84: Harold (1997) - This American Life
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00:00 00:00 Transcript Share This American Life Life Partners How to Listen Episodes Recommended About Overview Staff Announcements Fellowships Jobs Music Make Radio On The Road FAQ Submissions Merch Contact Us Our Other Shows Merch Follow Us Life Partners Subscribe to our newsletter Full episode Toggle Audio and Transcript Sync Transcript | Episode #84 | November 24, 2017 84: Harold (1997) Note: This American Life is produced for the ear and designed to be heard.
00:00 00:00 文字记录 分享此 美国生活 生活伙伴 如何收听 剧集 推荐 关于 概述 员工公告 奖学金 工作 音乐 在路上制作电台 常见问题解答 提交 商品 联系我们 我们的其他节目 商品 关注我们 生活伙伴 订阅我们的时事通讯 整集 切换音频和文字记录同步 文字记录 | 内容第 84 集 | 2017 年 11 月 24 日 84：Harold (1997) 注：《美国生活》是为耳朵而制作的，旨在让人们听到。
If you are able, we strongly encourage you to listen to the audio, which includes emotion and emphasis that's not on the page.
如果可以的话，我们强烈建议您收听音频，其中包括页面上没有的情感和重点。
Transcripts are generated using a combination of speech recognition software and human transcribers, and may contain errors.
文字记录是使用语音识别软件和人工转录员结合生成的，可能包含错误。
Please check the corresponding audio before quoting in print.
请在印刷版引用前检查相应的音频。
Prologue: Prologue Ira Glass Before our story begins, let's remember how it used to be.
序言： 序言 艾拉·格拉斯 在我们的故事开始之前，让我们回忆一下它曾经是怎样的。
Jacky lived in the South Side in a Black neighborhood.
杰基住在南区的一个黑人社区。
City didn't enforce the housing code properly, didn't investigate arsons.
市政府没有正确执行住房法，也没有调查纵火案。
There would be fires going on in Woodlawn daily, several times a day.
伍德劳恩每天都会发生火灾，一天好几次。
And it was just fire engines all the time.
一直都是消防车。
And so my daughter started to believe that when buildings got old and died, like people got old and died-- that you knew a building was old and was dying because it would burn up.
所以我的女儿开始相信，当建筑物变老并死亡时，就像人变老并死亡一样 - 你知道建筑物很旧并且正在死亡，因为它会被烧毁。
Before our story begins, Chicago was run by the Democratic machine, and Black aldermen, like Danny Davis, would turn out to vote for the machine election after election.
在我们的故事开始之前，芝加哥是由民主党机器统治的，像丹尼·戴维斯这样的黑人市议员会在选举后投票支持机器选举。
But the machine didn't reward the Black wards for those votes the way it paid back the white wards on the North Side with street cleanings and sewers, with newly paved roads and sidewalks, economic development money.
但机器并没有像奖励北区白人选区那样奖励黑人选区的选票，包括街道清洁和下水道、新铺的道路和人行道以及经济发展资金。
Well, actually, we had called the areas colonies.
嗯，实际上，我们把这些地区称为殖民地。
And just basically picking up the garbage in these wards, just trying to keep them clean was a real problem.
基本上只是捡起这些病房里的垃圾，只是想让它们保持清洁，这确实是一个问题。
The person who was elected, there would be so much focus on garbage pickup that you'd almost have to just be the garbage alderman.
当选的人会非常关注垃圾收集，以至于你几乎只能成为垃圾市议员。
I recall telling people time and time again that I was tired of just being the garbage alderman.
我记得一次又一次地告诉人们，我厌倦了仅仅担任垃圾委员。
Before our first story begins, the Chicago political machine squeezed Black kids into mobile trailers behind public schools rather than let them attend white schools just blocks away.
在我们的第一个故事开始之前，芝加哥的政治机器将黑人孩子挤进公立学校后面的移动拖车里，而不是让他们去几个街区外的白人学校就读。
Before our story begins, the Chicago machine built high-rise public housing to hold Blacks on the South Side and keep them from moving into white neighborhoods.
在我们的故事开始之前，芝加哥机器建造了高层公共住房，以将黑人留在南区，并阻止他们搬入白人社区。
Before our story begins, the Chicago political machine built a system of highways that coincidentally divided Black neighborhoods from white and particularly insulated the mayor's all-white neighborhood, Bridgeport.
在我们的故事开始之前，芝加哥的政治机器建造了一个高速公路系统，巧合地将黑人社区与白人区分开来，特别是将市长的全白人社区布里奇波特隔离开来。
Typical inequities-- unemployment in the white 11th Ward was 0%.
典型的不平等——白人第 11 区的失业率为 0%。
Unemployment in the 4th Ward, where Blacks lived, was 25%.
黑人居住的第四区的失业率为 25%。
This is a story about one ethnic group doing what so many other ethnic groups have done in this country-- put its own candidate in City Hall, won the mayor's office.
这是一个关于一个民族做了这个国家许多其他民族所做的事情的故事——将自己的候选人推入市政厅，赢得市长职位。
But because this ethnic group happened to be Black, what happened was unlike anything that happens when an Italian politician or an Irish politician or a Jewish politician take City Hall.
但因为这个族群恰好是黑人，所以所发生的事情与意大利政客、爱尔兰政客或犹太政客占领市政厅时发生的任何事情都不同。
White voters deserted their own political party.
白人选民抛弃了自己的政党。
White politicians tried to stage a public, slow-motion coup.
白人政客试图发动一场公开的、缓慢的政变。
And the mayor faced pressures that were different from those faced by any white mayor of any city in America.
这位市长面临的压力与美国任何城市的白人市长所面临的压力都不同。
And this little parable of race and politics in America does not take place in some distant, pre-civil-rights past.
这个关于美国种族和政治的小寓言并不是发生在遥远的民权运动之前的过去。
It happened just 10 years ago here in Chicago.
这件事发生在十年前的芝加哥。
Good evening.
晚上好。
You're on with Harold Washington.
你正在和哈罗德·华盛顿一起。
Good evening.
晚上好。
Mr. Washington, could you clear up a point for me?
华盛顿先生，你能帮我澄清一下吗？
I understand that once you move into city hall, you're going to remove all the elevator boxes and replace them with vines.
据我所知，一旦你搬进市政厅，你就会拆除所有电梯箱并用藤蔓代替。
Is that true?
这是真的吗？
With vines.
有藤蔓。
Harold Washington Vines, V-I-N-E-S?
哈罗德·华盛顿·韦恩斯，V-I-N-E-S？
You know what?
你知道吗？
Harold Washington No, no.
哈罗德·华盛顿 不，不。
I'm not even going to ask you why.
我什至不会问你为什么。
And--
还有——
No, I don't think we have 3 million Tarzans in this city.
不，我不认为这座城市里有 300 万只泰山。
From WBEZ Chicago and Public Radio International, it is This American Life.
来自芝加哥 WBEZ 和国际公共广播电台的节目是《This American Life》。
I'm Ira Glass.
我是艾拉·格拉斯。
November 25 is the 10th anniversary of the death of Chicago's first Black mayor, Harold Washington.
11月25日是芝加哥第一位黑人市长哈罗德·华盛顿逝世10周年纪念日。
He died early in his second term of office.
他在第二个任期中提前去世。
Today we remember his story and ask why the largest cities in the country-- New York, Los Angeles, Chicago-- no longer have Black mayors.
今天，我们记住他的故事，并问为什么美国最大的城市——纽约、洛杉矶、芝加哥——不再有黑人市长。
Act One of our program is about the past.
我们节目的第一幕是关于过去的。
Act Two is about the present and the future.
第二幕是关于现在和未来的。
A word about the voices you're going to be hearing over the course of this hour-- it's mostly people who were close to Harold Washington, many of them activists and politicians-- Lu Palmer, Judge Eugene Pincham, Congressman Danny Davis, then Alderman Eugene Sawyer.
关于这一小时内你将听到的声音，主要是与哈罗德·华盛顿关系密切的人，其中许多是活动家和政治家，包括卢·帕尔默、尤金·平查姆法官、国会议员丹尼·戴维斯，然后是市议员尤金·索耶。
There are people from his administration, Jacky Grimshaw, Grayson Mitchell, Timuel Black, and some reporters who followed his story-- Vernon Jarrett, Monroe Anderson, Gary Rivlin, and Laura Washington, who later became his press secretary.
他的政府中有杰基·格里姆肖（Jacky Grimshaw）、格雷森·米切尔（Grayson Mitchell）、蒂缪尔·布莱克（Timuel Black）等人，还有一些关注他故事的记者——弗农·贾勒特（Vernon Jarrett）、门罗·安德森（Monroe Anderson）、加里·里夫林（Gary Rivlin）和后来成为他的新闻秘书的劳拉·华盛顿（Laura Washington）。
There will also be an occasional opponent or voter.
偶尔也会有反对者或选民。
Stay with us.
留在我们身边。
Act One, Yesterday.
第一幕，昨天。
For decades, Chicago politics had been run with an iron hand by the legendary political boss, Richard J.
几十年来，芝加哥政坛一直由传奇政治大佬理查德·J·布什(Richard J.
Daley.
戴利.
Our story begins just after his death in 1976, when the machine was sputtering a bit with no strong leader and the possibility-- a small possibility-- of change.
我们的故事开始于 1976 年他去世后不久，当时机器正在缓慢运转，没有强有力的领导者，也没有变革的可能性（可能性很小）。
To give you a sense of what it meant to be a loyal Black alderman in the Chicago machine at that time, consider what happened in City Hall the day Richard Daley died.
为了让您了解当时芝加哥机器中忠诚的黑人市议员意味着什么，请考虑一下理查德·戴利去世那天市政厅发生的事情。
By tradition, the president pro tem of the city council should at least occupy the mayor's office until such time as a process was determined for the election of a new mayor.
按照传统，市议会临时主席至少应担任市长职务，直到确定新市长的选举程序为止。
And who was the-- Vernon Jarrett That was Wilson Frost--
谁是——弗农·贾勒特 那是威尔逊·弗罗斯特——
Black alderman.
黑人市议员。
Vernon Jarrett --a loyal Black alderman from the 34th Ward, a Daley Democrat, a lawyer, impeccable reputation, impeccable credentials.
弗农·贾勒特（Vernon Jarrett）——来自第 34 区的忠诚黑人市议员，戴利民主党人，律师，无可挑剔的声誉，无可挑剔的资历。
The only mis-qualification he had was he's Black.
他唯一的错误资格是他是黑人。
God ordained that he be born Black.
上帝注定他生来就是黑人。
And the power structure sent police officers to the fifth floor, armed, to sit at the door to prevent Frost from even entering the mayor's office.
权力机构还派警察到五楼，全副武装，坐在门口，阻止弗罗斯特进入市长办公室。
That was a tremendous insult.
这是极大的侮辱。
It was an insult, but it was not unusual.
这是一种侮辱，但这并不罕见。
The white machine picked who the Black leaders would be.
白人机器选择了黑人领袖。
And mostly, those leaders did what they were told.
大多数情况下，这些领导人都按照他们的指示行事。
Blacks in Chicago had nowhere to go but the Democratic machine.
芝加哥的黑人除了民主党机器之外别无去处。
They were stuck.
他们被困住了。
But then there were a series of famous and especially infuriating insults from the white political establishment.
但随后白人政治机构发起了一系列著名的、尤其令人愤怒的侮辱。
Biggest among them-- Black voters finally elected an anti-machine candidate named Jane Byrne, who, once in office, betrayed them, sucked up to the white machine, made appointments and decisions specifically to prove she was not in the pocket of Black Chicago.
其中最大的是黑人选民最终选出了一位名叫简·伯恩的反机器候选人，她一上任就背叛了他们，巴结白人机器，专门做出任命和决定，以证明她不在黑人芝加哥的口袋里。
Then circumstances came together-- some by planning, some by luck-- that made it possible to elect a Black mayor.
然后，各种情况结合在一起——有些是计划好的，有些是运气的——使得选举一位黑人市长成为可能。
The planning-- organizers registered over 100,000 minority voters, held rallies and meetings, declaring it was time to elect a Black mayor.
策划组织者登记了超过 100,000 名少数族裔选民，举行集会和会议，宣布是时候选举黑人市长了。
The luck-- two white candidates split the white vote.
幸运的是，两名白人候选人平分了白人选票。
One more piece of luck-- the Chicago Democratic Party had created, in spite of itself, Harold Washington.
还有一点运气——芝加哥民主党不由自主地创造了哈罗德·华盛顿。
Vernon Jarrett was an old friend and a local newspaper columnist.
弗农·贾勒特是我的老朋友，也是当地报纸的专栏作家。
And Harold was in that party now.
哈罗德现在也在那个聚会中。
Don't forget, Harold had been a precinct captain.
别忘了，哈罗德曾经是一名分局队长。
His father had groomed him as a precinct captain since he was-- what-- 11 years old.
从他——什么——11 岁起，他的父亲就将他培养成一名分局队长。
But his father was done wrong.
但他的父亲做错了。
So Harold is an unusual person in that he nursed this resentment of how the Democratic Party had deserted his father at one time, when his father ran for alderman of the 3rd Ward.
因此，哈罗德是一个不寻常的人，因为当他的父亲竞选第三选区的市议员时，他对民主党抛弃他父亲的行为怀有怨恨。
He was a confused guy, got a little sense of mission in him and wanting to do the right thing.
他是一个困惑的人，内心有一点使命感，想做正确的事。
But yet, he was balanced off by this pragmatism that you got to play ball, to a degree, with the organization.
然而，他被这种实用主义所平衡，即你必须在某种程度上与组织合作。
And he was correct.
他是对的。
He wouldn't have made it without the Democratic machine.
如果没有民主党机器，他就不可能成功。
Usually, in Chicago, political activists had a choice.
通常，在芝加哥，政治活动家有选择。
They could go with politicians who were good on the issues but then had no political experience dealing with the machine, or they could get hacks, who knew the machine but were terrible in the issues.
他们可以与那些在问题上很擅长但没有处理机器的政治经验的政客合作，或者他们可以选择黑客，他们了解机器但在问题上很糟糕。
Washington was the rarest kind of politician-- delivered on the issues, knew the machine-- which was why, in fact, he did not want the job.
华盛顿是最稀有的政治家——能够解决问题，了解机制——这就是为什么他实际上不想得到这份工作。
Lu Palmer was at the center of the effort to draft a Black mayor.
卢·帕尔默是选举黑人市长的努力的中心人物。
Well, we talked to Harold.
好吧，我们和哈罗德谈过。
He was reluctant, very reluctant.
他很不甘心，非常不甘心。
At the time, he was in Congress and was enjoying being a congressman.
当时，他在国会，并很享受担任国会议员的乐趣。
Enjoying it partly because he was far from the machine.
享受它的部分原因是他远离机器。
He set some requirements, how much money we'd have to raise.
他提出了一些要求，我们必须筹集多少钱。
We'd have to get 50,000 new voters.
我们必须获得 50,000 名新选民。
He asked that, thinking, well, you'll never get that or--
他问这个问题，心想，好吧，你永远不会明白这个，否则——
He used 50,000 knowing that no way in the world are they going to come up with 50,000 new-- and that was hard in those days, to come up with 50,000 registered voters.
他使用了 50,000 名选民，因为他知道他们根本不可能选出 50,000 名新选民——在当时，要选出 50,000 名登记选民是很困难的。
May I jump ahead a moment?
我可以先跳一下吗？
You know what put Harold Washington over with the broad masses of Black people was when they had the primary debates.
你知道是什么让哈罗德·华盛顿在初选辩论中受到广大黑人的欢迎。
Oh, the triumph was the televised debate.
哦，胜利是电视辩论。
Because you had Daley.
因为你有戴利。
You had Byrne.
你有伯恩。
And then you had somebody who could talk-- Harold.
然后你就有了一个会说话的人——哈罗德。
Let's review that lineup.
让我们回顾一下这个阵容。
Daley was Richard M.
戴利是理查德·M.
Daley, son of the late mayor, Richard J.
戴利 (Daley)，已故市长理查德·J·戴利 (Richard J.
Daley.
戴利.
He is, by the way, our current mayor here in Chicago.
顺便说一句，他是我们芝加哥现任市长。
Byrne was Jane Byrne, the then-incumbent mayor.
伯恩就是时任市长简·伯恩。
And Harold-- you already know Harold.
还有哈罗德——你已经认识哈罗德了。
Those were the three Democratic contenders in the mayoral race.
这就是市长竞选中的三位民主党竞争者。
It is the fall of 1983.
那是1983年的秋天。
Here's a typical exchange between them.
这是他们之间的典型交流。
The three of them were asked at one point what they would do, if anything, about the police department's Office of Professional Standards, the place in the police department which handles complaints about police misconduct and brutality.
他们三人一度被问到，如果有的话，他们会对警察局的专业标准办公室做些什么，该办公室是警察局中负责处理有关警察不当行为和暴行的投诉的地方。
Jane Byrne and Richard Daley sound basically like normal politicians.
简·伯恩和理查德·戴利听起来基本上就像普通的政客。
They offer dull truisms like--
他们提出一些乏味的老生常谈，比如——
I believe that the members of the police board, chaired by Reverend Wilbur Daniels, really do take that job very seriously.
我相信以威尔伯·丹尼尔斯牧师为首的警察委员会成员确实非常认真地对待这项工作。
And I--
而我——
Here is the most specific that Richard Daley, then state's attorney, got that day.
以下是时任州检察官理查德·戴利 (Richard Daley) 当天得到的最具体信息。
I think, like anything else, there must be improvement.
我认为，就像其他事情一样，必须有所改进。
And there is nothing wrong with improvement in the Office of Professional Standards.
专业标准办公室的改进并没有什么问题。
[APPLAUSE] Ira Glass When Harold Washington comes on, what is most noticeable is that he sounds like a human being.
[掌声]艾拉·格拉斯 当哈罗德·华盛顿出场时，最引人注目的是他听起来像一个人。
The side's question is, what would I do to improve the Office of Professional Standards?
对方的问题是，我该如何改进专业标准办公室？
When I answer it, I'll be the only one who answered the question.
当我回答这个问题时，我将是唯一回答这个问题的人。
[CHEERING] The Office of Professional Standards was arrived at after a long and tortuous situation in this city in which members-- not all, but members-- of the Chicago Police Department consistently refused to be adequate and professional in their handling of Hispanic, Black people.
[欢呼]专业标准办公室是在这座城市经历了长期而曲折的情况后成立的，在这种情况下，芝加哥警察局的成员——不是全部，而是成员——始终拒绝以充分和专业的方式处理西班牙裔、黑人。
It's just that simple.
就是这么简单。
It's a long-standing--
这是一个由来已久的——
What happened was, he became plausible to the Black community.
所发生的事情是，他对黑人社区来说变得可信了。
Suddenly, they heard somebody who was articulate, knew what he was talking about, and was forceful.
突然，他们听到有人能言善道，知道自己在说什么，而且很有说服力。
In the first place, the appointees, all but nine, are political appointees.
首先，除了九人之外，所有被任命者都是政治任命者。
Many of the investigators are wedded to or related to police members of the Chicago Police Department.
许多调查员与芝加哥警察局的警察结婚或有亲属关系。
A lot of people, Black people, had felt all along that we've been bossed by dunderheads.
很多人，包括黑人，一直以来都觉得我们一直被傻瓜所支配。
They are not that bright.
他们没那么聪明。
They don't know that much.
他们知道的不多。
And Harold, Harold Washington, standing there between Jane Byrne and Richard M.
还有哈罗德，哈罗德华盛顿，站在简·伯恩和理查德·M·华盛顿之间。
Daley, the son, so cool, so well read that people, Black people, were just thrilled.
戴利，儿子，很酷，读得很好，人们，黑人，都很兴奋。
It was like watching Michael Jordan with a basketball.
这就像看迈克尔·乔丹打篮球一样。
Mr. Brzeczek, unfortunately, at the behest of this mayor, as a minion of this mayor, as a subaltern of this mayor, as a subordinate of this mayor, has destroyed his credibility--
不幸的是，布热切克先生在这位市长的授意下，作为这位市长的爪牙，作为这位市长的下属，作为这位市长的下属，毁掉了他的信誉——
Harold used to use words that even some of these journalists, these white journalists, had to scratch their head and go to the dictionary.
哈罗德曾经使用过一些词，甚至连一些记者，这些白人记者，也不得不挠头去查字典。
Black people loved that.
黑人喜欢这样。
And he jumped on Jane Byrne and took her by surprise, shocked her.
他跳到简·伯恩身上，让她大吃一惊，震惊不已。
And she was still reeling from the shock.
而她还沉浸在震惊之中。
And I shall never forget it, that night.
我永远不会忘记那天晚上。
I said, this man's got it made.
我说，这个人已经做到了。
He's in.
他进来了。
Here's one way that being a Black candidate for office is different from being a white candidate.
这是黑人候选人与白人候选人不同的一个方面。
If you're Black, you get thrown into the chasm of misunderstanding that divides white America for Black America, in a way that white politicians almost never are.
如果你是黑人，你就会陷入将美国白人与美国黑人分开的误解深渊，而白人政客几乎从来不会这样做。
Two Americas simply see certain things differently.
两个美国对某些事情的看法根本不同。
For instance, what should Harold Washington say about the late mayor, Richard J.
例如，哈罗德·华盛顿 (Harold Washington) 应该如何评价已故市长理查德·J·华盛顿 (Richard J.
Daley?
戴利？
Many white Chicagoans still held him in awe, while Black and Latino Chicago, for good reasons, had a different take.
许多芝加哥白人仍然对他怀有敬畏之心，而芝加哥黑人和拉丁裔则有充分的理由有不同的看法。
Well, here's what Harold decided to say.
好吧，这就是哈罗德决定说的话。
When he says that he would hope that I would have all the good qualities of past mayors, there are no good qualities of past mayors to be had-- none, none, none.
当他说他希望我拥有过去市长的所有优良品质时，过去市长的优良品质没有——没有，没有，没有。
[APPLAUSE] None.
[鼓掌]没有。
I did not mourn at the bar of the late mayor.
我没有在已故市长的酒吧里哀悼。
I regret anyone dying.
我对有人死去感到遗憾。
I have no regrets about him leaving.
我对他的离开并不后悔。
He was a racist from the core, head to toe and hip to hip.
他从头到脚、从臀部到臀部都是一个彻头彻尾的种族主义者。
There's no dangerous doubt about it.
毫无疑问，这是危险的。
And he spewed and fought and oppressed Black people to the point that some of them thought that was the way they were supposed to live, just like some slaves on the plantation thought that was the way they were supposed to live.
他吐口水、打架、压迫黑人，以至于他们中的一些人认为这就是他们应该的生活方式，就像种植园里的一些奴隶认为这就是他们应该的生活方式一样。
It was just like everything else he did and said.
这就像他所做的一切和所说的一切一样。
It was historic.
这是历史性的。
And no one would challenge the late mayor on anything, much less call him that kind of name.
没有人会在任何事情上挑战已故市长，更不用说这样称呼他了。
And I think that was what made him so provocative.
我认为这就是他如此挑衅的原因。
It's what made him so loved by the people who supported him and so hated by the people who wanted to deny him the office.
这就是为什么他受到支持他的人的爱戴，而那些想要剥夺他职位的人则如此憎恨他。
He didn't mince any words.
他没有拐弯抹角。
I'd give no hosannas to a racist, nor do I appreciate or respect his son.
我不会向种族主义者致敬，我也不欣赏或尊重他的儿子。
If his name were anything other than Daley, his campaign would be a joke.
如果他的名字不是戴利，他的竞选活动就会成为一个笑话。
He has nothing to offer anybody but a bent-up, tin-can smile, no background.
他没有什么可以给任何人的，除了一个弯腰的、易拉罐般的微笑，没有任何背景。
[APPLAUSE] And he runs on the legacy of his name, an insult to common sense and decency.
[掌声]他依靠自己的名字来竞选，这是对常识和正派的侮辱。
Everything I've ever got in the world, I work for it.
我在世界上拥有的一切都是我为之努力的。
Nobody gave me anything.
没有人给我任何东西。
The primary taught him that he could transcend being the third candidate, of being the Black candidate.
初选告诉他，他可以超越成为第三候选人，成为黑人候选人。
And he could take that Adam Powell positioning.
他可以接受亚当·鲍威尔的定位。
He could take that Marcus Garvey positioning, where you're a hybrid between the politician and the public man.
他可以采用马库斯·加维的定位，即政治家和公众人士的混合体。
And you become somewhere between Muhammad Ali, Michael Jackson, somewhere in superstar.
然后你就成为了穆罕默德·阿里、迈克尔·杰克逊之间的某个超级巨星。
And although I may sound abrasive, I have no malice toward anybody.
尽管我可能听起来很粗鲁，但我对任何人都没有恶意。
I have a job to do.
我有工作要做。
I've got place to go and things to do.
我还有地方要去，还有事情要做。
And I approach this job just like any masterful surgeon when you have to cut out a cancer.
当你必须切除癌症时，我就像任何熟练的外科医生一样对待这份工作。
I cut it out with no emotion.
我毫无感情地把它剪掉了。
Get it out.
把它拿出来。
Get it out.
把它拿出来。
This dominant culture may have messed up my pocket, but they haven't messed up my head one bit.
这种主流文化可能弄乱了我的口袋，但他们并没有弄乱我的头脑。
I believe in the powers of redemption.
我相信救赎的力量。
And I simply cannot believe in the God I worship, that He would permit us to sit on this Earth for 400 years-- or, rather, in this country for 400 years-- and suffer the indignities which we have suffered, piled time after time, higher after higher, and so heavy, it has almost broken the backs of one of the most powerful people in this world.
我根本无法相信我崇拜的上帝，他会允许我们在这个地球上呆上四百年——或者更确切地说，在这个国家上呆上四百年——并承受我们所遭受的侮辱，一次又一次，越来越高，如此沉重，几乎压断了这个世界上最有权势的人之一的背。
I can't believe there is no redemption.
我不敢相信没有救赎。
But that redemption is not going to come out in hatred.
但这种救赎不会以仇恨来实现。
It's going to come out in positive attitude toward our fellow man.
它将以积极的态度对待我们的同胞。
We've come into the 1980s with an understanding that we have not just a right but a responsibility to give the best that we have to a society.
进入 20 世纪 80 年代，我们认识到，我们不仅有权利，而且有责任为社会提供最好的帮助。
We want to give it.
我们想给它。
And we're going to give it if we have to beat them across the head, knock them down, and make them take it.
如果我们必须打他们的头，打倒他们，让他们接受，我们就会给予。
We're going to give it to them.
我们要把它给他们。
During this election and during Harold Washington's terms as mayor, in Chicago, every day was the day after the OJ verdict.
在这次选举和哈罗德·华盛顿担任芝加哥市长期间，每一天都是 OJ 判决后的第二天。
Every day was a day when Black and white Chicago took a look at the same set of facts and drew two different conclusions.
每一天，芝加哥黑人和白人都会审视同一组事实，得出两个不同的结论。
For instance, when the media raised questions about Washington's past, it made white Chicagoans question his qualifications for office, but it made minority voters more loyal.
例如，当媒体质疑华盛顿的过去时，芝加哥白人质疑他的公职资格，但这却让少数族裔选民更加忠诚。
In 1983, when Harold announced his candidacy, 95% of Black people never heard of him.
1983年，当哈罗德宣布参选时，95%的黑人从未听说过他。
And what happened was, the white power structure media first criticized Harold for having been convicted of a tax violation.
所发生的事情是，白人权力结构媒体首先批评哈罗德被判犯有税收违法行为。
He failed to file his returns.
他未能提交纳税申报表。
We should be precise about this.
我们应该准确地对待这一点。
It wasn't that he hadn't paid.
并不是说他没有付钱。
It's that he hadn't filed the return.
就是他没有报税。
He hadn't filed a return.
他没有提交申报表。
That's right.
这是正确的。
He paid withholding.
他支付了预扣税。
There was nothing to it.
没什么。
So what difference does it make?
那么这有什么区别呢？
But the point is, when this occurred, it gave him publicity that he otherwise would not have gotten.
但关键是，当这件事发生时，他获得了原本不会得到的知名度。
Many people in the Black community resented the criticism being leveled against him.
黑人社区的许多人对针对他的批评感到不满。
They then said, well, you're not married.
然后他们说，好吧，你还没有结婚。
You can't be mayor if you're not married.
没有结婚就不能当市长。
We made Jane Byrne married McMullen.
我们让简·伯恩嫁给了麦克马伦。
We made Jim Thompson married Jane Thompson.
我们让吉姆·汤普森嫁给了简·汤普森。
We made Kennedy, in the Senate, go back to his wife.
我们让参议院的肯尼迪回到他的妻子身边。
You cannot be a viable politician if you're not married.
如果你没有结婚，你就不可能成为一个可行的政治家。
Here, again, he did something that Blacks aren't accustomed to seeing Blacks do.
在这里，他再次做了一些黑人不习惯看到黑人做的事情。
He stood up.
他站了起来。
And he said, I'm not going to get married.
他说，我不会结婚。
Everybody thought, man, go marry if this is going to make-- and he said, I'm not.
每个人都想，伙计，如果这能让——他说，我不会。
Nobody can tell me to marry.
没有人能告诉我结婚。
I don't want to marry.
我不想结婚。
My marital status has nothing to do with my qualifications as mayor.
我的婚姻状况与我担任市长的资格无关。
And here, again, the Black community looked at him with a great deal more respect now.
在这里，黑人社区现在再次更加尊重地看着他。
Because many of the people, Black folks, said mayor don't want to be married no way.
因为很多人，黑人，说市长绝对不想结婚。
So they said, go on, Harold.
所以他们说，继续吧，哈罗德。
[LAUGHTER] But he got some more publicity.
[笑声]但他得到了更多的关注。
And quite frankly, you will have to concede-- I certainly will say it-- that had a white candidate with the same baggage been running, there's no way in the world he would have been elected mayor.
坦率地说，你必须承认——我当然会这么说——如果有一位有着同样包袱的白人候选人参加竞选，他根本不可能当选市长。
How do you figure that?
你怎么看出来的？
Eugene Pincham Well, it's true.
尤金·平查姆：嗯，这是真的。
Your white candidate who'd been in jail for failing to file a tax return, who wasn't married, rumored to be homosexual-- everybody knew Harold wasn't a homosexual, but that was the rumor they tried to create-- and a disbarred lawyer?
你的白人候选人因为没有提交纳税申报表而入狱，没有结婚，有传言是同性恋——每个人都知道哈罗德不是同性恋，但那是他们试图制造的谣言——还有一个被吊销律师资格的人？
No way in the world, if he was white, would he be elected.
如果他是白人，他根本不可能当选。
What I think of it?
我对此有何看法？
I think it's here again-- well, if South Africa can elect a man who's a felon--
我想它又来了——好吧，如果南非能选出一个重罪犯——
Nelson Mandela.
纳尔逊·曼德拉。
Eugene Pincham Nelson Mandela, 27 years.
尤金·平查姆·纳尔逊·曼德拉，27 岁。
[LAUGHTER] Ira Glass You know what's interesting about it-- is that none of those criticisms also go to what the white fear was.
[笑声]艾拉·格拉斯（Ira Glass） 你知道这件事的有趣之处——这些批评都没有涉及到白人的恐惧是什么。
I wonder, as far as you could tell, what was at the heart of the white fear?
我想知道，据你所知，白色恐惧的核心是什么？
Because he's Black.
因为他是黑人。
Ira Glass And so the two Chicagos headed to primary day, white Chicago mostly ignoring the Washington candidacy, Black Chicago abuzz about it.
艾拉·格拉斯（Ira Glass）就这样，两个芝加哥人进入了初选日，白人芝加哥人基本上无视华盛顿的候选资格，黑人芝加哥人对此议论纷纷。
And when he won, the two Chicagos had wildly different reactions, as you might expect.
当他获胜时，正如你所预料的那样，两个芝加哥人的反应截然不同。
Monroe Anderson was a reporter at The Chicago Tribune at the time.
门罗·安德森当时是《芝加哥论坛报》的记者。
He was one of the few Blacks who worked in the newsroom the day after Harold Washington's primary victory.
他是哈罗德·华盛顿初选胜利后第二天在新闻编辑室工作的少数黑人之一。
There was such a somber feeling around that place.
那个地方周围有一种阴森的感觉。
It was like somebody's family member, beloved family member, had died or something.
就像某人的家人、心爱的家人去世了或者什么的。
It was just really somber.
真的很阴沉。
And we were in this jubilant mood, except you did not feel comfortable expressing it, looking it.
我们都处于这种欢欣鼓舞的心情中，只是你不舒服地表达它，看着它。
So we walked around, (SINGING) doo, doo, doo, doo, doo, doo, doo.
于是我们走来走去，（唱着）嘟，嘟，嘟，嘟，嘟，嘟，嘟。
(SPEAKING) And then we would go into somebody's office or someplace aside and go, yes, and jump up and down and then come out and walk around.
（说话）然后我们会走进某人的办公室或旁边的某个地方，是的，上蹿下跳，然后出来走动。
Oh, yes.
哦是的。
We're reporters too.
我们也是记者。
Yes, we understand.
是的，我们明白。
[LAUGHS]
[笑]
Ira Glass After primary day, things got ugly.
艾拉·格拉斯 (Ira Glass) 初选后，事情变得很糟糕。
Usually, winning the Democratic primary for mayor in Chicago means you've won the office.
通常，赢得芝加哥市长民主党初选就意味着你赢得了这个职位。
The Republican Party doesn't count in city elections.
共和党在城市选举中不算数。
But in this case, as Chicago moved toward the general election in April 1983, 90% of white Chicago deserted the Democratic Party to vote for a Republican named Bernie Epton.
但在这种情况下，当芝加哥临近 1983 年 4 月大选时，90% 的芝加哥白人抛弃了民主党，转而投票支持一位名叫伯尼·埃普顿 (Bernie Epton) 的共和党人。
One of his campaign slogans-- "Epton, before it's too late."
他的竞选口号之一是“爱普顿，在为时已晚之前。”
Black Chicago saw the Democratic defections as racism, pure and simple.
黑人芝加哥将民主党的叛逃视为纯粹的种族主义。
Meanwhile, white policemen circulated hate literature illustrated with chicken bones and watermelons.
与此同时，白人警察传播以鸡骨头和西瓜为插图的仇恨文学。
And in perhaps the most famous incident in the campaign, while stumping with Walter Mondale, Harold Washington stopped at St. Pascal's church on the city's white northwest side.
也许是竞选中最著名的事件，在与沃尔特·蒙代尔一起竞选时，哈罗德·华盛顿在该市白色西北侧的圣帕斯卡教堂停了下来。
It was almost a riot.
这几乎是一场骚乱。
Ira Glass Monroe Anderson covered it for the Tribune.
艾拉·格拉斯·门罗·安德森为论坛报报道了这件事。
When Harold showed up and the press entourage showed up, there was this angry-- people were, like, approaching the car.
当哈罗德出现和媒体随行人员出现时，大家都很生气——人们就像在走近汽车。
People were out of control.
人们失去了控制。
I thought that we were in physical danger.
我以为我们有人身危险。
And then we get to the church, and somebody spray painted on the church graffiti that said, "Die, nigger, die."
然后我们到达教堂，有人在教堂涂鸦上喷漆，上面写着：“死吧，黑鬼，死吧。”
On a Catholic Church?
在天主教堂上？
Monroe Anderson Yes.
门罗·安德森 是的。
Meanwhile, something curious happened.
与此同时，奇怪的事情发生了。
Occasionally, Harold Washington or one of his supporters would say, in passing, something like, it's our turn now.
偶尔，哈罗德·华盛顿或他的一位支持者会顺便说一句，比如，现在轮到我们了。
And when they did, it made headlines.
当他们这样做时，它就成了头条新闻。
White Chicago and the mainstream press saw it as more than just ethnic pride.
白人芝加哥和主流媒体认为这不仅仅是种族自豪感。
It was seen as threatening.
这被视为具有威胁性。
This is one of the ways that being a Black politician in America is different than being a Polish politician or an Irish politician.
这是美国黑人政治家与波兰政治家或爱尔兰政治家的不同之处之一。
Judge Pincham.
平查姆法官。
The difference is very, very simple.
区别非常非常简单。
And that is, when the Polish attempt to get a Polish mayor, it's good ethnic politics.
也就是说，当波兰人试图选出一位波兰市长时，这是很好的种族政治。
When the Irish try to get an Irish mayor, it's good ethnic politics.
当爱尔兰人试图选出一位爱尔兰市长时，这是很好的种族政治。
But when the Blacks try to get a Black mayor, it's racism.
但当黑人试图选出一位黑人市长时，那就是种族主义。
Glenn Leonard grew up in the white southwest side of Chicago, didn't vote for Harold Washington.
格伦·伦纳德在芝加哥西南部的白人区长大，没有投票给哈罗德·华盛顿。
I think a lot of people thought that he was going to bring in a lot of people that were going to be Black and were going to change the city.
我想很多人都认为他会引进很多黑人来改变这座城市。
Now we have our chance.
现在我们有机会了。
Now let's go ahead and do it.
现在让我们继续去做吧。
Let's right all these so-called wrongs.
让我们纠正所有这些所谓的错误。
Whether they were right or wrong, it's another story.
无论他们是对还是错，那是另一回事了。
Let's right these wrongs.
让我们纠正这些错误。
Let's move in.
我们搬进去吧。
Let's take over.
让我们接管吧。
Let's have more of a say in the local government.
让我们在当地政府中有更多的发言权。
And people just saw that as a threat.
人们只是将其视为威胁。
They thought, well, these people are going to come in, move into the corner house or whatever, and another white flight starts again.
他们想，好吧，这些人会进来，搬进街角的房子或其他什么地方，然后另一架白色航班又开始了。
I think that that was a big fear.
我认为这是一个很大的恐惧。
Chicago will become another Detroit, people said, another Cleveland.
人们说，芝加哥将成为另一个底特律，另一个克利夫兰。
Property values would fall, businesses leave.
房产价值会下跌，企业会离开。
Many whites had already fled one set of neighborhoods during white flight.
许多白人在白人逃亡期间已经逃离了一组社区。
And Glenn says that white Chicago was used to having the late Mayor Daley protect their neighborhoods, for instance, by blocking federal schemes to bring in low-income public housing all over the city.
格伦说，芝加哥白人习惯于让已故市长戴利保护他们的社区，例如，阻止联邦计划在全市建设低收入公共住房。
But Harold Washington wouldn't do that.
但哈罗德·华盛顿不会这么做。
He was going to, obviously, no longer block these.
显然，他不会再阻止这些了。
And these low-income housing units would come into every neighborhood in the city or whatever.
这些低收入住房单元将进入城市的每个社区或其他地方。
And that would start the ball rolling in your-- what do they call it in the Far East when the communists-- the domino effect.
这将开始在你的——共产党人在远东称之为什么——多米诺骨牌效应中滚动。
Thank you.
谢谢。
[LAUGHS]
[笑]
This is one thing that Black politicians have to deal with that white politicians don't.
这是黑人政客必须处理而白人政客不需要处理的一件事。
And this is true from Chicago to Washington, DC, from North Carolina to South Africa.
从芝加哥到华盛顿特区，从北卡罗来纳州到南非都是如此。
They have to deal with white fear.
他们必须应对白人恐惧。
Harold Washington.
哈罗德·华盛顿。
We have 670,000 Black registered voters in this city.
这个城市有 670,000 名黑人登记选民。
When you get right down to it, the votes are here.
当你认真对待它时，投票就在这里。
They're here.
他们来了。
They're here.
他们来了。
And every group-- and I've said it before, and I'll say it again.
每个团体——我之前已经说过了，我还会再说一遍。
And the press takes it and runs out in left field with it.
媒体接过球并带着球跑到左外野。
Every group that gets our percentage of the population, they don't go around begging.
每一个获得我们人口比例的群体，他们都不会四处乞讨。
They don't go around explaining.
他们不会四处解释。
They don't have any excuses to make.
他们没有任何借口可找。
They just move on in and take one of their own and put them in office.
他们只是继续前进并任命自己的一位并让他们就任。
That's what we should do.
这就是我们应该做的。
That's what democracy is all about.
这就是民主的意义所在。
Problem is, when your opponents don't see your election, it's just the normal workings of democracy.
问题是，当你的对手看不到你的选举时，这只是民主的正常运作。
How Harold Washington tried to rise above their fear after he squeaked out a narrow victory in the general election and took office, that's in a minute, from Public Radio International, when our program continues.
哈罗德·华盛顿在大选中以微弱优势获胜并就职后，如何试图摆脱他们的恐惧，这是国际公共广播电台的一分钟报道，我们的节目继续进行。
It's This American Life.
这就是美国生活。
I'm Ira Glass.
我是艾拉·格拉斯。
Most weeks on our program, of course, we choose a theme, bring you a variety of different stories on that theme.
当然，我们节目的大多数星期，我们都会选择一个主题，为您带来有关该主题的各种不同的故事。
But today, we're breaking from our usual format to bring you this parable about race and politics in America, the story of Harold Washington, Chicago's first Black mayor, who entered office in 1983 and died just four years later, just a few months into his second term.
但今天，我们打破惯例，为大家带来这个关于美国种族和政治的寓言，讲述芝加哥第一位黑人市长哈罗德·华盛顿 (Harold Washington) 的故事，他于 1983 年上任，四年后去世，也就是他第二个任期仅几个月。
November 25 is the 10th anniversary of his death.
11月25日是他逝世10周年纪念日。
So in Chicago and in most American big cities, the way it used to work-- and I say used to with some reservations.
所以在芝加哥和大多数美国大城市，它过去的运作方式——我说习惯了，但有些保留。
In Chicago, you could argue that it still works this way.
在芝加哥，你可能会说它仍然以这种方式运作。
The way it used to work was that when Irish-Americans took the mayor's office, or Italian-Americans, or Polish-Americans, they channeled contracts and patronage jobs and other municipal goodies to their own communities.
它过去的运作方式是，当爱尔兰裔美国人、意大利裔美国人或波兰裔美国人担任市长职位时，他们将合同、赞助工作和其他市政福利输送到自己的社区。
Lu Palmer was one of the people at the center of the movement to elect a Black mayor in Chicago.
卢·帕尔默是芝加哥选举黑人市长运动的核心人物之一。
He convened the early organizational meetings in his basement.
他在地下室召开了早期的组织会议。
It is hard to imagine that Harold Washington would have ever come to office without him.
很难想象如果没有他，哈罗德华盛顿会上任。
And he was disappointed by Harold.
他对哈罗德感到失望。
I don't know.
我不知道。
But he never became what I would consider the Black mayor.
但他从未成为我心目中的黑人市长。
Black people wanted something that was so simple-- fairness.
黑人想要的东西非常简单——公平。
And I used to get upset with Harold after he became elected, because Harold was too fair.
哈罗德当选后我常常对他感到不满，因为哈罗德太公平了。
In fact, he would say in his speeches, I'm going to be fair.
事实上，他会在演讲中说，我会公平地对待。
I'm going to be more than fair.
我会更加公平。
No one, but no one in this city, no matter where they live or how they live, is free from the fairness of our administration.
没有人，但这座城市里的任何人，无论他们住在哪里或如何生活，都无法摆脱我们政府的公平性。
We'll find you and be fair to you wherever you are.
无论您身在何处，我们都会找到您并公平对待您。
And I used to cringe-- Harold Washington But I need your help.
我曾经感到畏缩——哈罗德·华盛顿 但我需要你的帮助。
--when he would say, I'm not only going to be fair, but I'm going to be fairer than fair.
——当他说，我不仅会公平，而且我会比公平更公平。
Well, come on.
好吧，来吧。
You don't have to go overboard.
你不必太过分。
And Harold did.
哈罗德做到了。
Those of us who are considered radicals, we simply believe that since the Daleys, Byrne, and all the rest of the white mayors had always put white people first, with any question, without any apology, we said that Harold got to put Black people first.
我们这些被认为是激进分子的人，我们只是相信，由于戴利家族、伯恩和所有其他白人市长一直把白人放在第一位，有任何问题，没有任何道歉，我们说哈罗德必须把黑人放在第一位。
And that's what we wanted.
这就是我们想要的。
I'm not sure we wanted to be to white people what Daley was to Black people.
我不确定我们想成为白人的戴利是黑人。
That is, he was just ridiculous.
也就是说，他简直就是可笑。
And the present Daley-- same way.
现在的戴利——同样如此。
But people, they wanted to see the opportunity to have our community thrive like other communities.
但是人们希望看到有机会让我们的社区像其他社区一样蓬勃发展。
It wasn't just Black nationalists like Lu Palmer who felt this way.
不仅仅是像卢·帕尔默这样的黑人民族主义者有这种感觉。
Old-time machine loyalists, like Eugene Sawyer, who was the Black alderman that the white Democratic machine wanted to succeed Harold Washington as mayor, said the same thing.
旧机器的忠实拥护者，比如尤金·索耶（Eugene Sawyer）也说了同样的话。尤金·索耶是白人民主党机器希望接替哈罗德·华盛顿担任市长的黑人市议员。
And that was part of the things, that I think we probably were too fair.
我认为这就是事情的一部分，我们可能太公平了。
I think Harold was too fair.
我认为哈罗德太公平了。
In what way?
以什么方式？
Eugene Sawyer A lot of people think he was too fair, by giving a lot more and giving everybody the same thing.
尤金·索耶（Eugene Sawyer） 很多人认为他太公平了，他付出了更多，却给了每个人同样的东西。
And people didn't expect it.
而人们却没有想到。
A lot of Black folks think that you should have given your own people a little bit more.
许多黑人认为你应该给自己的人民多一点。
Well, a major problem with being a Black person in America--
嗯，作为美国黑人的一个主要问题是——
Reporter Monroe Anderson.
记者门罗·安德森。
Monroe Anderson --is you're in this trap.
门罗·安德森——你是不是落入了这个陷阱呢？
Because-- and this is sort of our curse and our blessing because of this racial history, is that we have been complaining and pointing out all these inequities for a very long time.
因为——由于这段种族历史，这是我们的诅咒和祝福，因为我们长期以来一直在抱怨和指出所有这些不平等。
And therefore, all these things that you have pointed out that have been an injustice to you, now that you're in power, you can't do because it'll be injustice to whites.
因此，你指出的所有这些事情对你来说都是不公正的，既然你掌权了，你就不能做，因为这对白人来说是不公正的。
And therefore, the rules have to be this great, even, everything's fair and square.
所以，规则必须这么伟大、均匀，一切都是公平公正的。
People close to Harold Washington say that it was smart politics for him to be fairer than fairer.
与哈罗德·华盛顿关系密切的人士表示，对他来说，更加公平是明智的政治做法。
After all, Black wards had been treated so unfairly in the past that simply giving them the same services that the rest of the city got would be a huge step forward.
毕竟，黑人区在过去受到了如此不公平的对待，只要为他们提供与城市其他地区相同的服务，就已经是向前迈出了一大步。
It was also the political stance he felt most comfortable with by disposition.
这也是他性格上最舒服的政治立场。
And when Black politicians or community activists came to City Hall, trying to get more for one neighborhood over another, he was so enormously popular in Black Chicago, where 85% of the Black electorate turned out to vote for him, and where everyone simply referred to him as Harold, that he could ignore the pressure.
当黑人政客或社区活动家来到市政厅，试图为一个社区争取更多利益时，他在黑人芝加哥非常受欢迎，85％的黑人选民投票给他，每个人都简单地称他为哈罗德，他可以忽略压力。
Jacky Grimshaw was a staff person.
杰基·格里姆肖（Jacky Grimshaw）是一名工作人员。
I think there is a difference between the Black population and the Black politicians.
我认为黑人人口和黑人政客之间存在差异。
I think, on the part of the Black politicians, it was definitely, it's our turn.
我认为，就黑人政客而言，肯定是轮到我们了。
And I had to deal with some of these folks.
我不得不和其中一些人打交道。
They'd come in, and they want 10 jobs and crap like that.
他们进来了，想要 10 份工作，诸如此类的废话。
Hey, there ain't 10 jobs.
嘿，没有10个工作机会。
But I think on the part of the people, they were into fairness.
但我认为，就人们而言，他们是追求公平的。
I think the fairness thing played with them.
我认为公平对他们来说很重要。
They were proud of Harold.
他们为哈罗德感到骄傲。
They supported him, what he was doing.
他们支持他，支持他所做的事情。
Privately, Harold Washington talked about the danger of doing away with the old patronage system, how it could make the first Black mayor weaker than any of his white predecessors.
哈罗德·华盛顿私下里谈到了废除旧的赞助制度的危险，以及它如何使第一位黑人市长比他的任何一位白人前任都弱。
But publicly, for all intents and purposes, patronage was over.
但在公开场合，无论出于何种意图和目的，赞助已经结束了。
It's gone.
它消失了。
It's gone.
它消失了。
In the words of Cornell Davis, they said he wasn't dead.
用康奈尔·戴维斯的话来说，他们说他没有死。
So I went to his grave, and I walked around that grave.
于是我去了他的坟墓，并绕着坟墓走了一圈。
And I stomped on that grave.
我踩在了那个坟墓上。
And I jumped up and down.
我又跳又跳。
And I called out, patronage, patronage, are you alive?
我大声喊道，赞助，赞助，你还活着吗？
And patronage didn't answer.
赞助人没有回答。
It is dead, dead, dead.
它死了，死了，死了。
Ira Glass Washington attacked the machine.
艾拉·格拉斯·华盛顿攻击了这台机器。
The machine struck back.
机器反击了。
From the first day of Washington's first city council meeting, 29 aldermen, all of them white, the old Democratic machine, teamed up to oppose him.
从华盛顿第一次市议会会议的第一天起，29名市议员，全是白人，这个民主党的老机器，就联合起来反对他。
For the first time in memory, a Chicago mayor did not control City Hall.
记忆中，芝加哥市长第一次没有控制市政厅。
It was the machine's 29 votes to Howard's 21 votes.
是机器的29票对霍华德的21票。
The 29 not only blocked his appointments, it never brought them up for consideration.
29不仅阻止了他的任命，而且从未将其提请考虑。
They blocked most of his legislative initiatives and dedicated enormous energy to looking for ways to embarrass him and thwart him.
他们阻止了他的大部分立法举措，并投入大量精力寻找让他难堪和挫败他的方法。
It was mayhem, a battle so divisive and chaotic that for years, it sustained the disturbing animosity and suspicion between Black Chicago and white Chicago.
这是一场混乱，一场如此分裂和混乱的战斗，多年来，黑人芝加哥和白人芝加哥之间一直存在令人不安的敌意和猜疑。
Everyone took sides.
每个人都站在一边。
It came to be known locally as Council Wars, after a local African-American comic named Aaron Freeman began staging moments in local politics as scenes from the Star Wars trilogy.
在当地一位名叫亚伦·弗里曼 (Aaron Freeman) 的非裔美国喜剧演员开始将《星球大战》三部曲中的场景搬上当地政治舞台后，这场战争在当地被称为“议会战争”(Council Wars)。
Harold Washington appeared as Luke Skytalker, leader of the rebellion.
哈罗德·华盛顿饰演叛乱领袖卢克·天语者。
Harold's main political opponent, Ed Vrdolyak, the alderman who led the 29, also got a big part.
哈罗德的主要政治对手、领导29人党的市议员埃德·沃多利亚克(Ed Vrdolyak)也获得了很大一部分。
What are you doing in my office, Lord Darth Vrdolyak?
达斯·弗多利亚克勋爵，你在我的办公室里做什么？
I wish to discuss committee assignments for the new council.
我想讨论新理事会的委员会任务。
[LOUD, HEAVY BREATHING]
[大声、粗重的呼吸声]
[CHEERING] Luke Skytalker I don't have to talk to you.
[欢呼]卢克·天语者 我不需要和你说话。
I'm the mayor.
我是市长。
I can do whatever I want.
我可以做任何我想做的事。
I can-- [STRAINED YELL]
我可以——[紧张地喊叫]
[LAUGHTER] Darth Vrdolyak I find your lack of respect disturbing.
[笑声] Darth Vrdolyak 我发现你缺乏尊重令人不安。
It is obvious you do not know the power of the clout.
显然你不知道影响力的力量。
It has served all of the mayors before you.
它已经为您之前的所有市长服务过。
It can bring you great wealth and power, or it can destroy you as easily.
它可以给你带来巨大的财富和权力，也可以轻易地摧毁你。
The choice is yours.
选择权在你。
You do not consternate me, Vrdolyak.
你没有让我惊愕，Vrdolyak。
Take this parliamentary maneuver.
采取这次议会行动。
[IMITATES LASER MISSILE]
【模仿激光导弹】
Well done, Mayor.
干得好，市长。
But I counter with this negotiated majority.
但我反对这种协商多数。
[IMITATES LASER MISSILE]
【模仿激光导弹】
Then I file a suit in court.
然后我向法院提起诉讼。
[IMITATES LASER MISSILE]
【模仿激光导弹】
But the decision is in my favor.
但这个决定对我有利。
[IMITATES LASER MISSILE]
【模仿激光导弹】
[SHRIEKS] You may have prevailed at this juncture, Vrdolyak, but I will assiduously pursue your disestablishment.
[尖叫] Vrdolyak，你可能在这个节骨眼上占了上风，但我会不懈地追寻你的瓦解。
[LOUD, HEAVY BREATHING] Perhaps, Mayor.
[大声、粗重的呼吸]也许吧，市长。
But to do so, you must use the dark side of the clout.
但要做到这一点，你必须利用影响力的阴暗面。
You must make deals and compromises.
你必须做出交易和妥协。
Never.
绝不。
Darth Vrdolyak Yes, Mayor.
达斯·弗多利亚克 是的，市长。
To defeat me, you must become me.
要想打败我，你就必须成为我。
Look at my face, Skytalker, for I am your mentor.
看看我的脸，天语者，因为我是你的导师。
Ira Glass Even under these adverse conditions, Washington did manage to pass budgets and get some things done.
艾拉·格拉斯 即使在这些不利的条件下，华盛顿仍然设法通过了预算并完成了一些事情。
Black wards finally got the same street repair and garbage pickup is all the other words.
黑人区终于得到了同样的街道修复，换句话说就是垃圾收集。
Jacky Grimshaw describes one scheme Washington came up with to do some improvements around the city, designed to be, of course, fairer than fair, to give every word the same benefits.
杰基·格里姆肖（Jacky Grimshaw）描述了华盛顿提出的一项计划，旨在对城市进行一些改进，当然，其设计目的是更加公平，让每个词都得到同样的好处。
But the 29, of course, opposed it.
但29人当然反对。
And Washington needed their approval because to pay for it, he wanted to issue a city bond.
华盛顿需要他们的批准，因为为了支付费用，他想发行城市债券。
So every ward was to get-- I think it was 10 miles of street resurfacing and a certain number of alleys done and street lighting.
因此，每个行政区都需要重新铺设 10 英里的街道，并完成一定数量的小巷和街道照明。
And so he had all these on the bond issue, and they were refusing to pass it.
因此，他在债券发行上提出了所有这些要求，但他们拒绝通过。
So he put all of the reporters on a bus.
于是他把所有的记者都送上了一辆公共汽车。
And he would go around to these various wards.
他会去这些不同的病房。
And we went out to Mount Greenwood, another area of the city that did not welcome Blacks at the time, to say, your alderman is refusing to support this bond issue that I want to use to give you real streets.
我们去了格林伍德山，这是该市另一个当时不欢迎黑人的地区，我们说，你们的市议员拒绝支持我想用它来给你们提供真正街道的债券发行。
And if you want it, you better tell your alderman to vote for it.
如果你想要它，你最好告诉你的市议员投票支持它。
And so by the time he got through doing this, the folks in the communities were pretty much outraged.
所以当他完成这件事时，社区里的人们非常愤怒。
Black mayor or not, they wanted their streets.
无论是否是黑人市长，他们都想要自己的街道。
They wanted their sewers.
他们想要他们的下水道。
They wanted their vaulted sidewalks repaired and so forth.
他们希望修复拱形人行道等等。
What happens to American politics when one of the politicians happens to be Black?
当其中一位政客碰巧是黑人时，美国政治会发生什么？
In this case, what happened was that everything in city politics was seen through the prism of race, even though often it had nothing to do with race.
在这种情况下，发生的事情是，城市政治中的一切都是通过种族的棱镜来看待的，尽管它通常与种族无关。
Often, it had more to do with reform.
通常，它更多地与改革有关。
Gary Rivlin is the author of a very evenhanded history of Washington's ears, Fire on the Prairie.
加里·里夫林是华盛顿耳中非常公正的历史书《草原之火》的作者。
Everyone wants to understand Harold Washington is the first Black mayor.
每个人都想了解哈罗德·华盛顿是第一位黑人市长。
And it's true.
这是真的。
He's the first Black mayor.
他是第一位黑人市长。
And that was a very significant thing.
这是一件非常重要的事情。
But he was also the mayor who beat the Chicago political machine.
但他也是击败芝加哥政治机器的市长。
He was the first reformer in 30 years to take on the machine.
他是 30 年来第一位接受这台机器的改革者。
And he did it more successfully than anyone else before him, purely on a reform point of view.
纯粹从改革的角度来看，他比他之前的任何人都做得更成功。
And so he was a different kind of politician.
所以他是一位不同类型的政治家。
But no one could ever see beyond his race.
但没有人能够超越他的种族。
In fact, there was a political cartoon at the time I loved.
事实上，当时我很喜欢一部政治漫画。
And it was an editor asking the reporter covering the election, so, anything change?
一位编辑询问报道选举的记者，那么，有什么变化吗？
Anything new?
有什么新的吗？
And the reporter answered, nope, he's still white, and he's still Black.
记者回答说，不，他仍然是白人，而且他仍然是黑人。
And it really wasn't that much more sophisticated than that cartoon indicated.
它确实没有那幅漫画所示的那么复杂。
You pick up a local paper, and these guys just wax so eloquent.
你拿起一份当地报纸，这些人就滔滔不绝地滔滔不绝。
They don't know what they're talking about, don't have the slightest idea about the phenomena, don't understand the history, don't understand the mindset, don't understand what push people.
他们不知道自己在说什么，对现象一无所知，不了解历史，不了解心态，不明白是什么在推动人们。
All they say is, gee, Black folks must be angry.
他们只说，哎呀，黑人一定很生气。
[LAUGHTER] Gee, Black folks vote for Black folks.
[笑声] 哎呀，黑人投票给黑人。
They must hate white folks.
他们一定讨厌白人。
That ain't got nothing to do with nothing, nothing, crazy stuff.
这与什么都没有，什么都没有，疯狂的事情无关。
That's what you read around here in Chicago.
这就是你在芝加哥读到的内容。
That's what I have to put up with every day when I look in the reporters' eyes, all those silly business.
这就是我每天看着记者的眼睛时必须忍受的一切，所有这些愚蠢的事情。
How many white folks did you convert today, Harold?
哈罗德，你今天改变了多少白人的信仰？
[APPLAUSE] Wow.
[鼓掌]哇。
And the answer is more than you did, boy.
答案比你做的还要多，孩子。
Because I do my job, irregardless of race, color, creed, and sex.
因为我做我的工作，不分种族、肤色、信仰和性别。
Because everything he did, even things that were more about reform than about race, was seen through the lens of race, it gave Washington's opponents a tool that they could use against him, which they did.
因为他所做的一切，甚至是更多关于改革而不是种族的事情，都是从种族的角度来看的，这给了华盛顿的对手一个可以用来对付他的工具，他们也确实这么做了。
A typical example-- some crime rates went up between 1985 and '86, even though overall, crime was lower under Washington than under his white predecessor.
一个典型的例子是，1985 年至 86 年间，一些犯罪率有所上升，尽管总体而言，华盛顿治下的犯罪率低于他的白人前任治下的犯罪率。
But his opponents tried to make the case that this proved the Black mayor did not care about crime.
但他的对手试图证明这证明黑人市长并不关心犯罪。
Hate literature had said that he would do nothing about crime because most crime is caused by Blacks.
仇恨文学曾说过，他不会对犯罪采取任何行动，因为大多数犯罪都是由黑人造成的。
So they were using this statistical bump between '85 and '86 to prove what the hate literature was saying, that the Black mayor's going to be indifferent to crime.
因此，他们利用 85 年和 86 年之间的统计数据差异来证明仇恨文献所说的内容，即黑人市长将对犯罪漠不关心。
See, that's playing the race card and playing it in a dirty way.
你看，这就是打种族牌，而且是用肮脏的方式打。
It's a way of distorting statistics to play to racial fears out there.
这是歪曲统计数据以迎合种族恐惧的一种方式。
So did Washington talk about race?
那么华盛顿谈过种族问题吗？
Did he talk about the Chicago political machine always being biased against the Black community?
他是否谈到芝加哥政治机器总是对黑人社区存在偏见？
Sure.
当然。
Is that playing the race card?
这是打比赛牌吗？
Sure.
当然。
But I also happen to think it's true, what he was saying, whereas what I think the opposition was doing much more of was playing the race card and playing it in a dirty way, trying to tweak and abuse statistics any way they could to prove their point and play into the worst fears of the white community.
但我也碰巧认为他所说的是真的，而我认为反对派所做的更多的是打种族牌，并且以肮脏的方式打牌，试图以任何方式调整和滥用统计数据来证明自己的观点，并激起白人社区最恐惧的情绪。
I never saw Washington playing into the worst fears of the Black community.
我从未见过华盛顿激起黑人社区最恐惧的情绪。
In fact, his rhetoric was, I'm going to be fairer than fair.
事实上，他的言辞是，我会比公平更公平。
The fact is, by the time he died, just a few months into his second term of office, Harold Washington had put together a working majority on the council.
事实上，哈罗德·华盛顿去世时，也就是他第二任任期仅几个月，他就已经在委员会中占据了工作多数席位。
Not many more whites voted for him in his second election than in his first.
在他的第二次选举中投票给他的白人并不比第一次选举多多少。
But every political observer in Chicago says that he was making headway.
但芝加哥的每一位政治观察家都说他正在取得进展。
Patrick O'Connor was one of the 29 alderman who opposed Washington that was one of the few swing votes who sometimes sided with the mayor.
帕特里克·奥康纳是反对华盛顿的 29 名市议员之一，也是少数有时站在市长一边的摇摆选票之一。
We invited him up to a picnic in our ward.
我们邀请他来我们病房野餐。
And he showed up at our picnic.
他出现在我们的野餐会上。
And he got a great reception.
他受到了热烈的欢迎。
People that really didn't vote for him, and probably wouldn't vote for him the next time, respected the fact that he came out there, that he wanted to say hello, that he wanted to participate.
那些真正没有投票给他的人，可能下次也不会投票给他的人，尊重他站出来、他想打招呼、他想参与的事实。
And bear in mind that I was voting consistently with a block that was voting against him.
请记住，我与投票反对他的群体一致投票。
And he came out, and we spent the day, and it was fine.
他出来了，我们度过了一天，一切都很好。
I remember, one time, we were both invited to a place that neither of us were particularly popular in the ward.
我记得有一次，我们都被邀请去一个在病房里我们都不太受欢迎的地方。
And so I got a call from his office-- and this is, again, at a time when there was a counsel war going on-- asking, was I going to this festival or whatever it was?
于是我接到了他办公室打来的电话——这又是一场律师大战正在进行的时候——问我是要去参加这个节日还是其他什么活动吗？
And if I was, would I meet the mayor on a corner in our ward and go in there together with him?
如果是的话，我会在我们区的一个角落遇见市长并和他一起进去吗？
And I told the guy, no, I'm not meeting him on the corner.
我告诉那个人，不，我不会在街角遇见他。
I said, he wants me to go, he's going to pick me up at my house.
我说，他要我走，他会去我家接我。
So the mayor pulls up to the front of my house.
于是市长把车停在我家门前。
He comes in.
他进来了。
We have-- a glass of wine, he had, and I had a beer.
我们喝了一杯酒，他喝了，我喝了一杯啤酒。
We sat around for a couple of minutes.
我们坐了几分钟。
And he met my family.
他还认识了我的家人。
And he looks in my dining room.
他看着我的餐厅。
We didn't have any dining room furniture at the time.
当时我们没有任何餐厅家具。
The kids were all young, and we'd just moved into the house.
孩子们还小，我们刚刚搬进房子。
So he says, where's your dining room furniture?
所以他说，你餐厅的家具在哪里？
My wife says, you don't pay him enough money.
我妻子说，你付给他的钱不够多。
And Harold goes, I knew this cheese was going to cost me something.
哈罗德说，我知道这块奶酪会让我付出一些代价。
And he was just that quick.
而且他就是这么快。
He was really very, very good.
他真的非常非常好。
But my point is, is that we got in the car.
但我的观点是，我们上了车。
We went to this festival.
我们去参加了这个节日。
And by the time he left, he had people dancing with him.
当他离开时，有人和他一起跳舞。
He went over.
他走了过去。
He was talking with folks.
他正在和人们交谈。
By the time he left, it might not have changed the mind of everybody in there, that he was OK, but he made a significant impact.
当他离开时，那里的每个人的想法可能都没有改变，他很好，但他产生了重大影响。
And he understood, by keeping that schedule and going through areas where he was not expected to show up or would traditionally not be the most welcome person, that he was winning percentages of people.
他明白，通过遵守这个时间表，并经过那些他预计不会出现或传统上不受欢迎的地区，他赢得了一定比例的人。
And that's all he had to do.
这就是他所要做的一切。
Vernon Jarrett says that if Washington had lived, he would have done a lot to ease the strains of modern Chicago apartheid.
弗农·贾勒特说，如果华盛顿还活着，他会做很多事情来缓解现代芝加哥种族隔离的压力。
Harold was going to win over a big chunk of the white population.
哈罗德将赢得很大一部分白人的支持。
And I don't mean Gold Coast liberals.
我指的不是黄金海岸自由主义者。
They were beginning to like this guy.
他们开始喜欢这个家伙了。
And they could see something in him that represented them.
他们可以在他身上看到一些代表他们的东西。
He was chubby, warm, friendly.
他胖乎乎的，热情的，友善的。
And not only that, he was going into some lower-class white neighborhoods, having their streets paved for the first time.
不仅如此，他还走进了一些下层白人社区，第一次铺设了街道。
And they were slowly beginning to lose their fear.
他们慢慢地开始失去恐惧。
There are ways, I think, that the mayor has changed the city forever, but they're not things you can necessarily measure by doing headcounts and using a lot of numbers.
我认为，市长在某些方面永远改变了这座城市，但这些并不是你可以通过统计人数和使用大量数字来衡量的。
Laura Washington, Harold's former press secretary, now editor at a sort of muckraking publication called The Chicago Reporter.
劳拉·华盛顿（Laura Washington）是哈罗德的前新闻秘书，现在是一家名为《芝加哥报道》的揭露黑幕的刊物的编辑。
I think he opened up the city in ways that it will never be closed again.
我认为他以一种永远不会再关闭的方式开放了这座城市。
If you look at the numbers, you'll still see a lot of inequity.
如果你看一下数字，你仍然会看到很多不平等现象。
You'll still see neighborhoods that are poorer, probably poorer than they were 15, 20 years ago.
你仍然会看到更穷的社区，可能比 15、20 年前更穷。
You'll see neighborhoods that still probably don't get their fair share of city services.
您会看到一些社区可能仍然没有获得公平的城市服务。
But you'll see, I think, a dramatic difference in the attitude the public officials and policymakers have to equity in the city.
但我认为，你会发现政府官员和政策制定者对城市公平的态度存在巨大差异。
10 years after Harold Washington's death, people who follow politics in Chicago say that, if nothing else, the current mayor, Richard M.
哈罗德·华盛顿去世 10 年后，关注芝加哥政治的人们表示，如果不出意外的话，现任市长理查德·M·华盛顿 (Richard M.
Daley, son of Richard J, has to worry about making Black voters angry.
理查德·J 的儿子戴利不得不担心会让黑人选民生气。
He's been careful to have Black press secretaries and kept a number of appointees from the Black administration before him.
他在任命黑人新闻秘书方面一直很谨慎，并在他之前保留了一些黑人政府任命的官员。
He's done nothing so far to infuriate Black Chicago the way his white predecessors regularly did.
到目前为止，他还没有像他的白人前任那样激怒芝加哥黑人。
City services are distributed more fairly, even today.
即使在今天，城市服务的分配也更加公平。
There's been a bit of backsliding here and there.
到处都有一些倒退。
And Richard Daley's latest proposed bond issue follows the model of the Washington years.
理查德·戴利(Richard Daley)最新提议的债券发行遵循了华盛顿时代的模式。
It gives all of Chicago's wards equal benefits, something that was unheard of in the years before Washington.
它为芝加哥的所有选区提供了平等的福利，这在华盛顿之前的几年里是闻所未闻的。
It's been 10 years since Harold Washington's death.
哈罗德·华盛顿去世已有十年了。
And the nation's three largest cities-- New York, Chicago, Los Angeles-- no longer have Black mayors.
美国最大的三个城市——纽约、芝加哥、洛杉矶——不再有黑人市长。
This is partly a coincidence, no viable candidates in the right positions.
这部分是巧合，没有合适的候选人担任合适的职位。
Mayor Bradley in Los Angeles stepped down from office.
洛杉矶市长布拉德利辞职。
Mayor Dinkins in New York was simply not a strong citywide candidate.
纽约市长丁金斯根本就不是一个强有力的全市候选人。
Harold had a heart attack.
哈罗德心脏病发作。
White and Black politicians in Chicago agree that, had Harold Washington lived, he could have stayed mayor, as he often joked, for 20 years.
芝加哥的白人和黑人政治家一致认为，如果哈罗德·华盛顿还活着，他本可以像他经常开玩笑的那样担任市长 20 年。
We would be in our 14th year of his administration right now.
现在是他执政的第 14 个年头。
10 years after Harold Washington's death, we have Black mayors in cities with tiny Black populations, like Seattle and Denver and Minneapolis, and Black mayors in cities with big populations, like Washington, DC and Atlanta.
哈罗德·华盛顿去世十年后，西雅图、丹佛和明尼阿波利斯等黑人人口较少的城市出现了黑人市长，华盛顿特区和亚特兰大等人口较多的城市也出现了黑人市长。
And Michael Dawson, director of the University of Chicago's Research Center for the Study of Race, Politics, and culture, defines the trend this way.
芝加哥大学种族、政治和文化研究中心主任迈克尔·道森 (Michael Dawson) 是这样定义这一趋势的。
Well, there's two types of cities that African-American candidates, or two types of electoral jurisdictions where African-American candidates do very well.
嗯，有两种类型的城市是非裔美国候选人表现很好的，或者说有两种类型的选举管辖区是非裔美国候选人做得很好的。
Black mayors do well when there's either a very small Black population or a very large Black population and tend to have more difficulty winning in that middle range, where Blacks are viewed as a threat within the city, but where they're not a decisive part of the voting coalition.
当黑人人口非常少或黑人人口非常多时，黑人市长的表现往往会很好，而在中间范围内，黑人市长往往更难获胜，因为黑人被视为城市内的威胁，但他们并不是投票联盟的决定性组成部分。
But in general, when Blacks represent between approximately 15% to 20% of the population to slightly above 50% of the population, that's the most difficult and polarized setting for an African-American to run.
但总的来说，当黑人占人口的约 15% 至 20% 到略高于 50% 时，对于非裔美国人来说，这是最困难、最两极分化的竞选环境。
When the population is in that range, as it is here in Chicago, when a Black candidate enters the race, it's very hard for him to be seen as anything but the Black candidate.
当人口处于这个范围时，就像在芝加哥一样，当黑人候选人参加竞选时，他很难被视为除了黑人候选人之外的任何人。
Racial sides are taken, just as happened during Harold Washington's life.
正如哈罗德·华盛顿一生中所发生的那样，种族方面也受到了影响。
And even if the candidate tries to reassure white voters by constantly talking about fairness, by treating them fairly, it can still be enormously difficult to win them over.
即使候选人试图通过不断谈论公平、公平对待白人选民来安抚他们，但要赢得他们的支持仍然非常困难。
At the end of Harold Washington's first term, 88% of white voters still voted against him in the re-election.
哈罗德·华盛顿第一任期结束时，88%的白人选民在连任中仍投了反对票。
When I asked the people who urged Harold Washington to run in the first place and organized and registered voters-- this is Lu Palmer and Timuel Black-- what the lessons of the Washington years are for us today, they both said the same thing-- to organize.
当我问那些最初敦促哈罗德·华盛顿参选并组织和登记选民的人——他们是卢·帕尔默和蒂缪尔·布莱克——华盛顿时代的教训对我们今天来说是什么时，他们都说了同样的话——组织起来。
The reason why there's been no Black mayor since Washington, elected here in Chicago, is that the organization that created him vanished once he took office.
自从华盛顿在芝加哥当选以来，就没有再出现过黑人市长，原因是创建他的组织在他上任后就消失了。
And I'll tell you, a lot of people don't like to criticize Harold Washington.
我告诉你，很多人不喜欢批评哈罗德·华盛顿。
I blame Harold for this.
我为此责怪哈罗德。
What should have been happening-- we should have anticipated either his demise or removal from office and been organizing for that possibility.
本来应该发生的事情——我们应该预见到他的去世或被免职，并为这种可能性做好准备。
Harold was put on a pedestal.
哈罗德被推上神座。
And I think that was a major mistake.
我认为这是一个重大错误。
We lifted him to almost god status.
我们把他提升到近乎神的地位。
10 years later, in most of Black Chicago, this is still how he's seen among people old enough to remember him.
十年后，在黑人芝加哥的大部分地区，老人们仍然记得他。
But just as it was during his life, after Washington's death, the two Chicagos remember him differently.
但正如他生前一样，华盛顿去世后，两个芝加哥人对他的记忆也不同。
As to the hearts and minds of white Chicagoans 10 years after the death of Harold Washington and whether they would vote for a Black mayor today, we sent out Rachel Howard on a fact-finding mission to a white ward on the city's northwest side.
至于哈罗德·华盛顿去世十年后芝加哥白人的内心和想法，以及他们今天是否会投票选举黑人市长，我们派雷切尔·霍华德前往该市西北侧的一个白人选区进行实况调查。
I walked into Fishman and Sons because I liked the sign, red neon letters surrounded by red light bulbs, the biggest sign on the block.
我走进菲什曼父子公司，因为我喜欢这个标志，红色霓虹灯字母周围环绕着红色灯泡，这是街区最大的标志。
This is the 39th Ward, not far from O'Hare Airport, an overwhelmingly white ward that never supported Washington.
这是第 39 选区，距离奥黑尔机场不远，这是一个以白人为主的选区，从不支持华盛顿。
Inside the bar, the first man I asked about Harold Washington got angry.
在酒吧里，我问起哈罗德·华盛顿的第一个人很生气。
That nigger, he yelled.
那个黑鬼，他喊道。
What the hell do you want to know about that nigger for?
你到底想知道那个黑鬼的事干什么？
I decided not to ask if he voted for him.
我决定不问他是否投票给他。
This guy was part of a whole row of men in their late 50s who were eager to talk about Washington, but never on tape.
这个人是一整排 50 多岁的男人中的一员，他们渴望谈论华盛顿，但从未在录音中谈论过。
They would start ranting about how he should have stayed on the South Side, how he was a faggot, how he wasn't their mayor.
他们会开始抱怨他应该留在南区，他是个基佬，他不是他们的市长。
Then, after about a minute, they'd stop, look at me, and say, don't get me started.
然后，大约一分钟后，他们会停下来，看着我，说，别让我开始。
10 years is not a very long time.
10年并不是很长的时间。
I kept moving around the bar until I finally came to a couple of younger guys in their 40s who let me tape them.
我在酒吧里不停地走动，直到最后找到几个 40 多岁的年轻人，他们让我把它们录下来。
Most people I spoke with felt this way.
与我交谈的大多数人都有这种感觉。
Some even said they were scared when Harold was elected.
有些人甚至说，当哈罗德当选时，他们感到害怕。
And in another bar up the street, a guy explained what everyone had been afraid of.
在街上的另一家酒吧里，一个人解释了每个人都害怕的事情。
We thought, that's it.
我们想，就这样吧。
We're done.
我们完成了。
And that was a big thing.
这是一件大事。
I mean, North Side's going to be a South Side now.
我的意思是，北区现在将成为南区。
See, the North Side and South Side are very segregated.
你看，北区和南区是非常隔离的。
That Black people are going to take over the city.
黑人将接管这座城市。
Not that.
不是那样的。
Those slums, be slums.
那些贫民窟，就是贫民窟。
You worry about slums.
你担心贫民窟。
This guy was about 35, grew up in the area, still lives there.
这个人大约 35 岁，在该地区长大，现在仍然住在那里。
One of his buddies he was playing pool with, who couldn't stop staring at my breasts, started complaining about Blacks getting more city jobs unfairly.
和他一起打台球的一位朋友不停地盯着我的胸部，开始抱怨黑人在城市获得更多工作是不公平的。
And the first guy cut in.
第一个家伙插嘴了。
But I tell you what I realized, though, is, you're always worried about race.
但我告诉你，我意识到，你总是担心种族。
A Black guy being a Black mayor is like, it doesn't matter.
黑人担任黑人市长就像，这并不重要。
The guy did a lot for us.
那家伙为我们做了很多事情。
He did a lot for everybody, not just for white people.
他为每个人做了很多事情，而不仅仅是为了白人。
I'm going to say he did a lot for everybody, it really made me think that, hey.
我想说他为每个人做了很多事情，这真的让我这么想，嘿。
Unfortunately, I feel bad because I didn't vote for the guy.
不幸的是，我感觉很糟糕，因为我没有投票给这个人。
But after he died and you realize what happened, and the new mayors came in, new regimes came in and all that-- until he died, you finally realize, you know what?
但在他去世后，你意识到发生了什么，新的市长上任，新的政权上台，所有这一切——直到他去世，你终于意识到，你知道吗？
He was a damn good mayor.
他是一位该死的好市长。
The North Side city was a really nice city, white.
北区城市是一座非常漂亮的白色城市。
I mean, I say it's white, but it's a very clean city.
我的意思是，我说它是白色的，但它是一个非常干净的城市。
And all of a sudden, now we have new streets.
突然间，我们有了新的街道。
Taxes never really went up that much.
税收从来没有真正增加那么多。
And it's like, until he was gone, you finally realize, hey, he actually did something for us.
就好像，直到他离开，你终于意识到，嘿，他实际上为我们做了一些事情。
My parents say the same thing, goes, son of a gun.
我父母也这么说，老兄。
He goes, you know what?
他走了，你知道吗？
The best mayor we ever had was Mayor Washington.
我们有史以来最好的市长是华盛顿市长。
And you know what, though?
但你知道吗？
We'd never vote for the guy.
我们永远不会投票给那个人。
I asked his friend if he thought this too, that things in the ward improved under Harold Washington.
我问他的朋友是否也这么认为，在哈罗德·华盛顿的领导下，病房里的情况有所改善。
He shook his head.
他摇摇头。
He didn't answer.
他没有回答。
Every group-- if the press is listening, I want them to hear this.
每个群体——如果媒体正在倾听，我希望他们听到这一点。
They didn't hear it when I ran for office.
当我竞选公职时他们没有听到。
I'll say it again.
我再说一遍。
Every group, when it gets population ascendancy, as night follows day, decide, without malice to anybody, not angering anybody, that it is their turn, period.
每个群体，当它获得人口优势时，就像黑夜过后的白天一样，在不恶意地对待任何人、不激怒任何人的情况下决定，轮到他们了，就这样。
That's all.
就这样。
Ain't nothing wrong with that.
这并没有什么问题。
[APPLAUSE] I made that statement two months ago, and they said it was racist.
[掌声]我两个月前发表了这样的声明，他们说这是种族主义。
But they left out most of the statements, which the Irish do it.
但他们遗漏了大部分声明，而爱尔兰人却这么做了。
And the Polish do it.
波兰人就是这么做的。
And the Jews do it.
犹太人就是这么做的。
And every intelligent group on Earth, which is every group, does it.
地球上的每一个智慧群体，也就是每一个群体，都这样做。
And we do it.
我们做到了。
And we should do it.
我们应该这样做。
And we do it in a positive sense, not in a negative sense.
我们是从积极的角度来做这件事，而不是消极的角度。
You're not anti-Irish because you're pro-Black.
你并不反爱尔兰，因为你支持黑人。
You're not anti-Black because you're pro-Jewish.
你并不反黑人，因为你支持犹太人。
That doesn't follow.
那不符合。
You just happen to be pro.
你只是碰巧是职业选手。
And as long as you are not anti, as long as you are not anti, your pro-ism is acceptable.
只要你不反对，只要你不反对，你的支持就是可以接受的。
So it's just that simple.
就这么简单。
Now I hope the press gets it right just once.
现在我希望媒体能做对一次。
Let's give the last word today to Judge Pincham.
今天让我们向平查姆法官作最后发言。
I just happen to be one who believes that, again, the power structure does this-- make heroes out of dead folks-- because dead folks can't lead nobody nowhere.
我只是碰巧相信，权力结构可以做到这一点——从死者中培养英雄——因为死者不能把任何人带向无处可去的地方。
They've made Dr. King a holiday.
他们给金博士放了假。
And he was the most unpopular person at the time of his death of any leader in the history of the nation.
他是美国历史上所有领导人中去世时最不受欢迎的人。
And the moment he got killed, since he can't lead nobody nowhere, now he's a hero.
当他被杀的那一刻，因为他不能把任何人带向无处可去，所以现在他是一个英雄。
And Harold?
哈罗德呢？
Eugene Pincham I don't think that they're going to give Harold the same kind of accolades because he might lead somebody from the grave.
尤金·平查姆（Eugene Pincham） 我认为他们不会因为哈罗德可能带领某人走出坟墓而给予他同样的荣誉。
Well, our program was produced today by Alex Blumberg and myself, Nancy Updike, Alix Spiegel, and Julie Snyder, senior editor Paul Tough, contributing editors Jack Hitt, Margy Rochlin, and [INAUDIBLE] Sarah Vowell, production help from Rachel Howard.
好吧，我们的节目今天由 Alex Blumberg 和我本人、Nancy Updike、Alix Spiegel 和 Julie Snyder、高级编辑 Paul Tough、特约编辑 Jack Hitt、Margy Rochlin 和[听不清]Sarah Vowell 制作，Rachel Howard 提供制作帮助。
We used archival footage today from the following sources-- from Brian Boyer's film, Harold Washington and the Council Wars, which makes its local debut here in Chicago on WTTW in February, from Bill Cameron's taped recordings of Harold Washington's speeches and press conferences.
今天我们使用了来自以下来源的档案片段：布莱恩·博耶 (Brian Boyer) 的电影《哈罗德·华盛顿和议会战争》(Harold Washington and the Council Wars)，该片于 2 月份在芝加哥 WTTW 上首次亮相，以及比尔·卡梅伦 (Bill Cameron) 录制的哈罗德·华盛顿 (Harold Washington) 的演讲和新闻发布会录音。
We got tape from Chicago's Museum of Broadcast Communications, thanks to Bruce DuMont and the staff there, also from Howard Gladstone and Jim Ylisela's film, The Race For Mayor, from Bill Stamet's film, Chicago Politics-- A Theater of Power, from WBBM-TV''s Archival news footage.
感谢布鲁斯·杜蒙和那里的工作人员，我们从芝加哥广播通信博物馆获得了磁带，还从霍华德·格拉德斯通和吉姆·伊里塞拉的电影《市长竞选》、比尔·斯塔梅特的电影《芝加哥政治——权力剧场》、WBBM-TV 的档案新闻片段中获得了磁带。
WXYT Radio gave us archival tape of Aaron Freeman's Council Wars satire.
WXYT 电台向我们提供了亚伦·弗里曼 (Aaron Freeman) 讽刺议会战争的档案磁带。
WTTW-TV gave us archival footage of the 1983 debates.
WTTW-TV 为我们提供了 1983 年辩论的档案镜头。
In addition, we'd like to thank Eva Baeza, director of the Chernin Center for the Arts at the Duncan YMCA.
此外，我们还要感谢邓肯基督教青年会切尔宁艺术中心主任伊娃·巴埃扎 (Eva Baeza)。
Thanks to Gary Rivlin, who gave us advice throughout this production.
感谢加里·里夫林 (Gary Rivlin)，他在整个制作过程中为我们提供了建议。
We recommend his book, Fire on the Prairie.
我们推荐他的书《草原之火》。
It's a history of the Washington years.
这是华盛顿时代的历史。
His most recent book is called Drive By.
他的最新著作是《Drive By》。
Thanks to Hugo Tyrel and Dolores woods.
感谢雨果·泰瑞尔和多洛雷斯·伍兹。
And thanks to all the people who we interviewed.
感谢所有接受我们采访的人。
Every one of them said so much more of interest than we could possibly fit into an hour radio program.
他们每个人都说了很多有趣的事情，我们一小时的广播节目都无法容纳。
If you would like to buy a cassette of this program, call us here at WBEZ in Chicago.
如果您想购买该节目的磁带，请致电我们芝加哥的 WBEZ。
The phone number, 312-832-3380.
电话号码：312-832-3380。
Again, 312-832-3380.
再次拨打 312-832-3380。
Our email address, [email protected] .
我们的电子邮件地址，[电子邮件受保护]。
This American Life is distributed by Public Radio International.
《美国生活》由国际公共广播电台发行。
Funding for our program has been provided by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the John D.
我们的节目的资金由公共广播公司 John D.
and Catherine T.
和凯瑟琳·T.
MacArthur Foundation, and the listeners of WBEZ Chicago.
麦克阿瑟基金会和 WBEZ 芝加哥听众。
WBEZ management oversight by Torey Malatia.
WBEZ 管理由 Torey Malatia 监督。
I'm Ira Glass.
我是艾拉·格拉斯。
["CHICAGO" BY FRANK SINATRA] Bet your bottom dollar you lose the blues in Chicago, Chicago
[弗兰克·辛纳屈 (FRANK SINATRA) 的《芝加哥》] 用你最低的美元打赌，你会失去芝加哥的忧郁，芝加哥
Let us close out today with a recording from the night of Harold Washington's second mayoral victory.
让我们以哈罗德·华盛顿第二次当选市长当晚的录音结束今天的节目。
(SINGING) On State Street, that great street, I just want to say
（唱）在道富街，那条伟大的街道上，我只想说
They do things they don't do on Broadway
他们做百老汇不做的事情
They have the time, the time of their life
他们有时间，他们生命中的时间
This American Life is produced in collaboration with WBEZ Chicago and delivered to stations by PRX The Public Radio Exchange.
《This American Life》与 WBEZ Chicago 合作制作，并由 PRX 公共广播电台传送到各电台。