comes from Vienna that Austria declines to discuss the Serbian issue.

格雷向柏林的戈申大使发电报称，德国总理冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格表示，他正在努力让奥地利在圣彼得堡满意地解释其在塞尔维亚的诉讼范围，但从维也纳传来的消息称，奥地利拒绝讨论塞尔维亚问题。

Germany opposes the four-power conference.

德国反对四国会议。

I asked her to present her plan to prevent war between Russia and Austria, France and Italy joined with my request.

我请她提出防止俄罗斯和奥地利之间发生战争的计划，法国和意大利也同意了我的要求。

"Let mediation come into operation by any method that Germany thinks possible if only Germany will 'press the button' in the interests of peace."

“只要德国为了和平的利益‘按下按钮’，就可以通过德国认为可能的任何方式进行调解。”

Goschen telegraphed back to Grey that he had had an interview with Bethmann-Hollweg who had just returned from Potsdam.

戈申回电给格雷，说他已经采访了刚从波茨坦回来的贝特曼-霍尔韦格。

The Chancellor feared Germany's being drawn into war by Russia attacking her ally.

德国总理担心俄罗斯会攻击其盟友，从而将德国卷入战争。

"He then proceeded to make the following strong bid for British neutrality.

“然后他开始强烈要求英国保持中立。

他说，就他能够判断英国政策的主要原则而言，很明显，英国绝不会袖手旁观，让法国在任何可能发生的冲突中被压垮。

That, however, was not the object at which Germany aimed.

然而，这并不是德国的目标。

如果英国的中立性是确定的，那么将向英国政府保证，如果他们在可能发生的任何战争中取得胜利，帝国政府不会以牺牲法国为代价来获取领土。

"I questioned his excellency about the French colonies, and he said that he was unable to give a similar undertaking in that respect.

“我向阁下询问有关法国殖民地的问题，他说他无法在这方面做出类似的承诺。

As regards Holland, however, his excellency said that, so long as Germany's adversaries respected the integrity and neutrality of the Netherlands, Germany was ready to give his majesty's Government an assurance that she would do likewise.

然而，至于荷兰，阁下表示，只要德国的对手尊重荷兰的完整性和中立性，德国就准备好向国王陛下的政府保证，她也会这样做。

It depended upon the action of France what operations Germany might be forced to enter upon in Belgium, but when the war was over, Belgian integrity would be respected if she had not sided against Germany.

德国可能被迫在比利时采取什么行动取决于法国的行动，但战争结束后，如果比利时没有站在德国一边，其完整性将受到尊重。

"His excellency ended by saying that ever since he had been Chancellor the object of his policy had been, as you were aware, to bring about an understanding with England; he trusted that these assurances might form the basis of that understanding which he so much desired.

“阁下最后说，正如你所知，自从他担任财政大臣以来，他的政策目标就是与英国达成谅解；他相信这些保证可能构成他所渴望的谅解的基础。

He had in mind a general neutrality agreement between England and Germany, though it was of course at the present moment too early to discuss details, and an assurance of British neutrality in the conflict which present crisis might possibly produce, would enable him to look forward to realization of his desire.

他想到了英国和德国之间的全面中立协议，尽管目前讨论细节当然还为时过早，并且保证英国在当前危机可能产生的冲突中保持中立，将使他能够期待实现他的愿望。

Grey informed Ambassador Bertie at Paris of a conversation he had had with M.

格雷向驻巴黎大使伯蒂通报了他与 M 的一次谈话。

Paul Cambon, the French Ambassador.

保罗·康本，法国大使。

I told Cambon that I would inform the German Ambassador Prince Lichnowsky, to-day that he must not suppose by my friendly tone that we should stand aside in event of a general war following failure of efforts to maintain peace.

我告诉康蓬，今天我将通知德国大使利希诺夫斯基亲王，他绝不能以我友好的语气认为我们应该在维护和平努力失败而爆发全面战争的情况下袖手旁观。

However, I warned Cambon that the case of Serbia was not like that of Morocco, in which we had made a special agreement with France, but one in which we did not feel called to take a hand.

然而，我警告康邦，塞尔维亚的情况与摩洛哥不同，我们在摩洛哥与法国达成了一项特别协议，但我们并不觉得有必要伸出援手。

"M.

“M。

Cambon said that I had explained the situation very clearly.

康邦说我已经把情况解释得很清楚了。

He understood it to be that in a Balkan quarrel, and in a struggle for supremacy between Teuton and Slav we should not feel called to intervene; should other issues be raised, and Germany and France become involved, so that the question became one of the hegemony of Europe, we should then decide what it was necessary for us to do.

他的理解是，在巴尔干地区的争吵中，在条顿人和斯拉夫人之间争夺霸权的斗争中，我们不应该感到有必要进行干预；我们应该这样做。如果提出其他问题，让德国和法国介入，使这个问题成为欧洲的霸权问题之一，我们就应该决定我们需要做什么。

He seemed quite prepared for this announcement, and made no criticism upon it.

他似乎对这一宣布已经做好了准备，并没有对此提出批评。

"He said French opinion was calm, but decided.

“他说法国人的意见很冷静，但也很决定。

He anticipated a demand from Germany that France would be neutral while Germany attacked Russia.

他预计德国会要求法国在德国攻击俄罗斯时保持中立。

This assurance France, of course, could not give; she was bound to help Russia if Russia was attacked."

法国当然无法做出这样的保证。如果俄罗斯受到攻击，她一定会帮助俄罗斯。”

Grey telegraphed Ambassador Goschen at Berlin of his conversation with Prince Lichnowsky, in which he had pointed out

格雷向柏林的戈申大使电报了他与利希诺夫斯基亲王的谈话，他在谈话中指出

"that the Russian Government, while desirous of mediation, regarded it as a condition that the military operations against Serbia should be suspended, as otherwise a mediation would only drag on matters, and give Austria time to crush Serbia.

“俄罗斯政府虽然渴望调解，但将其视为暂停针对塞尔维亚的军事行动的一个条件，否则调解只会拖延事情，并给奥地利时间来镇压塞尔维亚。

It was, of course, too late for all military operations against Serbia to be suspended.

当然，暂停针对塞尔维亚的所有军事行动已经为时已晚。

In a short time, I supposed, the Austrian forces would be in Belgrade, and in occupation of some Serbian territory.

我猜想，奥地利军队很快就会到达贝尔格莱德，并占领一些塞尔维亚领土。

But even then it might be possible to bring some mediation into existence, if Austria, while saying that she must hold the occupied territory until she had complete satisfaction from Serbia, stated that she would not advance further, pending an effort of the powers to mediate between her and Russia."

但即便如此，如果奥地利在表示她必须保住被占领土直到塞尔维亚完全满意之前，同时表示她不会进一步推进，以等待列强在她和俄罗斯之间进行调解的努力，那么还是有可能进行一些调解。”

In a following message Grey related to Goschen a second conversation with Prince Lichnowsky, in which he told the German Ambassador that, in event of a general war, the issues might be so great that it would involve all European interests, and he should not think that Great Britain would stand aside.

在接下来的信息中，格雷向戈申讲述了与利希诺夫斯基亲王的第二次谈话，他在谈话中告诉德国大使，如果爆发全面战争，问题可能会非常严重，涉及到所有欧洲的利益，他不应该认为英国会袖手旁观。

"He said that he quite understood this, but he asked whether I meant that we should, under certain circumstances, intervene?

“他说他很理解这一点，但他问我是否意味着我们应该在某些情况下进行干预？

"I replied that I did not wish to say that, or to use anything that was like a threat or an attempt to apply pressure by saying that, if things became worse, we should intervene.

“我回答说，我不想这么说，也不想用任何类似威胁或试图施加压力的方式说，如果事情变得更糟，我们应该进行干预。

There would be no question of our intervening if Germany was not involved, or even if France was not involved.

如果德国不介入，或者法国不介入，我们的干预是没有问题的。

But we knew very well, that if the issue did become such that we thought British interests required us to intervene, we must intervene at once, and the decision would have to be very rapid, just as the decisions of other powers had to be....

但我们非常清楚，如果问题确实发展到我们认为英国利益需要我们干预的程度，我们必须立即干预，而且决策必须非常迅速，就像其他国家的决策必须非常迅速一样……

"The German Ambassador took no exception to what I had said; indeed, he told me that it accorded with what he had already given in Berlin as his view of the situation."

“德国大使对我所说的话没有异议；事实上，他告诉我，这符合他在柏林已经表达的对局势的看法。”

In still another message Grey informed Goschen that he had said to the German Ambassador, in reference to the suggestion of San Giuliano, the Italian Prime Minister of mediation between Russia and Austria, that it would not be mediation to urge Russia to stand aside and give Austria a free hand to go any length she pleased.

格雷在另一封信中告诉戈申，他曾对德国大使说过，关于意大利总理圣朱利亚诺在俄罗斯和奥地利之间进行调解的建议，敦促俄罗斯袖手旁观并让奥地利随心所欲地行事，这并不是调解。

Grey informed Ambassador Bunsen at Vienna that Austro-Hungarian Ambassador Mensdorff, had offered to submit him a long memorandum justifying the action of his government toward Serbia.

格雷通知驻维也纳的本生大使，奥匈帝国大使门斯多夫已提出向他提交一份长篇备忘录，证明其政府对塞尔维亚的行动是正当的。

Grey refused to discuss the Serbian question now that the peace of Europe was imperilled.

由于欧洲和平受到威胁，格雷拒绝讨论塞尔维亚问题。

The greater question settled, the powers might be free to obtain satisfaction for Austria in the lesser.

更大的问题解决了，列强就可以自由地在较小的问题上让奥地利满意。

"In reply to some further remarks of mine, as to the effect that the Austrian action might have upon the Russian position in the Balkans, he said that, before the Balkan war, Serbia had always been regarded as being in the Austrian sphere of influence."

“在回答我的一些进一步评论时，关于奥地利的行动可能对俄罗斯在巴尔干地区的地位产生的影响，他说，在巴尔干战争之前，塞尔维亚一直被视为在奥地利的势力范围内。”

Bunsen reported to Grey that the news of Russian mobilization was not generally known in Vienna.

本生向格雷报告说，俄罗斯动员的消息在维也纳并不为人所知。

_France._ M.

_法国._ M.

Bienvenu-Martin, Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs, notified the Ambassadors at St. Petersburg, London, Berlin, Rome, Vienna, and Constantinople, and the Minister to Serbia, that the Austro-German attitude was becoming clearer.

代理外交部长比恩韦努-马丁通知驻圣彼得堡、伦敦、柏林、罗马、维也纳和君士坦丁堡大使以及驻塞尔维亚公使，奥德的态度正在变得更加明确。

"Austria, uneasy concerning the Slav propaganda, has seized the opportunity of the crime of Sarajevo in order to punish the Serbian intrigues, and to obtain in this quarter guaranties which, according as events are allowed to develop or not, will either affect only the Serbian Government and army, or become territorial questions.

“奥地利对斯拉夫的宣传感到不安，抓住了萨拉热窝罪行的机会，以惩罚塞尔维亚的阴谋，并在这一季度获得保证，根据事态的发展与否，这些保证要么只影响塞尔维亚政府和军队，要么成为领土问题。

Germany intervenes between her ally and the other powers and declares that the question is a local one, namely, punishment of a political crime committed in the past, and sure guaranties for the future that the anti-Austrian intrigues will be put an end to.

德国介入其盟友和其他国家之间，并宣称这是一个局部问题，即惩罚过去犯下的政治罪行，并为未来提供结束反奥地利阴谋的可靠保证。

The German Government thinks that Russia should be content with the official and formal assurances given by Austria that she does not seek territorial aggrandizement and that she will respect the integrity of Serbia; in these circumstances the danger of war can come only from Russia, if she seeks to intervene in a question which is well defined.

德国政府认为，俄罗斯应该对奥地利做出的正式保证感到满意，即俄罗斯不寻求领土扩张，并且将尊重塞尔维亚的完整；在这种情况下，如果俄罗斯试图干预一个明确的问题，那么战争的危险就只能来自俄罗斯。

In these circumstances any action for the maintenance of peace must take place at St. Petersburg alone.

在这种情况下，任何维护和平的行动都只能在圣彼得堡进行。

"The attitude at Berlin, as at Vienna, is still dilatory.

“柏林的态度和维也纳一样，仍然是拖延的。

In the former capital, while protesting that the Germans desire to safeguard general peace by common action between the four powers, the idea of a conference is rejected without any other expedient being suggested, and while they refuse to take any positive action at Vienna.

在前首都，虽然德国人希望通过四个大国之间的共同行动来维护普遍和平，但在没有提出任何其他权宜之计的情况下召开会议的想法被拒绝，同时他们也拒绝在维也纳采取任何积极行动。

In the Austrian capital they would like to keep St. Petersburg in play with the illusion of an _entente_ which might result from direct conversations, while they are taking action against Serbia.

在奥地利首都，他们希望在对塞尔维亚采取行动的同时，让圣彼得堡保持着通过直接对话可能产生的“协约”幻想。

"In these circumstances it seems essential that the St. Petersburg Cabinet, whose desire to unravel this crisis peacefully is manifest, should immediately give their adherence to the British proposal.

“在这种情况下，圣彼得堡内阁显然有必要立即接受英国的提议，因为其和平解决这场危机的愿望是显而易见的。

This proposal must be strongly supported at Berlin in order to decide [Secretary of State] Von Jagow to take real action at Vienna capable of stopping Austria and preventing her from supplementing her diplomatic advantage by military successes.

这一提议必须得到柏林的大力支持，以便决定[国务卿]冯·贾戈在维也纳采取真正的行动，阻止奥地利并阻止其通过军事成功来补充其外交优势。

The Austro-Hungarian Government would, indeed, not be slow to take advantage of it in order to impose on Serbia, under the elastic expression of 'guaranties' conditions which, in spite of all assurances that no territorial aggrandizement was being sought, would in effect modify the status of eastern Europe, and would run the risk of gravely compromising the general peace either at once or in the near future."

事实上，奥匈帝国政府会毫不犹豫地利用这一点，在‘保证’条件的灵活表达下向塞尔维亚强加，尽管所有保证都不会谋求领土扩张，但这些条件实际上会改变东欧的地位，并面临立即或在不久的将来严重损害总体和平的风险。”

[Illustration: Vittorio Emanuele III, King of Italy.]

[插图：意大利国王维托里奥·埃马努埃莱三世。]

Ambassador Paléologue telegraphed from St. Petersburg that Russia would acquiesce in any measures proposed by France and Great Britain to maintain peace.

帕莱奥洛大使从圣彼得堡发来电说，俄罗斯将默许法国和英国提出的任何维护和平措施。

Minister Klobukowski reported from Brussels that the Belgian Government regarded Germany's attitude as enigmatical, and justifying every apprehension.

克洛布科夫斯基部长从布鲁塞尔报告说，比利时政府认为德国的态度令人费解，并证明一切担忧都是合理的。

"It seems improbable that the Austro-Hungarian Government would have taken an initiative which would lead, according to a preconceived plan, to a declaration of war, without previous arrangement with the Emperor William.

“如果没有事先与威廉皇帝做出安排，奥匈帝国政府似乎不可能根据先入为主的计划采取主动宣战的行动。

"The German Government stand 'with rounded arms' ready to take peaceful or warlike action as circumstances may require; a sudden intervention against us would not surprise anybody here.

“德国政府‘全副武装’随时准备根据情况需要采取和平或战争行动；对我们的突然干预不会让这里的任何人感到惊讶。

"The Belgian Government are taking steps which harmonize with the statement made to me yesterday by M.

“比利时政府正在采取与比利时先生昨天向我发表的声明相一致的步骤。

Davignon that everything will be put in readiness for the defence of the neutrality of the country."

达维尼翁表示，一切都将做好准备，以保卫国家的中立。”

Ambassador Dumaine reported from Vienna:

杜梅因大使从维也纳报道：

"The French Consul at Prague confirms the mobilization of the Eighth Army corps, and that of the Landwehr division of this army corps.

“法国驻布拉格领事确认了第八集团军以及该集团军兰德韦尔师的动员。

The cavalry divisions in Galicia are also mobilizing; regiments and cavalry divisions from Vienna and Budapest have already been transported to the Russian frontier.

加利西亚的骑兵师也在进行动员；来自维也纳和布达佩斯的军团和骑兵师已经被运往俄罗斯边境。

Reservists are now being called together in this district.

该地区现在正在召集预备役人员。

"There is a rumor that the Austro-Hungarian Government, in order to be in a position to meet any danger, and perhaps in order to impress St. Petersburg, intend to decide on a general mobilization of their forces on July 30, or August 1.

“有传言说，奥匈帝国政府为了能够应对任何危险，或许也是为了给圣彼得堡留下深刻印象，打算决定在7月30日或8月1日进行总动员。

The Austrian Emperor will return from Ischl to Vienna to-morrow."

奥地利皇帝将于明天从伊舍返回维也纳。”

Ambassador Paléologue reported from Berlin that Austria-Hungary refused direct conversation offered by Russia.

帕莱奥洛格大使从柏林报道称，奥匈帝国拒绝了俄罗斯提出的直接对话。

"Austria is hurrying on her military preparations against Russia, and is pressing forward the mobilization which has begun on the Galician frontier.

“奥地利正在加紧进行针对俄罗斯的军事准备，并正在加紧推进已经在加利西亚边境开始的动员工作。

As a result the order to mobilize will be dispatched to-night to thirteen army corps, which are destined to operate eventually against Austria."

因此，动员令将于今晚下发至十三个军团，这些军团最终将针对奥地利采取行动。”

Ambassador Jules Cambon reported from Berlin his interview with the German Secretary of State.

儒勒·康邦大使从柏林报道了他对德国国务卿的采访。

Von Jagow was awaiting reply from Vienna to his request to hold direct conversation with Russia.

冯·贾戈正在等待维也纳对他与俄罗斯进行直接对话的请求的答复。

He considered that the Serbian reply afforded a basis for negotiation.

他认为塞尔维亚的答复为谈判提供了基础。

"I said that it was just on that account that I considered the rupture by Austria, after she had received such a document, inexplicable.

“我说正是因为这个原因，我才认为奥地利在收到这样一份文件后提出的决裂是令人费解的。

"The Secretary of State then remarked that with eastern nations one could never obtain sufficient guaranties, and that Austria wished to be able to supervise the carrying out of promises made to her, a supervision which Serbia refused.

“国务卿随后表示，对于东方国家来说，永远无法获得足够的担保，奥地利希望能够监督对她做出的承诺的履行，但塞尔维亚拒绝了这一监督。

This, in the eyes of the Secretary of State, is the cardinal point.

在国务卿看来，这是关键点。

I answered Herr von Jagow that Serbia, as she wished to remain independent, was bound to reject the control of a single power, but that an International Commission would not have the same character.

我回答冯·贾戈先生说，塞尔维亚由于希望保持独立，因此必然拒绝单一大国的控制，但国际委员会不会具有同样的性质。

The Balkan States have more than one, for instance the Financial Commission at Athens.

巴尔干国家不止一个，例如雅典金融委员会。

One could imagine among other combinations, a Provisional International Commission, charged with the duty of controlling the police inquiry demanded by Austria; it was clear, by this instance, that the reply of Serbia opened the door to conversations and did not justify a rupture.

人们可以想象，除其他组合外，还有一个临时国际委员会，负责控制奥地利要求的警方调查；从这个例子来看，很明显，塞尔维亚的答复打开了对话的大门，并不能成为破裂的理由。

"I then asked the Secretary of State if, leaving aside direct conversations between Vienna and St. Petersburg to which Sir E.

“然后我问国务卿，撇开维也纳和圣彼得堡之间的直接对话不谈，E.

Grey had given his adherence, he did not think that common action could be exercised by the four powers by means of their ambassadors.

格雷表示了他的支持，他不认为四个国家可以通过各自的大使采取共同行动。

He answered in the affirmative, adding that at this moment the London Cabinet were confining themselves to exercising their influence in support of direct conversations."

他的回答是肯定的，并补充说，目前伦敦内阁仅限于发挥影响力来支持直接对话。”

He gave a summary of the interview between Bethmann-Hollweg and British Ambassador Goschen.

他对贝特曼-霍尔韦格与英国大使戈申的会见进行了总结。

"The attitude of the German Chancellor is very probably the result of the last interview of Sir E.

“德国总理的态度很可能是上次采访E爵士的结果。

Grey with Ambassador Lichnowsky.

格雷与利奇诺夫斯基大使。

Up to quite the last days they flattered themselves here that England would remain out of the question, and the impression produced on the German Government and on the financiers and business men by her attitude is profound."

直到最后几天，他们还在这里自以为英国不会成为问题，她的态度给德国政府、金融家和商人留下了深刻的印象。”

Ambassador Dumaine reported from Vienna that he and his British, Russian, and Italian colleagues agreed that war is now certain between Austria and Serbia since all attempts to avoid it have failed.

杜梅因大使从维也纳报道说，他和他的英国、俄罗斯和意大利同事一致认为，奥地利和塞尔维亚之间现在肯定会发生战争，因为所有避免战争的努力都失败了。

The Italian Ambassador, Duke d'Avarna, said

意大利大使阿瓦尔纳公爵说

"it is very probable that the imminence of a general insurrection among the Southern Slav inhabitants precipitated the resolutions of the [Dual] Monarchy.

“很可能是南方斯拉夫居民普遍暴动的迫在眉睫促成了[双]君主制的决议。

He still clings to the hope that, after a first success of the Austro-Hungarian arms, but not before this, mediation might be able to limit the conflict."

他仍然抱有这样的希望：在奥匈帝国的武装取得第一次成功之后，但在此之前，调解也许能够限制冲突。”

M。

Bienvenu-Martin, Acting Secretary of Foreign Affairs, informed the ambassadors at London, Berlin, St. Petersburg, Rome, Vienna, and Constantinople, and the minister to Serbia, of a semiofficial communication made by the German Ambassador.

代理外交部长比恩韦努-马丁向驻伦敦、柏林、圣彼得堡、罗马、维也纳和君士坦丁堡大使以及驻塞尔维亚公使通报了德国大使发出的半官方通讯。

Germany, said Baron von Schoen, was continuing its efforts to induce Austria-Hungary to hold direct conversations with Russia, being in no way impeded by her ally's declaration of war on Serbia.

冯·舍恩男爵表示，德国正在继续努力促使奥匈帝国与俄罗斯进行直接对话，而其盟友对塞尔维亚宣战的行为丝毫没有妨碍德国。

Germany did not know Austria's intentions.

德国不知道奥地利的意图。

A second message was sent to these French representatives abroad reporting an interview of M.

第二条信息已发送给这些法国驻外代表，报告了对 M. 的采访。

Bienvenu-Martin and the Russian Ambassador at Paris.

比恩韦努-马丁和俄罗斯驻巴黎大使。

M。

Isvolsky communicated the telegram from Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs to Berlin, notifying Germany of Russian mobilization in the southern provinces, and the telegrams from Sazonof to London asking Great Britain to use her influence as quickly as possible with Austria to secure cessation of military operations, and stating that he believed Germany was favoring her ally's uncompromising attitude.

伊斯沃尔斯基将俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫发给柏林的电报转达给德国，通知德国俄罗斯在南部省份进行动员，并转达了萨佐诺夫发给伦敦的电报，要求英国尽快利用其对奥地利的影响力以确保停止军事行动，并表示他相信德国支持其盟友的不妥协态度。

Ambassador Barrère at Rome reported that the Italian Minister for Foreign Affairs had been officially informed of the above telegrams.

驻罗马大使巴雷尔报告说，意大利外交部长已正式获悉上述电报。

M。

Viviani, who had now reached Paris and resumed his office of Minister for Foreign Affairs, instructed Ambassador Paul Cambon at London to request Sir Edward Grey to renew at Berlin his proposal of four-power mediation, the principle of which had been accepted by both Germany and Russia.

维维亚尼现已抵达巴黎并恢复外交部长职务，他指示驻伦敦大使保罗·康本请求爱德华·格雷爵士在柏林重申他的四国调解建议，该建议的原则已被德国和俄罗斯接受。

"I would ask you also to point out to the British Secretary of State how important it would be for him to obtain from the Italian Government the most whole-hearted continuance of their support in cooperating in the action of the four powers in favor of peace."

“我还请你向英国国务大臣指出，从意大利政府那里获得最全心全意的持续支持对他来说是多么重要，以配合四个国家采取有利于和平的行动。”

M。

Paul Cambon reported that Grey had invited Germany to propose her own formula for peace as acceptable to Great Britain, France, and Italy.

保罗·坎本报道称，格雷已邀请德国提出英国、法国和意大利可以接受的自己的和平方案。

"The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs said to me that Germany's reply to this communication and to that of Russia concerning the mobilization of four army corps on the Austrian frontier would allow us to realize the intentions of the German Government.

“外交大臣对我说，德国对这份信函以及俄罗斯关于在奥地利边境调动四个军团的信函的答复将使我们能够了解德国政府的意图。

"Sir E.

“E爵士。

Grey did not disguise the fact that he found the situation very grave and that he had little hope of a peaceful solution."

格雷并没有掩饰这样一个事实，即他发现局势非常严峻，而且他对和平解决的希望渺茫。”

Ambassador Paléologue telegraphed from St. Petersburg of the notification by the German Ambassador that Russia must stop mobilization or Germany would mobilize.

帕莱奥洛大使从圣彼得堡电报德国大使通知俄罗斯必须停止动员，否则德国将动员。

"The tone in which Count Pourtalès delivered this communication has decided the Russian Government this very night to order the mobilization of the thirteen army corps which are to operate against Austria."

“普塔莱斯伯爵传达这一信息的语气决定了俄罗斯政府今晚下令动员十三支军团对奥地利作战。”

_Belgium._ M.

_比利时._ M.

Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs, notified the ministers at Berlin, Vienna, Paris, London, St. Petersburg, Rome, The Hague, and Luxemburg that the Belgian Government had decided to place the army upon a strengthened peace footing.

外交部长达维尼翁通知柏林、维也纳、巴黎、伦敦、圣彼得堡、罗马、海牙和卢森堡的部长，比利时政府已决定加强军队的和平基础。

"This step should in no way be confused with mobilization.

“这一步骤决不应该与动员相混淆。

"Owing to the small extent of her territory, all Belgium consists, in some degree, of a frontier zone.

“由于领土面积较小，整个比利时在某种程度上都是一个边境地区。

Her army on the ordinary peace footing consists of only one class of armed militia; on the strengthened peace footing, owing to the recall of three classes, her army divisions and her cavalry division comprise effective units of the same strength as those of the corps permanently maintained in the frontier zones of the neighboring powers."

她的普通和平军队只由一类武装民兵组成；在加强和平基础方面，由于召回了三个师，她的陆军师和骑兵师组成了与在邻国边境地区永久驻扎的军相同兵力的有效部队。

THURSDAY, JULY 30, 1914

1914 年 7 月 30 日，星期四

_Austria-Hungary._ On the following day Count Berchtold, Minister for Foreign Affairs, telegraphed to Count Szápáry at St. Petersburg his answer to the ambassador's telegram of July 29:

_奥匈帝国._ 第二天，外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵向圣彼得堡的萨帕里伯爵发电报，答复了大使 7 月 29 日的电报：

"I am of course still ready to explain to M.

“我当然还是准备好向M解释了。

Sazonof [Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs] the various points contained in our note addressed to Serbia which, however, has already been outstripped by recent events.

萨佐诺夫（俄罗斯外交部长）我们给塞尔维亚的照会中包含了各个要点，但最近发生的事件已经超越了这一点。

I should also attach special importance, in accordance with the suggestion made to me through M.

我也应该特别重视，按照M给我的建议。

Schebeko [Russian Ambassador at Vienna], also, to discussing on this occasion in a confidential and friendly manner the questions which affect directly our relations toward Russia.

Schebeko [俄罗斯驻维也纳大使]也希望借此机会以保密和友好的方式讨论直接影响我们与俄罗斯关系的问题。

From this it might be hoped that it would be possible to remove the ambiguities which have arisen and to secure the development in a friendly manner of our relations toward our neighbors, which is so desirable an object."

由此，我们可能希望能够消除已经出现的模糊性，并确保我们与邻国的关系以友好的方式发展，这是一个非常令人向往的目标。”

This was followed by another telegram.

随后又发了一封电报。

Count Berchtold said that he had explained to Russian Ambassador Schebeko what seemed his flat refusal to discuss matters directly with Russia, which had so hurt the feelings of the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs.

贝希托尔德伯爵表示，他已向俄罗斯大使谢贝克解释了他断然拒绝与俄罗斯直接讨论此事的原因，这极大地伤害了俄罗斯外交部长的感情。

"This must rest on a misunderstanding, as M.

“这肯定是基于一种误解，正如 M.

Schebeko and myself had discussed the practical questions two days before, a fact which the ambassador confirmed with the observation that he had fully informed M.

谢贝科和我本人在两天前讨论了实际问题，大使证实了这一事实，并表示他已向 M. 充分通报了情况。

Sazonof of this conversation.

这次谈话的萨佐诺夫。

"M.

“M。

Schebeko then explained why our action against Serbia was regarded with such anxiety at St. Petersburg.

舍贝科随后解释了为什么我们对塞尔维亚的行动在圣彼得堡引起如此焦虑。

He said that we were a great power which was proceeding against the small Serbian state, and it was not known at St. Petersburg what our intentions in the matter were; whether we desired to encroach on its sovereignty, whether we desired completely to overthrow it, or even to crush it to the ground.

他说我们是一个正在对抗塞尔维亚小国的大国，圣彼得堡不知道我们在这件事上的意图是什么；我们是否想侵犯它的主权，是否想彻底推翻它，甚至将它夷为平地。

Russia could not be indifferent toward the future fate of Serbia, which was linked to Russia by historical and other bonds.

俄罗斯不可能对塞尔维亚的未来命运漠不关心，塞尔维亚与俄罗斯通过历史和其他纽带联系在一起。

At St. Petersburg they had taken the trouble to use all their influence at Belgrade to induce them to accept all our conditions, though this was indeed at a time when the conditions afterward imposed by us could not yet be known.

在圣彼得堡，他们不厌其烦地利用他们在贝尔格莱德的一切影响力来诱使他们接受我们的所有条件，尽管当时我们确实还无法得知我们后来提出的条件。

But even with reference to these demands they would do everything they could in order to accomplish at any rate all that was possible.

但即使考虑到这些要求，他们也会尽其所能，至少完成所有可能的任务。

"I reminded the ambassador that we had repeatedly emphasized the fact that we did not desire to follow any policy of conquest in Serbia, also that we would not infringe her sovereignty, but we only desired to establish a condition of affairs which would offer us a guarantee against being disturbed by Serbia.

“我提醒大使，我们一再强调这一事实，即我们不想在塞尔维亚实行任何征服政策，也不想侵犯她的主权，但我们只想建立一种能够保证我们不被塞尔维亚干扰的事态条件。

To this I added a somewhat lengthy discussion of our intolerable relations with Serbia.

除此之外，我还对我们与塞尔维亚的令人难以忍受的关系进行了较长的讨论。

I also gave M.

我也给了M。

Schebeko clearly to understand to how large an extent Russian diplomacy was responsible for these circumstances, even though this result might be contrary to the wishes of the responsible authorities.

谢贝科清楚地了解俄罗斯外交在多大程度上对这些情况负有责任，尽管这一结果可能与有关当局的意愿相反。

"I referred to the Russian mobilization which had then come to my knowledge.

“我提到了我当时了解到的俄罗斯动员情况。

Since this was limited to the military districts of Odessa, Kiev, Moscow, and Kazan it had an appearance of hostility against the [Dual] Monarchy.

由于这仅限于敖德萨、基辅、莫斯科和喀山的军区，因此它看起来对[双]君主制有敌意。

I did not know what the grounds for this might be, as there was no dispute between us and Russia.

我不知道这样做的理由是什么，因为我们和俄罗斯之间没有任何争端。

Austria-Hungary had mobilized exclusively against Serbia; against Russia not a single man; and this would be observed from the single fact that the first, tenth, and eleventh corps had not been mobilized.

奥匈帝国专门针对塞尔维亚动员起来；没有一个人反对俄罗斯；这一点从第一、第十、第十一军还没有动员起来这一事实就可以看出。

In view, however, of the fact that Russia was openly mobilizing against us, we should have to extend our mobilization too, and in this case I desired to mention expressly that this measure did not, of course, imply any attitude of hostility toward Russia."

然而，鉴于俄罗斯公开动员起来反对我们，我们也应该扩大动员，在这种情况下，我想明确指出，这一举措当然并不意味着对俄罗斯有任何敌对态度。”

_Germany._ Military Attaché Eggeling at St. Petersburg telegraphed to William II that Prince Troubetzki had said to him yesterday: "Thank God that a telegram from your emperor has come!"

_德国._ 圣彼得堡的武官艾格林电报威廉二世，特鲁贝茨基亲王昨天对他说：“感谢上帝，你们的皇帝发来了一封电报！”

"He has just told me the telegram has made a deep impression upon the czar but as the mobilization against Austria had already been ordered and Sazonof [Minister for Foreign Affairs] had convinced his majesty that it was no longer possible to retreat, his majesty was sorry he could not change it any more.

“他刚刚告诉我，这封电报给沙皇留下了深刻的印象，但由于针对奥地利的动员已经下令，而且萨佐诺夫（外交部长）已经说服沙皇陛下不再可能撤退，陛下很抱歉他无法再改变这一决定。

I then told him that the guilt for the measureless consequences lay at the door of premature mobilization against Austria-Hungary which after all was involved merely in a local war with Serbia, for Germany's answer was clear and the responsibility rested upon Russia which ignored Austria-Hungary's assurance that it had no intentions of territorial gain in Serbia.

然后我告诉他，造成不可估量的后果的罪魁祸首是过早动员起来反对奥匈帝国，毕竟奥匈帝国只是卷入了与塞尔维亚的局部战争，因为德国的答案很明确，责任在于俄罗斯，俄罗斯无视奥匈帝国关于它无意获得塞尔维亚领土的保证。

Austria-Hungary mobilized against Serbia and not against Russia and there was no ground for an immediate action on the part of Russia.

奥匈帝国动员起来反对塞尔维亚而不是俄罗斯，俄罗斯没有理由立即采取行动。

I further added that in Germany one could not understand any more Russia's phrase that 'she could not desert her brethren in Serbia' after the horrible crime of Sarajevo.

我进一步补充说，在萨拉热窝发生可怕的罪行之后，在德国，人们再也无法理解俄罗斯所说的“她不能抛弃她在塞尔维亚的弟兄”的说法。

I told him finally he need not wonder if Germany's army were to be mobilized."

我最后告诉他，他不必怀疑德国军队是否会被动员起来。”

At 1 a.

凌晨 1 点。

米。

the German Kaiser telegraphed to Nicholas II:

德国皇帝致电尼古拉二世：

"My ambassador has instructions to direct the attention of your Government to the dangers and serious consequences of a mobilization.

“我国大使奉命提请贵国政府注意动员的危险和严重后果。

I have told you the same in my last telegram.

我在上一封电报中也告诉过你同样的事情。

Austria-Hungary has mobilized only against Serbia, and only a part of her army.

奥匈帝国仅动员了部分军队来对抗塞尔维亚。

If Russia, as seems to be the case, according to your advice and that of your Government, mobilizes against Austria-Hungary, the part of the mediator with which you have intrusted me in such friendly manner and which I have accepted upon your express desire, is threatened if not made impossible.

如果俄罗斯按照您和贵国政府的建议动员起来反对奥匈帝国，那么您以如此友好的方式委托我并根据您的明确愿望接受的调解人的角色即使不是不可能，也会受到威胁。

The entire weight of decision now rests upon your shoulders, you have to bear the responsibility for war or peace."

现在所有的决定权都落在了你的肩上，你必须承担战争或和平的责任。”

HENRY OF PRUSSIA AND GEORGE V

普鲁士亨利和乔治五世

The Czar at once replied:

沙皇立即回答道：

"I thank you from my heart for your quick reply.

“我衷心感谢你的快速回复。

I am sending to-night Tatisheff (Russian honorary aide to the Kaiser) with instructions.

我今晚将派塔蒂谢夫（德皇的俄罗斯名誉助手）带去指示。

The military measures now taking form were decided upon five days ago, and for the reason of defense against the preparations of Austria.

目前正在采取的军事措施是五天前决定的，目的是防御奥地利的准备。

I hope with all my heart that these measures will not influence in any manner your position as mediator, which I appraise very highly.

我衷心希望这些措施不会以任何方式影响你作为调解人的地位，我对此评价很高。

We need your strong pressure upon Austria so that an understanding can be arrived at with us."

我们需要你们向奥地利施加强大压力，以便与我们达成谅解。”

Prince Henry of Prussia, brother of the Kaiser, telegraphed to the King of Great Britain from Berlin:

德皇的兄弟、普鲁士王子亨利从柏林电报给英国国王：

"I arrived here yesterday and have communicated what you were so good as to say to me at Buckingham Palace last Sunday to William, who was very thankful to receive your message.

“我昨天抵达这里，并将您上周日在白金汉宫对我说的话转达给了威廉，他非常感谢收到您的信息。

"William, who is very anxious, is doing his utmost to comply with the request of Nicholas to work for the maintenance of peace.

“十分着急的威廉正在尽最大努力遵守尼古拉斯的要求，为维护和平而努力。

He is in continual telegraphic communication with Nicholas, who has to-day confirmed the news that he has ordered military measures which amount to mobilization, and that these measures were taken five days ago.

他与尼古拉斯保持着持续的电报联系，尼古拉斯今天证实了这一消息，即他已下令采取相当于动员的军事措施，并且这些措施是五天前采取的。

"We have also received information that France is making military preparations while we have not taken measures of any kind, but may be obliged to do so at any moment if our neighbors continue their preparations.

“我们还收到消息称，法国正在进行军事准备，而我们尚未采取任何措施，但如果我们的邻国继续做好准备，法国可能随时有义务这样做。

This would then mean a European war.

这将意味着一场欧洲战争。

"If you seriously and earnestly desire to prevent this terrible misfortune, may I propose to you to use your influence on France and also on Russia that they should remain neutral.

“如果你真心实意地希望防止这种可怕的不幸，我可以建议你利用你对法国和俄罗斯的影响力，让他们保持中立。

In my view this would be of the greatest use.

在我看来，这将是最大的用处。

I consider that this is a certain and, perhaps, the only possible way of maintaining the peace of Europe.

我认为这是维护欧洲和平的必然途径，或许也是唯一可能的途径。

I might add that Germany and England should now more than ever give each other mutual support in order to prevent a terrible disaster, which otherwise appears inevitable.

我想补充一点，德国和英国现在比以往任何时候都应该更加相互支持，以防止一场可怕的灾难，否则这场灾难似乎不可避免。

"Believe me that William is inspired by the greatest sincerity in his efforts for the maintenance of peace.

“相信我，威廉在维护和平的努力中受到了最大诚意的鼓舞。

But the military preparations of his two neighbors may end in compelling him to follow their example for the safety of his own country, which otherwise would remain defenseless."

但他的两个邻国的军事准备最终可能会迫使他效仿他们的榜样，以保障自己国家的安全，否则国家将毫无防御能力。”

George V replied:

乔治五世回答说：

"I am very glad to hear of William's efforts to act with Nicholas for the maintenance of peace.

“我很高兴听到威廉与尼古拉斯一起努力维护和平。

I earnestly desire that such a misfortune as a European war--the evil of which could not be remedied--may be prevented.

我热切地希望能够避免像欧洲战争这样的不幸——其罪恶是无法补救的——。

My Government is doing the utmost possible in order to induce Russia and France to postpone further military preparations, provided that Austria declares herself satisfied with the occupation of Belgrade and the neighboring Serbian territory as a pledge for a satisfactory settlement of her demands, while at the same time the other countries suspend their preparations for war.

我国政府正在尽最大努力促使俄罗斯和法国推迟进一步的军事准备工作，条件是奥地利宣布对占领贝尔格莱德和邻近的塞尔维亚领土感到满意，以此作为满意解决其要求的保证，同时其他国家暂停战争准备。

I rely on William applying his great influence in order to induce Austria to accept this proposal.

我依靠威廉发挥他的巨大影响力来说服奥地利接受这个建议。

In this way he will prove that Germany and England are working together to prevent what would be an international catastrophe.

通过这种方式，他将证明德国和英国正在共同努力防止一场国际灾难。

Please assure William that I am doing all I can, and will continue to do all that lies in my power, to maintain the peace of Europe."

请向威廉保证，我正在尽我所能，并将继续尽我所能，维护欧洲的和平。”

_Russia._ M.

_俄罗斯._ M.

Strandtman, Chargé d'Affaires in Serbia, telegraphed from Nish to M.

驻塞尔维亚临时代办斯特兰德曼从尼什电报给 M.

Sazonof, Minister for Foreign Affairs at St. Petersburg, that Prince Regent Alexander had yesterday published a manifesto, signed by all the Serbian Ministers, on Austria's declaration of war against Serbia.

圣彼得堡外交部长萨佐诺夫表示，摄政王亚历山大昨天发表了一份由所有塞尔维亚部长签署的关于奥地利对塞尔维亚宣战的宣言。

M。

Sazonof telegraphed to the ambassadors at Berlin, Vienna, Paris, London, and Rome:

萨佐诺夫致电柏林、维也纳、巴黎、伦敦和罗马大使：

"The German Ambassador [Count Pourtalès], who has just left me, has asked whether Russia would not be satisfied with the promise which Austria might give--that she would not violate the integrity of the Kingdom of Serbia--and whether we could not indicate upon what conditions we would agree to suspend our military preparations.

“刚刚离开我的德国大使[普塔莱斯伯爵]询问俄罗斯是否会对奥地利可能做出的承诺感到满意——她不会侵犯塞尔维亚王国的完整性——以及我们是否不能表明我们同意暂停军事准备的条件。

I dictated to him the following declaration to be forwarded to Berlin for immediate action:

我向他口述了以下声明，并转发给柏林立即采取行动：

"'If Austria, recognizing that the Austro-Serbian question has assumed the character of a question of European interest, declares herself ready to eliminate from her ultimatum points which violate the sovereign rights of Serbia, Russia engages to stop her military preparations.'

“如果奥地利认识到奥塞问题已具有欧洲利益问题的性质，并宣布自己准备好从最后通牒中删除侵犯塞尔维亚主权的内容，那么俄罗斯就会停止其军事准备。”

"Please inform me at once by telegraph what attitude the German Government will adopt in face of this fresh proof of our desire to do the utmost possible for a peaceful settlement of the question, for we cannot allow such discussions to continue solely in order that Germany and Austria may gain time for their military preparations."

“请立即电报告诉我，面对这一新的证据，表明我们希望尽最大努力和平解决问题，德国政府将采取什么态度，因为我们不能仅仅为了让德国和奥地利为军事准备赢得时间而让这种讨论继续下去。”

Ambassador Swerbeiev telegraphed from Berlin that the order for the mobilization of the German army and navy had just been issued.

斯维尔贝耶夫大使从柏林发来电说，德国陆军和海军的动员令刚刚下达。

He followed this with a telegram stating that Secretary of State von Jagow had just telephoned him that the news was false:

随后他发了一封电报，表示国务卿冯·贾戈刚刚打电话给他说这个消息是假的：

"the news sheets had been printed in advance so as to be ready for all eventualities, and they were put on sale in the afternoon, but they have now been confiscated."

“报纸是提前印制的，以备不时之需，下午就开始出售，但现在已经被没收了。”

Ambassador Swerbeiev telegraphed from Berlin to M.

斯维尔贝耶夫大使从柏林向 M.

Sazonof that he had presented the minister's telegram of July 29 to Secretary of State von Jagow, who "declared that he considered it impossible for Austria to accept our proposal."

萨佐诺夫称，他已将部长 7 月 29 日的电报提交给国务卿冯·雅戈，冯·雅戈“宣称他认为奥地利不可能接受我们的提议”。

_Great Britain._ Ambassador Bunsen telegraphed from Vienna to Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs:

_大不列颠._本生大使从维也纳电报给外交部长爱德华·格雷爵士：

"Russian Ambassador [Schebeko] hopes that Russian mobilization will be regarded by Austria as what it is, viz., a clear intimation that Russia must be consulted regarding the fate of Serbia, but he does not know how the Austrian Government are taking it.

“俄罗斯大使[谢贝科]希望奥地利将俄罗斯的动员视为事实，即明确暗示必须就塞尔维亚的命运与俄罗斯进行磋商，但他不知道奥地利政府如何看待这一点。

He says that Russia must have an assurance that Serbia will not be crushed, but she would understand that Austria-Hungary is compelled to exact from Serbia measures which will secure her Slav provinces from the continuance of hostile propaganda from Serbian territory.

他说，俄罗斯必须保证塞尔维亚不会被压垮，但她会理解奥匈帝国被迫要求塞尔维亚采取措施，以确保其斯拉夫省份免受来自塞尔维亚领土的敌对宣传的持续影响。

"The French Ambassador [Dumaine] hears from Berlin that the German Ambassador at Vienna [Tschirsky] is instructed to speak seriously to the Austro-Hungarian Government against acting in a manner calculated to provoke a European war.

“法国大使[杜梅因]从柏林获悉，德国驻维也纳大使[齐尔斯基]奉命严肃地向奥匈帝国政府提出反对蓄意挑起欧洲战争的行为。

"Unfortunately the German Ambassador is himself so identified with extreme anti-Russian and anti-Serbian feeling prevalent in Vienna that he is unlikely to plead the cause of peace with entire sincerity.

“不幸的是，德国大使本人对维也纳盛行的极端反俄罗斯和反塞尔维亚情绪如此认同，因此他不太可能全心全意地为和平事业辩护。

"Although I am not able to verify it, I have private information that the German Ambassador knew the text of the Austrian ultimatum to Serbia before it was dispatched, and telegraphed it to the German Emperor.

“虽然我无法核实，但我有私人消息称，德国大使在发出奥地利给塞尔维亚的最后通牒的文本之前就知道了它的内容，并将其电报给德国皇帝。

I know from the German Ambassador himself that he indorses every line of it."

我从德国大使本人那里得知，他赞同其中的每一句话。”

Ambassador Buchanan telegraphed from St. Petersburg to Grey of an interview with the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs.

布坎南大使从圣彼得堡向格雷发电报，通报了对俄罗斯外交部长的采访。

"M.

“M。

Sazonof said that German Ambassador [Count Pourtalès] had told him yesterday afternoon that German Government were willing to guarantee that Serbian integrity would be respected by Austria.

萨佐诺夫说，德国大使普塔莱斯伯爵昨天下午告诉他，德国政府愿意保证奥地利尊重塞尔维亚的完整性。

To this he had replied that this might be so, but nevertheless Serbia would become an Austrian vassal, just as, in similar circumstances Bokhara had become a Russian vassal.

对此他回答说，情况可能如此，但无论如何，塞尔维亚将成为奥地利的附庸，就像在类似情况下博哈拉成为俄罗斯的附庸一样。

There would be a revolution in Russia if she were to tolerate such a state of affairs.

如果俄罗斯容忍这种事态，她就会发生革命。

"M.

“M。

Sazonof told us that absolute proof was in possession of Russian Government that Germany was making military and naval preparations against Russia--more particularly in the direction of the Gulf of Finland.

萨佐诺夫告诉我们，俄罗斯政府掌握了绝对的证据，表明德国正在针对俄罗斯进行军事和海军准备——特别是在芬兰湾方向。

"German Ambassador had a second interview with Minister for Foreign Affairs at 2 a.

“德国大使于凌晨 2 点与外交部长进行了第二次会面。

m., when former completely broke down on seeing that war was inevitable.

米，当前者看到战争不可避免时完全崩溃了。

He appealed to M.

他向M提出上诉。

Sazonof to make some suggestion which he could telegraph to German Government as a last hope.

萨佐诺夫提出一些建议，他可以将其电报给德国政府，作为最后的希望。

M。

Sazonof accordingly drew up and handed to German Ambassador a formula.

萨佐诺夫据此制定了一个公式并将其交给德国大使。

"'If Austria, recognizing that her conflict with Serbia has assumed character of question of European interest, declares herself ready to eliminate from her ultimatum points which violate principle of sovereignty of Serbia, Russia engages to stop all military preparations.'

“如果奥地利认识到她与塞尔维亚的冲突已经具有欧洲利益问题的性质，并宣布准备从最后通牒中消除违反塞尔维亚主权原则的内容，那么俄罗斯将停止一切军事准备。”

"Preparations for general mobilization will be proceeded with if this proposal is rejected by Austria, and inevitable result will be a European war.

“如果这一提议被奥地利拒绝，将进行总动员的准备工作，不可避免的结果将是欧洲战争。

Excitement here has reached such a pitch that, if Austria refuses to make a concession, Russia cannot hold back, and now that she knows that Germany is arming, she can hardly postpone, for strategical reasons, converting partial into general mobilization."

这里的兴奋程度已经达到了这样的程度，如果奥地利拒绝做出让步，俄罗斯就无法阻止，而现在她知道德国正在武装，出于战略原因，她很难推迟将部分动员转变为全面动员。”

Ambassador Goschen telegraphed from Berlin to Grey:

戈申大使从柏林致电格雷：

"Secretary of State [Von Jagow] informs me that immediately on receipt of Prince Lichnowsky's [German Ambassador in London] telegram recording his last conversation with you he asked Austro-Hungarian Government whether they would be willing to accept mediation on basis of occupation by Austrian troops of Belgrade or some other point and issue their conditions from here.

“国务卿[冯·贾戈]告诉我，在收到利希诺夫斯基王子[德国驻伦敦大使]记录他与您最后一次谈话的电报后，他立即询问奥匈政府是否愿意接受奥地利军队占领贝尔格莱德或其他地点的调解，并从这里提出条件。

He has up till now received no reply, but he fears Russian mobilization against Austria will have increased difficulties, as Austria-Hungary, who has as yet only mobilized against Serbia, will probably find it necessary also against Russia.

到目前为止，他还没有收到任何答复，但他担心俄罗斯动员起来对抗奥地利会遇到更多困难，因为奥匈帝国目前只动员起来对抗塞尔维亚，很可能会发现也有必要动员起来对抗俄罗斯。

Secretary of State says if you can succeed in getting Russia to agree to above basis for an arrangement and in persuading her in the meantime to take no steps which might be regarded as an act of aggression against Austria he still sees some chance that European peace may be preserved.

国务卿表示，如果能够成功地让俄罗斯同意上述安排的基础，并同时说服她不要采取可能被视为对奥地利的侵略行为的步骤，他仍然认为欧洲和平可能得到维护。

"He begged me to impress on you difficulty of Germany's position in view of Russian mobilization and military measures which he hears are being taken in France.

“他恳求我让你们了解德国在俄罗斯的动员和他听说法国正在采取的军事措施方面所持的立场的困难。

Beyond recall of officers on leave--a measure which had been officially taken after, and not before, visit of French Ambassador [Jules Cambon] yesterday--Imperial Government had done nothing special in way of military preparations.

除了召回休假军官之外——这是在法国大使[儒勒·康邦]昨天访问之后而不是之前正式采取的措施——帝国政府在军事准备方面没有做任何特别的事情。

Something, however, would have soon to be done, for it might be too late, and when they mobilized they would have to mobilize on three sides.

然而，很快就会采取一些行动，因为可能为时已晚，当他们动员起来时，他们将不得不从三个方面动员起来。

He regretted this, as he knew France did not desire war, but it would be a military necessity.

他对此感到遗憾，因为他知道法国并不希望战争，但这是军事上的必要。

"His excellency added that telegram received from Prince Lichnowsky last night contains matter which he had heard with regret, but not exactly with surprise, and at all events he thoroughly appreciated frankness and loyalty with which you had spoken.

“阁下补充说，昨晚从利希诺夫斯基亲王那里收到的电报中包含了他听到时感到遗憾的事情，但并不完全感到惊讶，无论如何，他非常赞赏你所说的坦率和忠诚。

"He also told me that this telegram had only reached Berlin very late last night; had it been received earlier chancellor would, of course, not have spoken to me in the way he had done."

“他还告诉我，这封电报昨晚很晚才到达柏林；如果早点收到的话，财政大臣当然不会像他那样对我说话。”

Ambassador Bertie telegraphed from Paris to Grey the report of Germany's request to Russia to be informed on what conditions Russia would consent to demobilization.

伯蒂大使从巴黎向格雷发电报，报告德国要求俄罗斯了解俄罗斯同意复员的条件。

"The answer given is that she agrees to do so on condition that Austria-Hungary gives an assurance that she will respect the sovereignty of Serbia and submit certain of the demands of the Austrian note, which Serbia has not accepted, to an international discussion."

“给出的答案是，她同意这样做，条件是奥匈帝国保证她将尊重塞尔维亚的主权，并将奥地利照会中的某些要求提交给国际讨论，而塞尔维亚尚未接受这些要求。”

SIR EDWARD GREY REFUSES TERMS OF NEUTRALITY

爱德华·格雷爵士拒绝中立条款

Grey telegraphed to Ambassador Goschen at Berlin in answer to his telegram of July 29:

格雷在 7 月 29 日致电柏林大使戈申，回复他的电报：

"His Majesty's Government cannot for a moment entertain the Chancellor's proposal that they should bind themselves to neutrality on such terms.

“国王陛下的政府暂时不能接受总理的建议，即他们应该在这种条件下保持中立。

"What he asks us in effect is to engage to stand by while French colonies are taken and France is beaten, so long as Germany does not take French territory as distinct from the colonies.

“他实际上要求我们在法国殖民地被占领、法国被打败时袖手旁观，只要德国不将法国领土与殖民地区分开来。

"From the material point of view such a proposal is unacceptable, for France, without further territory in Europe being taken from her, could be so crushed as to lose her position as a great power, and become subordinate to German policy.

“从实质角度来看，这样的提议是不可接受的，因为法国如果不从她手中夺走更多的欧洲领土，就可能会被压垮，从而失去大国地位，并屈服于德国政策。

"Altogether apart from that, it would be a disgrace for us to make this bargain with Germany at the expense of France, a disgrace from which the good name of this country would never recover.

“除此之外，以牺牲法国为代价与德国达成这项协议对我们来说将是一种耻辱，这个国家的好名声将永远无法恢复。

"The chancellor also in effect asks us to bargain away whatever obligation or interest we have as regards the neutrality of Belgium.

“财政大臣实际上还要求我们放弃我们对比利时中立性的任何义务或利益。

We could not entertain that bargain either.

我们也不能接受这个讨价还价。

"Having said so much it is unnecessary to examine whether the prospect of a future general neutrality agreement between England and Germany offered positive advantages sufficient to compensate us for tying our hands now.

“说了这么多，没有必要去研究英国和德国未来达成全面中立协议的前景是否提供了足以补偿我们现在束手无策的积极优势。

We must preserve our full freedom to act as circumstances may seem to us to require in any such unfavorable and regrettable development of the present crisis as the chancellor contemplates.

我们必须保留充分的自由，根据我们认为的情况采取行动，以应对当前危机的任何不利和令人遗憾的发展，如总理所考虑的那样。

"You should speak to the chancellor in the above sense, and add most earnestly that the one way of maintaining the good relations between England and Germany is that they should continue to work together to preserve the peace of Europe; if we succeeded in this object, the mutual relations of Germany and England will, I believe, be _ipso facto_ improved and strengthened.

“你应该从上述意义上向财政大臣讲话，并最诚恳地补充说，维持英国和德国之间良好关系的一个方法是，他们应该继续共同努力，维护欧洲的和平；如果我们成功实现这一目标，我相信，德国和英国的相互关系将得到改善和加强。

For that object his majesty's Government will work in that way with all sincerity and good will.

为了这一目标，国王陛下的政府将满怀诚意和善意地以此方式开展工作。

"And I will say this: If the peace of Europe can be preserved, and the present crisis safely passed, my own endeavor will be to promote some arrangement to which Germany could be a party, by which she could be assured that no aggressive or hostile policy would be pursued against her or her Allies by France, Russia, and ourselves, jointly or separately.

“我要说的是：如果欧洲的和平能够得到维护，当前的危机能够安全度过，我自己将努力推动某种安排，让德国成为其中的一方，通过这种安排，她可以放心，法国、俄罗斯和我们自己，无论是联合还是单独，都不会针对她或她的盟友采取侵略或敌对政策。

I have desired this and worked for it, as far as I could, through the last Balkan crisis, and, Germany having a corresponding object, our relations sensibly improved.

在上次巴尔干危机中，我一直希望实现这一目标，并尽我所能为之努力，而且，德国也有相应的目标，我们的关系明显得到改善。

The idea has hitherto been too Utopian to form the subject of definite proposals, but if this present crisis, so much more acute than any that Europe has gone through for generations, be safely passed, I am hopeful that the relief and reaction which will follow may make possible some more definite rapprochement between the powers than has been possible hitherto."

迄今为止，这一想法过于乌托邦，无法成为明确建议的主题，但如果这场比欧洲几代人经历过的任何一场危机都要严重得多的当前危机能够安全度过，我希望随之而来的缓解和反应可能会使大国之间实现比迄今为止更明确的和解。”

Grey telegraphed Ambassador Buchanan at St. Petersburg:

格雷给圣彼得堡大使布坎南发电报：

"German Ambassador [Prince Lichnowsky] informs me that German Government would endeavor to influence Austria, after taking Belgrade and Serbian territory in region of frontier, to promise not to advance further, while powers endeavored to arrange that Serbia should give satisfaction sufficient to pacify Austria.

“德国大使（利希诺夫斯基亲王）告诉我，在占领贝尔格莱德和塞尔维亚边境地区领土后，德国政府将努力影响奥地利，使其承诺不再进一步推进，而列强则努力安排塞尔维亚给予足以安抚奥地利的满足。

Territory occupied would of course be evacuated when Austria was satisfied.

当奥地利满意时，占领的领土当然会被撤离。

I suggested this yesterday as a possible relief to the situation, and, if it can be obtained, I would earnestly hope that it might be agreed to suspend further military preparations on all sides.

我昨天提出这一建议是为了缓解局势，如果能够实现，我真诚地希望各方能够同意暂停进一步的军事准备。

"Russian Ambassador [Count Benckendorff] has told me of condition laid down by M.

“俄罗斯大使[本肯多夫伯爵]已经告诉我M. 提出的条件。

Sazonof [Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs], as quoted in your telegram of July 30, and fears it cannot be modified; but if Austrian advance were stopped after occupation of Belgrade, I think Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs' formula might be changed to read that the powers would examine how Serbia could fully satisfy Austria without impairing Serbian sovereign rights or independence.

萨佐诺夫（俄罗斯外交部长），如贵方 7 月 30 日电报中所引述，并担心其无法修改；但如果奥地利在占领贝尔格莱德后停止前进，我认为俄罗斯外交部长的方案可能会改为：各国将研究塞尔维亚如何在不损害塞尔维亚主权或独立的情况下充分满足奥地利的要求。

"If Austria, having occupied Belgrade and neighboring Serbian territory declares herself ready, in the interest of European peace, to cease her advance and to discuss how a complete settlement can be arrived at, I hope that Russia would also consent to discussion and suspension of further military preparations, provided that other powers did the same.

“如果占领了贝尔格莱德和邻近塞尔维亚领土的奥地利宣布，为了欧洲和平的利益，准备停止前进并讨论如何达成全面解决方案，我希望俄罗斯也同意讨论并暂停进一步的军事准备，前提是其他国家也这样做。

"It is a slender chance of preserving peace, but the only one I can suggest if Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs can come to no agreement at Berlin.

“维护和平的机会很小，但如果俄罗斯外交部长不能在柏林达成协议，我只能建议这一点。

You should inform Minister for Foreign Affairs"

你应该通知外交部长”

Grey wrote Ambassador Bertie at Paris enclosing a copy of a letter he had written to Paul Cambon, French Ambassador at London, on November 22, 1912, and of the agreement of which M.

格雷写信给驻巴黎的伯蒂大使，附上他于 1912 年 11 月 22 日写给法国驻伦敦大使保罗·坎本 (Paul Cambon) 的一封信的副本，以及格雷先生与他达成的协议。

Cambon had just reminded him.

康朋刚刚提醒过他。

The letter was as follows:

信内容如下：

"From time to time in recent years the French and British naval and military experts have consulted together.

“近年来，法国和英国的海军和军事专家不时进行磋商。

It has always been understood that such consultation does not restrict the freedom of either Government to decide at any future time whether or not to assist the other by armed force.

人们一直认为，这种协商并不限制任何一方政府在未来任何时间决定是否以武力协助另一方的自由。

We have agreed that consultation between experts is not, and ought not to be regarded as, an engagement that commits either Government to action in a contingency that has not arisen and may never arise.

我们一致认为，专家之间的磋商不是也不应被视为让任一政府承诺在尚未发生或可能永远不会发生的意外情况下采取行动的承诺。

The disposition, for instance, of the French and British fleets respectively at the present moment is not based upon an engagement to cooperate in war.

例如，法国和英国舰队目前各自的部署并不是基于战争合作的承诺。

"You have, however, pointed out that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, it might become essential to know whether it could in that event depend upon the armed assistance of the other.

"然而，你指出，如果任一政府有充分理由预计第三国会无端发动袭击，那么了解在这种情况下它是否可以依赖另一国的武装援助可能就变得至关重要。

"I agree that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, or something that threatened the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other whether both Governments should act together to prevent aggression and to preserve peace, and, if so, what measures they would be prepared to take in common.

“我同意，如果任何一方政府有充分理由预计第三国会无端发动攻击，或发生威胁普遍和平的事情，则应立即与另一方讨论两国政府是否应共同采取行动防止侵略和维护和平，如果是的话，他们将准备采取哪些共同措施。

If these measures involved action, the plans of the General Staffs would at once be taken into consideration, and the Governments would then decide what effect should be given to them."

如果这些措施涉及行动，总参谋部的计划将立即得到考虑，然后政府将决定应给予这些措施什么效果。”

Ambassador Goschen telegraphed from Berlin to Sir Edward Grey:

戈申大使从柏林致电爱德华·格雷爵士：

"The Chancellor [Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg] told me last night that he was 'pressing the button' as hard as he could, and that he was not sure whether he had not gone so far in urging moderation at Vienna that matters had been precipitated rather than otherwise."

“财政大臣（冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格博士）昨晚告诉我，他正在尽其所能地‘按下按钮’，他不确定自己在维也纳敦促温和政策是否走得太远，以致事情已经加速，而不是相反。”

_France._ M.

_法国._ M.

Viviani, Prime Minister, informed the Ambassadors at St. Petersburg and London that Germany had notified Russia of her decision to mobilize unless Russia ceased her military preparations.

总理维维亚尼通知驻圣彼得堡和伦敦的大使，德国已通知俄罗斯，除非俄罗斯停止军事准备，否则德国将决定进行动员。

"M.

“M。

Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, declares that in these circumstances Russia can only expedite her arming and consider war as imminent; that she counts on the help of France as an ally; and that she considers it desirable that England should join Russia and France without loss of time.

俄罗斯外长萨佐诺夫宣称，在这种情况下，俄罗斯只能加快武装，认为战争一触即发；她指望法国作为盟友提供帮助；她认为英国应该立即加入俄罗斯和法国。

"France is resolved to fulfill all the obligations of her alliance.

“法国决心履行其联盟的所有义务。

"She will not neglect, however, any effort toward a solution of the conflict in the interests of universal peace.

“然而，她不会忽视为了普遍和平的利益而解决冲突的任何努力。

The conversation entered into between the powers which are less directly interested still allows of the hope that peace may be preserved; I therefore think it would be well that, in taking any precautionary measures of defense, which Russia thinks must go on, she should not immediately take any step which may offer to Germany a pretext for a total or partial mobilization of her forces.

不太直接相关的国家之间进行的对话仍然带来了维护和平的希望；因此，我认为，在采取俄罗斯认为必须继续的任何预防性防御措施时，最好不要立即采取任何可能为德国提供全部或部分动员其部队的借口的步骤。

"Yesterday, in the late afternoon, the German Ambassador [Baron von Schoen] spoke to me of the military measures which the Government of the republic were taking, adding that France was able to act in this way, but that in Germany preparations could not be secret and that French opinion should not be alarmed if Germany decided on them.

“昨天下午晚些时候，德国大使[冯·舍恩男爵]向我谈到了共和国政府正在采取的军事措施，并补充说，法国可以采取这种行动，但德国的准备工作不能是秘密的，如果德国决定采取这些措施，法国舆论不应感到惊慌。

"I answered that the French Government had not taken any step which could give their neighbors any cause for disquietude, and that their wish to lend themselves to any negotiations for the purpose of maintaining peace could not be doubted."

“我回答说，法国政府没有采取任何可能给邻国带来任何不安的步骤，而且他们愿意参与任何旨在维护和平的谈判的愿望是不容怀疑的。”

Ambassador Paléologue reported from St. Petersburg that, in deference to the desire of M.

帕莱奥洛大使从圣彼得堡报告说，为了尊重 M.

Viviani, no pretext be offered Germany for general mobilization, the Russian General Staff had suspended all measures of military precaution.

维维亚尼，德国没有任何借口进行总动员，俄罗斯总参谋部已暂停所有军事预防措施。

"Yesterday the chief of the staff sent for the Military Attaché of the German Embassy and gave him his word of honor that the mobilization ordered this morning was exclusively directed against Austria.

“昨天，参谋长派人召见了德国大使馆的武官，并向他保证，今天早上下令的动员行动专门针对奥地利。

"Nevertheless, from an interview which he had this afternoon with Count Pourtalès [German Ambassador], M.

“尽管如此，从今天下午他与普塔莱斯伯爵（德国大使）的采访来看，M.

Sazonof was forced to the conclusion that Germany does not wish to pronounce at Vienna the decisive word which would safeguard peace.

萨佐诺夫被迫得出这样的结论：德国不希望在维也纳宣布维护和平的决定性话语。

The Emperor Nicholas has received the same impression from an exchange of telegrams which he has just had personally with the Emperor William.

尼古拉斯皇帝在他刚刚与威廉皇帝亲自交换的电报中也得到了同样的印象。

"Moreover, the Russian General Staff and Admiralty have received disquieting information concerning the preparations of the German army and navy.

“此外，俄罗斯总参谋部和海军部收到了有关德国陆军和海军准备情况的令人不安的信息。

"In giving me this information Mr. Sazonof added that the Russian Government are continuing none the less their efforts toward conciliation.

“萨佐诺夫先生在向我提供这一信息时补充说，俄罗斯政府仍在继续努力进行和解。

He repeated to me: 'I shall continue to negotiate until the last moment.'"

他对我重复道：‘我将继续谈判直到最后一刻。’”

Ambassador Jules Cambon reported from Berlin of the official recall of the press announcement of German mobilization, but added that his apprehension of the plans of Germany was not diminished thereby.

儒勒·康邦大使从柏林报道了官方召回德国动员新闻公告的消息，但他补充说，他对德国计划的担忧并未因此而减弱。

"It seems certain that the Extraordinary Council held yesterday evening at Potsdam with the military authorities under the presidency of the emperor decided on mobilization, and this explains the preparation of the special edition of the 'Lokal Anzeiger,' but that from various causes (the declaration of Great Britain that she reserved her entire liberty of action, the exchange of telegrams between the czar and William II) the serious measures which had been decided upon were suspended.

“似乎可以肯定的是，昨天晚上在波茨坦举行的由皇帝主持的军事当局特别委员会决定进行动员，这解释了《地方评论》特别版的编写，但由于各种原因（英国宣布保留全部行动自由、沙皇和威廉二世之间的电报交换），已决定的严肃措施被暂停。

"One of the ambassadors with whom I have very close relations saw Herr von Zimmermann at two o'clock.

“与我关系非常密切的一位大使在两点钟见到了冯·齐默尔曼先生。

According to the Under-Secretary of State, the military authorities are very anxious that mobilization should be ordered, because every delay makes Germany lose some of her advantages.

这位副国务卿表示，军事当局非常渴望下令动员，因为每一次拖延都会让德国失去一些优势。

Nevertheless, up to the present time the haste of the General Staff, which sees war in mobilization, had been successfully prevented.

尽管如此，到目前为止，已经成功地阻止了总参谋部的匆忙动员。

In any case mobilization may be decided upon at any moment.

无论如何，可以随时决定动员。

I do not know who has issued in the 'Lokal Anzeiger,' a paper which is usually semiofficial, premature news calculated to cause excitement in France.

我不知道是谁在《Lokal Anzeiger》上发表的，这份报纸通常是半官方的、不成熟的新闻，旨在在法国引起轰动。

"Further, I have the strongest reasons to believe that all the measures for mobilization which can be taken before the publication of the general order have already been taken here, and that they are anxious here to make us publish our mobilization first in order to attribute the responsibility to us."

“此外，我有最充分的理由相信，在总令公布之前可以采取的所有动员措施都已经在这里采取了，他们在这里急于让我们先公布我们的动员行动，以便将责任归咎于我们。”

M。

Viviani instructed Ambassador Paul Cambon at London to inform Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, of the following facts of French and German military preparations, to show that, "if France is resolved, it is not she who is taking aggressive steps."

维维亚尼指示驻伦敦大使保罗·坎本向英国外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士通报以下法国和德国军事准备的事实，以表明“如果法国下定决心，那么采取侵略性行动的就不是她”。

"Although Germany has made her covering dispositions a few hundred meters from the frontier, along the whole front from Luxemburg to the Vosges, and has transported her covering troops to their war positions, we have kept our troops ten kilometers from the frontier and forbidden them to approach nearer.

“虽然德国在从卢森堡到孚日山脉的整条战线上，将掩护部署部署在距离边境几百米的地方，并将掩护部队运送到他们的作战阵地，但我们却让我们的部队远离边境十公里，并禁止他们靠近。

"By leaving a strip of territory undefended against sudden aggression of the enemy, the Government of the republic hopes to prove that France does not bear, any more than Russia, the responsibility for the attack.

“通过留下一片不设防的领土来抵御敌人的突然侵略，共和国政府希望证明法国和俄罗斯一样不承担这次袭击的责任。

"In order to be convinced of this, it is sufficient to compare the steps taken on the two sides of our frontier; in France soldiers who were on leave were not recalled until we were certain that Germany had done so five days before.

“为了确信这一点，比较一下我们边境两侧所采取的步骤就足够了；在法国，直到我们确定德国五天前就召回了正在休假的士兵，才召回了他们。

"In Germany, not only have the garrison troops of Metz been pushed up to the frontier, but they have been reenforced by units transported by train from garrisons of the interior such as Trèves or Cologne; nothing like this has been done in France.

“在德国，不仅梅斯的驻军被推到边境，而且他们还得到了从特雷夫或科隆等内陆驻军通过火车运来的部队的增援；在法国却没有这样做过。

"The arming of the frontier defenses (clearing of trees, placing of armament, construction of batteries, and strengthening of wire entanglements) was begun in Germany on Saturday, the 25th; with us it is going to be begun, for France can no longer refrain from taking similar measures.

“德国于 25 日星期六开始武装边境防御工事（清理树木、放置武器、建造炮台和加固铁丝网）；我们将开始这样做，因为法国不能再不采取类似的措施。

"The railway stations were occupied by the military in Germany on Saturday, the 25th; in France on Tuesday, the 28th.

“德国的火车站于25日星期六被军队占领；法国的火车站于28日星期二被军队占领。

"Finally, in Germany the reservists by tens of thousands have been recalled by individual summons, those living abroad (the classes of 1903 to 1911) have been recalled, the officers of reserve have been summoned; in the interior the roads are closed, motor cars only circulate with permits.

“最后，在德国，数以万计的预备役军人被单独召回，那些生活在国外的人（1903年至1911年的阶级）被召回，预备役军官被召集；内地道路封闭，机动车只有在获得许可的情况下才能通行。

It is the last stage before mobilization.

这是动员前的最后阶段。

None of these measures has been taken in France.

法国尚未采取这些措施。

"The German army has its outposts on our frontier; on two occasions yesterday German patrols penetrated our territory.

“德国军队在我们的边境设有前哨基地；昨天德国巡逻队两次侵入我们的领土。

The whole Sixteenth Army Corps from Metz, reenforced by part of the Eighth from Trèves and Cologne, occupies the frontier from Metz to Luxemburg; the Fifteenth Army Corps from Strassburg is massed on the frontier.

来自梅斯的整个第十六军团，在来自特雷夫和科隆的第八军团的一部分的增援下，占领了从梅斯到卢森堡的边境；来自斯特拉斯堡的第十五军团集结在边境。

"Under penalty of being shot, the inhabitants of the annexed parts of Alsace-Lorraine are forbidden to cross the frontier."

“阿尔萨斯-洛林被吞并地区的居民被禁止越过边境，否则将受到枪杀。”

FRIDAY, JULY 31, 1914

1914 年 7 月 31 日，星期五

_Austria-Hungary._ On the following day Count Berchtold, Minister for Foreign Affairs, telegraphed the ambassador at Berlin, Count Szögyény, an account of the discussion on the 30th inst.

_奥匈帝国._ 第二天，外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵向驻柏林大使索吉尼伯爵发电报，报告了第 30 届会议的讨论情况。

between Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and the German Ambassador in London, Prince Lichnowsky.

英国外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士和德国驻伦敦大使利希诺夫斯基亲王之间的会议。

The ambassador was instructed to thank Secretary of State von Jagow for communications made to Austria-Hungary

大使奉命感谢国务卿冯雅高与奥匈帝国的通信

"and to declare to him that in spite of the change in the situation which has since arisen through the mobilization of Russia, we are quite prepared to entertain the proposal of Sir Edward Grey to negotiate between us and Serbia.

“并向他宣布，尽管由于俄罗斯的动员，局势发生了变化，但我们完全准备好接受爱德华·格雷爵士在我们和塞尔维亚之间进行谈判的建议。

"The conditions of our acceptance are, nevertheless, that our military action against Serbia should continue to take its course, and that the British Cabinet should move the Russian Government to bring to a standstill the Russian mobilization which is directed against us, in which case, of course, we will also at once cancel the defensive military countermeasures in Galicia, which are occasioned by the Russian attitude."

“尽管如此，我们接受的条件是，我们对塞尔维亚的军事行动应继续进行，英国内阁应敦促俄罗斯政府停止针对我们的俄罗斯动员，当然，在这种情况下，我们也会立即取消因俄罗斯态度而在加利西亚采取的防御性军事反制措施。”

Ambassador Szápáry telegraphed from St. Petersburg:

萨帕里大使从圣彼得堡发来电报：

"The order for the general mobilization of the entire [Russian] army and fleet was issued early to-day."

“今天早些时候发布了对整个[俄罗斯]陆军和舰队进行总动员的命令。”

Count Berchtold notified the Austro-Hungarian representatives abroad:

贝希托尔德伯爵通知奥匈帝国驻外代表：

"As mobilization has been ordered by the Russian Government on our frontier, we find ourselves obliged to take military measures in Galicia.

“由于俄罗斯政府已下令在我们边境进行动员，我们发现自己有义务在加利西亚采取军事措施。

"These measures are purely of a defensive character and arise exclusively under the pressure of the Russian measures, which we regret exceedingly, as we ourselves have no aggressive intentions of any kind against Russia, and desire the continuation of the former neighborly relations.

“这些措施纯粹是防御性的，完全是在俄罗斯措施的压力下采取的，我们对此感到非常遗憾，因为我们自己没有针对俄罗斯的任何侵略意图，并希望继续维持以前的睦邻关系。

"_Pourparlers_ between the Cabinets at Vienna and St. Petersburg appropriate to the situation are meanwhile being continued, and from these we hope that things will quiet down all around."

“与此同时，维也纳内阁和圣彼得堡内阁之间根据情况进行的交流仍在继续，我们希望一切能够平静下来。”

Ambassador Szécsen telegraphed from Paris that the German Ambassador had officially declared to France

塞森大使从巴黎电报德国大使已正式向法国宣布

"that if the general mobilization ordered by the Russian Government is not stopped within twelve hours, Germany also will mobilize.

“如果俄罗斯政府下令的总动员在十二小时内不停止，德国也将动员。

At the same time Baron Schoen has asked whether France will remain neutral in the event of a war between Germany and Russia.

与此同时，舍恩男爵询问，如果德国和俄罗斯发生战争，法国是否会保持中立。

An answer to this is requested within eighteen hours.

要求在十八小时内对此作出答复。

The time limit expires to-morrow (Saturday) at one o'clock in the afternoon."

时间限制将于明天（周六）下午一点到期。”

Ambassador Szápáry telegraphed from St. Petersburg that he had resumed conversations with M.

萨帕里大使从圣彼得堡发来电报说，他已恢复与 M.

Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, but that the "points of view on the two sides had not materially approximated to each other."

俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫表示，“双方的观点在实质上并不相似”。

"Meanwhile, however, it has appeared from the conversations between the German Ambassador [Count Pourtalès] and M.

“然而，与此同时，从德国大使 [Count Pourtalès] 和 M. 之间的对话中可以看出这一点。

Sazonof that Russia will not accept as satisfactory the formal declaration that Austria-Hungary will neither diminish the territory of the Serbian Kingdom nor infringe on Serbian sovereignty, nor injure Russian interests in the Balkans or elsewhere; since then, moreover, a general mobilization has been ordered on the part of Russia."

萨佐诺夫认为，俄罗斯不会满意地接受奥匈帝国既不会减少塞尔维亚王国领土、也不会侵犯塞尔维亚主权、也不会损害俄罗斯在巴尔干地区或其他地方的利益的正式声明；此外，从那时起，俄罗斯方面就下令进行总动员。”

FURTHER EXCHANGES BETWEEN WILLIAM AND NICHOLAS

威廉和尼古拉斯之间的进一步交流

_Germany._ The Czar sent the following telegram to William II:

_德国._ 沙皇向威廉二世发送了以下电报：

"I thank you cordially for your mediation, which permits the hope that everything may yet end peaceably.

“我衷心感谢你们的调解，这让我们希望一切都能和平结束。

It is technically impossible to discontinue our military preparations, which have been made necessary by the Austrian mobilization.

从技术上讲，我们不可能停止军事准备，而奥地利的动员则使军事准备工作变得必要。

It is far from us to want war.

想要战争离我们还很远。

As long as the negotiations between Austria and Serbia continue, my troops will undertake no provocative action.

只要奥地利和塞尔维亚之间的谈判继续进行，我的部队就不会采取任何挑衅行动。

I give you my solemn word thereon.

我向你郑重承诺。

I confide with all my faith in the grace of God, and I hope for the success of your mediation in Vienna for the welfare of our countries and the peace of Europe."

我对上帝的恩典充满信心，并希望你们在维也纳的调解能够成功，以促进我们各国的福祉和欧洲的和平。”

This telegram of the Czar crossed with the following sent by the Kaiser, at 2 p.

沙皇的这封电报与德皇下午 2 点发出的电报交叉在一起。

m.:

米：

"Upon your appeal to my friendship and your request for my aid, I have engaged in mediation between your Government and the Government of Austria-Hungary.

“应您向我提出友谊并请求我提供援助，我已在贵国政府和奥匈帝国政府之间进行调解。

While this action was taking place your troops were being mobilized against my ally, Austria-Hungary, whereby, as I have already communicated to you, my mediation has become almost illusory.

当这一行动发生时，你们的军队正在动员起来反对我的盟友奥匈帝国，正如我已经向你们传达的那样，我的调解几乎变得虚幻。

In spite of this I have continued it, and now I receive reliable news that serious preparations for war are going on on my eastern frontier.

尽管如此，我还是继续了下去，现在我收到可靠的消息，我的东部边境正在认真准备战争。

The responsibility for the security of my country forces me to measures of defense.

维护我国安全的责任迫使我采取防御措施。

I have gone to the extreme limit of the possible in my efforts for the preservation of the peace of the world.

为了维护世界和平，我已尽了最大努力。

It is not I who bear the responsibility for the misfortune which now threatens the entire civilized world.

现在威胁整个文明世界的不幸的责任不是我。

It rests in your hand to avert it.

它靠在你的手中来避免它。

No one threatens the honor and peace of Russia which might well have awaited the success of my mediation.

没有人威胁俄罗斯的荣誉与和平，俄罗斯很可能正在等待我的调解成功。

The friendship for you and your country, bequeathed to me by my grandfather on his deathbed, has always been sacred to me, and I have stood faithfully by Russia while it was in serious affliction, especially during its last war.

我的祖父在临终前留给我的对你和你的国家的友谊对我来说一直是神圣的，在俄罗斯遭受严重苦难时，特别是在上次战争期间，我一直忠实地支持俄罗斯。

The peace of Europe can still be preserved by you if Russia decides to discontinue those military preparations which menace Germany and Austria-Hungary."

如果俄罗斯决定停止威胁德国和奥匈帝国的军事准备，你们仍然可以维护欧洲的和平。”

_Germany._ Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg telegraphed to Ambassador Von Flotow at Rome:

_德国._冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格总理致电驻罗马大使冯·弗洛托：

"We have continued to negotiate between Russia and Austria-Hungary through a direct exchange of telegrams between his Majesty the Kaiser and his Majesty the Czar, as well as in conjunction with Sir Edward Grey.

“我们继续通过德皇陛下和沙皇陛下之间以及与爱德华·格雷爵士的直接电报交换，在俄罗斯和奥匈帝国之间进行谈判。

Through the mobilization of Russia all our efforts have been greatly handicapped, if they have not become impossible.

由于俄罗斯的动员，我们的所有努力都受到了极大的阻碍，即使它们没有变得不可能。

In spite of pacifying assurances Russia is taking such far-reaching measures against us that the situation is becoming continually menacing."

尽管做出了安抚性的保证，俄罗斯仍在对我们采取影响深远的措施，导致局势变得越来越危险。”

The Chancellor telegraphed to Ambassador Pourtalès at St. Petersburg:

总理致电驻圣彼得堡的普尔塔莱斯大使：

"In spite of negotiations still pending, and although we have up to this hour made no preparations for mobilization, Russia has mobilized her _entire_ army and navy, hence also against us.

“尽管谈判仍悬而未决，尽管我们到目前为止还没有做好动员准备，但俄罗斯已经动员了她的整个陆军和海军，因此也针对我们。

On account of these Russian measures we have been forced, for the safety of the country, to proclaim the threatening state of war, which does not yet imply mobilization.

由于俄罗斯的这些措施，为了国家的安全，我们被迫宣布危险的战争状态，但这并不意味着动员。

Mobilization, however, is bound to follow if Russia does not stop every measure of war against us and against Austria-Hungary within twelve hours, and notifies us definitely to this effect.

然而，如果俄罗斯不在十二小时内停止对我们和奥匈帝国的一切战争措施，并明确通知我们，那么动员必然会随之而来。

Please to communicate this at once to M.

请立即将此事传达给M。

Sazonof and wire hour of communication."

萨佐诺夫和有线通讯时间。”

The German White Book states that Count Pourtalès delivered the note at midnight of this day (July 31).

德国白皮书称，普塔莱斯伯爵于当天午夜（7 月 31 日）交付了这张纸条。

"The reply of the Russian Government has _never_ reached us.

“我们从未收到过俄罗斯政府的答复。

"_Two hours after the expiration of the time limit_ the czar telegraphed the kaiser as follows:

“_时限到期后两小时_沙皇给德皇电报如下：

"I have received your telegram.

“我已经收到你的电报了。

I comprehend that you are forced to mobilize, but I should like to have from you the same guaranty which I have given to you, viz., that these measures do not mean war, and that we shall continue to negotiate for the welfare of our two countries and the universal peace which is so dear to our hearts.

我理解你们被迫动员起来，但我希望你们能做出我向你们提供的同样的保证，即这些措施并不意味着战争，我们将继续为我们两国的福祉和我们所珍视的普遍和平进行谈判。

With the aid of God it must be possible to our long-tried friendship to prevent the shedding of blood.

在上帝的帮助下，我们长久以来的友谊一定能够避免流血事件。

I expect with full confidence your urgent reply."

我满怀信心地期待您的紧急答复。”

The Chancellor telegraphed to Ambassador Schoen at Paris:

总理致电巴黎舍恩大使：

"Russia has ordered mobilization of her entire army and fleet, therefore also against us in spite of our still pending mediation.

“俄罗斯已下令动员其全部陆军和舰队，因此也是针对我们的，尽管我们仍在进行调解。

We have, therefore, declared the threatening state of war which is bound to be followed by mobilization unless Russia stops within twelve hours all measures of war against us and Austria.

因此，我们宣布了威胁性战争状态，除非俄罗斯在十二小时内停止对我们和奥地利的一切战争措施，否则必然会进行动员。

Mobilization inevitably implies war.

动员不可避免地意味着战争。

Please ask French Government whether it intends to remain neutral in a Russo-German war.

请询问法国政府是否打算在俄德战争中保持中立。

Reply must be made in eighteen hours.

必须在十八小时内回复。

Wire at once hour of inquiry.

查询时立即电汇。

Utmost speed necessary."

需要最快的速度。”

William II telegraphed to George V of Great Britain:

威廉二世致电英国乔治五世：

"Many thanks for your friendly communication.

“非常感谢您的友好沟通。

Your proposals coincide with my ideas and with the communication which I have this evening received from Vienna, and which I have passed on to London.

你们的建议与我的想法以及今晚我从维也纳收到并已转达伦敦的通讯一致。

I have just heard from the chancellor that intelligence has just reached him that Nicholas this evening has ordered the mobilization of his entire army and fleet.

我刚刚从总理那里得知，尼古拉斯今晚已下令动员他的全部陆军和舰队。

He has not even awaited the result of the mediation in which I am engaged, and he has left me completely without information.

他甚至没有等到我所参与的调解结果，就完全没有向我透露任何信息。

I am traveling to Berlin to assure the safety of my eastern frontier, where strong Russian forces have already taken up their position."

我前往柏林是为了确保东部边境的安全，强大的俄罗斯军队已经占据了那里的阵地。”

_Russia._ M.

_俄罗斯._ M.

Schebeko, Ambassador at Vienna, telegraphed to M.

驻维也纳大使谢贝克致电 M.

Sazonof, Minister for Foreign Affairs at St. Petersburg:

圣彼得堡外交部长萨佐诺夫：

"In spite of the general mobilization, my exchange of views with Count Berchtold and his colleagues continues.

“尽管进行了全面动员，我仍然与贝希托尔德伯爵及其同事交换了意见。

They all dwell upon the absence on Austria's part of any hostile intentions whatsoever against Russia, and of any designs of conquest at the expense of Serbia, but they are all equally insistent that Austria is bound to carry through the action which she has begun and to give Serbia a serious lesson, which would constitute a sure guaranty for the future."

他们都强调奥地利没有任何针对俄罗斯的敌对意图，也没有任何以牺牲塞尔维亚为代价进行征服的计划，但他们都同样坚持认为，奥地利有义务执行她已经开始的行动，给塞尔维亚一个严肃的教训，这将为未来提供可靠的保障。”

_Great Britain._ Ambassador Goschen telegraphed to Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs:

_大不列颠._戈申大使致电外交部长爱德华·格雷爵士：

"The [German] Chancellor [Bethmann-Hollweg] informs me that his efforts to preach peace and moderation at Vienna have been seriously handicapped by the Russian mobilization against Austria.

“[德国]总理[贝特曼-霍尔韦格]告诉我，他在维也纳宣扬和平与温和的努力因俄罗斯针对奥地利的动员而受到严重阻碍。

He has done everything possible to attain his object at Vienna, perhaps even rather more than was altogether palatable at the Ballplatz.

为了在维也纳实现自己的目标，他竭尽全力，甚至可能比在舞厅广场上所能达到的目标还要多。

He could not, however, leave his country defenseless while time was being utilized by other powers; and if, as he learns the case, military measures are now being taken by Russia against Germany also, it would be impossible for him to remain quiet.

然而，当时间被其他势力利用时，他不能让自己的国家毫无防备。如果正如他了解到的情况那样，俄罗斯现在也对德国采取军事措施，他就不可能保持沉默。

He wished to tell me that it was quite possible that in a very short time, to-day perhaps, the German Government would take some very serious step; he was, in fact, just on the point of going to have an audience with the emperor.

他想告诉我，德国政府很有可能在很短的时间内，也许今天，采取一些非常严肃的步骤；事实上，他正要去觐见皇帝。

"His excellency added that the news of the active preparations on the Russo-German frontier had reached him just when the czar had appealed to the emperor, in the name of their old friendship, to mediate at Vienna, and when the emperor was actually conforming to that request."

“阁下补充说，当沙皇以老友谊的名义向皇帝请求在维也纳进行调解时，他就得到了俄德边境积极准备的消息，而皇帝实际上也同意了这一请求。”

Grey telegraphed to Ambassador Buchanan at St. Petersburg that a conversation had taken place between Austria and Russia at Vienna, and that one at St. Petersburg had been authorized by the Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Count Berchtold, in which Austria would explain the ultimatum to Serbia and discuss any questions directly affecting Austro-Russian relations.

格雷电告驻圣彼得堡的布坎南大使，称奥地利和俄罗斯已在维也纳进行了一次对话，而在圣彼得堡的对话已得到奥地利外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵的授权，奥地利将在对话中向塞尔维亚解释最后通牒，并讨论任何直接影响奥俄关系的问题。

"I informed the German Ambassador that, as regards military preparations, I did not see how Russia could be urged to suspend them unless some limit were put by Austria to the advance of her troops into Serbia."

“我告诉德国大使，就军事准备而言，我不认为如何敦促俄罗斯暂停军事准备，除非奥地利对其军队进入塞尔维亚施加一些限制。”

Grey telegraphed to Ambassador Goschen at Berlin his hope for a satisfactory result from the Austro-Russian conversations.

格雷向柏林的戈申大使发电报，希望奥俄对话能够取得令人满意的结果。

"The stumblingblock hitherto has been Austrian mistrust of Serbian assurances, and Russian mistrust of Austrian intentions with regard to the independence and integrity of Serbia.

“迄今为止的绊脚石是奥地利对塞尔维亚保证的不信任，俄罗斯对奥地利关于塞尔维亚独立和完整的意图的不信任。

It has occurred to me that, in the event of this mistrust preventing a solution being found by Vienna and St. Petersburg, Germany might sound Vienna, and I would undertake to sound St. Petersburg, whether it would be possible for the four disinterested powers to offer to Austria that they would undertake to see that she obtained full satisfaction of her demands on Serbia, provided that they did not impair Serbian sovereignty and the integrity of Serbian territory.

我想到，如果这种不信任阻碍了维也纳和圣彼得堡找到解决方案，德国可能会向维也纳发出声音，而我将承诺向圣彼得堡发出声音，这四个无私的国家是否有可能向奥地利提出，他们将承诺确保她完全满足其对塞尔维亚的要求，前提是这些要求不损害塞尔维亚主权和塞尔维亚领土的完整。

As your excellency is aware, Austria has already declared her willingness to respect them.

正如阁下所知，奥地利已经表示愿意尊重他们。

Russia might be informed by the four powers that they would undertake to prevent Austrian demands going the length of impairing Serbian sovereignty and integrity.

四个大国可能会通知俄罗斯，他们将承诺阻止奥地利的要求损害塞尔维亚的主权和完整。

All powers would of course suspend further military operations or preparations.

所有国家当然都会暂停进一步的军事行动或准备工作。

"You may sound the Secretary of State [Von Jagow] about this proposal.

“你可以向国务卿 [Von Jagow] 询问这项提议。

"I said to German Ambassador [Prince Lichnowsky] this morning that if Germany could get any reasonable proposal put forward which made it clear that Germany and Austria were striving to preserve European peace, and that Russia and France would be unreasonable if they rejected it, I would support it at St. Petersburg and Paris, and go the length of saying that if Russia and France would not accept it his majesty's Government would have nothing more to do with the consequences; but, otherwise, I told German Ambassador that if France became involved we should be drawn in.

“我今天早上对德国大使（利希诺夫斯基亲王）说，如果德国能够提出任何合理的建议，明确表明德国和奥地利正在努力维护欧洲和平，而俄罗斯和法国如果拒绝该建议将是不讲理的，我会在圣彼得堡和巴黎支持该建议，并详细说明，如果俄罗斯和法国不接受该建议，国王陛下的政府将不再承担后果；但是，除此之外，我告诉德国大使，如果法国介入其中我们应该被吸引进来。

"You can add this when sounding Chancellor [Bethmann-Hollweg] or Secretary of State as to proposal above."

“你可以在向财政大臣 [Bethmann-Hollweg] 或国务卿询问上述提案时添加这一点。”

Goschen telegraphed Grey that the whole Russian army and fleet were mobilizing, and that _Kriegsgefahr_ (imminence of war) will be proclaimed at once by Germany, as it can be only against her that Russian general mobilization is directed.

戈申电告格雷说，整个俄罗斯陆军和舰队正在动员，德国将立即宣布“Kriegsgefahr”（战争迫在眉睫），因为俄罗斯的总动员只能针对她。

German mobilization would follow almost immediately.

德国几乎立即动员起来。

Ambassador Buchanan telegraphed from St. Petersburg that Russian general mobilization had been ordered because of news from Vienna

布坎南大使从圣彼得堡发来电报称，由于来自维也纳的消息，俄罗斯已下令进行总动员

"that Austria is determined not to yield to intervention of powers, and that she is moving troops against Russia as well as against Serbia.

“奥地利决心不屈服于列强的干预，她正在向俄罗斯和塞尔维亚派遣军队。

"Russia has also reason to believe that Germany is making active military preparations, and she cannot afford to let her get a start."

“俄罗斯也有理由相信德国正在积极进行军事准备，不能让她动手。”

Grey telegraphed to Ambassador Bertie at Paris:

格雷致电驻巴黎大使伯蒂：

"I still trust that situation is not irretrievable, but in view of mobilization in Germany it becomes essential to his majesty's Government, in view of existing treaties, to ask whether French Government are prepared to engage to respect neutrality of Belgium so long as no other power violates it."

“我仍然相信这种情况并非无法挽回，但鉴于德国的动员，国王陛下的政府有必要根据现有条约询问法国政府是否准备好尊重比利时的中立性，只要没有其他国家违反它。”

The same telegram, with change of words, "French Government" to "German Government," was sent to Ambassador Goschen at Berlin.

同一份电报，用词从“法国政府”改为“德国政府”，被发送给驻柏林的戈申大使。

Grey asked Sir Francis Villiers, Ambassador at Brussels, to inform M.

格雷请驻布鲁塞尔大使弗朗西斯·维利尔斯爵士通知M·格雷。

Davignon, Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs, of these telegrams, and to say:

比利时外交部长达维尼翁收到这些电报并表示：

"I assume that the Belgian Government will maintain to the utmost of their power their neutrality, which I desire and expect other powers to uphold and observe."

“我认为比利时政府将尽最大努力保持中立，我希望并期望其他国家也能维护和遵守这一点。”

Grey telegraphed to Ambassador Bertie at Paris:

格雷致电驻巴黎大使伯蒂：

"Nobody here feels that in this dispute, so far as it has yet gone, British treaties or obligations are involved.

“到目前为止，这里没有人认为这场争端涉及英国的条约或义务。

Feeling is quite different from what it was during the Morocco question.

与摩洛哥问题时的感觉截然不同。

That crisis involved a dispute directly involving France, whereas in this case France is being drawn into a dispute which is not hers.

那场危机涉及直接涉及法国的争端，而在本案中，法国卷入了一场不属于法国的争端。

"I believe it to be quite untrue that our attitude has been a decisive factor in situation.

“我认为说我们的态度是局势的决定性因素是完全不真实的。

German Government do not expect our neutrality.

德国政府并不指望我们保持中立。

"We cannot undertake a definite pledge to intervene in a war.

“我们不能做出干预战争的明确承诺。

I have so told the French Ambassador, who has urged his majesty's Government to reconsider this decision.

我已将此事告知法国大使，他已敦促法国政府重新考虑这一决定。

"I have told him that we should not be justified in giving any pledge at the present moment, but that we will certainly consider the situation again directly there is a new development."

“我告诉他，我们目前没有理由做出任何承诺，但如果有新的进展，我们肯定会再次考虑局势。”

Bertie telegraphed to Grey that German Ambassador von Schoen had just informed M.

伯蒂电告格雷说，德国大使冯·舍恩刚刚通知了M·格雷。

Viviani, French Minister for Foreign Affairs, that Germany had addressed an ultimatum to Russia to demobilize, saying that, if it were not complied with within twenty-four hours, Germany would order complete mobilization on Russian and French frontiers.

法国外交部长维维亚尼称，德国已向俄罗斯发出最后通牒，要求其复员，并表示，如果二十四小时内不遵守，德国将下令在俄罗斯和法国边境全面动员。

Viviani wishes to know what, in these circumstances, will be Great Britain's attitude.

维维亚尼想知道在这种情况下英国会采取什么态度。

"German Ambassador is going to call at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs to-morrow at 1 p.

“德国大使将于明天下午 1 点拜访外交部。

米。

in order to receive the French Government's answer as to their attitude."

以了解法国政府对其态度的答复。”

Grey telegraphed to Ambassador Bertie at Paris that French Ambassador Jules Cambon at Berlin had reported to M.

格雷电告驻巴黎大使伯蒂，称法国驻柏林大使儒勒·坎本已向米勒先生汇报。

Paul Cambon, French Ambassador at London, that uncertainty of Great Britain's intervention was encouraging Germany in her warlike attitude, and that a definite declaration by Great Britain on the side of Russia and France would decide the German attitude in favor of peace.

法国驻伦敦大使保罗·坎本表示，英国干预的不确定性正在鼓励德国的好战态度，而英国明确站在俄罗斯和法国一边将决定德国的和平态度。

Ambassador Buchanan telegraphed from St. Petersburg the following proposition (sent also to France), made by M.

布坎南大使从圣彼得堡电报了以下由 M. 提出的建议（也发送给法国）：

Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs:

俄罗斯外交部长萨佐诺夫：

"If Austria will agree to check the advance of her troops on Serbian territory; if, recognizing that the dispute between Austria and Serbia has assumed a character of European interest, she will allow the great powers to look into the matter and determine whether Serbia could satisfy the Austro-Hungarian Government without impairing her rights as a sovereign state of her independence, Russia will undertake to maintain her waiting attitude."

“如果奥地利同意阻止其军队向塞尔维亚领土推进；如果认识到奥地利和塞尔维亚之间的争端已经具有欧洲利益的性质，她将允许大国调查此事并确定塞尔维亚能否在不损害其作为独立主权国家的权利的情况下满足奥匈政府的要求，俄罗斯将承诺保持其等待态度。”

M。

Sazonof adduced the latest telegram of Nicholas II to William II as proof of sincerity of Russia's attitude.

萨佐诺夫援引尼古拉二世给威廉二世的最新电报来证明俄罗斯态度的诚意。

He proposed that the conference of the powers be held in London.

他提议在伦敦举行权力会议。

He was grateful to Great Britain; if peace were secured, it would be due largely to her efforts; Russia would never forget her firm attitude.

他对英国心怀感激；如果和平得以实现，这在很大程度上要归功于她的努力；俄罗斯永远不会忘记她的坚定态度。

Ambassador Goschen telegraphed from Berlin that he had spent an hour with Secretary of State von Jagow, urging him to accept Grey's proposal to make another effort to prevent the terrible catastrophe of a European war.

戈申大使从柏林发来电报说，他已经与国务卿冯·贾戈进行了一个小时的会面，敦促他接受格雷的建议，再次努力防止欧洲战争的可怕灾难。

"He appreciated your continued efforts to maintain peace, but said it was impossible for the Imperial Government to consider any proposal until they had received an answer from Russia to their communication of to-day [the ultimatum].

“他赞赏你们为维护和平所做的持续努力，但表示，在收到俄罗斯对今天[最后通牒]的通报的答复之前，帝国政府不可能考虑任何提议。

"I asked his excellency why they had made their demand even more difficult for Russia to accept by asking them to demobilize in south as well.

“我问总统阁下，为什么他们要求他们在南部复员，这让俄罗斯更加难以接受他们的要求。

He replied that it was in order to prevent Russia from saying all her mobilization was directed only against Austria.

他回答说，这是为了防止俄罗斯说她的所有动员只是针对奥地利。

"His excellency said that if the answer from Russia was satisfactory he thought personally that your proposal merited favorable consideration, and in any case he would lay it before the emperor and chancellor.

“阁下说，如果俄罗斯的答复令人满意，他个人认为您的建议值得考虑，无论如何他都会将其提交给皇帝和宰相。

"He again assured me that both the Emperor William, at the request of the Emperor of Russia, and the German Foreign Office had even up till last night been urging Austria to show willingness to continue discussions--and telegraphic and the telephonic communications from Vienna had been of a promising nature--but Russia's mobilization had spoilt everything."

“他再次向我保证，应俄罗斯皇帝的要求，威廉皇帝和德国外交部甚至到昨晚都在敦促奥地利表现出继续讨论的意愿——来自维也纳的电报和电话通讯一直很有希望——但俄罗斯的动员破坏了一切。”

Ambassador Bertie telegraphed from Paris that he had presented to M.

伯蒂大使从巴黎发来电报，表示他已将礼物送给了 M.

Viviani, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Grey's inquiry concerning France respecting Belgian neutrality.

外交部长维维亚尼，格雷关于法国尊重比利时中立的调查。

"He is urgently anxious as to what the attitude of England will be in the circumstances [which may arise from Germany's ultimatum to Russia.]"

“他迫切地担心英国在这种情况下会采取什么态度（这可能是由于德国向俄罗斯发出最后通牒而产生的。）”

The German Embassy is packing up.

德国大使馆正在收拾行李。

In a supplementary telegram Bertie informed Grey:

伯蒂在补充电报中通知格雷：

"French Government are resolved to respect the neutrality of Belgium, and it would be only in the event of some other power violating that neutrality that France might find herself under the necessity, in order to assure defense of her own security, to act otherwise.

“法国政府决心尊重比利时的中立性，只有在其他国家违反中立性的情况下，法国才可能发现自己有必要采取其他行动，以确保捍卫自身安全。

This assurance has been given several times.

这种保证已经多次给出。

President of the Republic spoke of it to the King of the Belgians, and the French Minister at Brussels has spontaneously renewed the assurance to the Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs to-day."

共和国总统向比利时国王谈到了这一点，法国驻布鲁塞尔部长今天自发地向比利时外交部长重申了保证。”

_France._ Raymond Poincaré, President of France, informed George V that Germany was pushing forward military preparations, especially on the French frontier, while France had till now confined herself to indispensable precautionary measures.

_法国._ 法国总统雷蒙德·庞加莱 (Raymond Poincaré) 通知乔治五世，德国正在推进军事准备工作，特别是在法国边境，而法国迄今为止只采取了必不可少的预防措施。

"We are, in spite of the moderation of the Government of the Republic and the calm of public opinion, on the eve of the most terrible events.

“尽管共和国政府态度温和，公众舆论也很平静，但我们正处于最可怕事件的前夕。

"From all the information which reaches us it would seem that war would be inevitable if Germany were convinced that the British Government would not intervene in a conflict in which France might be engaged; if on the other hand, Germany were convinced that the _entente cordiale_ would be affirmed, in case of need, even to the extent of taking the field side by side, there would be the greatest chance that peace would remain unbroken.

“从我们收到的所有信息来看，如果德国确信英国政府不会介入法国可能卷入的冲突，那么战争似乎是不可避免的；另一方面，如果德国确信，在必要时，即使在并肩作战的情况下，也会确认友好的协约，那么和平就很有可能保持不被破坏。

"It is true that our military and naval arrangements leave complete liberty to your majesty's Government, and that, in the letters exchanged in 1912 between Sir Edward Grey and M.

“确实，我们的军事和海军安排给陛下的政府留下了完全的自由，并且在 1912 年爱德华·格雷爵士和 M.

Paul Cambon, Great Britain and France entered into nothing more than a mutual agreement to consult one another in the event of European tension, and to examine in concert whether common action were advisable.

保罗·康本、英国和法国只不过达成了一项共同协议，以便在欧洲局势紧张时相互协商，并共同审查采取共同行动是否明智。

"But the character of close friendship which public feeling has given in both countries to the _entente_ between Great Britain and France, the confidence with which our two governments have never ceased to work for the maintenance of peace, and the signs of sympathy which your majesty has ever shown to France, justify me in informing you quite frankly of the impressions of all France.

“但是，两国公众对英法协约所表现出的亲密友谊的性质，我们两国政府从未停止过维护和平的信心，以及陛下对法国所表现出的同情，这些都证明我有理由相当坦率地向您通报整个法国的印象。

"It is, I consider, on the language and the action of the British Government that henceforward the last chances of a peaceful settlement depend.

“我认为，今后和平解决的最后机会取决于英国政府的语言和行动。

"We, ourselves, from the initial stages of the crisis, have enjoined upon our ally [Russia] an attitude of moderation from which they have not swerved.

“我们，我们自己，从危机的最初阶段开始，就要求我们的盟友（俄罗斯）采取温和的态度，而他们并没有改变这一态度。

In concert with your majesty's Government, and in conformity with Sir E.

与陛下政府协调一致，并遵照 E.

Grey's latest suggestions, we will continue to act on the same lines.

对于格雷的最新建议，我们将继续采取同样的行动。

"But if all efforts at conciliation emanate from one side, and if Germany and Austria can speculate on the abstention of Great Britain, Austria's demands will remain inflexible, and an agreement between her and Russia will become impossible.

“但是，如果所有和解努力都来自一方，并且如果德国和奥地利能够推测英国弃权，那么奥地利的要求将保持僵化，奥地利和俄罗斯之间将不可能达成协议。

I am profoundly convinced that at the present moment, the more Great Britain, France and Russia can give a deep impression that they are united in their diplomatic action, the more possible will it be to count upon the preservation of peace.

我深信，此时此刻，英、法、俄三国在外交行动上越能给人留下深刻的印象，他们的外交行动就越团结，就越有可能维护和平。

"I beg that your majesty will excuse a step which is inspired only by the hope of seeing the European balance of power definitely reaffirmed."

“我恳求陛下原谅这一举措，这一举措只是出于希望看到欧洲均势得到明确重申的希望。”

Ambassador Paul Cambon telegraphed from London of Grey's reply to Germany on attitude of Great Britain in event of European war.

保罗·坎本大使从伦敦电报格雷就英国对欧洲战争的态度向德国作出的答复。

"The Cabinet Council took place this morning.

“内阁会议今天上午举行。

After having examined the situation, the Cabinet thought that for the moment the British Government were unable to guarantee to us their intervention; that they intended to take steps to obtain from Germany and France an understanding to respect Belgian neutrality; but that before considering intervention it was necessary to wait for the situation to develop.

内阁审查了情况后认为，英国政府目前无法向我们保证进行干预；他们打算采取措施，争取德国和法国尊重比利时中立性的谅解；但在考虑干预之前，有必要等待局势发展。

"I asked Sir E.

“我问E爵士。

Grey if, before intervening, the British Government would await the invasion of French territory.

格雷如果在干预之前，英国政府会等待法国领土的入侵。

I insisted on the fact that the measures already taken on our frontier by Germany showed an intention to attack in the near future, and that, if a renewal of the mistake of Europe in 1870 was to be avoided, Great Britain should consider at once the circumstances in which she would give France the help on which she relied.

我坚持认为，德国已经在我们边境采取的措施表明了在不久的将来进攻的意图，如果要避免欧洲重蹈1870年的覆辙，英国应该立即考虑在什么情况下向法国提供她所依赖的帮助。

"Sir E.

“E爵士。

Grey replied that the opinion of the Cabinet on the situation had been formed only at the moment; that the situation might be modified; and that in that case a meeting of the Cabinet would be called at once in order to consider it.

格雷回答说，内阁对当前局势的意见只是此时才形成；情况可能会改变；在这种情况下，将立即召开内阁会议进行审议。

"I am informed that the Cabinet will meet again to-morrow, and that the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs will be certain to renew the discussion.

“我获悉，内阁明天将再次开会，外交大臣肯定会重新进行讨论。

"The letter which the President of the Republic has addressed to the King of England should be given to the king this evening.

“共和国总统写给英国国王的信应该在今晚交给国王。

This step will, I am sure, be taken into serious consideration by the British Cabinet."

我相信，英国内阁将认真考虑这一举措。”

M。

Viviani notified the Ambassadors at London, St. Petersburg, Berlin, Vienna, and Rome, of France's agreement to the proposal of Great Britain to Austria-Hungary not to proceed further against Serbia after occupying Belgrade, and to await mediation by the powers.

维维亚尼通知驻伦敦、圣彼得堡、柏林、维也纳和罗马的大使，法国同意英国向奥匈帝国提出的在占领贝尔格莱德后不再对塞尔维亚采取进一步行动的建议，并等待列强的调解。

"Sir E.

“E爵士。

Grey made this suggestion in the hope that military preparations would be suspended on all sides."

格雷提出这一建议，是希望各方暂停军事准备。”

Russia had already agreed to stop military preparations if Austria eliminated from her ultimatum to Serbia all points which endanger Serbian sovereignty.

俄罗斯已经同意，如果奥地利从对塞尔维亚的最后通牒中删除所有危及塞尔维亚主权的内容，俄罗斯就停止军事准备。

"Sir E.

“E爵士。

Grey thinks that, if Austria stops her advance after the occupation of Belgrade, the Russian Government could agree to change their formula in the following way:

格雷认为，如果奥地利在占领贝尔格莱德后停止前进，俄罗斯政府可以同意通过以下方式改变他们的方案：

"That the powers would examine how Serbia should give complete satisfaction to Austria without endangering the sovereignty or independence of the kingdom.

“列强将研究塞尔维亚如何在不危及王国主权或独立的情况下让奥地利完全满意。

In case Austria should declare herself ready, in the interests of Europe, to stop her advance and to discuss how an arrangement might be arrived at, Russia could also consent to the discussion and suspend her military preparations, provided that the other powers acted in the same way."

如果奥地利为了欧洲的利益宣布准备停止前进并讨论如何达成安排，俄罗斯也可以同意讨论并暂停军事准备，前提是其他国家也采取同样的行动。”

M。

Viviani telegraphed to the Ambassadors at London, St. Petersburg, Berlin, Vienna, Rome, and Constantinople that negotiations had begun again between Austria and Russia, the latter having accepted the formula advised by Great Britain.

维维亚尼电告伦敦、圣彼得堡、柏林、维也纳、罗马和君士坦丁堡大使，奥地利和俄罗斯之间已再次开始谈判，后者接受了英国建议的方案。

"Nevertheless ...

“尽管如此……

Germany ...

德国...

has not ceased to encourage the uncompromising attitude of Vienna; the German military preparations continue; the immediate opposition of Germany to the Russian formula was declared at Berlin inacceptable for Austria before that power had even been consulted; in conclusion, all the impressions derived from Berlin bring conviction that Germany has sought to humiliate Russia, to disintegrate the Triple Entente, and if these results can not be obtained, to make war."

并没有停止鼓励维也纳不妥协的态度；德国的军事准备工作仍在继续；在与奥地利方面进行磋商之前，柏林就宣布德国立即反对俄罗斯的方案，这对奥地利来说是不可接受的。总之，来自柏林的所有印象都让人相信，德国试图羞辱俄罗斯，瓦解三国协约，如果不能取得这些结果，那就发动战争。”

Ambassador Dumaine telegraphed from Vienna:

杜梅因大使从维也纳发来电报：

"General mobilization for all men from nineteen to forty-two years of age was declared by the Austro-Hungarian Government this morning at one o'clock.

“今天凌晨一点，奥匈帝国政府宣布对十九岁至四十二岁的所有男性进行总动员。

"My Russian colleague [M.

“我的俄罗斯同事 [M.

Schebeko] still thinks that this step is not entirely in contradiction to the declaration made yesterday by Count Berchtold [Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs]."

Schebeko]仍然认为这一步骤与贝希托尔德伯爵（奥匈帝国外交部长）昨天的声明并不完全矛盾。”

Ambassador Jules Cambon telegraphed from Berlin that Secretary of State von Jagow had informed him that, in the face of total mobilization by Russia, Germany had declared _Kriegsgefahrzustand_ (imminence of war).

儒勒·康邦大使从柏林发来电报，国务卿冯·雅戈通知他，面对俄罗斯的全面动员，德国已宣布“战争迫在眉睫”。

German Ambassador Schoen had been instructed to ask France what attitude she intended to adopt.

德国大使舍恩奉命询问法国打算采取什么态度。

M。

Viviani informed Ambassador Paléologue at St. Petersburg of the Schoen interview and the ultimatum he had delivered, to be replied to on the morrow (Saturday) at 1 p.

维维亚尼向驻圣彼得堡大使帕莱奥洛格通报了舍恩的面谈以及他发出的最后通牒，并将于明天（周六）下午 1 点予以答复。

米。

"I shall confine myself to telling him that France will have regard to her interests.

“我只想告诉他，法国会考虑她的利益。

The Government of the Republic need not indeed give any account of her intentions except to her ally.

除了向她的盟友以外，共和国政府确实不需要说明她的意图。

"I ask you to inform M.

“我请你通知M。

Sazonof [Minister for Foreign Affairs] of this immediately.

萨佐诺夫（外交部长）立即表示了这一点。

As I have already told you, I have no doubt that the Imperial Government, in the highest interests of peace, will do everything on their part to avoid anything that might render inevitable or precipitate the crisis."

正如我已经告诉过你的，我毫不怀疑帝国政府为了和平的最高利益，将尽一切努力避免任何可能导致危机不可避免或加速的事情。”

Minister Klobukowski telegraphed from Brussels that _L'Agence Havas_ having announced the proclamation of "imminence of war" in Germany, he had assured M.

克洛布科夫斯基部长从布鲁塞尔发来电报，哈瓦斯通讯社已宣布德国“战争迫在眉睫”，他已向米勒先生保证。

Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs, that France would respect Belgian neutrality.

外交部长达维尼翁表示，法国将尊重比利时的中立性。

"The Russian and British Ministers appeared much pleased that in the circumstances I gave this assurance, which further, as the British Minister told me, was in accordance with the declaration of Sir E.

“俄罗斯和英国部长似乎对我在这种情况下做出的这一保证感到非常高兴，正如英国部长告诉我的那样，这符合 E. 爵士的声明。

Grey."

灰色。”

_Belgium._ M.

_比利时._ M.

Davignon reported the above interview to the Belgian Ministers at Berlin, Paris, and London, giving the exact words of the French Minister:

达维尼翁向柏林、巴黎和伦敦的比利时部长报告了上述采访，并引用了法国部长的原话：

"No incursion of French troops into Belgium will take place, even if considerable forces are massed upon the frontiers of your country.

“即使大量军队集结在贵国边境，法国军队也不会入侵比利时。

France does not wish to incur the responsibility, so far as Belgium is concerned, of taking the first hostile act.

就比利时而言，法国不希望承担首先采取敌对行动的责任。

"I thanked M.

“我向M表示感谢。

Klobukowski, and I felt bound to observe that we had always had the greatest confidence in the loyal observance by both our neighboring states of their engagements toward us.

克洛布科夫斯基和我必须指出，我们一直对我们两个邻国忠实遵守对我们的承诺抱有最大的信心。

We have also every reason to believe that the attitude of the German Government will be the same as that of the Government of the French Republic."

我们也完全有理由相信，德国政府的态度将与法兰西共和国政府的态度相同。”

M。

Davignon telegraphed to all the Belgian Legations abroad:

达维尼翁发电报给所有比利时驻外使馆：

"The Minister of War informs me that [Belgian] mobilization has been ordered, and that Saturday, August 1, will be the first day."

“战争部长告诉我，（比利时）动员已经下令，8 月 1 日星期六将是第一天。”

He telegraphed to the Belgian Ministers at Berlin, London, and Paris, that the British Minster had reported Sir Edward Grey's inquiry to France and Germany if they would respect Belgian neutrality, and now formally states that he presumes--

他致电柏林、伦敦和巴黎的比利时部长，称英国大臣已向法国和德国报告了爱德华·格雷爵士关于法国和德国是否尊重比利时中立性的询问，现在正式声明他认为——

"that Belgium will do her utmost to maintain her neutrality, and that she desires and expects that the other powers will respect and maintain it.

“比利时将尽最大努力保持中立，她希望并期望其他大国尊重和维持这一立场。

"I thanked Sir Francis Villiers for this communication, which the Belgian Government particularly appreciate, and I added that Great Britain and the other nations guaranteeing our independence could rest assured that we would neglect no effort to maintain our neutrality, and that we were convinced that the other powers, in view of the excellent relations of friendship and confidence which had always existed between us, would respect and maintain that neutrality.

“我感谢弗朗西斯·维利尔斯爵士的这次沟通，比利时政府对此特别赞赏，我补充说，英国和其他保证我们独立的国家可以放心，我们不会忽视保持中立的努力，并且我们相信，鉴于我们之间一直存在的良好的友谊和信任关系，其他国家将尊重和保持这种中立。

"I stated that our military forces, which had been considerably developed in consequence of our recent reorganization, were sufficient to enable us to defend ourselves energetically in the event of the violation of our territory.

“我说过，我们的军事力量由于最近的重组而得到了相当大的发展，足以使我们能够在我国领土遭到侵犯时积极自卫。

"In the course of the ensuing conversation, Sir Francis seemed to me somewhat surprised at the speed with which we had decided to mobilize our army.

“在接下来的谈话中，弗朗西斯爵士对我们决定动员军队的速度感到有些惊讶。

I pointed out to him that the Netherlands had come to a similar decision before we had done so, and that, moreover, the recent date of our new military system, and the temporary nature of the measures upon which we then had to decide, made it necessary for us to take immediate and thorough precautions.

我向他指出，荷兰在我们这样做之前就已经做出了类似的决定，此外，我们新的军事系统的日期最近，以及我们随后必须决定的措施的临时性质，使我们有必要立即采取彻底的预防措施。

Our neighbors and guarantors should see in this decision our strong desire to uphold our neutrality ourselves.

我们的邻国和担保国应该在这一决定中看到我们自己维护中立的强烈愿望。

"Sir Francis seemed to be satisfied with my reply, and stated that his Government were awaiting this reply before continuing negotiations with France and Germany, the result of which would be communicated to me."

“弗朗西斯爵士似乎对我的答复感到满意，并表示他的政府正在等待这一答复，然后再继续与法国和德国进行谈判，谈判结果将通知我。”

He telegraphed to the same ministers that the German Minister, Herr von Below Saleske, had been informed of Belgium's military measures, and that it was explained to him

他向这些部长发电报称，德国部长冯·贝洛·萨莱斯克先生已获悉比利时的军事措施，并向他解释了这一情况

"a consequence of our desire to fulfill our international obligations, and that they in no wise implied an attitude of distrust toward our neighbors."

“这是我们履行国际义务的愿望的结果，而且这些义务绝不意味着对我们邻国的不信任态度。”

The German Minister was reminded of instructions his Chancellor, Bethmann-Hollweg, had given to his predecessor, Herr von Flotow.

德国部长想起了德国总理贝特曼-霍尔韦格向其前任冯·弗洛托先生发出的指示。

"In the course of the controversy which arose in 1911 as a consequence of the Dutch scheme for the fortification of Flushing, certain newspapers had maintained that in the case of a Franco-German war Belgian neutrality would be violated by Germany.

“1911 年，由于荷兰的法拉盛防御工事计划而引发争议，某些报纸坚称，如果法德战争爆发，德国将违反比利时的中立立场。

"The [Belgian] Department of Foreign Affairs had suggested that a declaration in the German Parliament during a debate on foreign affairs would serve to calm public opinion, and to dispel the mistrust which was so regrettable from the point of view of the relations between the two countries.

“[比利时]外交部表示，德国议会在外交事务辩论期间发表声明将有助于安抚公众舆论，并消除从两国关系角度来看令人遗憾的不信任。

"Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg replied that he had fully appreciated the feelings which had inspired our representations.

“冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格先生回答说，他完全理解激发我们陈述的感受。

He declared that Germany had no intention of violating Belgian neutrality, but he considered that in making a public declaration Germany would weaken her military position in regard to France, who, secured on the northern side, would concentrate all her energies on the east.

他宣称德国无意违反比利时的中立性，但他认为公开声明将削弱德国对法国的军事地位，而法国在北部的安全将把所有精力集中在东部。

"Since then, in 1913, Herr von Jagow [German Secretary of State] had made reassuring declarations to the Budget Commission of the Reichstag respecting the maintenance of Belgian neutrality.

“从那时起，1913 年，冯·雅高先生（德国国务卿）就向德国国会预算委员会做出了关于维护比利时中立的令人放心的声明。

"Herr von Below replied that he knew of the conversation with Herr von Flotow, and that he was certain that the sentiments expressed at that time had not changed."

“冯·贝洛先生回答说，他知道与冯·弗洛托先生的谈话，并且他确信当时表达的情绪没有改变。”

SATURDAY, AUGUST 1, 1914

1914 年 8 月 1 日，星期六

_Austria._ On the following day Count Szápáry, Ambassador at St. Petersburg, telegraphed to Count Berchtold, Minister for Foreign Affairs, an interview with the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs.

_奥地利._ 第二天，驻圣彼得堡大使萨帕里伯爵致电外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵，接受俄罗斯外交部长的采访。

"I first warned M.

“我首先警告过M。

Sazonof," said the count, "that in interpreting my instructions to him I must leave out of account the new condition of affairs in Vienna created by the general Russian mobilization.

萨佐诺夫先生，”伯爵说道，“在解释我给他的指示时，我必须不考虑俄罗斯全面动员所造成的维也纳新局势。

I then said that it was a mistake that Austria had declined further negotiations with Russia.

然后我说奥地利拒绝与俄罗斯进一步谈判是一个错误。

"Your excellency was not only quite prepared to deal with Russia on the broadest basis possible, but was also especially inclined to subject the text of our note to a discussion so far as its interpretation was concerned.

“阁下不仅做好了在尽可能广泛的基础上与俄罗斯打交道的充分准备，而且特别倾向于就我们的照会文本的解释进行讨论。

"I could only hope that the course of events had not already taken us too far; in any case, I regarded it as my duty in the present moment of extreme anxiety to prove once again the good will of the Imperial and Royal Government.

“我只能希望事态的发展还没有让我们走得太远；无论如何，在目前极度焦虑的时刻，我认为再次证明帝国和王国政府的善意是我的责任。

M。

Sazonof replied that he took note with satisfaction of this proof of good will, but he desired to draw my attention to the fact that negotiations at St. Petersburg for obvious reasons appeared to promise less prospect of success than negotiations on the neutral _terrain_ of London.

萨佐诺夫回答说，他满意地注意到了这一善意的证明，但他希望提请我注意这样一个事实，即出于明显的原因，在圣彼得堡进行的谈判似乎比在中立的伦敦进行的谈判更有希望取得成功。

I replied that your excellency, started from the point of view that direct contact should be maintained at St. Petersburg, so that I was not in a position to commit myself with regard to his suggestion as to London, but I would communicate on the subject with your excellency."

我回答说，阁下从应在圣彼得堡保持直接接触的角度出发，因此我无法就他关于伦敦的建议做出承诺，但我会就此问题与阁下进行沟通。”

_Germany._ The German White Book states:

_德国._ 德国白皮书指出：

"As the time limit given to Russia had expired without the receipt of a reply to our inquiry, the kaiser ordered the mobilization of the entire German army and navy on August 1, at 5 p.

“由于给俄罗斯的时限已过，我们的询问仍未得到答复，德皇于 8 月 1 日下午 5 点下令动员整个德国陆军和海军。

米。

"The German Ambassador at St. Petersburg [Count Pourtalès] was instructed that, in the event of the Russian Government not giving a satisfactory reply within the stipulated time he should declare that we considered ourselves in a state of war after the refusal of our demands.

“德国驻圣彼得堡大使[普塔莱斯伯爵]接到指示，如果俄罗斯政府未能在规定时间内给予满意的答复，他应宣布我们在拒绝我们的要求后认为自己处于战争状态。

[He so declared at 5 p.

[他在下午 5 点如此宣布。

m.] However, before a confirmation of the execution of this order had been received, that is to say, already in the afternoon of August 1, Russian troops crossed our frontier and marched into German territory.

m.]然而，在收到执行该命令的确认书之前，即8月1日下午，俄罗斯军队越过我们的边境，开进了德国领土。

"Thus Russia began the war against us.

“俄罗斯就这样开始了对我们的战争。

"The French Prime Minister [M.

“法国总理[M.

Viviani] gave an equivocal and unsatisfactory reply on August 1 at 1 p.

Viviani]于8月1日下午1点给出了模棱两可且令人不满意的答复。

m., which gave no clear idea of the position of France, as he limited himself to the explanation that France would do that which her interests demanded.

米，他没有明确说明法国的立场，因为他仅限于解释法国将按照其利益要求行事。

A few hours later, at 5 p.

几个小时后，下午 5 点。

m., the mobilization of the entire French army and navy was ordered.

米，下令动员整个法国陆军和海军。

"On the morning of the next day France opened hostilities."

“第二天早上，法国开始了敌对行动。”

Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg telegraphed to Ambassador Lichnowsky at London:

冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格总理致电伦敦利希诺夫斯基大使：

"Germany is ready to agree to the English proposal in the event of England guaranteeing with all her forces the unconditional neutrality of France in the conflict between Germany and Russia.

“如果英国全力保证法国在德俄冲突中无条件中立，德国准备同意英国的提议。

Owing to the Russian challenge German mobilization occurred to-day before the English proposals were received.

由于俄罗斯的挑战，德国今天在收到英国提案之前就进行了动员。

In consequence our advance to the French frontier cannot now be altered.

因此，我们向法国边境的推进现在已经无法改变。

We guarantee, however, that the French frontier will not be crossed by our troops until Monday, August 3, at 7 p.

不过，我们保证，直到 8 月 3 日星期一晚上 7 点之前，我们的军队不会越过法国边境。

m., in case England's assent is received by that time."

米，以防届时收到英格兰的同意。”

Lichnowsky answered that Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had asked him

利奇诺夫斯基回答说是英国外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士问他的

"whether I thought I could declare that in the event of France remaining neutral in a German-Russian war we would not attack the French.

“我是否认为我可以宣布，如果法国在德俄战争中保持中立，我们不会攻击法国。

I told him that I believed that I could assume responsibility for this."

我告诉他，我相信我可以承担起这件事的责任。”

At 5.30 p.

下午 5.30。

米。

the ambassador telegraphed that Grey had just read to him the following unanimous declaration of the British Cabinet:

大使电报说格雷刚刚向他宣读了英国内阁的以下一致声明：

"The reply of the German Government with regard to the neutrality of Belgium is a matter of very great regret, because the neutrality of Belgium does affect feeling in this country.

“德国政府对比利时中立性的答复令人非常遗憾，因为比利时的中立性确实影响了这个国家的感情。

If Germany could see her way to give the same positive reply as that which has been given by France, it would materially contribute to relieve anxiety and tension here, while, on the other hand, if there were a violation of the neutrality of Belgium by one combatant while the other respected it, it would be extremely difficult to restrain public feeling in this country.

如果德国能想办法做出与法国相同的积极答复，这将大大有助于缓解这里的焦虑和紧张局势，而另一方面，如果一个战斗人员违反了比利时的中立性，而另一个战斗人员却尊重比利时的中立立场，那么就很难抑制该国的公众情绪。

"On my question whether, on condition that we would maintain the neutrality of Belgium, he could give me a definite declaration with regard to the neutrality of Great Britain, the minister answered that that was impossible, but that this question would play a great part in public opinion in this country.

“当我问到，在我们保持比利时中立的条件下，他能否就英国的中立性向我做出明确的声明时，部长回答说这是不可能的，但这个问题将在这个国家的公众舆论中发挥重要作用。

If we violated Belgian neutrality in a war with France there would certainly be a change in public opinion which would make it difficult for the Cabinet here to maintain friendly neutrality.

如果我们在与法国的战争中违反比利时的中立性，公众舆论肯定会发生变化，这将使内阁难以保持友好中立。

For the time there was not the slightest intention to proceed in a hostile manner against us.

暂时没有丝毫对我们采取敌对态度的意图。

It would be their desire to avoid this if there was any possibility of doing so.

如果有可能的话，他们希望避免这种情况。

It was, however, difficult to draw a line up to which we could go without intervention on this side.

然而，很难划定一条界线，让我们在没有这一边干预的情况下可以走下去。

He turned again and again to Belgian neutrality, and was of opinion that this question would also play a great part.

他一次又一次地转向比利时的中立立场，并认为这个问题也将发挥重要作用。

"He had also thought whether it was not possible that we and France should, in case of a Russian war, stand armed opposite to one another without attacking.

“他还想过，如果俄罗斯发生战争，我们和法国是否有可能武装起来，相互对峙而不发动攻击。

I asked him if he would be in a position to arrange that France would assent to an agreement of this kind.

我问他是否能够安排法国同意此类协议。

As we wanted neither to destroy France nor to annex portions of French territory, I could think that we would give our assent to an arrangement of this kind which would secure for us the neutrality of Great Britain.

由于我们既不想摧毁法国，也不想吞并法国的部分领土，我想我们会同意这种安排，以确保我们英国的中立性。

The minister said he would make inquiries; he also recognized the difficulties of holding back the military on both sides."

部长表示他将进行调查；他还认识到阻碍双方军队的困难。”

At 8.30 p.

晚上 8.30。

米。

the ambassador telegraphed:

大使电告：

"My communication of this morning is canceled by my communication of this evening.

“我今天早上的通讯被今晚的通讯取消了。

As there is no positive English proposal before us, any further step in the sense of the message I sent is superfluous."

由于我们面前没有积极的英文提案，因此就我所发送的信息而言，任何进一步的步骤都是多余的。”

At 7.10 p.

晚上 7.10

米。

Ambassador Pourtalès presented at St. Petersburg a note repeating the ultimatum of July 31, and closing:

普塔莱斯大使在圣彼得堡提交了一份照会，重申 7 月 31 日的最后通牒，并结束语：

"Russia having refused to comply with [not having considered it necessary to answer*] this demand, and having shown by this refusal [this attitude*] that her action was directed against Germany, I have the honor, on the instructions of my Government, to inform your excellency as follows:

“俄罗斯拒绝遵守[认为没有必要回答*]这一要求，并通过这种拒绝[这种态度*]表明她的行动是针对德国的，奉我国政府指示，我荣幸地通知阁下如下：

"His majesty the emperor, my august sovereign, in the name of the German Empire, accepts the challenge, and considers himself at war with Russia.

“皇帝陛下，我威严的君主，以德意志帝国的名义接受挑战，并认为自己正在与俄罗斯交战。

"* The words in brackets occur in the original.

"* 括号内的内容为原文出现。

It must be supposed that two variations had been prepared in advance, and that, by mistake, they were both inserted in the Note."

必须假设两个变体是事先准备好的，并且由于错误而被插入到注释中。”

_Russia._ A secret telegram was sent to Russian representatives abroad announcing Germany's ultimatum delivered at midnight, and stating the German Ambassador's reply to the inquiry if it meant war: "No, but we are very near it."

_俄罗斯。_一封秘密电报被发送给俄罗斯驻外代表，宣布德国在午夜发出最后通牒，并说明德国大使对询问是否意味着战争的答复：“不，但我们已经非常接近了。”

Ambassador Benckendorff telegraphed from London that Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, hoped that no great power would open hostilities before the formula for a peaceful settlement of the disputes, accepted by Russia and offered to Germany, had been considered.

本肯多夫大使从伦敦发来电说，外交部长爱德华·格雷爵士希望，在考虑俄罗斯接受并向德国提出的和平解决争端方案之前，任何大国都不会发动敌对行动。

Later he telegraphed that France had agreed to respect the neutrality of Belgium, but that Germany had stated she could give no definite answer to the question.

后来他发电报说，法国同意尊重比利时的中立性，但德国表示无法对这个问题给出明确的答案。

Ambassador Isvolsky telegraphed from Paris:

伊斯沃尔斯基大使从巴黎发来电报：

"The Austrian Ambassador [Count Szécsen] yesterday visited Viviani [Minister for Foreign Affairs] and declared to him that Austria, far from harboring any designs against the integrity of Serbia, was in fact ready to discuss the grounds of her grievances against Serbia with the other powers.

“奥地利大使[塞克森伯爵]昨天拜访了维维亚尼[外交部长]，并向他宣布，奥地利根本没有任何反对塞尔维亚完整的图谋，事实上，它准备与其他国家讨论她对塞尔维亚不满的理由。

The French Government are much exercised at Germany's extraordinary military activity on the French frontier, for they are convinced that, under the guise of _Kriegszustand_, mobilization is in reality being carried out."

法国政府对德国在法国边境进行的非同寻常的军事活动深感不安，因为他们相信，在“战争立场”的幌子下，动员实际上正在进行。”

Later he telegraphed that, hearing from St. Petersburg of the German order of general mobilization, President Poincaré had signed the order for French mobilization.

后来他电报说，在从圣彼得堡得知德国总动员令后，庞加莱总统已签署了法国总动员令。

"The German Ambassador [Baron von Schoen] has just visited Viviani [Minister for Foreign Affairs] but told him nothing fresh, alleging the impossibility of deciphering the telegrams he has received.

“德国大使 [Baron von Schoen] 刚刚拜访了维维亚尼 [外交部长]，但没有告诉他任何新鲜事，并声称无法破译他收到的电报。

Viviani informed him of the signature of the order for mobilization issued in reply to that of Germany, and expressed to him his amazement that Germany should have taken such a step at a moment when a friendly exchange of views was still in progress between Russia, Austria, and the powers.

维维亚尼向他通报了针对德国的动员令的签署情况，并对德国在俄罗斯、奥地利和列强之间仍在友好交换意见的时刻采取这样的步骤表示惊讶。

He added that mobilization did not necessarily entail war, and that the German Ambassador might stay in Paris as the Russian Ambassador had remained in Vienna and the Austrian Ambassador in St. Petersburg."

他补充说，动员并不一定意味着战争，德国大使可能会留在巴黎，就像俄罗斯大使留在维也纳和奥地利大使留在圣彼得堡一样。

_Great Britain._ George V sent the following telegram to William II:

_英国。_乔治五世向威廉二世发送了以下电报：

"Many thanks for your telegram of last night.

“非常感谢你昨晚的电报。

I have sent an urgent telegram to Nicholas, in which I have assured him of my readiness to do everything in my power to further the resumption of the negotiations between the powers concerned."

我已向尼古拉斯发出紧急电报，向他保证我准备尽我所能，推动有关国家之间恢复谈判。”

Upon receipt of the telegram from the German Kaiser of August 1, King George replied that there must be a misunderstanding in regard to the suggestion of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, made to the German Ambassador, respecting avoidance of conflict between Germany and France, while the possibility remained of an agreement being arrived at between Austria and Russia.

8月1日收到德国皇帝的电报后，乔治国王答复说，外交部长向德国大使提出的尊重德国和法国之间避免冲突的建议一定存在误解，而奥地利和俄罗斯之间仍有达成协议的可能性。

"Sir Edward Grey will see Prince Lichnowsky early to-morrow morning in order to ascertain whether there is any misunderstanding on his side."

“爱德华·格雷爵士明天一早将会见利希诺夫斯基王子，以确定他这边是否有什么误会。”

King George replied to the letter of President Poincaré of July 31, assuring him of cooperation of their two Governments in the interest of peace.

乔治国王回复了庞加莱总统 7 月 31 日的信，向他保证两国政府将为了和平而进行合作。

"I admire the restraint which you and your Government are exercising in not adopting an attitude which could in any wise be interpreted as a provocative one."

“我钦佩你和你的政府所表现出的克制，没有采取任何可能被解释为挑衅的态度。”

Grey sent a personal message from King George to Nicholas II in which he appealed to the czar to remove the misunderstanding that had evidently produced the deadlock between Russia and Germany, and offered his assistance in reopening the conversations between Russia and Austria.

格雷向尼古拉斯二世发出了乔治国王的私人信息，其中他呼吁沙皇消除显然造成俄罗斯和德国之间僵局的误解，并表示愿意协助俄罗斯和奥地利之间重新开启对话。

The Czar replied to King George that attempts at peace had been that afternoon rendered futile by Germany's declaration of war, which was wholly unexpected by him, since he had given William II "most categorical assurances that my troops would not move so long as mediation negotiations continued."

沙皇回复乔治国王说，那天下午德国宣战使和平的尝试变得徒劳，这完全出乎他的意料，因为他已经向威廉二世“最明确地保证，只要调解谈判继续进行，我的军队就不会移动”。

"In this solemn hour I wish to assure you once more that I have done all in my power to avert war.

“在这个庄严的时刻，我想再次向你们保证，我已尽一切努力避免战争。

Now that it has been forced on me, I trust your country will not fail to support France and Russia.

既然是强加给我的，我相信贵国不会不支持法国和俄罗斯。

God bless and protect you."

愿上帝保佑并保护你。”

Ambassador Bertie, telegraphing from Paris, reported an interview that morning between the French Political Director and German Ambassador Schoen.

伯蒂大使从巴黎发来电报，报道了法国政治主任与德国大使舍恩之间的采访。

"M.

“M。

Berthelot pointed out that general mobilization in Russia had not been ordered until after Austria had decreed a general mobilization, and that the Russian Government were ready to demobilize if all powers did likewise.

贝特洛特指出，俄罗斯是在奥地利颁布总动员令之后才下令进行总动员的，如果所有国家都这样做的话，俄罗斯政府就准备好复员。

It seemed strange to the French Government that in view of this and of the fact that Russia and Austria were ready to converse, the German Government should have at that moment presented an ultimatum at St. Petersburg requiring immediate demobilization by Russia.

令法国政府感到奇怪的是，考虑到这一点以及俄罗斯和奥地利已准备好进行对话的事实，德国政府此时应该在圣彼得堡提出最后通牒，要求俄罗斯立即复员。

There were no differences at issue between France and Germany, but the German Ambassador had made a menacing communication to the French Government and had requested an answer the next day, intimating that he would have to break off relations and leave Paris if the reply were not satisfactory.

法国和德国之间没有任何分歧，但德国大使向法国政府发出了威胁性的通知，并要求第二天给予答复，并暗示如果答复不令人满意，他将不得不断绝关系并离开巴黎。

The French Government considered that this was an extraordinary proceeding.

法国政府认为这是一次非同寻常的诉讼。

"The German Ambassador, who is to see the Minister for Foreign Affairs again this evening, said nothing about demanding his passports, but he stated that he had packed up."

“今晚将再次会见外交部长的德国大使没有提及要求他提供护照的事情，但他表示他已经收拾行李了。”

Ambassador Bunsen telegraphed from Vienna that a general mobilization of the Austro-Hungarian army and fleet had been ordered.

本生大使从维也纳发来电报，奥匈帝国陆军和舰队已下令全面动员。

Minister Villiers telegraphed from Brussels:

维利尔斯部长从布鲁塞尔发来电报：

"Belgium expects and desires that other powers will observe and uphold her neutrality, which she intends to maintain to the utmost of her power.

“比利时期待并希望其他国家遵守并维护她的中立态度，她打算尽最大努力维持这种中立态度。

In so informing me, Minister for Foreign Affairs [Davignon] said that they believed that they were in a position to defend themselves against intrusion.

外交部长[达维尼翁]在通知我时表示，他们相信自己有能力抵御入侵。

The relations between Belgium and her neighbors were excellent, and there was no reason to suspect their intentions; but he thought it well, nevertheless, to be prepared against emergencies."

比利时与其邻国之间的关系非常好，没有理由怀疑他们的意图；但无论如何，他认为做好应对紧急情况的准备是件好事。”

Grey telegraphed to Ambassador Goschen at Berlin that the Hamburg authorities had detained British merchant ships on unknown grounds, and instructed him to request the German Government to order their release.

格雷电告驻柏林大使戈申，称汉堡当局以不明理由扣押了英国商船，并指示他请求德国政府下令释放这些商船。

"The effect on public opinion here will be deplorable unless this is done.

“除非这样做，否则对公众舆论的影响将是令人遗憾的。

His majesty's Government, on their side, are most anxious to avoid any incident of an aggressive nature, and the German Government will, I hope, be equally careful not to take any step which would make the situation between us impossible."

国王陛下的政府极力避免发生任何具有侵略性的事件，我希望德国政府也同样小心，不要采取任何可能导致我们之间的局势变得不可能的步骤。”

Later Grey telegraphed Goschen that he still believed it possible to secure peace if a little respite could be gained before any great power began war.

后来格雷电告戈申，他仍然相信，如果在任何大国发动战争之前能够获得一点喘息的机会，就有可能实现和平。

Russia and Austria had at last agreed to accept a basis of mediation which is not open to objections raised to the original Russian formula.

俄罗斯和奥地利最终同意接受调解基础，该基础不允许对俄罗斯最初的方案提出异议。

"Things ought not to be hopeless so long as Austria and Russia are ready to converse, and I hope the German Government may be able to make use of the Russian communications referred to, in order to avoid tension.

“只要奥地利和俄罗斯准备好对话，事情就不应该毫无希望，我希望德国政府能够利用所提到的俄罗斯通讯，以避免紧张局势。

His majesty's Government are carefully abstaining from any act which may precipitate matters."

国王陛下的政府正在谨慎地避免采取任何可能导致事态恶化的行为。”

In following telegrams Grey sent Goschen the Russian formula as amended by himself, and the acceptance of the same by Russia.

在随后的电报中，格雷向戈申发送了经他本人修改的俄罗斯公式，并得到了俄罗斯的接受。

Ambassador Bertie telegraphed from Paris information received from President Poincaré of German mobilization, etc., and Russia's desire to continue pacific conversations with Germany.

伯蒂大使从巴黎电报了从庞加莱总统那里收到的有关德国动员等信息，以及俄罗斯希望继续与德国进行和平对话的信息。

"The French Government, whose wishes are markedly pacific, sincerely desire the preservation of peace and do not quite despair, even now, of its being possible to avoid war."

“法国政府的愿望明显是和平的，真诚地希望维护和平，即使现在也没有完全绝望，认为有可能避免战争。”

Grey telegraphed to Ambassador Buchanan at St. Petersburg that reliable news had come from Vienna that the Austro-Hungarian Government,

格雷电告驻圣彼得堡的布坎南大使，从维也纳传来可靠消息，奥匈帝国政府，

"though the situation has been changed by the mobilization of Russia, would, in full appreciation of the efforts of England for the preservation of peace, be ready to consider favorably my proposal for mediation between Austria and Serbia.

“虽然情况因俄罗斯的动员而改变，但在充分赞赏英国维护和平的努力的情况下，我将准备好考虑我在奥地利和塞尔维亚之间进行调解的建议。

The effect of this acceptance would naturally be that the Austrian military action against Serbia would continue for the present, and that the British Government would urge upon Russian Government to stop the mobilization of troops directed against Austria, in which case Austria would naturally cancel those defensive military countermeasures in Galicia, which have been forced upon Austria by Russian mobilization.

这一接受的效果自然是，奥地利对塞尔维亚的军事行动将暂时继续下去，而英国政府将敦促俄罗斯政府停止针对奥地利的调动军队，在这种情况下，奥地利自然会取消在加利西亚的那些防御性军事反制措施，这些措施是俄罗斯动员迫使奥地利采取的。

"You should inform Minister for Foreign Affairs [M.

“你应该通知外交部长[M.

Sazonof] and say that if, in the consideration of the acceptance of mediation by Austria, Russia can agree to stop mobilization, it appears still to be possible to preserve peace.

萨佐诺夫]并表示，如果在考虑接受奥地利调解的情况下，俄罗斯能够同意停止动员，那么维护和平似乎还是有可能的。

Presumably the matter should be discussed with German Government also by Russian Government."

想必这个问题也应该由俄罗斯政府与德国政府讨论。”

Ambassador Bertie telegraphed from Paris that orders for general mobilization had been given at 3.30 p.

伯蒂大使从巴黎发来电报称，总动员命令已于下午 3 点 30 分下达。

m., in answer to the German _Kriegsgefahrzustand_ (imminence of war), which, by calling out troops up to war strength, is tantamount to mobilization.

m.，以回应德国的“Kriegsgefahrzustand”（战争迫在眉睫），即通过召集达到战争实力的部队，相当于动员。

"The Minister of War is anxious that it should be explained that this act of mobilization is one for purely defensive purposes."

“战争部长急于解释这一动员行为纯粹是出于防御目的。”

Grey telegraphed to Ambassador Bunsen at Vienna an account of interviews with the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador, in which Count Mensdorff gave him assurances that Austria would not impair the territorial integrity or sovereignty of Serbia, and said that, contrary to report, Austria was willing to continue conversations with Russia.

格雷向维也纳的本生大使电报了与奥匈帝国大使会面的情况，其中门斯多夫伯爵向他保证奥地利不会损害塞尔维亚的领土完整或主权，并表示，与报道相反，奥地利愿意继续与俄罗斯对话。

Ambassador Buchanan telegraphed Grey of an interview that morning with the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, in which M.

布坎南大使当天上午向格雷通报了对俄罗斯外交部长的采访，其中 M.

Sazonof recounted his conversation with Count Szápáry, the Austrian Ambassador, the evening before, in which he proposed the London conference.

萨佐诺夫讲述了前一天晚上他与奥地利大使萨帕里伯爵的谈话，他在谈话中提议召开伦敦会议。

Ambassador Bunsen telegraphed Grey from Vienna that the Russian Ambassador, Schebeko, thought that, as mobilization is too expensive to be continued long, Germany will attack Russia at once.

本生大使从维也纳电告格雷说，俄罗斯大使舍贝科认为，由于动员成本太高，无法长期持续，德国将立即进攻俄罗斯。

Tension now is greater between Russia and Germany than between Russia and Austria.

目前俄罗斯和德国之间的紧张局势比俄罗斯和奥地利之间的紧张局势还要严重。

Russia would be satisfied, says Schebeko, with Austria's acceptance of the new formula.

舍贝科表示，如果奥地利接受新方案，俄罗斯将会感到满意。

"He is going again to-day to point out to the Minister for Foreign Affairs [Count Berchtold] that most terrific consequences must ensue from refusal to make this slight concession.

“他今天将再次向外交部长[贝希托尔德伯爵]指出，如果拒绝做出这一微小的让步，必然会产生最可怕的后果。

This time Russia would fight to the last extremity.

这一次，俄罗斯将战斗到最后一刻。

I agree with his excellency that the German Ambassador at Vienna desired war from the first, and that his strong personal bias probably colored his action here.

我同意他阁下的观点，即德国驻维也纳大使从一开始就渴望战争，他强烈的个人偏见可能影响了他在这里的行动。

The Russian Ambassador is convinced that the German Government also desired war from the first.

俄罗斯大使相信，德国政府从一开始也希望发生战争。

"It is the intention of the French Ambassador [Dumaine] to speak earnestly to the Minister for Foreign Affairs to-day on the extreme danger of the situation, and to ask whether proposals to serve as a basis of mediation from any quarter are being considered.

“法国大使[杜梅因]今天打算就局势的极端危险向外交部长真诚地讲话，并询问是否正在考虑作为任何方面的调解基础的建议。

There is great anxiety to know what England will do.

人们非常焦虑地想知道英格兰会做什么。

I fear that nothing can alter the determination of Austro-Hungarian Government to proceed on their present course, if they have made up their mind with the approval of Germany."

我担心，如果奥匈帝国政府已经下定决心并得到德国的批准，那么没有什么可以改变他们继续其目前方针的决心。”

Ambassador Goschen telegraphed from Berlin:

戈申大使从柏林发来电报：

"Orders have just been issued for the general mobilization of the navy and army, the first day of mobilization to be August 2."

“海军和陆军总动员的命令刚刚下达，总动员的第一天是8月2日。”

Later he telegraphed that Secretary of State von Jagow had expressed annoyance at detention of British ships at Hamburg, and promised to order their immediate release.

后来他电报说，国务卿冯·贾戈对英国船只在汉堡被扣留表示不满，并承诺立即释放它们。

_France._ M.

_法国._ M.

Viviani, Secretary of Foreign Affairs, informed the ambassadors at London, St. Petersburg, Berlin, Vienna, and Rome of the two _démarches_ made on the previous evening at Paris and St. Petersburg--"the one rather vague, the other precise and conciliatory."

外交部长维维亚尼向伦敦、圣彼得堡、柏林、维也纳和罗马的大使通报了前一天晚上在巴黎和圣彼得堡提出的两项外交主张——“一项相当模糊，另一项则明确且具有和解性”。

"Unfortunately these [latter] arrangements which allowed one to hope for a peaceful solution appear, in fact, to have been rendered useless by the attitude of Germany [in presenting her ultimatum to Russia].

“不幸的是，这些[后]安排本来可以让人们希望和平解决，但事实上，由于德国[向俄罗斯提出最后通牒]的态度，这些安排似乎变得毫无用处。

"The attitude of Germany proves that she wishes for war.

“德国的态度证明她希望发动战争。

And she wishes for it against France.

她希望在对阵法国的比赛中获胜。

[Here he recounted the interview with the German Ambassador Schoen at the French Foreign Office.]

[在此，他讲述了在法国外交部与德国大使舍恩的采访。]

"This attitude of breaking off diplomatic relations without any direct dispute, and although he has not received any definitely negative answer, is characteristic of the determination of Germany to make war against France.

“这种在没有任何直接争议的情况下断绝外交关系的态度，尽管他没有得到任何明确否定的答复，但却是德国对法国宣战决心的特征。

The want of sincerity in her peaceful protestations is shown by the rupture which she is forcing upon Europe at a time when Austria had at last agreed with Russia to begin negotiations."

在奥地利最终同意与俄罗斯开始谈判之际，她强行强加给欧洲的破裂，表明她的和平抗议缺乏诚意。”

M。

Jules Cambon, Ambassador at Berlin, reported Austria's willingness to continue conversations with Russia.

驻柏林大使儒勒·康邦表示，奥地利愿意继续与俄罗斯对话。

"The ultimatum to Russia can only do away with the last chances of peace which these conversations still seemed to leave.

“对俄罗斯的最后通牒只能消除这些对话似乎仍然留下的最后和平机会。

The question may be asked whether in such circumstances the acceptance by Austria was serious, and had not the object of throwing the responsibility of the conflict on to Russia."

人们可能会问，在这种情况下，奥地利的接受是否是认真的，而不是为了将冲突的责任推给俄罗斯。”

He told of the interviews of the British Ambassador with Secretary of State von Jagow, in which Mr. Goschen vainly pleaded that Germany use her influence with Austria in the cause of peace.

他讲述了英国大使与国务卿冯·雅高的会面，其中戈申先生徒劳地恳求德国利用其对奥地利的影响力来促进和平事业。

"Germany's ultimatum coming at the very moment when an agreement seemed about to be established between Vienna and St. Petersburg, is characteristic of her warlike policy."

“德国在维也纳和圣彼得堡之间似乎即将达成协议的时刻发出最后通牒，这是她好战政策的特点。”

It looks as if she desired war on her own account.

看起来她似乎为了自己的利益而渴望战争。

M。

Viviani, Minister for Foreign Affairs, notified the ambassadors at London and Berlin and the Minister of Brussels of his pledge to respect Belgian neutrality as given to Great Britain.

外交部长维维亚尼通知驻伦敦和柏林大使以及布鲁塞尔部长，他承诺尊重比利时对英国的中立态度。

Ambassador Barrère reported from Rome an interview of the German Ambassador with the Minister for Foreign Affairs, in which Herr von Flotow had asked the intentions of Italy in the present crisis.

巴雷尔大使从罗马报道了德国大使与外交部长的会见，其中冯·弗洛托先生询问了意大利在当前危机中的意图。

"The Marquis di San Giuliano answered that as the war undertaken by Austria was aggressive and did not fall within the purely defensive character of the Triple Alliance, particularly in view of the consequences which might result from it according to the declaration of the German Ambassador, Italy could not take part in the war."

“圣朱利亚诺侯爵回答说，由于奥地利发动的战争是侵略性的，不属于三国同盟的纯粹防御性质，特别是考虑到根据德国大使的声明可能产生的后果，意大利不能参加战争。”

M。

Viviani reported to the ambassadors at London, St. Petersburg, Berlin, Vienna, Rome, Madrid, and Constantinople the visit to him at 11 a.

维维亚尼于上午 11 点向伦敦、圣彼得堡、柏林、维也纳、罗马、马德里和君士坦丁堡大使报告了对他的访问。

米。

of German Ambassador Schoen.

德国大使舍恩。

"After having recalled all the efforts made by France toward an honorable settlement of the Austro-Serbian conflict and the difficulty between Austria and Russia which has resulted from it, I put him in possession of the facts as to the _pourparlers_ which have been carried on since yesterday [in reference to Austro-Russian dispute].

“在回顾了法国为光荣解决奥塞冲突以及由此造成的奥地利与俄罗斯之间的困难所做的一切努力之后，我向他介绍了自昨天以来一直在进行的[关于奥俄争端]的事实。

"I drew attention to the attitude of Germany who, abandoning all _pourparlers_, presented an ultimatum to Russia at the very moment when this power had just accepted the British formula (which implies the cessation of military preparations by all the countries which have mobilized) and regarded as imminent a diplomatic rupture with France.

“我提请注意德国的态度，在俄罗斯刚刚接受英国方案（这意味着所有已动员起来的国家停止军事准备）并认为与法国即将发生外交决裂的时刻，德国放弃了所有的倾诉者，向俄罗斯发出了最后通牒。

"Baron von Schoen answered that he did not know the developments which had taken place in this matter for the last twenty-four hours, that there was perhaps in them a 'glimmer of hope' for some arrangement, that he had not received any fresh communication from his Government, and that he was going to get information.

“冯·舍恩男爵回答说，他不知道过去二十四小时内此事的进展，也许他们对某种安排抱有‘一线希望’，他没有收到政府的任何新消息，他将获得信息。

He gave renewed protestations of his sincere desire to unite his efforts to those of France for arriving at a solution of the conflict.

他再次表达了他真诚地希望与法国共同努力解决冲突的愿望。

I laid stress on the serious responsibility which the Imperial Government would assume if, in circumstances such as these, they took an initiative which was not justified and of a kind which would irremediably compromise peace.

我强调，如果帝国政府在这种情况下采取不合理的举措，并且会无可挽回地损害和平，那么他们将承担严重责任。

"Baron von Schoen did not allude to his immediate departure and did not make any fresh request for an answer to his question concerning the attitude of France in case of an Austro-Russian conflict.

“冯舍恩男爵没有提及他立即离开，也没有提出任何新的要求回答他关于法国在奥俄冲突情况下的态度的问题。

He confined himself to saying of his own accord that the attitude of France was not doubtful.

他只是自愿地说，法国的态度是不容置疑的。

"It would not do to exaggerate the possibilities which may result from my conversation with the German Ambassador for, on their side, the Imperial Government continue the most dangerous preparations on our frontier.

“夸大我与德国大使谈话中可能产生的可能性是不恰当的，因为帝国政府在我们的边境上继续进行最危险的准备工作。

However, we must not neglect the possibilities, and we should not cease to work toward an agreement.

然而，我们决不能忽视可能性，我们也不应该停止为达成协议而努力。

On her side France is taking all military measures required for protection against too great an advance in German military preparations.

法国方面正在采取一切必要的军事措施，以防止德国军事准备取得太大进展。

She considers that her attempts at solution will only have a chance of success so far as it is felt that she will be ready and resolute if the conflict is forced on her."

她认为，只有当冲突强加给她时，她会做好准备并采取坚决的行动，她的解决方案才有可能成功。”

Ambassador Paul Cambon reported from London the situation between Great Britain and Germany, especially in regard to British neutrality and Germany's attitude toward Belgian neutrality.

保罗·康本大使在伦敦通报了英国和德国之间的局势，特别是英国的中立性和德国对比利时中立性的态度。

"Sir Edward Grey will ask the Cabinet to authorize him to state on Monday in the House of Commons that the British Government will not permit a violation of Belgian neutrality.

“爱德华·格雷爵士将要求内阁授权他周一在下议院声明，英国政府不会允许违反比利时中立的行为。

"In the second place, the British fleet is mobilized, and Sir Edward Grey will propose to his colleagues that he should state that it will oppose the passage of the Straits of Dover by the German fleet, or, if the German fleet should pass through, will oppose any demonstration on the French coasts.

“其次，英国舰队出动，爱德华·格雷爵士将向他的同僚提议，表明将反对德国舰队通过多佛海峡，或者，如果德国舰队通过，将反对法国海岸的任何示威活动。

These two questions will be dealt with at the meeting on Monday.

这两个问题将在周一的会议上讨论。

I drew the attention of the Secretary of State to the point that, if during this intervening period any incident took place, it was necessary not to allow a surprise, and that it would be desirable to think of intervening in time."

我提请国务卿注意，如果在此期间发生任何事件，有必要不要出现意外，并且最好考虑及时进行干预。”

Minister Mollard presented the request from Dr. Eyschen, Minister of State of Luxemburg, for an assurance that France would respect the neutrality of the Grand Duchy.

莫拉德部长提出了卢森堡国务大臣艾申博士的请求，要求保证法国尊重卢森堡大公国的中立性。

A similar request has been made to Germany.

也向德国提出了类似的要求。

M。

Viviani returned the same assurance that he had given in the case of Belgium.

维维亚尼也做出了与比利时问题相同的保证。

_Belgium._ M.

_比利时._ M.

Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs, telegraphed to the Ministers at Paris, Berlin, London, Vienna, and St. Petersburg to carry out the instructions [in case of war between France and Germany becoming imminent] of July 24; and to the Ministers at Rome, The Hague, and Luxemburg to carry out instructions [the same] of July 25.

外交部长达维尼翁致电巴黎、柏林、伦敦、维也纳和圣彼得堡部长，要求执行7月24日的指示（以防法德战争迫在眉睫）；并通知罗马、海牙和卢森堡部长执行7月25日的指示。

SUNDAY, AUGUST 2, 1914

1914 年 8 月 2 日，星期日

_Austria-Hungary._ On the following day, Ambassador Szögyény telegraphed from Berlin that no answer had been received from Russia to Germany's demand that she demobilize; that Russian troops had crossed the German frontier at Schwidden (southeast of Bialla); and that Germany therefore regarded herself at war with Russia and had that morning given Ambassador Swerbeiev his passports.

_奥匈帝国_第二天，索吉尼大使从柏林发来电报称，俄罗斯尚未对德国要求她复员的要求做出任何答复；俄罗斯军队已越过施维登（比亚拉东南部）的德国边境；德国因此认为自己与俄罗斯处于交战状态，并于当天早上将护照交给了斯维尔贝耶夫大使。

_Germany._ Ambassador Lichnowsky telegraphed from London to Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg that Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had given up as impracticable his suggestions as to the possibility of creating lasting British neutrality, which were made without previous inquiry of France and without knowledge of mobilization.

_德国._利希诺夫斯基大使从伦敦电报给冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格总理，英国外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士已经放弃了他关于建立英国持久中立的可能性的不切实际的建议，这些建议是在没有事先询问法国和不了解动员的情况下提出的。

RUSSIA EXPLAINS HER EFFORTS FOR PEACE

俄罗斯解释其为和平所做的努力

_Russia._ M.

_俄罗斯._ M.

Sazonof, Minister for Foreign Affairs, published an announcement respecting recent events in correction of a "garbled version" appearing in the foreign press.

外交部长萨佐诺夫就近期发生的事件发表公告，纠正外国媒体出现的“乱码”。

This recited the circumstances of the Austrian note of July 23 to Serbia and Serbia's reply of the 25th.

本文叙述了奥地利7月23日照会塞尔维亚的情况以及塞尔维亚25日的答复。

"Russia considered that the humiliation of Serbia, involved in these demands, and equally the evident intention of Austria-Hungary to secure her own hegemony in the Balkans, which underlay her conditions, were inadmissible.

“俄罗斯认为，这些要求所涉及的对塞尔维亚的羞辱，以及奥匈帝国在巴尔干地区确保自己的霸权的明显意图，这是其条件的基础，都是不可接受的。

The Russian Government, therefore, pointed out to Austria-Hungary in the most friendly manner that it would be desirable to re-examine the points contained in the Austro-Hungarian note.

因此，俄罗斯政府以最友好的方式向奥匈帝国指出，最好重新审查奥匈照会中所载的要点。

The Austro-Hungarian Government did not see their way to agree to a discussion of the note.

奥匈帝国政府不同意讨论该照会。

The moderating influence of the four powers at Vienna was equally unsuccessful....

四大势力在维也纳的缓和影响力同样不成功……

"The Austro-Hungarian Government proceeded to mobilize and declared war officially against Serbia, and the following day Belgrade was bombarded.

“奥匈帝国政府开始动员并向塞尔维亚正式宣战，第二天贝尔格莱德遭到轰炸。

The manifesto which accompanied the declaration of war openly accuses Serbia of having prepared and carried out the crime of Sarajevo.

宣战宣言公开指责塞尔维亚准备并实施了萨拉热窝罪行。

Such an accusation of a crime at common law, launched against a whole people and a whole State, aroused, by its evident inanity, widespread sympathy for Serbia throughout all classes of European society.

这种针对整个人民和整个国家的普通法犯罪指控，因其明显的愚蠢而引起了欧洲社会各阶层对塞尔维亚的广泛同情。

"In consequence of this behavior of the Austro-Hungarian Government, in spite of Russia's declaration that she could not remain indifferent to the fate of Serbia, the Russian Government considered it necessary to order mobilization in the military districts of Kiev, Odessa, Moscow, and Kazan.

“由于奥匈帝国政府的这一行为，尽管俄罗斯宣称不能对塞尔维亚的命运漠不关心，但俄罗斯政府认为有必要下令在基辅、敖德萨、莫斯科和喀山军区进行动员。

This decision was rendered necessary by the fact that since the date when the Austro-Hungarian note was communicated to the Serbian Government, and since the first steps taken by Russia, five days had elapsed, and yet the Vienna Cabinet had not taken one step to meet Russia halfway in her efforts towards peace.

这一决定是必要的，因为自奥匈帝国照会转交塞尔维亚政府之日起，以及俄罗斯采取第一个步骤以来，已经过去了五天，但维也纳内阁还没有采取任何步骤来满足俄罗斯的和平努力。

Indeed, quite the contrary; for the mobilization of half of the Austro-Hungarian army had been ordered.

事实上，恰恰相反；已下令动员一半的奥匈帝国军队。

"The German Government were kept informed of the steps taken by Russia.

“德国政府随时了解俄罗斯采取的措施。

At the same time it was explained to them that these steps were only the result of the Austrian preparations, and that they were not in any way aimed at Germany.

同时向他们解释说，这些步骤只是奥地利准备的结果，绝不是针对德国的。

Simultaneously, the Russian Government declared that Russia was ready to continue discussions with a view to a peaceful settlement of the dispute, either in the form of direct negotiations with Vienna or, as suggested by Great Britain, in the form of a conference of the four great powers not directly interested, that is to say, Great Britain, France, Germany, and Italy.

同时，俄罗斯政府宣布，俄罗斯准备继续进行讨论，以和平解决争端，要么以与维也纳直接谈判的形式，要么按照英国的建议，以没有直接利益的四个大国，即英国、法国、德国和意大利举行会议的形式。

"This attempt on the part of Russia was, however, equally unsuccessful.

“然而，俄罗斯的这一尝试同样不成功。

Austria-Hungary declined a further exchange of views with Russia, and the Vienna Cabinet was unwilling to join the proposed conference of the powers.

奥匈帝国拒绝与俄罗斯进一步交换意见，维也纳内阁也不愿意参加拟议的列强会议。

"Nevertheless Russia did not abandon her efforts for peace.

“尽管如此，俄罗斯并没有放弃其和平努力。

When questioned by the German Ambassador as to the conditions on which we would still agree to suspend our preparations, the Minister for Foreign Affairs declared that these conditions were Austria's recognition that the Austro-Serbian question had assumed a European character, and a declaration by her that she agreed not to insist upon such of her demands as were incompatible with the sovereign rights of Serbia.

当德国大使询问我们在什么条件下仍同意暂停准备工作时，外交部长宣布，这些条件是奥地利承认奥塞问题已具有欧洲性质，并且她声明她同意不坚持与塞尔维亚主权权利不相容的要求。

"Germany considered this Russian proposal unacceptable to Austria-Hungary.

“德国认为俄罗斯的这项提议对奥匈帝国来说是不可接受的。

At that very moment news of the proclamation of general mobilization by Austria-Hungary reached St. Petersburg.

就在此时，奥匈帝国宣布总动员的消息传到了圣彼得堡。

"All this time hostilities were continuing on Serbian territory, and Belgrade was bombarded afresh.

“塞尔维亚领土上的敌对行动一直在持续，贝尔格莱德再次遭到轰炸。

"The failure of our proposals for peace compelled us to extend the scope of our precautionary military measures.

“我们和平建议的失败迫使我们扩大预防性军事措施的范围。

"The Berlin Cabinet questioned us on this, and we replied that Russia was compelled to begin preparations so as to be ready for every emergency.

“柏林内阁就此向我们提出质询，我们回答说，俄罗斯被迫开始准备工作，为每一次紧急情况做好准备。

"But while taking this precautionary step, Russia did not on that account abandon her strenuous efforts to find some solution of the situation, and she announced that she was ready to accept any proposed settlement of the problem that might be put forward, provided it complied with the conditions laid down by her.

“但是，在采取这一预防措施的同时，俄罗斯并没有因此而放弃为解决局势所做的不懈努力，她还宣布，只要符合她提出的条件，她就准备接受可能提出的任何解决问题的建议。

"In spite of this conciliatory communication, the German Government on July 31 demanded of the Russian Government that they should suspend their military measures by midday on August 1, and threatened, should they fail to comply, to proceed to general mobilization.

“尽管进行了这一和解性沟通，德国政府还是于 7 月 31 日要求俄罗斯政府在 8 月 1 日中午之前暂停军事措施，并威胁称，如果俄罗斯政府不遵守，将进行总动员。

"On the following day, August 1, the German Ambassador, on behalf of his Government, forwarded a declaration of war to the Minister for Foreign Affairs."

“第二天，8 月 1 日，德国大使代表德国政府向外交部长递交了宣战声明。”

M。

Sazonof telegraphed to the Russian representatives abroad

萨佐诺夫致电俄罗斯驻外代表

"that Germany is now doing her utmost to foist upon us the responsibility for the rupture.

“德国现在正在竭尽全力将破裂的责任归咎于我们。

We were forced to mobilize by the immense responsibility which would have fallen upon our shoulders if we had not taken all possible precautionary measures at a time when Austria, while confining herself to discussions of a dilatory nature, was bombarding Belgrade and was undertaking general mobilization.

我们被迫动员起来，因为我们肩负着巨大的责任，如果我们没有采取一切可能的预防措施，当时奥地利只进行拖延性的讨论，轰炸贝尔格莱德并进行总动员。

"The Emperor of Russia had promised the German Emperor that he would take no aggressive action as long as the discussions with Austria continued.

“俄罗斯皇帝向德国皇帝保证，只要与奥地利的谈判继续下去，他就不会采取侵略行动。

With such a guarantee, and after so many proofs of Russia's desire for peace, Germany neither could, nor had the right to, doubt our declaration that we would joyfully accept any peaceful settlement compatible with the dignity and independence of Serbia.

有了这样的保证，并且在俄罗斯渴望和平的如此多的证据之后，德国既不能也没有权利怀疑我们的声明，即我们将欣然接受任何符合塞尔维亚尊严和独立的和平解决方案。

Any other solution, besides being entirely incompatible with our own dignity, would assuredly have upset the European balance of power by securing the hegemony of Germany.

任何其他解决方案，除了与我们自己的尊严完全不相容之外，肯定会通过确保德国的霸权来破坏欧洲的权力平衡。

The European--nay, the world-wide--character of this dispute is infinitely more important than the pretext from which it springs.

这场争端的欧洲——不，是世界范围的——性质比其产生的借口要重要得多。

By her decision to declare war upon us, at a moment when negotiations were in progress between the powers, Germany has assumed a heavy responsibility."

在列强之间正在进行谈判的时刻，德国决定向我们宣战，因此承担了重大责任。”

_Great Britain._ Ambassador Goschen sent from Berlin two telegrams to Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, one stating that Secretary of State von Jagow had just informed him that, owing to certain Russian troops having crossed the frontier, Germany and Russia were in a state of war, and the other that the reason for the detention of British ships on the day preceding was laying of mines and taking other precautions.

_大不列颠._戈申大使从柏林给外交部长爱德华·格雷爵士发了两封电报，其中一封称国务卿冯·贾戈刚刚通知他，由于某些俄罗斯军队越过边境，德国和俄罗斯正处于战争状态，另一封则表示前一天扣押英国船只的原因是埋设水雷和采取其他预防措施。

Ambassador Villiers telegraphed from Brussels that a German force had entered Luxemburg.

维利尔斯大使从布鲁塞尔发来电报称，德国军队已进入卢森堡。

This was confirmed by a telegram from the Minister of State for Luxemburg, who gave details, and added:

卢森堡国务大臣的电报证实了这一点，电报提供了详细信息，并补充道：

"These occurrences constitute acts which are manifestly contrary to the neutrality of the Grand Duchy as guaranteed by the Treaty of London of 1867.

“这些事件构成了明显违反 1867 年伦敦条约所保证的大公国中立性的行为。

The Luxemburg Government have not failed to address an energetic protest against this aggression to the representatives of his majesty the German Emperor at Luxemburg.

卢森堡政府也向德国皇帝陛下驻卢森堡的代表提出了针对这一侵略的强烈抗议。

An identical protest will be sent by telegraph to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs at Berlin.

同样的抗议将通过电报发送给柏林外交大臣。

[Paris was also informed.]"

[巴黎也获悉。]”

Grey telegraphed Ambassador Bertie at Paris:

格雷给驻巴黎大使伯蒂发电报：

"After the Cabinet this morning I gave M.

“今天早上内阁会议结束后，我给了 M.

Cambon [French Ambassador in London] the following memorandum:

Cambon [法国驻伦敦大使] 发表以下备忘录：

"I am authorized to give an assurance that, if the German fleet comes into the Channel or through the North Sea to undertake hostile operations against French coasts or shipping, the British fleet will give all the protection in its power.

“我有权保证，如果德国舰队进入英吉利海峡或通过北海对法国海岸或航运采取敌对行动，英国舰队将提供其力量内的一切保护。

"This assurance is of course subject to the policy of his majesty's Government receiving the support of Parliament, and must not be taken as binding his majesty's Government to take any action until the above contingency of action by the German fleet takes place.

“这一保证当然取决于得到议会支持的国王陛下政府的政策，并且不得被视为约束国王陛下政府在德国舰队发生上述意外行动之前采取任何行动。

"I pointed out that we had very large questions and most difficult issues to consider, and that our Government felt that they could not bind themselves to declare war upon Germany necessarily if war broke out between France and Germany to-morrow, but it was essential to the French Government, whose fleet had long been concentrated in the Mediterranean, to know how to make their dispositions with their north coast entirely undefended.

“我指出，我们有非常大的问题和最困难的问题需要考虑，而且我国政府认为，如果明天法国和德国之间爆发战争，他们不一定必须向德国宣战，但对于法国政府来说，其舰队长期集中在地中海，知道如何使其北海岸完全不设防，这是至关重要的。

We therefore thought it necessary to give them this assurance.

因此，我们认为有必要向他们提供这一保证。

It did not bind us to go to war with Germany unless the German fleet took the action indicated, but it did not give a security to France that would enable her to settle the disposition of her own Mediterranean fleet.

除非德国舰队采取指示的行动，否则它并没有约束我们与德国开战，但它并没有为法国提供安全保障，使法国能够解决其地中海舰队的部署问题。

"M.

“M。

Cambon asked me about the violation of Luxemburg.

康朋问我有关侵犯卢森堡的事。

I told him the doctrine on that point laid down by Lord Derby and Lord Clarendon in 1867.

我告诉他德比勋爵和克拉伦登勋爵在 1867 年就这一点制定的学说。

He asked me what we should say about the violation of the neutrality of Belgium.

他问我对于侵犯比利时中立性的行为我们应该说些什么。

I said that was a much more important matter; we were considering what statement we should make in Parliament to-morrow--in effect, whether we should declare violation of Belgian neutrality to be a _casus belli_.

我说这是一件更重要的事情；我们正在考虑明天应该在议会发表什么声明——实际上，我们是否应该宣布违反比利时中立性为“宣战理由”。

I told him what had been said to the German Ambassador on this point."

我告诉了他在这一点上与德国大使所说的话。”

_France._ Ambassador Paléologue telegraphed from St. Petersburg that the German Ambassador, Count Pourtalés was leaving the Russian capital that day, and that the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador, Count Szápáry had not yet received instructions from Vienna as to the declaration of war.

法国大使帕莱奥洛格从圣彼得堡发来电报称，德国大使普尔塔莱斯伯爵当天将离开俄罗斯首都，而奥匈帝国大使萨帕里伯爵尚未收到维也纳关于宣战的指示。

M。

Viviani, Minister for Foreign Affairs, notified the Ambassadors at London, St. Petersburg, Berlin, Vienna, Rome, Madrid, and Constantinople:

外交部长维维亚尼通知伦敦、圣彼得堡、柏林、维也纳、罗马、马德里和君士坦丁堡大使：

"This morning, French territory was violated by German troops at Ciry and near Longwy.

“今天早上，德国军队在西里和隆维附近侵犯了法国领土。

They are marching on the fort which bears the latter name.

他们正在向以后者名字命名的堡垒行进。

Elsewhere the Custom House at Delle has twice been fired upon.

在其他地方，戴尔海关大楼也曾两次遭到枪击。

Finally, German troops have also violated this morning the neutral territory of Luxemburg.

最后，德国军队今天早上还侵犯了卢森堡的中立领土。

"You will at once use this information to lay stress on the fact that the German Government is committing itself to acts of war against France without provocation on our part, or any previous declaration of war, whilst we have scrupulously respected the zone of ten kilometers which we have maintained, even since the mobilization, between our troops and the frontier."

“你们将立即利用这一信息来强调这样一个事实：德国政府在没有我们挑衅或没有任何先前宣战的情况下，正在致力于对法国采取战争行动，而我们则严格遵守我们自动员以来一直在我们的军队和边境之间维持的十公里区域。”

Ambassador Paul Cambon reported from London Sir Edward Grey's declaration of the British Cabinet as to protection of France by the British fleet.

保罗·坎本大使在伦敦报道了爱德华·格雷爵士英国内阁关于英国舰队保护法国的声明。

"Afterwards in speaking to me of the neutrality of Belgium and that of Luxemburg, the Secretary of State reminded me that the Convention of 1867, referring to the Grand Duchy, differed from the Treaty referring to Belgium, in that Great Britain was bound to require the observance of this latter Convention without the assistance of the other guaranteeing powers, while with regard to Luxemburg all the guaranteeing powers were to act in concert.

“后来在向我谈到比利时和卢森堡的中立性时，国务卿提醒我，1867 年涉及大公国的公约与涉及比利时的条约不同，因为英国有义务要求在没有其他担保国协助的情况下遵守后一项公约，而对于卢森堡，所有担保国都应一致行动。

"The protection of Belgian neutrality is here considered so important that Great Britain will regard its violation by Germany as a _casus belli_.

“保护比利时的中立在这里被认为非常重要，以至于英国将把德国的侵犯视为_宣战理由_。

It is a specially British interest and there is no doubt that the British Government, faithful to the traditions of their policy, will insist upon it, even if the business world in which German influence is making tenacious efforts, exercises pressure to prevent the Government committing itself against Germany."

这是英国的特殊利益，毫无疑问，忠实于其政策传统的英国政府将坚持这一点，即使德国影响力所在的商界正在顽强地施加压力，阻止政府做出反对德国的事情。”

M。

Viviani replied to M.

维维亚尼回复了M。

Paul Cambon that the promise of the British Cabinet was "a first assistance which is most valuable to us."

保罗·坎本表示，英国内阁的承诺是“对我们来说最有价值的第一手援助”。

"The help which Great Britain intends to give to France for the protection of the French coasts or the French merchant marine, will be used in such a way that our navy will also, in case of a Franco-German conflict, be supported by the British fleet in the Atlantic as well as in the North Sea and Channel.

“英国打算为保护法国海岸或法国商船而向法国提供的帮助，将以这样的方式使用，即在法德冲突的情况下，我们的海军也将得到大西洋、北海和英吉利海峡的英国舰队的支持。

I would note that British ports could not serve as places for revictualling for the German fleet."

我要指出的是，英国港口不能作为德国舰队补给的场所。”

M。

Viviani telegraphed to Ambassador Jules Cambon at Berlin to protest to the German Government against the violation of the French frontier by German armed forces, as "unjustified by anything in the present situation."

维维亚尼致电驻柏林大使儒勒·康邦，向德国政府抗议德国武装部队侵犯法国边境的行为，称“在目前情况下任何事情都是不合理的”。

"The Government of the Republic can only leave to the Imperial Government the entire responsibility for these acts."

“共和国政府只能将这些行为的全部责任留给帝国政府。”

M。

Marcellin Pellet, Minister at the Hague, telegraphed to M.

海牙公使 Marcellin Pellet 致电 M.

Viviani that the German Minister had called on M.

德国部长拜访了维维亚尼。

Loudon, Dutch Minister for Foreign Affairs, to explain the necessity for the German violation of the neutrality of Luxemburg.

荷兰外交部长劳登解释了德国违反卢森堡中立立场的必要性。

_Belgium._ M.

_比利时._ M.

Davignon, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, telegraphed to the ministers at Paris, Berlin, London, Vienna, and St. Petersburg, that he had warned the German Minister at Brussels, Herr von Below Saleske, that the French Minister, M.

外交部长达维尼翁致电巴黎、柏林、伦敦、维也纳和圣彼得堡的部长，称他已警告德国驻布鲁塞尔部长冯·贝洛·萨莱斯克先生，法国部长 M.

Klobukowski, would publish the formal declaration made by the German Minister on August 1, respecting Belgian neutrality.

克洛布科夫斯基将于8月1日发表德国部长发表的正式声明，尊重比利时的中立性。

"When I next met Herr von Below he thanked me for this attention, and added that up to the present he had not been instructed to make us an official communication, but that we knew his personal opinion as to the feelings of security, which we had the right to entertain toward our eastern neighbors.

“当我下次见到冯·贝洛先生时，他感谢我的关注，并补充说，到目前为止，他还没有接到指示与我们进行正式沟通，但我们知道他个人对安全感的看法，我们有权对我们的东部邻国抱有这种感觉。

I at once replied that all that we knew of their intentions, as indicated in numerous previous conversations, did not allow us to doubt their perfect correctness toward Belgium.

我立即回答说，正如我们在之前的多次谈话中所表明的那样，我们所知道的他们的意图并不让我们怀疑他们对比利时的完全正确性。

I added, however, that we should attach the greatest importance to the possession of a formal declaration, which the Belgian nation would hear of with joy and gratitude."

不过，我补充说，我们应该高度重视正式宣言的签署，比利时人民听到后会感到高兴和感激。”

Later, the German Minister presented the following "very confidential" note to Belgium.

随后，德国部长向比利时提交了以下“非常机密”的照会。

GERMAN DECLARATION OF INTENTIONS TOWARD BELGIUM

德国对比利时的意向声明

"Reliable information has been received by the German Government to the effect that French forces intend to march on the line of the Meuse by Givet and Namur.

“德国政府已收到可靠信息，大意是法国军队打算沿吉韦和那慕尔的默兹河一线进军。

This information leaves no doubt as to the intention of France to march through Belgian territory against Germany.

这一信息毫无疑问表明法国打算穿越比利时领土对抗德国。

"The German Government cannot but fear that Belgium, in spite of the utmost good will, will be unable, without assistance, to repel so considerable a French invasion with sufficient prospect of success to afford an adequate guaranty against danger to Germany.

“德国政府不能不担心，尽管比利时有最大的善意，但在没有援助的情况下，比利时将无法击退如此大规模的法国入侵，并且有足够的成功前景，足以保证德国免受危险。

It is essential for the self-defense of Germany that she should anticipate any such hostile attack.

德国应该预见到任何此类敌对攻击，这对于德国的自卫至关重要。

The German Government would, however, feel the deepest regret if Belgium regarded as an act of hostility against herself the fact that the measures of Germany's opponents force Germany, for her own protection, to enter Belgian territory.

然而，如果比利时将德国反对者的措施迫使德国为了自身保护而进入比利时领土这一事实视为对自己的敌对行为，德国政府将感到最深切的遗憾。

"In order to exclude any possibility of misunderstanding, the German Government make the following declaration:

“为了排除任何可能的误解，德国政府做出以下声明：

"1.

“1.

Germany has in view no act of hostility against Belgium.

德国认为不会对比利时采取敌对行动。

In the event of Belgium being prepared in the coming war to maintain an attitude of friendly neutrality toward Germany, the German Government bind themselves, at the conclusion of peace, to guarantee the possessions and independence of the Belgian Kingdom in full.

如果比利时准备在即将到来的战争中对德国保持友好中立的态度，德国政府在和平缔结时有义务保证比利时王国的完全财产和独立。

"2.

”2.

Germany undertakes, under the above-mentioned condition, to evacuate Belgian territory on the conclusion of peace.

德国承诺，在上述条件下，在和平缔结时撤离比利时领土。

"3.

”3.

If Belgium adopts a friendly attitude, Germany is prepared, in cooperation with the Belgian authorities, to purchase all necessaries for her troops against a cash payment, and to pay an indemnity for any damage that may have been caused by German troops.

如果比利时采取友好态度，德国准备与比利时当局合作，以现金购买其部队的所有必需品，并对德国军队可能造成的任何损害进行赔偿。

"4.

”4.

Should Belgium oppose the German troops, and in particular should she throw difficulties in the way of their march by a resistance of the fortresses on the Meuse, or by destroying railways, roads, tunnels, or other similar works, Germany will, to her regret, be compelled to consider Belgium as an enemy.

如果比利时反对德国军队，特别是如果她通过默兹河上的堡垒的抵抗，或者通过摧毁铁路、公路、隧道或其他类似工程，给德国军队的行军带来困难，德国将不得不遗憾地将比利时视为敌人。

"In this event Germany can undertake no obligations toward Belgium, but the eventual adjustment of the relations between the two States must be left to the decision of arms.

“在这种情况下，德国不能对比利时承担任何义务，但两国关系的最终调整必须由武力决定。

"The German Government, however, entertain the distinct hope that this eventuality will not occur, and that the Belgian Government will know how to take the necessary measures to prevent the occurrence of incidents such as those mentioned.

“然而，德国政府明确希望这种情况不会发生，并且比利时政府将知道如何采取必要措施来防止发生上述事件。

In this case the friendly ties which bind the two neighboring States will grow stronger and more enduring."

在这种情况下，两个邻国的友好关系将变得更加牢固和持久。”

MONDAY, AUGUST 3, 1914

1914 年 8 月 3 日星期一

_Serbia._ On the following day M.

_塞尔维亚._ 第二天 M.

Yov.

哟。

Yovanovitch, former Minister to Vienna, and now at Nish, the temporary capital of Serbia, made a long report to M.

前驻维也纳部长约万诺维奇现身塞尔维亚临时首都尼什，向米勒先生作了长篇报告。

N。

Pashitch, the Prime Minister, of events at Vienna from the days following the crime of Sarajevo to his departure from the Austrian capital.

总理帕希奇讲述了从萨拉热窝犯罪事件发生后到他离开奥地利首都期间在维也纳发生的事件。

The points in this are:

这其中的要点是：

SERBIA'S POSITION EXPLAINED

塞尔维亚的立场解释

Constant police surveillance of the Serbian legation and menacing attitude of the public.

警察对塞尔维亚公使馆的持续监视和公众的威胁态度。

Sudden change early in July of Austro-Hungarian attitude to the Sarajevo incident.

7月初奥匈帝国对萨拉热窝事件的态度突然转变。

Press begins to represent it as a manifestation of Serbian intrigue which Austria must settle, and alone, with Serbia--eventually by war.

媒体开始将其描述为塞尔维亚阴谋的表现，奥地利必须单独与塞尔维亚解决这一阴谋——最终通过战争。

Assistance given by German Embassy to this press agitation.

德国大使馆对这次新闻煽动提供了协助。

Austrian financiers declare that "a settlement with Serbia" is the only way out of the general financial and economic crisis prevailing in Austria-Hungary since annexation of Bosnia.

奥地利金融家宣称，“与塞尔维亚达成和解”是摆脱吞并波斯尼亚以来奥匈帝国普遍存在的金融和经济危机的唯一出路。

Gold secretly and gradually withdrawn from circulation.

黄金秘密地逐步退出流通。

Austrian Minister of War, Krobatin, and Chief of Staff, Hetzendorf, break leave of absence to return to Vienna, the latter having had a conversation at Carlsbad with German Chief of Staff, Count Moltke.

奥地利战争部长克罗巴廷和参谋长海岑多夫中断休假返回维也纳，后者在卡尔斯巴德与德国参谋长毛奇伯爵进行了交谈。

Reserves retained after stipulated period for maneuvers had expired and their numbers augmented.

规定的演习期限结束后保留的预备队，其数量有所增加。

Noncommittal answers of Count Tisza, Hungarian Prime Minister, to interpolations concerning Serbia in Hungarian Diet.

匈牙利总理蒂萨伯爵对匈牙利议会中有关塞尔维亚的插手做出了不置可否的回答。

Refusal at Foreign Office in Vienna to discuss Sarajevo incident with foreign representatives, or if subject was mentioned, assurances that nothing would be done against Serbia to give uneasiness to the powers, in particular Russia.

维也纳外交部拒绝与外国代表讨论萨拉热窝事件，或者如果提及主题，则保证不会对塞尔维亚采取任何行动，以免引起列强，特别是俄罗斯的不安。

Foreign ambassadors, thus assured, quit Vienna on long leaves of absence for watering places.

因此，外国大使们在长期休假期间离开维也纳，前往饮水处。

All this indicates that Austria-Hungary was contemplating sudden action, which, when a _fait accompli_, would likely be accepted by the powers in order to avoid a general war.

所有这些都表明，奥匈帝国正在考虑突然采取行动，当这种行动成为既成事实时，很可能会被列强接受，以避免全面战争。

German Ambassador, Herr von Tschirschky, the only foreign representative informed of note to Serbia.

德国大使冯·齐尔斯基先生 (Herr von Tschirschky) 是唯一向塞尔维亚通报情况的外国代表。

He knew its minutest details, and there is reason to believe he helped draft it.

他知道最细微的细节，并且有理由相信他帮助起草了它。

10.

When note was published, French, British, and Russian representatives at Vienna asked me if it were not better to accept the demands and avoid war for the present.

当照会发表时，法国、英国和俄罗斯在维也纳的代表问我，接受这些要求并暂时避免战争不是更好吗？

"I said that the note, which amounted in fact to a declaration of war upon Serbia, was worded in such a way that, even if Serbia should accept all the conditions without reserve, Austria-Hungary would still find an excuse for her army to march into Serbia at any time.

“我说过，这张照会事实上相当于向塞尔维亚宣战，其措辞是这样的：即使塞尔维亚毫无保留地接受所有条件，奥匈帝国仍然会随时找到借口让其军队进军塞尔维亚。

It was in the belief that the conflict would be limited to Serbia and Austria-Hungary that Austria-Hungary had drafted such a note.

奥匈帝国认为冲突将仅限于塞尔维亚和奥匈帝国，因此起草了这样一份照会。

"The Russian Ambassador, M.

“俄罗斯大使，M.

Schebeko [then absent from Vienna,] previously to the presentation of the note, had stated on several occasions to his colleagues and the Austro-Hungarian Government that Russia could not remain indifferent to any step taken by Austria-Hungary, which might have as an object the humiliation of Serbia.

谢贝科（当时不在维也纳）在提交照会之前，曾多次向他的同事和奥匈帝国政府表示，俄罗斯不能对奥匈帝国采取的任何步骤无动于衷，因为这可能是为了羞辱塞尔维亚。

Hence the apprehension felt by the French and British Ambassadors and the Russian Chargé d'Affaires, who at once foresaw the possibility of war between Russia and Austria-Hungary."

因此，法国和英国大使以及俄罗斯临时代办都感到忧虑，他们立即预见到俄罗斯和奥匈帝国之间可能发生战争。”

11.

Expressed intention of Count Berchtold, Austro-Hungarian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to chastise Serbia by arms without consent of European concert.

奥匈帝国外交部长贝希托尔德伯爵表示，打算在未经欧洲一致同意的情况下用武力惩罚塞尔维亚。

Belief expressed by German Ambassador that Russia would permit this, owing to troubles in Asia, and assurances given by him that Germany would stand by her ally in the matter.

德国大使表示相信，由于亚洲的麻烦，俄罗斯会允许这样做，并保证德国将在此事上支持其盟友。

"These statements of Herr von Tschirschky have induced many to hold the opinion that Germany desired to provoke a European war, on the ground that it was better to have war with Russia before the latter had completed her military reorganization, _i.e._, before the spring of 1917.

“冯·齐尔斯基先生的这些言论使许多人认为德国希望挑起欧洲战争，理由是最好在俄罗斯完成军事重组之前，即 1917 年春天之前与俄罗斯开战。

This point of view had formerly been freely discussed and even written about in Vienna.

这种观点以前曾在维也纳自由讨论过，甚至被写过。

'The longer the matter is postponed, the smaller will become the chances of success of the Triple Alliance.' On the other hand, rumors from the most authoritative diplomatic sources in Berlin reached me in Vienna, to the effect that the Wilhelmstrasse [German Foreign Office] did not approve of Austria's policy on this question, and that Herr von Tschirschky has exceeded the instructions given to him."

“事情拖得越久，三国同盟成功的机会就越小。”另一方面，来自柏林最权威的外交消息来源的谣言传到了我在维也纳的地方，大意是威廉大街（德国外交部）不同意奥地利在这个问题上的政策，而且冯·齐尔斯基先生已经超出了给他的指示。”

_Great Britain._ Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, made a statement in the House of Commons as to the diplomatic situation, particularly of Great Britain.

_英国。_外交大臣爱德华·格雷爵士在下议院就外交局势，特别是英国的外交局势发表声明。

The chief points in it were:

其中的要点是：

The peace of Europe cannot be preserved, despite Great Britain's earnest and consistent efforts to that end.

尽管英国为此做出了真诚和持续的努力，但欧洲的和平仍无法得到维护。

Great Britain's good faith in this matter is proved by her actions in the Balkan crisis, where it was generally admitted she worked for peace.

英国在这一问题上的诚意从她在巴尔干危机中的行动得到了证明，人们普遍承认她为和平而努力。

Parliament is free to decide on attitude of Great Britain.

议会可以自由决定英国的态度。

Here the secretary referred to the Moroccan crisis of 1906, and said that then he had taken the same attitude with respect to France.

国务卿在这里提到了1906年的摩洛哥危机，并表示当时他对法国也采取了同样的态度。

"That position was accepted by the French Government, but they said to me at the time, and I think very reasonably, 'If you think it possible that the public opinion of Great Britain might, should a sudden crisis arise, justify you in giving to France the armed support which you cannot promise in advance, you will not be able to give that support, even if you wish it, when the time comes, unless some conversations have already taken place between naval and military experts.' There was force in that.

“法国政府接受了这一立场，但他们当时对我说，我认为非常合理，‘如果你认为，如果突然出现危机，英国的公众舆论可能会证明你有理由向法国提供你无法事先承诺的武装支持，那么到时候你将无法提供这种支持，即使你希望如此，除非海军和军事专家之间已经进行了一些对话。’那是有力量的。

I agreed to it, and authorized those conversations to take place, but on the distinct understanding that nothing which passed between military or naval experts should bind either Government or restrict in any way their freedom to make a decision as to whether or not they would give that support when the time arose.

我同意了这一点，并授权进行这些对话，但有一个明确的谅解，即军事或海军专家之间传递的任何内容都不应约束政府或以任何方式限制他们在时机成熟时决定是否提供支持的自由。

"As I have told the House, upon that occasion a general election was in prospect; I had to take the responsibility of doing that without the Cabinet.

“正如我告诉众议院的那样，当时即将举行大选；我必须在没有内阁的情况下承担起这样做的责任。

It could not be summoned.

它无法被召唤。

An answer had to be given.

必须给出一个答案。

I consulted Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, the Prime Minister; I consulted Lord Haldane, who was then Secretary of State for War; and the present Prime Minister [Henry Asquith] who was then Chancellor of the Exchequer.

我咨询了首相亨利·坎贝尔-班纳曼爵士；我咨询了当时的陆军大臣霍尔丹勋爵。现任总理[亨利·阿斯奎斯]，时任财政大臣。

They authorized that [answer], on the distinct understanding that it left the hands of the Government free whenever the crisis arose."

他们批准了这个[答复]，但明确的理解是，每当危机发生时，政府就可以自由行事。”

Here the secretary read his reply to the French Ambassador, dated November 22, 1912, which was to the effect stated.

秘书在此宣读了他 1912 年 11 月 22 日给法国大使的答复，其大意如下。

It instanced the disposition of the French and British fleets at the time as "not based upon an engagement to cooperate in war," and went on to say

报告举例说，当时法国和英国舰队的部署“并非基于战争合作”，并接着说

"that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, or something that threatened the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other whether both governments should act together to prevent aggression and to preserve peace, and, if so what measures they would be prepared to take in common."

“如果任何一方政府有充分理由预计第三国会无端发动攻击，或者发生威胁总体和平的事情，则应立即与另一方讨论两国政府是否应共同采取行动，防止侵略并维护和平，如果是的话，他们将准备采取哪些共同措施。”

The secretary said that the present crisis involved Great Britain's obligations to France in a less formal fashion.

国务卿表示，当前的危机以一种不太正式的方式涉及英国对法国的义务。

"While we were pledged to give nothing but diplomatic support to France in the Morocco affairs, we were pledged to do so by a definite public agreement [the Treaty of April 8, 1904].

“虽然我们承诺在摩洛哥事务上只向法国提供外交支持，但我们是通过明确的公开协议 [1904 年 4 月 8 日条约] 承诺这样做的。

But no Government and no country has less desire to be involved in war over a dispute with Austria and Serbia than the Government and the country of France.

但没有哪个政府和国家比法国政府和国家更愿意因与奥地利和塞尔维亚的争端而卷入战争。

France is involved in it because of her obligation of honor under a definite alliance with Russia.

法国之所以卷入其中，是因为它在与俄罗斯明确结盟的情况下承担着荣誉义务。

It is only fair to the House to say that that obligation cannot apply in the same way to us.

公平地说，这项义务不能以同样的方式适用于我们。

We are not parties to the Franco-Russian alliance.

我们不是法俄联盟的成员。

We do not even know its terms.

我们甚至不知道它的条款。

"I now come to what we think the situation requires of us.

“我现在谈谈我们认为形势对我们的要求。

We have had a long-standing friendship with France.

我们与法国有着悠久的友谊。

But how far that friendship entails obligation, let every man look into his own heart, and his own feelings, and construe for himself.

但这种友谊在多大程度上需要承担义务，让每个人审视自己的内心和感受，并为自己做出解释。

"The French coasts are absolutely undefended.

“法国海岸完全不设防。

The French fleet is in the Mediterranean, and has for some years been concentrated there because of the feeling of confidence and friendship which has existed between the two countries.

法国舰队位于地中海，多年来一直集中在那里，因为两国之间存在着信任和友谊。

My own feeling is that if a foreign fleet, engaged in a war which France had not sought, and in which she had not been the aggressor, came down the English Channel and bombarded and battered the undefended coasts of France, we could not stand aside, and see this going on practically within sight of our eyes, with our arms folded, looking on dispassionately, doing nothing.

我自己的感觉是，如果一支外国舰队，参与一场法国没有寻求的战争，而且法国也不是侵略者，沿着英吉利海峡而来，轰炸和重创法国不设防的海岸，我们就不能袖手旁观，袖手旁观，冷漠地袖手旁观，眼睁睁地看着这一切发生。

"Let us assume that out of the situation come consequences unforeseen, which make it necessary at a sudden moment that, in defense of vital British interests, we should go to war; and let us assume--which is quite possible--that Italy, who is now neutral, should depart from her attitude, what then will be the position in the Mediterranean where our trade routes are vital to our interests?

“让我们假设，这种情况会产生不可预见的后果，这使得我们有必要在突然的时刻，为了保卫英国的重大利益，我们应该发动战争；让我们假设——这是很有可能的——现在保持中立的意大利应该改变她的态度，那么我们的贸易路线对我们的利益至关重要的地中海的位置将会是什么？

We have not kept a fleet in the Mediterranean which is equal to dealing alone with a combination of other fleets in the Mediterranean.

我们在地中海没有一支舰队，这相当于单独对付地中海其他舰队的组合。

We would have exposed this country from our negative attitude at the present moment to the most appalling risk.

我们会让这个国家从目前的消极态度面临最可怕的风险。

We feel strongly that France was entitled to know--and to know at once--whether or not in the event of attack upon her unprotected northern and western coasts she could depend upon British support.

我们强烈认为，法国有权知道——并且立即知道——如果其未受保护的北部和西部海岸遭到袭击，她是否可以依靠英国的支持。

In these compelling circumstances, yesterday afternoon I gave to the French Ambassador the assurance that if the German fleet undertakes hostile operations against the French coast or shipping the British fleet will give all the protection in its power, subject to the ratification of Parliament.

在这些令人信服的情况下，昨天下午我向法国大使保证，如果德国舰队对法国海岸或航运采取敌对行动，英国舰队将在其权力范围内提供一切保护，但须经议会批准。

"I understand that the German Government would be prepared, if we would pledge ourselves to neutrality, to agree that its fleet would not attack the northern coast of France.

“我知道，如果我们保证保持中立，德国政府将准备好同意其舰队不会攻击法国北部海岸。

It is far too narrow an engagement for us.

对我们来说，这个参与范围太窄了。

And, Sir, there is the more serious consideration--becoming more serious every hour--of the neutrality of Belgium."

而且，先生，我们对比利时的中立性有更严肃的考虑——每一个小时都变得更加严肃。”

Here the secretary discussed the treaties of 1839 and of 1870 between the powers and Belgium respecting preservation of her neutrality, and cited in particular the real and written recognition by Prince Bismarck of the sacredness of this neutrality, and the speech in Parliament by William E.

在此，秘书讨论了 1839 年和 1870 年列强与比利时签订的关于维护中立性的条约，并特别引用了俾斯麦亲王对这种中立性神圣性的真实书面承认，以及威廉·E·威廉·E·比利时在议会的演讲。

Gladstone on Great Britain's obligation to maintain it.

格莱斯顿谈英国维护它的义务。

He then reported the promise he had just secured from France to respect Belgian neutrality, the evasive answer that had been given by Germany in regard to the same, and Belgium's promise to maintain her neutrality.

然后他报告了他刚刚从法国获得的尊重比利时中立的承诺、德国对此的回避答复以及比利时保持中立的承诺。

He then recited Germany's ultimatum to Belgium, and Belgium's appeal to King George.

然后他宣读了德国对比利时的最后通牒，以及比利时对乔治国王的呼吁。

"Diplomatic intervention took place last week on our part.

“我们上周进行了外交干预。

What can diplomatic intervention do now?

外交干预现在能做什么？

We have great and vital interests in the independence--and integrity is the least part--of Belgium.

我们对比利时的独立有着重大而重大的利益——而完整性是最不重要的一部分。

The smaller States in that region of Europe ask but one thing, to be left alone and independent.

欧洲该地区的小国只要求一件事，那就是保持独立。

If in this war which is before Europe the neutrality of one of those countries is violated, and no action be taken [by the powers] to resent it, at the end of the war, whatever the integrity may be, the independence will be gone.

如果在欧洲面前的这场战争中，其中一个国家的中立性受到侵犯，并且[列强]不采取任何行动来对此表示不满，那么在战争结束时，无论其完整性如何，独立性都将消失。

Mr. Gladstone said:

格莱斯顿先生说：

"We have an interest in the independence of Belgium which is wider than that which we may have in the literal operation of the guaranty.

“我们对比利时独立的兴趣比我们在担保的字面运作中可能拥有的兴趣更广泛。

It is found in the answer to the question whether, under the circumstances of the case, this country, endowed as it is with influence and power, would quietly stand by and witness the perpetration of the direst crime that ever stained the pages of history, and thus become participators in the sin.

这个问题的答案在于，在本案的情况下，这个拥有影响力和实力的国家是否会默默地袖手旁观，目睹这一玷污历史的滔天罪行，从而成为罪恶的参与者。

"If Belgium's independence goes, the independence of Holland will follow.

“如果比利时独立，荷兰也会随之独立。

I ask the House from the point of view of British interests to consider what may be at stake.

我要求众议院从英国利益的角度考虑可能面临的利害关系。

If France is beaten in a struggle of life and death, loses her position as a great power, becomes subordinate to the will and power of one greater than herself--consequences which I do not anticipate, because I am sure that France has the power to defend herself with all the energy and ability and patriotism which she has shown so often, and if Belgium fell under the same dominating influence, and then Holland, and then Denmark, then would not Mr. Gladstone's words come true, that just opposite to us there would be a common interest against the unmeasured aggrandizement of any power?

如果法国在一场生死攸关的斗争中被击败，失去了大国地位，屈服于比自己更强大的国家的意志和权力——我不会预料到这种后果，因为我相信法国有能力以其经常表现出的全部精力、能力和爱国主义来保卫自己，如果比利时也受到同样的主导影响，然后是荷兰，然后是丹麦，那么格莱斯顿先生的话不就应验了，那就是与我们相反，将会有一个共同的国家。利益反对任何权力的无节制扩张？

"It may be said, I suppose, that we might stand aside, husband our strength, and that, whatever happened in the course of this war, at the end of it to intervene with effect to put things right, and to adjust them to our own point of view.

“我想，可以说，我们可以袖手旁观，节省我们的力量，无论这场战争过程中发生什么，在战争结束时进行干预，有效纠正事情，并根据我们自己的观点调整它们。

If, in a crisis like this, we run away from those obligations of honor and interest as regards the Belgian treaty, I doubt whether, whatever material force we might have at the end, it would be of very much value in face of the respect that we should have lost.

如果在这样的危机中，我们逃避了比利时条约中的荣誉和利益义务，我怀疑，无论我们最终拥有什么物质力量，面对我们本应失去的尊重，它是否具有很大的价值。

And do not believe, whether a great power stands outside this war or not, it is going to be in a position at the end of it to exert its superior strength.

不要相信，无论一个大国是否置身于这场战争之外，它都将能够在战争结束时发挥其优势力量。

For us, with a powerful fleet, which we believe able to protect our commerce, to protect our shores, and to protect our interests, if we are engaged in war, we shall suffer but little more than we shall suffer even if we stand aside.

对我们来说，拥有一支强大的舰队，我们相信这支舰队能够保护我们的商业，保护我们的海岸，保护我们的利益，如果我们卷入战争，我们所遭受的痛苦也只不过是我们袖手旁观所遭受的痛苦而已。

"We are going to suffer terribly in this war, whether we are in it or whether we stand aside.

“无论我们参与还是袖手旁观，我们都将在这场战争中遭受可怕的痛苦。

Foreign trade is going to stop, not because the trade routes are closed, but because there is no trade at the other end.

对外贸易将会停止，不是因为贸易路线关闭了，而是因为另一端没有贸易了。

I do not believe for a moment that at the end of this war, even if we stood aside, we should be in a material position, to use our force decisively to undo what had happened in the course of the war, to prevent the whole of the west of Europe opposite to us falling under the domination of a single power, and I am quite sure that our moral position would be such as to have lost us all respect.

我一刻也不相信，在这场战争结束时，即使我们袖手旁观，我们也不会处于物质地位，能够果断地使用我们的武力来挽回战争过程中发生的事情，防止与我们相对的整个西欧落入单一强国的统治之下，而且我确信我们的道德地位会令我们失去所有人的尊重。

"Mobilization of the fleet has taken place; mobilization of the army is taking place; but we have as yet taken no engagement with regard to sending an expeditionary armed force out of the country, because I feel that--in the case of a European conflagration such as this, unprecedented, with our enormous responsibilities in India and other parts of the Empire, or in countries in British occupation, with all the unknown factors--we must take the question very carefully into consideration, until we know how we stand.

“舰队的动员已经进行；军队的动员正在进行；但是我们还没有就派遣一支远征武装部队出境一事进行任何接触，因为我觉得——在欧洲发生这样一场史无前例的大火的情况下，我们在印度和帝国其他地区，或者在英国占领的国家中承担着巨大的责任，还有所有未知的因素——我们必须非常仔细地考虑这个问题，直到我们知道我们的立场如何。

"What other policy is there before the House?

“众议院还有什么其他政策？

There is but one way in which the Government could make certain at the present moment of keeping outside this war, and that would be that it should immediately issue a proclamation of unconditional neutrality.

目前政府只有一种方法可以确保不参与这场战争，那就是立即发布无条件中立声明。

We cannot do that.

我们不能那样做。

We should sacrifice our good name and reputation before the world, and should not escape the most serious and grave economic consequences.

我们应该在世界面前牺牲自己的好名声和声誉，而不应该逃避最严重、最严重的经济后果。

"As far as the forces of the crown are concerned, we are ready.

“就王室的力量而言，我们已经做好了准备。

I believe the Prime Minister and the First Lord of the Admiralty [Winston Churchill] have no doubt whatever that the readiness and the efficiency of those forces were never at a higher mark than they are to-day, and never was there a time when confidence was more justified in the power of the navy to protect our commerce and to protect our shores.

我相信首相和海军大臣[温斯顿·丘吉尔]毫不怀疑，这些部队的战备状态和效率从来没有像今天这样高，而且从来没有像现在这样对海军保护我们的商业和保护我们的海岸的力量充满信心。

"The most awful responsibility is resting upon the Government in deciding what to advise the House of Commons to do.

“最可怕的责任在于政府决定建议下议院做什么。

We have made clear to the House, I trust, that we are prepared to face that situation.

我相信，我们已经向众议院明确表示，我们准备好面对这种情况。

We worked for peace up to the last moment, and beyond the last moment.

我们为和平努力到了最后一刻，并超越了最后一刻。

We believe we shall have the support of the House at large in proceeding to whatever the consequences may be and whatever measures may be forced upon us.

我们相信，无论后果如何，无论我们被迫采取什么措施，我们都将得到众议院全体的支持。

The country has not had time to realize the issue.

该国还没有时间认识到这个问题。

It perhaps is still thinking of the quarrel between Austria and Serbia, and not the complications of this matter which have grown out of the quarrel between Austria and Serbia.

也许它仍在考虑奥地利和塞尔维亚之间的争吵，而不是由于奥地利和塞尔维亚之间的争吵而产生的问题的复杂性。

Russia and Germany we know are at war.

我们知道俄罗斯和德国正在交战。

We do not yet know officially that Austria, the ally whom Germany is to support, is yet at war with Russia.

我们尚不清楚德国将支持的盟友奥地利是否已与俄罗斯交战。

We know that a good deal has been happening on the French frontier.

我们知道法国边境发生了很多事情。

"I believe, when the country realizes what is at stake, what the real issues are, the magnitude of the impending dangers in the west of Europe, we shall be supported throughout, not only by the House of Commons, but by the determination, the resolution, the courage, and the endurance of the whole country."

“我相信，当这个国家意识到利害攸关的问题、真正的问题是什么、欧洲西部迫在眉睫的危险的严重性时，我们将得到全面的支持，不仅是下议院的支持，而且是整个国家的决心、决心、勇气和耐力。”

_France._ Minister Klobukowski telegraphed from Brussels the answer the Belgian Government had given on the evening of August 2 to the German ultimatum:

法国.克洛布科夫斯基部长从布鲁塞尔电报比利时政府8月2日晚对德国最后通牒的答复：

"The information as to the French movements appeared to them to be inaccurate in view of the formal assurances which had been given by France, and were still quite recent; that Belgium, which since the establishment of her kingdom, has taken every care to assure the protection of her dignity and of her interests, and has devoted all her efforts to peaceful development of progress, strongly protests against any violation of her territory from whatever quarter it may come: and that, supposing the violation takes place, she will know how to defend with energy her neutrality, which has been guaranteed by the powers, and notably by the King of Prussia."

“鉴于法国最近才作出的正式保证，有关法国运动的信息在他们看来是不准确的；比利时自建国以来，一直竭尽全力确保其尊严和利益受到保护，并竭尽全力和平发展进步，强烈抗议任何来自任何方面对其领土的侵犯：而且，如果发生这种侵犯，她将知道如何大力捍卫其中立性，这一点已被得到当权者的保证，特别是普鲁士国王的保证。”

M。

Klobukowski added in a supplementary telegram:

克洛布科夫斯基在补充电报中补充道：

"To the assurance which I gave him that if Belgium appealed to the guarantee of the powers against the violation of her neutrality by Germany, France would at once respond to her appeal, the Minister for Foreign Affairs [M.

“我向他保证，如果比利时请求德国侵犯其中立性的权力保证，法国将立即回应她的请求，外交部长[M.

Davignon] answered:

达维农]回答：

"It is with great sincerity that we thank the Government of the Republic for the support which it would eventually be able to offer us, but under present conditions we do not appeal to the guarantee of the powers.

“我们非常真诚地感谢共和国政府最终能够向我们提供的支持，但在目前的情况下，我们不诉诸权力的保证。

At a later date the Government of the king will weigh the measures which it may be necessary to take."

稍后，国王政府将权衡可能需要采取的措施。”

Ambassador Paul Cambon telegraphed from London:

保罗·坎本大使从伦敦发来电报：

"Sir Edward Grey has authorized me to inform you that he was making explanations to the Commons as to the present attitude of the British Government, and that the chief of these declarations would be as follows:

“爱德华·格雷爵士授权我通知您，他正在向下议院解释英国政府目前的态度，这些声明的主要内容如下：

"'In case the German fleet came into the Channel or entered the North Sea in order to go round the British Isles with the object of attacking the French coasts or the French navy and of harassing French merchant shipping, the British fleet would intervene in order to give to French shipping its complete protection, in such a way that from that moment Great Britain and Germany would be in a state of war.'

“如果德国舰队进入英吉利海峡或进入北海，绕过不列颠群岛，攻击法国海岸或法国海军，骚扰法国商船，英国舰队将进行干预，为法国航运提供全面保护，从那时起，英国和德国将处于战争状态。”

"Sir Edward Grey explained to me that the mention of an operation by way of the North Sea implied protection against a demonstration in the Atlantic Ocean.

“爱德华·格雷爵士向我解释说，提及经由北海的行动意味着要防止在大西洋发生示威。

"The declaration concerning the intervention of the British fleet must be considered as binding the British Government.

“有关英国舰队干预的声明必须被视为对英国政府具有约束力。

Sir Edward Grey has assured me of this and has added that the French Government were thereby authorized to inform the Chambers of this."

爱德华·格雷爵士已向我保证这一点，并补充说，法国政府因此有权将此情况通知议会。”

M。

Paul Cambon supplemented this by a telegram stating:

保罗·坎本 (Paul Cambon) 在一封电报中补充道：

"Just as Sir Edward Grey was starting this morning for the meeting of the Cabinet, my German colleague [Prince Lichnowsky] came to press him to say that the neutrality of Great Britain did not depend upon respecting Belgian neutrality.

“正当爱德华·格雷爵士今天早上开始参加内阁会议时，我的德国同事（利希诺夫斯基亲王）来向他施压，要求他说英国的中立并不取决于尊重比利时的中立。

Sir Edward Grey refused all conversation on this matter.

爱德华·格雷爵士拒绝就此事进行任何谈话。

"The German Ambassador has sent to the press a _communiqué_ saying that if Great Britain remained neutral Germany would give up all naval operations and would not make use of the Belgian coast as a _point d'appui_.

“德国大使向新闻界发出了一份公报，称如果英国保持中立，德国将放弃所有海军行动，并且不会利用比利时海岸作为支持点。

My answer is that respecting the coast is not respecting the neutrality of the territory, and that the German ultimatum is already a violation of this neutrality."

我的回答是，尊重海岸并不等于尊重领土的中立性，德国的最后通牒已经违反了这种中立性。”

Later M.

后来M。

Paul Cambon telegraphed:

保罗·坎本发电报：

"Sir Edward Grey has made the statement regarding the intervention of the British fleet.

“爱德华·格雷爵士已就英国舰队的干预发表了声明。

He has explained, in considering the situation, what he proposed to do with regard to Belgian neutrality; and the reading of a letter from King Albert asking for the support of Great Britain has deeply stirred the House.

他在考虑这种情况时解释了他提议如何保持比利时的中立；阿尔伯特国王请求英国支持的一封信的宣读深深地震动了众议院。

"The House will this evening vote the credit which is asked for; from this moment its support is secured to the policy of the Government, and it follows public opinion which is declaring itself more and more in our favor."

“众议院今晚将就所要求的信用进行投票；从这一刻起，众议院将确保对政府政策的支持，并遵循公众舆论，公众舆论越来越有利于我们。”

M。

Viviani warned M.

维维亚尼警告 M.

Paul Cambon that the German Ambassador Schoen was reported to have said at the Foreign Office that yesterday eighty French officers in Prussian uniform had attempted to cross the German frontier in twelve motor cars at Walbeck.

据保罗·坎本报道，据报道，德国大使舍恩在外交部表示，昨天，八十名身着普鲁士制服的法国军官试图在瓦尔贝克乘坐十二辆汽车穿越德国边境。

"Be good enough urgently to contradict this news which is pure invention, and to draw the attention of the [British] Foreign Office to the German campaign of false news which is beginning."

“尽快反驳这一纯粹捏造的消息，并提请英国外交部注意德国正在开始的虚假新闻运动。”

German Ambassador von Schoen had a farewell audience at the Foreign Office at 6.45 p.

德国大使冯·舍恩于下午 6 点 45 分在外交部举行告别会见。

m., at which he handed M.

m.，此时他将 M.

Viviani a letter stating that French military aviators had committed "flagrantly hostile acts" on German territory, one throwing bombs on the railway near Karlsruhe and Nuremberg, and had openly violated the neutrality of Belgium by flying over Belgian territory.

维维亚尼在一封信中指出，法国军事飞行员在德国领土上犯下“公然敌对行为”，其中包括向卡尔斯鲁厄和纽伦堡附近的铁路投掷炸弹，并飞越比利时领土公然违反比利时的中立立场。

"I am instructed, and I have the honor to inform your excellency, that in the presence of these acts of aggression the German Empire considers itself in a state of war with France in consequence of the acts of this latter power.

“我接到指示，并且荣幸地通知阁下，在这些侵略行为的存在下，德意志帝国认为自己与法国处于战争状态，因为后者的行为。

"At the same time I have the honor to bring to the knowledge of your excellency that the German authorities will detain French mercantile vessels in German ports, but they will release them if, within forty-eight hours, they are assured of complete reciprocity."

“同时，我荣幸地告知阁下，德国当局将扣押在德国港口的法国商船，但如果在四十八小时内保证完全互惠，他们将释放它们。”

M。

Viviani formally challenged as inaccurate the allegations of the ambassador.

维维亚尼正式质疑大使的指控不准确。

M。

Viviani instructed Ambassador Jules Cambon at Berlin to ask for his passports.

维维亚尼指示驻柏林大使儒勒·坎本索要他的护照。

"I request you at the same time to protest in writing against the violation of the neutrality of Luxemburg by German troops, of which notice has been given by the Prime Minister of Luxemburg; against the ultimatum addressed to the Belgian Government by the German Minister at Brussels to force upon them the violation of Belgian neutrality and to require of that country that she should facilitate military operations against France on Belgian territory; finally against the false allegation of an alleged projected invasion of these two countries by French armies, by which he has attempted to justify the state of war which he declares henceforth exists between Germany and France."

“我同时请求您对德国军队侵犯卢森堡中立性的行为提出书面抗议，卢森堡首相已发出通知；反对德国驻布鲁塞尔部长向比利时政府发出的最后通牒，迫使比利时政府违反比利时的中立性，并要求该国为在比利时领土上针对法国的军事行动提供便利；最后反对法国军队计划入侵这两个国家的虚假指控，他试图以此证明他宣布德国和法国之间今后存在的战争状态是合理的。”

M。

Allizé, Minister at Munich, was also instructed to ask for his passports.

慕尼黑部长阿利泽也奉命索要他的护照。

M。

Viviani reported to the French representatives abroad that German troops had violated Belgian territory at Gemmerich.

维维亚尼向法国驻外代表报告说，德国军队侵犯了位于格默里希的比利时领土。

_Belgium._ Baron von der Elst, Secretary General, reported an interview at 1.30 p.

_比利时._ 秘书长男爵冯德埃尔斯特报道了下午 1 点 30 分的采访。

米。

with Herr von Below Saleske, German Minister.

与德国部长冯·贝洛·萨莱斯克 (Herr von Below Saleske) 先生合影。

"The minister officially informed the Belgian Government that French dirigibles had thrown bombs, and that a French cavalry patrol had crossed the frontier in violation of international law, seeing that war had not been declared.

“部长正式通知比利时政府，法国飞艇投掷了炸弹，一支法国骑兵巡逻队在尚未宣战的情况下越过边境，违反了国际法。

"The secretary general asked Herr von Below where these incidents had happened, and was told that it was in Germany.

“秘书长询问冯·贝洛先生这些事件发生在哪里，并被告知是在德国。

Baron van der Elst then observed that in that case he could not understand the object of this communication.

范德埃尔斯特男爵随后观察到，在这种情况下，他无法理解这次交流的目的。

Herr von Below stated that these acts, which were contrary to international law, were calculated to lead to the supposition that other acts, contrary to international law, would be committed by France."

冯·贝洛先生表示，这些违反国际法的行为是经过精心策划的，旨在导致人们认为法国将实施其他违反国际法的行为。”

M。

Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs, communicated to Herr von Below Saleske Belgium's reply to the German note.

外交部长达维尼翁转达了比利时对德国照会的答复。

"This note has made a deep and painful impression upon the Belgian Government.

“这份照会给比利时政府留下了深刻而痛苦的印象。

"The intentions attributed to France by Germany are in contradiction to the formal declarations made to us on August 1, in the name of the French Government.

“德国归咎于法国的意图与8月1日以法国政府名义向我们做出的正式声明相矛盾。

"Moreover, if, contrary to our expectation, Belgian neutrality should be violated by France, Belgium intends to fulfill her international obligations and the Belgian army would offer the most vigorous resistance to the invader.

“此外，如果与我们的预期相反，比利时的中立立场被法国侵犯，比利时将履行其国际义务，比利时军队将对侵略者进行最有力的抵抗。

"The treaties of 1839, confirmed by the treaties of 1870 vouch for the independence and neutrality of Belgium under the guaranty of the powers, and notably of the Government of his majesty the King of Prussia.

“经 1870 年条约确认的 1839 年条约保证了比利时在各国权力、特别是普鲁士国王陛下政府的保证下的独立和中立。

"Belgium has always been faithful to her international obligations, she has carried out her duties in a spirit of loyal impartiality, and she has left nothing undone to maintain and enforce respect for her neutrality.

“比利时始终忠实于其国际义务，本着忠诚公正的精神履行职责，并不遗余力地维护和加强对其中立性的尊重。

"The attack upon her independence with which the German Government threaten her constitutes a flagrant violation of international law.

“德国政府威胁她对她独立的攻击构成了对国际法的公然违反。

No strategic interest justifies such a violation of law.

没有任何战略利益可以证明这种违法行为是正当的。

"The Belgian Government, if they were to accept the proposals submitted to them, would sacrifice the honor of the nation and betray their duty toward Europe.

“比利时政府如果接受提交给他们的建议，就会牺牲国家荣誉，背叛对欧洲的责任。

"Conscious of the part which Belgium has played for more than eighty years in the civilization of the world, they refuse to believe that the independence of Belgium can only be preserved at the price of the violation of her neutrality.

“意识到比利时八十多年来在世界文明中所扮演的角色，他们拒绝相信比利时的独立只能以违反其中立性为代价才能保持。

"If this hope is disappointed the Belgian Government are firmly resolved to repel, by all the means in their power, every attack upon their rights."

“如果这一希望落空，比利时政府将坚决采取一切手段，击退对他们权利的一切攻击。”

M。

Davignon reported this action to the Ministers at St. Petersburg, Berlin, London, Paris, Vienna, and The Hague.

达维尼翁向圣彼得堡、柏林、伦敦、巴黎、维也纳和海牙的部长报告了这一行动。

To the same representatives, except the Minister at The Hague, he reported a statement made to him by the French Minister at Brussels:

他向除海牙部长外的其他代表报告了法国驻布鲁塞尔部长向他发表的声明：

"Although I have received no instructions to make a declaration from my Government, I feel justified, in view of their well-known intentions, in saying that if the Belgian Government were to appeal to the French Government as one of the powers guaranteeing their neutrality, the French Government would at once respond to Belgium's appeal; if such an appeal were not made it is probable, that--unless of course exceptional measures were rendered necessary in self-defence--the French Government would not intervene until Belgium had taken some effective measure of resistance.

“虽然我没有收到我国政府要求发表声明的指示，但考虑到他们众所周知的意图，我有理由说，如果比利时政府向法国政府呼吁，让其成为保证其中立的国家之一，法国政府将立即对比利时的呼吁作出回应；如果没有提出这样的呼吁，那么——当然，除非为了自卫而采取特殊措施——法国政府很可能不会进行干预，直到比利时采取了一些措施。有效的抵抗措施。

"I thanked M.

“我向M表示感谢。

Klobukowski for the support which the French Government had been good enough to offer us in case of need, and I informed him that the Belgian Government were making no appeal at present to the guaranty of the powers, and that they would decide later what ought to be done."

克洛布科斯基感谢法国政府在需要时为我们提供的支持，我告诉他，比利时政府目前不要求权力保证，他们稍后将决定应该做什么。”

Count Lalaing, Minister at London, telegraphed to M.

伦敦公使拉莱恩伯爵发电报给 M.

Davignon that Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had informed him "that if our neutrality is violated it means war with Germany."

达维尼翁说，外交部长爱德华·格雷爵士告诉他“如果我们的中立性被违反，就意味着与德国开战”。

TUESDAY, AUGUST 4, 1914

1914 年 8 月 4 日，星期二

_Serbia._ On the following day, August 4, 1914, M.

_塞尔维亚._ 第二天，1914 年 8 月 4 日，M.

Pashitch, Prime Minister, recalled the legation and consulate from Germany.

总理帕希奇召回了德国公使馆和领事馆。

_Austria-Hungary._ Ambassador Mensdorff telegraphed from Berlin that Great Britain had sent to Germany its ultimatum concerning Belgium, and expected an answer to-night at twelve o'clock.

_奥匈帝国_门斯多夫大使从柏林电报说，英国已向德国发出有关比利时的最后通牒，预计今晚十二点得到答复。

"Sir E.

“E爵士。

Grey said to me that at present there was no reason why he should make any communication to the Imperial and Royal Government, and there was no cause why a conflict should arise between us, so long as we were not in a condition of war with France.

格雷对我说，目前他没有理由与帝国和王国政府进行任何沟通，只要我们不处于与法国交战的状态，我们之间就没有理由发生冲突。

In any case, he hoped that we would not begin hostilities without the formality of a previous declaration of war.

无论如何，他希望我们在没有事先宣战的情况下不要开始敌对行动。

He does not intend to recall Sir M.

他并不打算召回M爵士。

de Bunsen.

德本生。

"Should we be at war with France, it would indeed be difficult for Great Britain, as the ally of France, to cooperate with her in the Atlantic, and not in the Mediterranean."

“如果我们与法国交战，英国作为法国的盟友，确实很难在大西洋而不是地中海与法国合作。”

VON BETHMANN-HOLLWEG EXPLAINS GERMANY'S POSITION IN THE REICHSTAG

冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格解释了德国在国会大厦中的立场

_Germany._ Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg spoke before the Reichstag (Imperial Parliament).

_德国。_ 德国总理冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格在德国国会大厦（帝国议会）发表讲话。

The points of his address were as follows:

他的讲话要点如下：

Germany has kept the peace and protected the peace of Europe for forty-four years, yet, under the pretense that she was desirous of war,

四十四年来，德国维护了欧洲的和平，维护了欧洲的和平，却打着战争的幌子，

"enmity has been awakened against us in the East and the West and chains have been fashioned for us.

“东方和西方对我们的敌意已经被唤醒，锁链已经为我们打造。

The wind then sown has brought forth the whirlwind which has now broken loose.

当时播下的风带来了现在已经爆发的旋风。

We wished to continue our work of peace, and, like a silent vow, the feeling that animated everyone from the emperor down to the youngest soldier was this: Only in defence of a just cause shall our sword fly from its scabbard.

我们希望继续我们的和平工作，就像无声的誓言一样，从皇帝到最年轻的士兵，每个人都充满了这样的感觉：只有为了捍卫正义，我们的利剑才会从剑鞘中飞出。

"The day has now come when we must draw it, against our wish, and in spite of our sincere endeavors.

“现在，我们必须抽签的日子已经到来，尽管我们不情愿，尽管我们做出了真诚的努力。

Russia has set fire to the building.

俄罗斯纵火焚烧了这座建筑。

We are at war with Russia and France--a war that has been forced upon us."

我们正在与俄罗斯和法国交战——这是一场强加给我们的战争。”

Germany has endeavored to localize the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Serbia.

德国一直致力于将奥匈帝国和塞尔维亚之间的冲突局部化。

All other European Governments (particularly Great Britain) save one took the same attitude.

除一国外，所有其他欧洲政府（特别是英国）都采取了同样的态度。

Russia alone asserted that she had to be heard in a settlement of the matter.

只有俄罗斯声称在解决问题时必须听取她的意见。

"Thus the danger of a European crisis raised its threatening head."

“因此，欧洲危机的危险已经达到了威胁的高度。”

Russia began to mobilize.

俄罗斯开始动员起来。

On this, Germany declared that Russian military measures against Austria-Hungary would find her on the side of her ally, and that she would take countermeasures, coming near to actual war.

对此，德国宣称，俄罗斯对奥匈帝国采取的军事措施将表明她站在盟友一边，并将采取反制措施，接近真正的战争。

"Russia assured us in the most solemn manner of her desire for peace, and declared that she was making no military preparations against us.

“俄罗斯以最庄严的方式向我们保证了她对和平的渴望，并宣布她没有针对我们进行任何军事准备。

"In the meantime, Great Britain, warmly supported by us, tried to mediate between Vienna and St. Petersburg."

“与此同时，英国在我们的热情支持下，试图在维也纳和圣彼得堡之间进行调解。”

Kaiser William II telegraphed to Nicholas II asking for the Czar's assistance in smoothing over difficulties between Russia and Austria-Hungary.

德皇威廉二世致电尼古拉二世，请求沙皇协助解决俄罗斯与奥匈帝国之间的困难。

Before receipt of this telegram the Czar asked the Kaiser to induce Austria-Hungary to aid him in inducing Vienna to moderate her demands on Serbia.

在收到这封电报之前，沙皇请求德皇劝说奥匈帝国帮助他劝说维也纳缓和对塞尔维亚的要求。

The Kaiser accepted the rôle of mediator.

德皇接受了调解人的角色。

Germany influenced Austria-Hungary to resume the broken conversations with Russia.

德国影响奥匈帝国恢复与俄罗斯中断的对话。

"But before the final decision was taken at Vienna, the news arrived that Russia had mobilized her entire forces and that her mobilization was therefore directed against us also.

“但在维也纳做出最终决定之前，有消息称俄罗斯已经动员了全部力量，因此她的动员也是针对我们的。

The Russian Government, who knew from our repeated statements what mobilization on our frontiers meant, did not notify us of this mobilization, nor did they even offer any explanation.

俄罗斯政府从我们一再的声明中知道了我们边境上的动员意味着什么，但他们没有将这次动员通知我们，甚至没有提供任何解释。

It was not until the afternoon of July 31 that the emperor received a telegram from the czar in which he guaranteed that his army would not assume a provocative attitude toward us.

直到7月31日下午，皇帝才收到沙皇的电报，保证他的军队不会对我们采取挑衅态度。

But mobilization on our frontiers had been in full swing since the night of July 30-31, and France, though indeed not actually mobilizing, was admittedly making military preparations.

但自 7 月 30 日至 31 日夜间以来，我们边境的动员就如火如荼地进行着，而法国虽然实际上没有动员，但无可否认正在做军事准备。

"What was our position?

“我们的立场是什么？

For the sake of the peace of Europe we had, up till then, deliberately refrained from calling up a single reservist.

为了欧洲的和平，到目前为止，我们一直刻意避免征召任何预备役军人。

Were we now to wait further in patience until the nations on either side of us chose the moment for their attack?

我们现在是否要进一步耐心等待，直到我们双方的国家选择进攻的时机？

It would have been a crime to expose Germany to such peril.

让德国陷入这样的危险将是犯罪行为。

Therefore, on July 31, we called upon Russia to demobilize as the only measure which could still preserve the peace of Europe, and informed her that in case our demand met with a refusal, we should have to consider that a state of war existed.

因此，我们在7月31日呼吁俄罗斯复员，作为唯一仍能维护欧洲和平的措施，并告诉她，如果我们的要求遭到拒绝，我们就必须考虑战争状态的存在。

"No answer was given, and we mobilized our forces on August 1, at 5 p.

“没有得到答复，我们于 8 月 1 日下午 5 点动员了我们的部队。

m."

米。”

France evaded our direct question as to whether she would remain neutral in a Russo-German war.

法国回避了我们关于她是否会在俄德战争中保持中立的直接问题。

"In spite of this, the kaiser ordered that the French frontier was to be unconditionally respected.

“尽管如此，德皇还是下令无条件尊重法国边境。

This order, with one single exception[2], was strictly obeyed.

除一处例外[2]外，这一命令得到了严格遵守。

France, who mobilized at the same time as we did, assured us that she would respect a zone of 10 kilometers on the frontier.

与我们同时动员起来的法国向我们保证，她将尊重边境10公里的区域。

What really happened?

究竟发生了什么？

Aviators dropped bombs, and cavalry patrols and French infantry detachments appeared on the territory of the empire!

飞行员投下炸弹，骑兵巡逻队和法国步兵分队出现在帝国领土上！

Though war had not been declared, France thus broke the peace and actually attacked us."

虽然没有宣战，但法国却破坏了和平，实际上攻击了我们。”

[Footnote 2: Against express orders, a patrol of the Fourteenth Army Corps, apparently led by an officer, crossed the frontier on August 2.

[脚注 2：第 14 军的一支巡逻队违反明确命令，显然由一名军官率领，于 8 月 2 日越过边境。

They seem to have been shot down, only one man having returned.]

他们似乎被击落了，只有一个人回来了。]

After this recital the Chancellor entered upon his oration proper.

演讲结束后，财政大臣开始正式演讲。

"Gentlemen, we are now in a state of necessity (_Notwehr_), and necessity (_Not_) knows no law.

“先生们，我们现在处于紧急状态（_Notwehr_），而紧急状态（_Not_）是没有法律依据的。

Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and perhaps have already entered Belgian territory.

我们的军队已经占领了卢森堡，也许已经进入了比利时领土。

"Gentlemen, that is a breach of international law.

“先生们，这违反了国际法。

It is true that the French Government declared at Brussels that France would respect Belgian neutrality as long as her adversary respected it.

法国政府确实在布鲁塞尔宣布，只要她的对手尊重比利时的中立性，法国就会尊重比利时的中立性。

We knew, however, that France stood ready for an invasion.

然而，我们知道法国已经做好了入侵的准备。

France could wait, we could not.

法国可以等待，我们不能。

A French attack on our flank on the lower Rhine might have been disastrous.

法国人对我们莱茵河下游侧翼的攻击可能是灾难性的。

Thus we were forced to ignore the rightful protests of the Governments of Luxemburg and Belgium.

因此，我们被迫忽视卢森堡和比利时政府的正当抗议。

The wrong--I speak openly--the wrong we thereby commit we will try to make good as soon as our military aims have been attained.

我公开地说，我们因此犯下的错误，一旦我们的军事目标实现，我们将尽力纠正。

"He who is menaced as we are and is fighting for his highest possession can only consider how he is to hack his way through (_durchhauen_).

“像我们一样受到威胁并正在为自己的最高财产而战的人只能考虑如何闯出一条路（_durchhauen_）。

"Gentlemen, we stand shoulder to shoulder with Austria-Hungary.

“先生们，我们与奥匈帝国并肩作战。

"As for Great Britain's attitude, the statements made by Sir Edward Grey in the House of Commons yesterday show the standpoint assumed by the British Government.

“至于英国的态度，爱德华·格雷爵士昨天在下议院的发言表明了英国政府的立场。

We have informed the British Government that, as long as Great Britain remains neutral, our fleet will not attack the northern coast of France, and that we will not violate the territorial integrity and independence of Belgium.

我们已通知英国政府，只要英国保持中立，我们的舰队就不会攻击法国北部海岸，我们也不会侵犯比利时的领土完整和独立。

These assurances I now repeat before the world, and I may add that, as long as Great Britain remains neutral, we would also be willing, upon reciprocity being assured, to take no warlike measures against French commercial shipping.

我现在向全世界重申这些保证，并且我可以补充一点，只要英国保持中立，我们也愿意在保证互惠的情况下，不对法国商业航运采取任何战争措施。

"Gentlemen, so much for the facts.

“先生们，事实就这么多了。

I repeat the words of the emperor: 'With a clear conscience we enter the lists.' We are fighting for the fruits of our works of peace, for the inheritance of a great past and for our future.

我重复皇帝的话：“我们问心无愧地进入名单。”我们正在为和平事业的成果、为继承伟大的过去和为我们的未来而奋斗。

The fifty years are not yet past during which Count Moltke said we should have to remain armed to defend the inheritance that we won in 1870.

毛奇伯爵曾说过，我们必须保持武装，保卫我们在 1870 年赢得的遗产，五十年还没有过去。

Now the great hour of trial has struck for our people.

现在，我们人民面临的伟大考验时刻已经来临。

But with clear confidence we go forward to meet it.

但我们怀着明确的信心继续迎接它。

Our army is in the field, our navy is ready for battle--behind them stands the entire German nation--the entire German nation united to the last man.

我们的陆军已经在战场上，我们的海军已经做好了战斗准备——在他们的背后站着的是整个德意志民族——整个德意志民族团结到了最后。

"Gentlemen, you know your duty and all that it means.

“先生们，你们知道自己的职责及其意义。

The proposed laws need no further explanation.

拟议的法律无需进一步解释。

I ask you to pass them quickly."

我请你尽快通过它们。”

Secretary of State von Jagow telegraphed Ambassador Lichnowsky at London:

国务卿冯·贾戈致电伦敦利希诺夫斯基大使：

"Please dispel any mistrust that may subsist on the part of the British Government with regard to our intentions, by repeating most positively formal assurance that, even in the case of armed conflict with Belgium, Germany will, under no pretence whatever, annex Belgian territory.

“请消除英国政府对我们的意图可能存在的任何不信任，重申最积极的正式保证，即使在与比利时发生武装冲突的情况下，德国也将不以任何借口吞并比利时领土。

Sincerity of this declaration is borne out by the fact that we solemnly pledged our word to Holland strictly to respect her neutrality.

我们向荷兰郑重承诺严格尊重其中立性，这一事实证明了这一声明的诚意。

It is obvious that we could not profitably annex Belgian territory without making at the same time territorial acquisitions at expense of Holland.

显然，如果我们不同时以牺牲荷兰为代价来获取领土，我们就无法从吞并比利时领土中获利。

Please impress upon Sir E.

请给E先生留下深刻的印象。

Grey that the German army could not be exposed to French attack across Belgium, which was planned according to absolutely unimpeachable information.

格雷表示，德国军队不能暴露在法国对比利时的攻击之下，这是根据绝对无懈可击的信息计划的。

Germany had consequently to disregard Belgian neutrality, it being for her a question of life or death to prevent French advance."

因此，德国不得不无视比利时的中立性，阻止法国前进对她来说是生死攸关的问题。”

_Great Britain._ Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, telegraphed Ambassador Goschen at Berlin to protest to the German Government against its violation of the treaty safeguarding Belgian neutrality, and to request an immediate assurance that the demand made upon Belgium would not be proceeded with.

英国外交部长爱德华·格雷爵士致电驻柏林大使戈申，抗议德国政府违反保障比利时中立的条约，并要求立即保证不会执行对比利时提出的要求。

Ambassador Villiers telegraphed from Brussels that the German Minister, Von Below Saleske, had addressed a note to M.

维利尔斯大使从布鲁塞尔发来电报，德国部长冯·贝洛·萨莱斯克 (Von Below Saleske) 已向 M. 致函。

Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs,

尊敬的外交部长达维尼翁，

"stating that as Belgian Government have declined the well-intentioned proposals submitted to them by the Imperial Government, the latter will, deeply to their regret, be compelled to carry out, if necessary by force of arms, the measures considered indispensable in view of the French menaces."

“指出由于比利时政府拒绝了帝国政府向他们提出的善意建议，帝国政府将被迫采取鉴于法国的威胁而采取的必要措施，对此深表遗憾，必要时可使用武力。”

Sir Edward Grey telegraphed back that Great Britain expected the Belgian Government to resist by any means in their power Germany's invasion of their neutrality, and that the British Government were prepared to join Russia and France in common action to resist the German action and to guarantee to maintain Belgian independence and integrity in future years.

爱德华·格雷爵士回电说，英国希望比利时政府以一切力量抵制德国对其中立性的侵犯，英国政府准备与俄罗斯和法国一起共同行动，抵制德国的行动，并保证在未来几年保持比利时的独立和完整。

Grey protested, through Ambassador Goschen, to the German Government against the continued detention of British merchant ships at Hamburg and other German ports, as in direct contravention of international law and of the assurances given by Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg.

格雷通过戈申大使向德国政府提出抗议，反对继续在汉堡和其他德国港口扣押英国商船，因为这直接违反了国际法和德国总理冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格做出的保证。

Villiers telegraphed from Brussels:

维利尔斯从布鲁塞尔发来电报：

"German troops have entered Belgian territory, and Liege has been summoned to surrender by small party of Germans who, however, were repulsed."

“德国军队已进入比利时领土，列日已被一小部分德国人召唤投降，但被击退。”

Grey, on the basis of this information, telegraphed Ambassador Goschen to ask the German Government that a satisfactory answer to his morning telegram be received in London by twelve o'clock at night.

格雷根据这一信息，致电戈申大使，要求德国政府在晚上十二点之前在伦敦收到对他早上电报的满意答复。

"If not, you are instructed to ask for your passports, and to say that his majesty's Government feel bound to take all steps in their power to uphold the neutrality of Belgium and the observance of a treaty to which Germany is as much a party as ourselves."

“如果没有，您将被指示索取护照，并表示国王陛下的政府有义务采取一切措施来维护比利时的中立性，并遵守德国与我们一样签署的条约。”

As reported to Sir Edward Grey on August 8, after his return to London, Sir Edward Goschen, Ambassador at Berlin, had an interview with Herr von Jagow on this same day, August 4.

据爱德华·格雷爵士 8 月 8 日报道，驻柏林大使爱德华·戈申爵士返回伦敦后于 8 月 4 日同一天接受了冯·雅高先生的采访。

SIR EDWARD GOSCHEN'S INTERVIEW WITH VON JAGOW

爱德华·戈申爵士对冯·贾戈的采访

"In accordance with your instructions of the 4th inst., I called upon the Secretary of State that afternoon and inquired, in the name of his majesty's Government, whether the Imperial Government would refrain from violating Belgian neutrality.

“根据第四机构的指示，我当天下午拜访了国务大臣，并以国王陛下政府的名义询问帝国政府是否会避免违反比利时的中立性。

Herr von Jagow at once replied that he was sorry to say that his answer must be 'No,' as, in consequence of the German troops having crossed the frontier that morning, Belgian neutrality had been already violated.

冯·雅戈先生立即回答说，他很遗憾地说他的答案必须是“不”，因为德国军队那天早上越过边境，比利时的中立已经被违反。

He again went into the reasons why the Imperial Government had been obliged to take this step, namely, that they had to advance into France by the quickest and easiest way, so as to be able to get well ahead with their operations and endeavor to strike some decisive blow as early as possible.

他再次阐述了帝国政府不得不采取这一步骤的原因，即必须以最快捷、最简便的方式挺进法国，以便能够顺利开展行动，争取尽早给予决定性的打击。

It was a matter of life and death for them, as if they had gone by the more southern route they could not have hoped, in view of the paucity of roads and the strength of the fortresses, to have got through without formidable opposition entailing great loss of time.

这对他们来说是生死攸关的问题，就好像他们走的是更南边的路线，鉴于道路的匮乏和堡垒的坚固，他们不可能希望在没有强大的抵抗的情况下通过，从而导致大量的时间损失。

This loss of time would have meant time gained by the Russians for bringing up their troops to the German frontier.

时间的损失意味着俄罗斯人可以赢得将军队调往德国边境的时间。

Rapidity of action was the great German asset, while that of Russia was an inexhaustible supply of troops.

行动迅速是德国的巨大财富，而俄罗斯则是取之不尽、用之不竭的兵力供应。

I pointed out to Herr von Jagow that this _fait accompli_ of the violation of the Belgian frontier rendered, as he would readily understand, the situation exceedingly grave, and I asked him whether there was not still time to draw back and avoid possible consequences, which both he and I would deplore.

我向冯·雅戈先生指出，正如他所理解的那样，侵犯比利时边境的既成事实使局势变得极其严重，我问他是否还有时间撤退并避免可能的后果，他和我都会对此感到遗憾。

He replied that, for the reasons he had given me, it was now impossible for them to draw back.

他回答说，由于他告诉我的原因，他们现在不可能撤退。

"During the afternoon I received your further telegram of the same date and, in compliance with the instructions therein contained, I again proceeded to the Imperial Foreign Office and informed the Secretary of State that, unless the Imperial Government could give the assurance by twelve o'clock that night that they would proceed no further with their violation of the Belgian frontier and stop their advance, I had been instructed to demand my passports and inform the Imperial Government that his majesty's Government would have to take all steps in their power to uphold the neutrality of Belgium and the observance of a treaty to which Germany was as much a party as themselves.

“当天下午，我收到了你同日的另一封电报，按照电报中的指示，我再次前往帝国外交部并通知国务卿，除非帝国政府能够在当晚十二点之前保证他们不会进一步侵犯比利时边境并停止前进，否则我奉命索要我的护照并通知帝国政府，国王陛下的政府必须采取一切措施来维护中立。比利时并遵守德国和他们自己一样签署的条约。

"Herr von Jagow replied that to his great regret he could give no other answer than that which he had given me earlier in the day, namely, that the safety of the empire rendered it absolutely necessary that the Imperial troops should advance through Belgium.

“冯·雅戈先生回答说，令他非常遗憾的是，除了当天早些时候给我的答复外，他无法给出其他答案，即帝国的安全使得帝国军队绝对有必要通过比利时前进。

I asked him whether, in view of the terrible consequences which would necessarily ensue, it were not possible even at the last moment that their answer should be reconsidered.

我问他，考虑到必然发生的可怕后果，即使在最后一刻，是否也不可能重新考虑他们的答案。

He replied that if the time given were even twenty-four hours or more, his answer must be the same.

他回答说，即使给的时间是二十四小时或更长，他的答案也一定是一样的。

I said that in that case I should have to demand my passports.

我说那样的话我就得要我的护照。

This interview took place at about seven o'clock.

这次采访是在七点左右进行的。

In a short conversation which ensued Herr von Jagow expressed his poignant regret at the crumbling of his entire policy and that of the chancellor, which had been to make friends with Great Britain, and then, through Great Britain, to get closer to France.

在随后的一次简短谈话中，冯·雅戈先生对他和总理的整个政策的崩溃表示了深切的遗憾，即与英国交朋友，然后通过英国与法国走得更近。

I said that this sudden end to my work in Berlin was to me also a matter of deep regret and disappointment, but that he must understand that under the circumstances and in view of our engagements, his majesty's Government could not possibly have acted otherwise than they had done.

我说，我在柏林的工作突然结束对我来说也是一件深感遗憾和失望的事情，但他必须明白，在这种情况下并考虑到我们的工作，国王陛下的政府不可能采取与他们不同的行动。

"I then said that I should like to go and see the chancellor, as it might be, perhaps, the last time I should have an opportunity of seeing him.

“然后我说我想去见总理，因为这可能是我最后一次有机会见到他。

He begged me to do so.

他恳求我这样做。

I found the chancellor very agitated.

我发现总理非常焦躁。

His excellency at once began a harangue, which lasted for about twenty minutes.

阁下立即开始长篇大论，长达二十分钟左右。

He said that the step taken by his majesty's Government was terrible to a degree; just for a word--'neutrality,' a word which in war time had so often been disregarded--just for a scrap of paper Great Britain was going to make war on a kindred nation who desired nothing better than to be friends with her.

他说，国王陛下政府采取的措施在某种程度上是可怕的；仅仅为了一个词——“中立”，这个在战争时期经常被忽视的词——仅仅为了一张纸，英国就要对一个只想与她成为朋友的同胞国家发动战争。

All his efforts in that direction had been rendered useless by this last terrible step, and the policy to which, as I knew, he had devoted himself since his accession to office had tumbled down like a house of cards.

他在这方面的所有努力都因这最后可怕的一步而变得毫无用处，而据我所知，他自上任以来所致力于的政策也像纸牌屋一样倒塌了。

What we had done was unthinkable; it was like striking a man from behind while he was fighting for his life against two assailants.

我们所做的一切是不可想象的；这就像一个人在与两个袭击者搏斗时从背后袭击他。

He held Great Britain responsible for all the terrible events that might happen.

他认为英国应对所有可能发生的可怕事件负责。

I protested strongly against that statement, and said that, in the same way as he and Herr von Jagow wished me to understand that for strategical reasons it was a matter of life and death to Germany to advance through Belgium and violate the latter's neutrality, so I would wish him to understand that it was, so to speak, a matter of 'life and death' for the honor of Great Britain that she should keep her solemn engagement to do her utmost to defend Belgium's neutrality if attacked.

我强烈抗议这一说法，并说，就像他和冯·雅戈先生希望我明白，出于战略原因，德国通过比利时并违反其中立性是生死攸关的问题一样，我也希望他明白，可以说，对于英国的荣誉来说，如果英国受到攻击，她应该恪守庄严的承诺，尽最大努力捍卫比利时的中立性，这可以说是一个“生死攸关”的问题。

That solemn compact simply had to be kept, or what confidence could anyone have in engagements given by Great Britain in the future?

必须遵守这一庄严的契约，否则谁会对英国未来的承诺有什么信心呢？

The chancellor said: 'But at what price will that compact have been kept.

财政大臣说：“但要以什么代价才能遵守这一契约呢？”

Has the British Government thought of that?' I hinted to his excellency as plainly as I could that fear of consequences could hardly be regarded as an excuse for breaking solemn engagements, but his excellency was so excited, so evidently overcome by the news of our action, and so little disposed to hear reason that I refrained from adding fuel to the flame by further argument.

英国政府有没有想到这一点？我尽可能明确地向阁下暗示，对后果的恐惧几乎不能被视为破坏庄严约定的借口，但阁下是如此兴奋，显然被我们行动的消息所征服，而且不愿意听理由，所以我克制住了进一步争论的火上浇油。

As I was leaving he said that the blow of Great Britain joining Germany's enemies was all the greater that almost up to the last moment he and his Government had been working with us and supporting our efforts to maintain peace between Austria and Russia.

在我离开时，他说英国加入德国敌人的行列所造成的打击更大，几乎直到最后一刻他和他的政府一直与我们合作并支持我们维护奥地利和俄罗斯之间和平的努力。

I said that this was part of the tragedy which saw the two nations fall apart just at the moment when the relations between them had been more friendly and cordial than they had been for years.

我说这是悲剧的一部分，就在两国之间的关系比多年来更加友好和亲切的时候，两国却分崩离析了。

Unfortunately, notwithstanding our efforts to maintain peace between Russia and Austria, the war had spread and had brought us face to face with a situation which, if we held to our engagements, we could not possibly avoid, and which unfortunately entailed our separation from our late fellow-workers.

不幸的是，尽管我们努力维护俄罗斯和奥地利之间的和平，战争还是蔓延了，使我们面临着如果我们坚持我们的承诺就无法避免的局面，不幸的是，这导致我们与已故的工友分离。

He would readily understand that no one regretted this more than I.

他很容易明白，没有人比我更后悔这一点。

"After this somewhat painful interview I returned to the embassy and drew up a telegraphic report of what had passed.

“在这次有点痛苦的采访之后，我回到大使馆，起草了一份关于所发生情况的电报报告。

This telegram was handed in at the Central Telegraph Office a little before 9 p.

这封电报是晚上九点前一点送到中央电报局的。

米。

It was apparently never dispatched."[3]

它显然从未被发送过。”[3]

[Footnote 3: This telegram never reached the British Foreign Office.]

[脚注 3：这封电报从未到达英国外交部。]

Mr. Goschen's report went on to relate the attack that evening on the British Embassy by a mob excited by the report in a flying sheet of the "Berliner Tageblatt" that Great Britain had declared war on Germany.

戈申先生的报告接着讲述了当晚暴民袭击英国大使馆的事件，他们对《柏林日报》大字报英国已向德国宣战的报道感到兴奋。

The German Government repudiated the report and did all it could, by the personal apology of the secretary of state and by police protection, to make amends for what Herr von Jagow termed "the indelible stain on the reputation of Berlin."

德国政府否认了这份报告，并竭尽全力，通过国务卿的个人道歉和警察保护，弥补冯·雅戈先生所说的“柏林声誉上不可磨灭的污点”。

"On the following morning, August 5, the emperor sent one of his majesty's aides-de-camp to me with the following message:

“第二天早上，即 8 月 5 日，皇帝派了一位陛下的副官来见我，并传达了以下信息：

"'The emperor has charged me to express to your excellency his regret for the occurrences of last night, but to tell you at the same time that you will gather from those occurrences an idea of the feelings of his people respecting the action of Great Britain in joining with other nations against her old Allies of Waterloo.

“‘皇帝吩咐我向阁下表达他对昨晚发生的事情的遗憾，但同时告诉你，你将从这些事件中了解他的人民对英国与其他国家联合起来反对滑铁卢老盟友的行动的感受。

His majesty also begs that you will tell the king that he has been proud of the titles of British field marshal and British admiral, but that in consequence of what has occurred he must now at once divest himself of those titles.'

陛下还请求您告诉国王，他一直为英国陆军元帅和英国海军上将的头衔感到自豪，但由于发生的事情，他现在必须立即放弃这些头衔。

"I would add that the above message lost none of its acerbity by the manner of its delivery."

“我想补充一点，上述消息的传递方式并没有失去其尖刻的味道。”

At 11 a.

上午 11 点。

m., August 5, Ambassador Goschen received his passports.

8月5日上午，戈申大使领取护照。

He returned to London on the following day without molestation from the crowd, although this could not be said of the departure of the French and Russian Ambassadors.

第二天，他回到伦敦，没有受到人群的骚扰，尽管法国和俄罗斯大使的离开却不能这样说。

He closed his report with a compliment to the American Ambassador, Mr. Gerard, for assistance rendered by him in these trying times.

他在报告的最后向美国大使杰拉德先生表示赞扬，感谢他在这些困难时期所提供的帮助。

_France._ A message from President Poincaré was read at a extraordinary session of Parliament, the members of which remained standing during the reading.

_法国._ 议会特别会议宣读了庞加莱总统的致辞，宣读期间议员们仍然站立。

This announced the "violent and premeditated" attack on France by Germany in "insolent defiance of the law of nations" being delivered before any declaration of war, and asking for passports by the German Ambassador at Paris.

该声明宣布德国对法国进行“暴力和有预谋”的攻击，“公然蔑视国际法”，并在宣战之前向法国提出要求，并要求德国驻巴黎大使提供护照。

The president recounted the pacific course of Frenchmen in "burying at the bottom of their heart the desire for legitimate reparation, of the wrong done their country by Germany in 1871, and in using their rejuvenated strength in the interest of progress and for the good of humanity." In particular he spoke of the efforts France had made for peace since Austria's ultimatum to Serbia.

总统讲述了法国人的和平历程，“将1871年德国对法国所犯下的错误进行合法赔偿的愿望深埋在心底，并利用他们重新焕发的力量来促进进步和人类的福祉。”他特别谈到了自奥地利向塞尔维亚发出最后通牒以来法国为和平所做的努力。

He solemnly declared

他郑重宣布

"that France had made up to the last moment supreme efforts to avert the war now about to break out, the crushing responsibility for which the German Empire will have to bear before history.

“法国在最后一刻做出了最大的努力，以避免即将爆发的战争，德意志帝国将在历史面前承担沉重的责任。

(_Unanimous and repeated applause._)

（_一致和反复的掌声。_）

"On the very morrow of the day when we and our allies were publicly expressing our hope of seeing negotiations which had been begun under the auspices of the London Cabinet carried to a peaceful conclusion Germany suddenly declared war upon Russia; she has invaded the territory of Luxemburg; she has outrageously insulted the noble Belgian nation (_loud applause_), our neighbor and our friend, and attempted treacherously to fall upon us while we were in the midst of diplomatic conversation.

“就在我们和我们的盟友公开表示希望看到在伦敦内阁主持下开始的谈判能够和平结束的第二天，德国突然向俄罗斯宣战；她入侵了卢森堡的领土；她粗暴地侮辱了高贵的比利时民族（_热烈掌声_）、我们的邻居和我们的朋友，并试图在我们正在进行外交对话时对我们进行奸诈的攻击。

(_Fresh and repeated applause._)

（_新鲜而反复的掌声。_）

"But France was watching.

“但法国正在观看。

As alert as she was peaceful, she was prepared; and our enemies will meet on their path our valiant covering troops, who are at their post and will provide the screen behind which the mobilization of our national forces will be methodically completed....

她既冷静又警觉，做好了准备。我们的敌人将在路上遇到我们英勇的掩护部队，他们坚守在自己的岗位上，为我们有条不紊地完成国家军队的动员提供掩护……

"In the war which is beginning France will have right on her side, the eternal power of which cannot with impunity be disregarded by nations any more than by individuals.

“在即将开始的战争中，法国将站在她一边，其永恒的力量不能被国家和个人忽视而不受惩罚。

(_Loud applause._)

（_热烈掌声。_）

"She will be heroically defended by all her sons; nothing will break their sacred union before the enemy; to-day they are joined together as brothers in a common indignation against the aggressor, and in a common patriotic faith.

“她所有的儿子都会英勇地保卫她；没有什么能在敌人面前破坏他们神圣的联盟；今天，他们怀着对侵略者的共同愤慨和共同的爱国信念，像兄弟一样团结在一起。

(_Loud and prolonged applause and cries of 'Vive la France.'_)

（_热烈而持久的掌声和“法国万岁”的呼喊。_）

"She is faithfully helped by Russia, her ally (_loud applause_); she is supported by the loyal friendship of Great Britain.

“她得到了她的盟友俄罗斯的忠实帮助（_热烈掌声_）；她得到了英国忠诚友谊的支持。

(_Loud applause._)

（_热烈掌声。_）

"And already from every part of the civilized world sympathy and good wishes are coming to her.

“文明世界的各个角落已经向她表达了同情和良好的祝愿。

For to-day once again she stands before the universe for liberty, justice, and reason (_loud and repeated applause_) 'Haut les coeurs et vive la France!'[4] (_Prolonged applause._)"

今天，她再次为了自由、正义和理性而站在宇宙面前（_大声而反复的掌声_）“Haut les coeurs et vive la France！”[4]（_长时间的掌声。_）”

[Footnote 4: Lift up your hearts, and long live France!]

[脚注4：抬起你们的心，法国万岁！]

M。

Viviani, the Prime Minister, spoke before the Chamber of Deputies.

总理维维亚尼在众议院发表讲话。

He recounted those actions of Germany in relation to the Austro-Serbian crisis on which the light of subsequent events cast a sinister interpretation.

他讲述了德国在奥塞危机中采取的行动，随后发生的事件给这些行动带来了险恶的解读。

He gave the fabricated complaints against France for violating German territory presented by Ambassador von Schoen plainly to offset the true charges made by France of German violation of French territory, and declared:

他公然地引用了冯·舍恩大使捏造的针对法国侵犯德国领土的指控，以抵消法国对德国侵犯法国领土的真实指控，并宣称：

"At no time has any French aviator penetrated into Belgium, nor has any French aviator committed either in Bavaria or any other part of Germany any hostile act.

“从来没有任何法国飞行员侵入比利时，也没有任何法国飞行员在巴伐利亚或德国任何其他地区犯下任何敌对行为。

The opinion of Europe has already done justice to these wretched inventions.

欧洲的舆论已经公正地对待了这些可怜的发明。

(_Loud applause._)

（_热烈掌声。_）

"Against these attacks, which violate all the laws of justice and all the principles of public law, we have now taken all the necessary steps; they are being carried out strictly, regularly, and with calmness.

“针对这些违反所有正义法和所有公法原则的袭击，我们现在已采取一切必要措施；这些措施正在严格、定期、冷静地进行。

"The mobilization of the Russian army also continues with remarkable vigor and unrestrained enthusiasm.

“俄罗斯军队的动员也继续以惊人的活力和无拘无束的热情进行。

(_Prolonged applause, all the deputies rising from their seats._) The Belgian army, mobilized with 250,000 men, prepares with a splendid passion and magnificent ardor to defend the neutrality and independence of their country.

（_经久不息的掌声，全体代表起立。_）动员了25万士兵的比利时军队，正以极大的热情和雄伟的热情做好准备，保卫国家的中立和独立。

(_Renewed applause._)

（_再次鼓掌。_）

"The entire British fleet is mobilized and orders have been given to mobilize the land forces.

“整个英国舰队都已动员起来，并且已下达动员地面部队的命令。

(_Loud cheers, all the deputies rising to their feet._)"

（_大声欢呼，所有代表都站起来。_）”

_Belgium._ Baron Fallon, Belgian Minister at The Hague, reported to M.

_比利时._ 比利时驻海牙部长 Baron Fallon 向 M.

Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs at Brussels, that Holland intended to institute war buoying on the Scheldt (Dutch river leading to Antwerp in Belgium).

布鲁塞尔外交部长达维尼翁表示，荷兰打算在斯海尔德河（通往比利时安特卫普的荷兰河）上建立战争浮标。

The river would be closed at night only, and navigation by day would be under Dutch pilots.

这条河只会在晚上关闭，白天的航行将由荷兰飞行员负责。

Belgian lightships must be withdrawn from Dutch territory to facilitate maintenance of its neutrality.

比利时灯船必须从荷兰领土撤出，以利于维持中立。

M。

Davignon presented passports to German Minister von Below Saleske.

达维尼翁向德国部长冯·贝洛·萨莱斯克递交了护照。

The minister intrusted the custody of the German Legation to the American Minister, Brand Whitlock.

这位部长将德国公使馆的保管权委托给美国部长布兰德·惠特洛克。

The Belgian Minister, Baron Beyens, at Berlin, asked for his passports.

柏林的比利时部长贝恩斯男爵要求他出示护照。

Before leaving he telegraphed a report of the German Chancellor's speech to the Reichstag on the "infamous" violation of Belgian neutrality.

离开之前，他电报了一份德国总理向德国国会发表的关于“臭名昭著”违反比利时中立的讲话的报告。

"It is noteworthy that Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg recognizes without the slightest disguise, that Germany is violating international law by her invasion of Belgian territory, and that she is committing a wrong against us."

“值得注意的是，冯·贝特曼-霍尔韦格先生毫不掩饰地承认，德国入侵比利时领土违反了国际法，她对我们犯下了错误。”

Count de Lalaing, Minister at London, telegraphed that Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had informed the British Ministers in Norway, Holland, and Belgium

驻伦敦公使拉兰伯爵电报说，外交部长爱德华·格雷爵士已通知英国驻挪威、荷兰和比利时公使

"that Great Britain expects that these three kingdoms will resist German pressure and observe neutrality.

“英国希望这三个王国抵制德国的压力并保持中立。

Should they resist they will have the support of Great Britain, who is ready in that event, should the three above-mentioned Governments desire it, to join France and Russia in offering an alliance to the said Governments for the purpose of resisting the use of force by Germany against them, and a guaranty to maintain the future independence and integrity of the three kingdoms.

如果他们抵制，他们将得到英国的支持。如果上述三个政府愿意，英国已做好准备，与法国和俄罗斯一起向上述政府提出结盟，以抵制德国对他们使用武力，并保证维持这三个王国未来的独立和完整。

I observed to him that Belgium was neutral in perpetuity.

我对他说，比利时永远保持中立。

The Minister for Foreign Affairs answered: This is in case her neutrality is violated."

外交部长回答说：这是为了防止她的中立性被侵犯。”

M。

Davignon reported to the ministers at Paris, London, and St. Petersburg all the important diplomatic happenings respecting Belgium from July 31 to the appeal to the powers to guarantee Belgian neutrality, which was under present deliberation.

达维尼翁向巴黎、伦敦和圣彼得堡的部长报告了7月31日以来有关比利时的所有重要外交事件，并呼吁各国保证比利时的中立，目前正在审议中。

M。

Davignon appealed to Great Britain, France, and Russia to cooperate as guarantors of her territory and independence, and to employ concerted action to resist by force German violation of the same, and at the same time

达维尼翁呼吁英国、法国和俄罗斯作为其领土和独立的保证者进行合作，并采取一致行动，以武力抵抗德国对其的侵犯，同时

"to guarantee the future maintenance of the independence and integrity of Belgium.

“保证比利时未来的独立和完整。

"Belgium is happy to be able to declare that she will undertake the defense of her fortified places."

“比利时很高兴能够宣布她将保卫她的防御工事。”

King Albert made an address to the Belgian Parliament which closed as follows:

阿尔伯特国王在比利时议会闭幕时发表讲话如下：

"The army is equal to its task.

“军队担负起它的任务。

The Government and myself have full confidence.

政府和我本人都充满信心。

The Government understands its responsibilities and will maintain them till the end to safeguard the supreme good of the country.

政府明白自己的责任，并将坚持到底，以维护国家的最高利益。

If the stranger violates our territory he will find all Belgians gathered round their sovereign, who will never betray his constitutional oath.

如果陌生人侵犯我们的领土，他会发现所有比利时人都聚集在他们的君主周围，君主永远不会背叛他的宪法誓言。

"I have faith in our destinies.

“我对我们的命运充满信心。

A country which defends itself imposes respect on all and does not perish.

一个保卫自己的国家就会尊重所有人，并且不会灭亡。

God will be with us."

上帝会与我们同在。”

War was now on between Russia, France, Great Britain and Belgium on the one side, and Germany, soon and certainly to be joined by Austria-Hungary, on the other.

现在，一方面是俄罗斯、法国、英国和比利时，另一方面是德国，奥匈帝国很快也肯定会加入战争。

While the diplomatic controversy continued, it was over minor subjects, such as what understanding, if any, had existed before the war between Great Britain and Belgium with reference to the former landing an expeditionary force on the soil of the latter in event of hostilities with Germany.

虽然外交争议仍在继续，但争论的焦点是次要问题，例如英国和比利时之间在战争之前就英国在与德国发生敌对行动时派遣远征军登陆比利时的领土上存在什么理解（如果有的话）。

By August 5, 1914, all the main evidence which the belligerent powers chose to present was before the court of the world's opinion.

到 1914 年 8 月 5 日，交战国选择提供的所有主要证据都已提交给世界舆论法庭。

It has here been given in as full a form as the exigency of space has permitted, and in that impartial manner which a strict observance of editorial ethics insures.

由于篇幅有限，本文以严格遵守编辑道德所保证的公正方式给出了尽可能完整的形式。

The editor has refrained from cross-references indicating a conflict of evidence, since this could not be made without exercising a judicial function into which biased opinion might creep.

编辑避免了表明证据冲突的交叉引用，因为如果不行使可能会产生偏见的司法职能，就无法进行交叉引用。

It will be easy for the reader to make these comparisons for himself, because of the listing of the correspondence by countries and dates.

由于按国家和日期列出了信件，读者可以很容易地自己进行这些比较。

A careful study of the data here given should afford everyone an answer to the solemn inquiry, the greatest ever put before the civilized world: Who was responsible for the war?

仔细研究这里提供的数据，应该可以为每个人提供一个庄严质询的答案，这是文明世界有史以来最伟大的质询：谁应对战争负责？

中文为机器翻译，仅供参考。