Condoleezza Rice: Wriston Lecture on National Security - Online Speech Bank | condoleezzaricewristonlecture
Wriston Lecture at the Manhattan Institute
曼哈顿研究所的里斯顿讲座
delivered 1 October 2002, Waldorf Astoria Hotel New York, NY
2002 年 10 月 1 日交付，纽约州纽约华尔道夫酒店
[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio]
[真实性认证：以下文本版本直接从音频转录]
Thank you.
谢谢你。
Thank you very much.
非常感谢。
Thank you, Fareed , for that generous introduction, that wonderful introduction.
谢谢法里德的慷慨介绍、精彩介绍。
Like anyone interested in -- in foreign policy, I follow Fareed's columns and writings very closely.
像任何对外交政策感兴趣的人一样，我非常密切地关注法里德的专栏和著作。
We've been colleagues for a long time and his columns are clearly must- reads.
我们已经是很长时间的同事了，他的专栏显然是必读的。
They're insightful; they're informative; most of the time they're measured.
他们富有洞察力；它们内容丰富；大多数时候它们都是被测量的。
And sometimes what's most helpful is that he offers us friendly advice; some might even say friendly criticism.
有时最有帮助的是他为我们提供友好的建议；有些人甚至可能会说友好的批评。
But from coming from such a good friend, it's good to get both -- and thank you, Fareed, for all that you mean to the profession, to all that you mean to America, and clearly, what you mean to the Manhattan Institute .
但来自这样一位好朋友，很高兴能两者兼而有之——谢谢你，法里德，感谢你对这个行业的意义，感谢你对美国的意义，当然，感谢你对曼哈顿研究所的意义。
Thank you very much for that wonderful introduction.
非常感谢您的精彩介绍。
Thanks very much for having me here.
非常感谢您邀请我来到这里。
To Roger Hertog , the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of this great institute; Larry Mone , the president of the Manhattan Institute; and to Walt Wriston , the trustee of the Manhattan Institute, for whom this lecture is named.
致罗杰·赫托格（Roger Hertog），这个伟大机构的董事会主席；拉里·莫恩（Larry Mone），曼哈顿研究所所长；以及曼哈顿研究所的受托人沃尔特·里斯顿（Walt Wriston），本次讲座就是以他的名字命名的。
I am+ honored to give a lecture named for you, sir.
先生，我很荣幸能够以您的名字命名演讲。
I want you to know that I have several friends who were young bankers for Citibank; and they're now not so young -- because they're my friends, of course -- but they do speak with great admiration for the stewardship that you had there, for the honor that you taught them, for the ethics that you taught them.
我想让你知道，我有几个朋友曾是花旗银行的年轻银行家；他们现在不那么年轻了——当然，因为他们是我的朋友——但他们确实对你在那里的管理工作、对你教给他们的荣誉、对你教给他们的道德表示极大的钦佩。
Many, many people were touched by the time that you were there and continue to be touched by your life.
很多很多人都被你在那里的时光所感动，并将继续被你的生活所感动。
Thank you very much.
非常感谢。
I'm very happy to be here in New York.
我很高兴来到纽约。
It's important for a government official to venture outside of Washington once in awhile, to get out and to talk to others in the country.
对于政府官员来说，偶尔到华盛顿以外的地方去与国内其他人交谈是很重要的。
And that's what I'd like to do tonight.
这就是我今晚想做的事情。
The President probably said it best when talking about the National Security Strategy that Fareed mentioned.
总统在谈到法里德提到的国家安全战略时可能说得最好。
He said, I want to be very clear that this document is going to be written in English, not academic jargon.
他说，我想非常明确地表明，这份文件将用英语编写，而不是学术术语。
(I didn't take it personally.) He said, "This is the ...
（我并不认为这是针对我个人的。）他说：“这是......
Security Strategy of the (entire) United States.
（整个）美国的安全战略。
The boys in Lubbock ought to be able to read it." Well, Manhattan isn't Lubbock, but nonetheless it's the spirit that brings me here tonight to speak plainly about some of the great issues facing our great country.
拉伯克的男孩们应该能够读懂它。”嗯，曼哈顿不是拉伯克，但无论如何，正是这种精神让我今晚来到这里，坦率地谈论我们伟大国家面临的一些重大问题。
Wriston Lecturers are an eclectic group, but this is the first time, apparently, that you've had a National Security Advisor , and it may seem like a bit of an odd fit.
里斯顿讲师是一个不拘一格的团体，但显然，这是第一次有国家安全顾问，这可能看起来有点奇怪。
I know that The Manhattan Institute's expertise is not foreign policy, but domestic policy, and particularly there's a great emphasis on America's cities.
我知道曼哈顿研究所的专长不是外交政策，而是国内政策，特别是对美国城市的重视。
Yet there is a crucial intersection between what is done here and what I do.
然而，这里所做的事情和我所做的事情之间存在着至关重要的交叉点。
Foreign policy is ultimately about security -- about defending our people, our society, and our values, such as freedom, tolerance, openness, and diversity.
外交政策最终关乎安全——关乎保卫我们的人民、我们的社会和我们的价值观，例如自由、宽容、开放和多样性。
No place evokes these values better than American's cities.
没有哪个地方比美国的城市更能唤起这些价值观。
Here in New York, about a third of the population was born abroad.
在纽约，大约三分之一的人口出生在国外。
Across the street from here is St. Bartholomew's Protestant church.
这里的街对面是圣巴塞洛缪新教教堂。
Go three blocks to the east from here and there is the Sutton Place Synagogue .
从这里向东走三个街区，就是萨顿广场犹太教堂 (Sutton Place Synagogue)。
Go a couple of blocks to the west, and you'll come to St. Patrick's Cathedral .
向西走几个街区，您就会来到圣帕特里克大教堂。
Over the bridge in Queens, you'll find a Hindu temple.
过了皇后区的桥，您会发现一座印度教寺庙。
Go uptown a few blocks from where we are and you will come to the Manhattan Won Buddhist Temple on East 57th.
前往距我们所在的住宅区几个街区的住宅区，您将来到东 57 街的曼哈顿旺佛寺 (Manhattan Won Buddha Temple)。
And if you keep going north you will run into the Islamic Cultural Center on East 96th .
如果继续向北走，就会遇到东96号的伊斯兰文化中心。
If you go further up and into the Bronx you will come to a neighborhood that used to be called "Banana Kelly" because it was a mix of immigrants from the Caribbean and from Ireland.
如果你再往上走，进入布朗克斯区，你会来到一个曾经被称为“香蕉凯利”的社区，因为这里是来自加勒比海和爱尔兰的移民的混合体。
And there, a Jamaican-American family raised the boy who grew up to become Secretary of State .
在那里，一个牙买加裔美国家庭抚养了一个长大后成为国务卿的男孩。
These facts stand as living rebukes to the extremism of the enemies that we face today -- the mindset that prevails in too many parts of the world that difference is a reason to hate and a license to kill.
这些事实是对我们今天所面临的敌人的极端主义的活生生的谴责——世界上许多地方普遍存在这样一种心态，即差异是仇恨的理由和杀人的许可。
America is proof that pluralism and tolerance are the foundation of true national greatness.
美国证明多元化和宽容是真正国家伟大的基础。
And today, 385 days after September 11, 2001, it is clear that our commitment to our ideals is stronger than ever.
今天，2001 年 9 月 11 日之后的 385 天，我们对理想的承诺显然比以往任何时候都更加坚定。
The fall of the Berlin Wall and the fall of the World Trade Center were bookends in a long transition period, from the fall of the Soviet Union and the the end of the Cold War until now.
柏林墙的倒塌和世贸中心的倒塌是从苏联解体到冷战结束到现在的漫长过渡时期的书挡。
During that period those of us who think about foreign policy for a living searched for an overarching, explanatory theory or framework that would describe the new threats and proper responses to them.
在那段时期，我们这些以思考外交政策为生的人寻找一种总体性的、解释性的理论或框架来描述新的威胁和对它们的适当反应。
Some said that nations and their militaries were no longer really relevant; only global markets knitted together by new technologies matter.
一些人说，国家及其军队不再具有真正的意义；只有由新技术结合在一起的全球市场才重要。
Others foresaw a future dominated by ethnic conflict.
其他人则预见到未来将由种族冲突主导。
And some even thought that in the future the primary energies of America's Armed Forces would be devoted to managing civil conflict and humanitarian assistance.
一些人甚至认为，未来美国武装部队的主要精力将致力于管理国内冲突和人道主义援助。
It will take years to understand the full import of the effects of September 11th.
需要数年时间才能了解 9 月 11 日影响的全部意义。
But there are certain verities that the tragedy brought home to us in the most vivid way.
但这场悲剧以最生动的方式让我们认识到了某些事实。
Most fundamentally, 9/11 crystallized our vulnerability.
最根本的是，9/11 事件暴露了我们的脆弱性。
It also threw into sharp relief the nature of the threats that we face today.
它还让我们清楚地认识到我们今天面临的威胁的性质。
Today's threats come less from massing armies than from small, shadowy bands of terrorists -- less from strong states than from weak or failed states.
今天的威胁不再是来自集结的军队，而是来自小规模、隐蔽的恐怖分子团体——不是来自强国，而是来自弱国或失败国家。
And after 9/11, there is no longer any doubt that today America faces an existential threat to our security and to our well being -- a threat as great as we faced during the Civil War, the so-called "Good War", or the Cold War.
9/11 事件之后，毫无疑问，今天的美国面临着对我们的安全和福祉的生存威胁——这种威胁与我们在内战、所谓的“善战”或冷战期间所面临的威胁一样大。
President Bush's new National Security Strategy offers a bold vision for protecting our Nation that captures today's new realities and new opportunities.
布什总统的新国家安全战略为保护我们的国家提出了大胆的愿景，抓住了当今的新现实和新机遇。
It calls on America to use our position of unparalleled strength and influence to create a balance of power that favors freedom.
它呼吁美国利用我们无与伦比的实力和影响力的地位来创造有利于自由的力量平衡。
As the President says in the cover letter that he submits -- that submits the document to Congress: We seek to create the "conditions in which all nations and all societies can chose for themselves the rewards and (the) challenges of political and economic liberty."
正如总统在向国会提交文件的附信中所说：我们寻求创造“所有国家和所有社会都可以为自己选择政治和经济自由的回报和挑战的条件”。
[1] We will defend the peace by opposing and preventing violence by terrorists and outlaw regimes.
[1] 我们将通过反对和防止恐怖分子和非法政权的暴力来捍卫和平。
[2] We will preserve the peace by fostering an era of good relations among the world's great powers.
[2] 我们将通过培育世界大国之间的良好关系时代来维护和平。
[3] And we will extend the peace by seeking to extend the benefits of freedom and prosperity across the globe.
[3] 我们将通过寻求在全球范围内传播自由和繁荣的好处来扩展和平。
Defending our Nation from its enemies is the first and fundamental commitment of the Federal Government.
保卫我们的国家免受敌人的侵害是联邦政府的首要和基本承诺。
And as the world's most powerful nation, the United States has a special responsibility to help make the world more secure, to make it safer.
作为世界上最强大的国家，美国负有特殊责任，帮助世界变得更加安全。
In fighting global terror, we are working with coalition partners on every continent, using every tool in our arsenal -- from diplomacy and better defenses to law enforcement, intelligence, cutting off terrorist financing, and, when needed, military power.
在打击全球恐怖主义的过程中，我们正在与各大洲的联盟伙伴合作，使用我们武器库中的每一种工具——从外交和更好的防御到执法、情报、切断恐怖主义融资，以及在需要时使用军事力量。
We are breaking up terror networks, holding to account nations that harbor terrorists, and confronting aggressive tyrants holding or seeking nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons that might be passed to terrorist allies.
我们正在瓦解恐怖网络，追究窝藏恐怖分子的国家的责任，并对抗持有或寻求可能传递给恐怖分子盟友的核武器、化学武器和生物武器的侵略性暴君。
These are different faces of the same evil.
这些是同一邪恶的不同面孔。
Terrorists need a place to plot, to train, and to organize.
恐怖分子需要一个策划、训练和组织的地方。
Tyrants allied with terrorists can greatly extend the reach of their deadly mischief.
暴君与恐怖分子结盟可以极大地扩大他们致命恶作剧的范围。
Terrorists allied with tyrants can acquire technologies allowing them to murder on an ever more massive scale.
与暴君结盟的恐怖分子可以获得技术，使他们能够进行更大规模的谋杀。
Each threat magnifies the danger of the other.
每一种威胁都会放大另一种威胁的危险。
Both are threats that must be addressed; and the only path to safety is to effectively confront both terrorists and tyrants.
两者都是必须解决的威胁；通往安全的唯一途径是有效对抗恐怖分子和暴君。
For these reasons, President Bush is committed to confronting the Iraqi regime, which has defied the just demands of the world for over a decade.
出于这些原因，布什总统致力于对抗十多年来无视世界正义要求的伊拉克政权。
We are all on notice.
我们都注意到了。
The danger from Saddam Hussein's arsenal is far more clear than * anything we could have foreseen prior to * September 11th.
萨达姆·侯赛因军火库带来的危险比*我们在9月11日之前所能预见的任何事情都更加明显。
And history will judge harshly any leader or any nation that saw this dark cloud and sat by in complacency or in indecision.
历史将严厉评判任何看到这片乌云并自满或优柔寡断地袖手旁观的领导人或国家。
The Iraqi regime's violation of every condition set forth by the UN Security Council for the 1991 cease-fire that Iraq signed on to after losing a war of aggression fully justifies, legally and morally, the enforcement of those conditions.
伊拉克政权违反了联合国安理会为1991年伊拉克在侵略战争失败后签署的停火协议规定的每一项条件，这在法律上和道义上都充分证明了执行这些条件的合理性。
It is also true that since 9/11, our Nation is properly focused as never before on preventing attacks before they happen.
确实，自 9/11 以来，我们的国家前所未有地集中精力预防袭击发生。
Now, the National Security Strategy does not -- as sometimes reported -- overturn five decades of doctrine and jettison either containment or deterrence.
现在，国家安全战略并没有像有时报道的那样推翻五年来的理论并放弃遏制或威慑。
These strategic concepts can and will be employed when appropriate.
这些战略概念可以而且将会在适当的时候被采用。
But some threats are so potentially catastrophic and can arrive with so little warning, by means that are untraceable, that they cannot be contained.
但有些威胁具有潜在的灾难性，并且可能在没有任何警告的情况下到来，且手段无法追踪，因此无法被遏制。
Extremists who -- who seem to view suicide as a sacrament are unlikely to ever be deterred.
那些似乎将自杀视为圣礼的极端分子不太可能被吓倒。
And new technology requires new thinking about when a threat actually becomes "imminent." So as a matter of common sense, the United States must be prepared to take action, when necessary, before threats fully materialize.
新技术需要对威胁何时真正变得“迫在眉睫”进行新的思考。因此，按照常识，美国必须做好准备，在威胁完全实现之前，在必要时采取行动。
Now, preemption is not a new concept.
现在，抢占并不是一个新概念。
There has never been a moral or a legal requirement that a country wait to be attacked before it can address existential threats.
从来没有道德或法律要求一个国家必须等到受到攻击才能解决生存威胁。
My good friend, George Shultz, recently put it very well: "If there is a rattlesnake in the yard, you don't wait for" the rattlesnake "to strike before you take action in self-defense." The United States has long affirmed the right to anticipatory self-defense -- from the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962 to the crisis on the Korean Peninsula in 1994 .
我的好朋友乔治·舒尔茨最近说得很好：“如果院子里有响尾蛇，你不要等到‘响尾蛇’袭击你才采取自卫行动。”从1962年的古巴导弹危机到1994年的朝鲜半岛危机，美国长期以来一直确认预期自卫权。
To be sure, this approach has to be treated with great caution.
可以肯定的是，必须非常谨慎地对待这种方法。
The number of cases in which preemption is justified will be and should be small.
抢占合理的情况数量将会而且应该很少。
It does not give a green light to the United States or any other nation to act first without looking to other means, including diplomacy.
它不会为美国或任何其他国家在不寻求包括外交在内的其他手段的情况下首先采取行动开绿灯。
Preemptive action does not come at the beginning of the chain of effort.
先发制人的行动并不是在一系列努力的开始时出现的。
And the threat must be grave.
而且威胁必须是严重的。
And the risks of waiting should outweigh the risks of action.
等待的风险应该大于采取行动的风险。
But to be sure, the President of the United States has no obligation to wait until threats gather and have become impossible to deal with before the United States of American acts.
但可以肯定的是，美国总统没有义务等到威胁聚集到美国无法应对时才采取行动。
To support all these means of defending the peace, the United States will build and maintain 21st century military forces that are beyond challenge.
为了支持所有这些捍卫和平的手段，美国将建立和维持无可挑战的 21 世纪军事力量。
We will seek to dissuade any potential adversary from pursuing a military build-up in the hope of surpassing or equaling the power of the United States.
我们将努力劝阻任何潜在对手进行军事建设，以期超越或追平美国的实力。
Now, some have criticized this frankness as impolitic.
现在，一些人批评这种坦率是不政治的。
But surely clarity is a virtue here.
但在这里，清晰无疑是一种美德。
Dissuading military competition can prevent potential conflict and costly global arms races.
阻止军事竞争可以防止潜在的冲突和代价高昂的全球军备竞赛。
And the United States invites -- indeed, exhorts -- our freedom-loving allies, such as those in Europe, to increase their military capabilities.
美国邀请——实际上是劝告——我们热爱自由的盟友，比如欧洲的盟友，增强他们的军事能力。
The burden of maintaining a balance of power that favors freedom should not be shouldered only by the United States -- but by all nations that favor freedom and have benefited from it.
维持有利于自由的均势的重担不应仅由美国承担，而应由所有支持自由并从中受益的国家承担。
What none of us should want is the emergence of a militarily powerful adversary who does not share our values.
我们谁都不应该希望出现一个与我们价值观不同的军事强大对手。
Thankfully, this possibility seems more remote today than at any point in our lifetime.
值得庆幸的是，这种可能性在今天似乎比我们一生中的任何时候都更加遥远。
We have an historic opportunity to break the destructive pattern of great power rivalry that has bedeviled the world since the rise of the nation state.
我们有一个历史性的机会来打破自民族国家崛起以来困扰世界的大国竞争的破坏性模式。
Today, the world's great centers of power are united by common interests, common dangers, and increasingly and hopefully, common values.
今天，世界各大权力中心因共同利益、共同危险以及日益增长且充满希望的共同价值观而团结在一起。
The United States will make this a key strategy for preserving the peace for many decades to come.
美国将把它作为未来几十年维护和平的关键战略。
There's an old argument between the so-called "realist" school of foreign affairs and the so-called "idealist" [school] .
所谓“现实主义”外交学派与所谓“理想主义”外交学派之间有一个由来已久的争论。
To oversimplify, realists are said to downplay the importance of values and internal structures of states, emphasizing instead the balance of power as the key to remaining stability.
简而言之，现实主义者据说淡化了价值观和国家内部结构的重要性，而是强调权力平衡是保持稳定的关键。
Idealists emphasize the primacy of values, such as freedom and democracy and human rights in ensuring that a just political order is obtained.
理想主义者强调自由、民主和人权等价值观在确保获得公正的政治秩序方面的首要地位。
Now, as a professor I recognize that this debate has won tenure for many and sustained the careers and the publications of generations of scholars (yours and -- yours truly, included, and Fareed as well).
现在，作为一名教授，我认识到这场辩论为许多人赢得了终身教职，并维持了几代学者的职业生涯和出版物（您的以及——真正的您的，包括法里德）。
But as a policymaker, I can tell you that this obscures reality.
但作为一名政策制定者，我可以告诉你，这掩盖了现实。
In real life, power and values are married completely.
在现实生活中，权力和价值观是完全结合在一起的。
Power matters in the conduct of world affairs.
权力对于世界事务的处理至关重要。
Great powers matter a great deal.
强大的力量非常重要。
They have an ability to influence the lives of millions and change history.
他们有能力影响数百万人的生活并改变历史。
Great powers do not mind their own business and the values of great powers matter as well.
大国不关心自己的事，大国的价值观也很重要。
If the Soviet Union had won the Cold War, the world would look very different today -- Germany today might look like the German Democratic Republic, and Latin America might look like Cuba.
如果苏联赢得了冷战，今天的世界将会大不相同——今天的德国可能会像德意志民主共和国，拉丁美洲可能会像古巴。
Today, there is an increasing awareness on every continent that there is a paradigm of progress that is founded on political and economic liberty.
今天，各大洲越来越多地认识到，存在着一种建立在政治和经济自由基础上的进步范式。
The United States, our NATO allies, our neighbors in the Western Hemisphere, Japan, and our other friends in Asia and Africa of -- many of them share a broad commitment to democracy, the rule of law, a market-based economy, and open trade.
美国、我们的北约盟国、我们的西半球邻国、日本以及我们在亚洲和非洲的其他朋友——其中许多国家都共同致力于民主、法治、市场经济和开放贸易。
In addition, since September 11th the world's great powers see themselves as falling on the same side of a profound divide between forces of chaos and order -- and they are acting accordingly.
此外，自 9 月 11 日以来，世界大国认为自己站在混乱力量与秩序力量之间深刻分歧的同一边，并且正在采取相应行动。
Now, America and Europe have long shared a commitment to liberty.
现在，美国和欧洲长期以来都共同致力于自由。
We also now understand that being the target of trained killers is a powerful tonic that makes disputes over other issues look like policy differences -- the policy differences that they are, not fundamental clashes of values.
我们现在还了解到，成为训练有素的杀手的目标是一种强大的补品，它使其他问题上的争端看起来像政策差异——它们本质上是政策差异，而不是根本的价值观冲突。
Russia is an important partner in the war on terror and is reaching towards a future of greater democracy and economic freedom.
俄罗斯是反恐战争的重要伙伴，正在走向更加民主和经济自由的未来。
As it does so, our relationship will continue to broaden and deepen.
如此一来，我们的关系将继续扩大和深化。
The passing of the ABM Treaty and the signing of the Moscow Treaty reducing strategic arms by two-thirds make clear that the days of Russian-U.S. military confrontation are over.
《反导条约》的通过和战略武器削减三分之二的《莫斯科条约》的签署，昭示着俄美的日子已经过去了。军事对抗已经结束。
China and the United States are also cooperating on issues ranging from the fight against terror to maintaining stability on the Korean peninsula.
中国和美国还在反恐和维护朝鲜半岛稳定等问题上进行合作。
And China's internal transformation continues.
中国的内部转型仍在继续。
In some areas, China's leaders follow practices that are abhorrent.
在某些领域，中国领导人的做法令人憎恶。
Yet, China's leaders have said that their main goal is to raise living standards for the Chinese people.
然而，中国领导人表示，他们的主要目标是提高中国人民的生活水平。
Now, they will find that if they are to reach that goal in today's world, they will have to depend more on developing China's human capital than on China's natural resources or territorial possessions.
现在，他们会发现，如果要在当今世界实现这一目标，他们将不得不更多地依赖中国的人力资本开发，而不是中国的自然资源或领土财产。
That is an iron law of economic liberty.
这是经济自由的铁律。
And as China's population becomes more educated and more economically free, more free to think, more entrepreneurial, less dependent on the government for their livelihood, this will inevitably lead to calls for political freedom, too.
随着中国民众受教育程度提高、经济更加自由、思想更加自由、更具创业精神、生计对政府的依赖程度越来越低，这也将不可避免地引发对政治自由的呼声。
The fact is, you cannot expect people to think at work, and not at home.
事实上，你不能指望人们在工作中而不是在家里思考。
This confluence -- This confluence of common interests and increasingly common values creates a moment of enormous opportunity.
这种共同利益和日益共同的价值观的融合创造了巨大机遇的时刻。
Instead of repeating the historic pattern where great power rivalry exacerbates local conflicts, we can use great power cooperation to solve conflicts, from the Middle East to Kashmir, to the Congo, and beyond.
我们可以通过大国合作来解决冲突，而不是重复大国竞争加剧局部冲突的历史模式，从中东到克什米尔，再到刚果等等。
Great power cooperation also creates an opportunity for multilateral institutions, such as the UN, NATO, and the WTO, to prove their worth.
大国合作也为联合国、北约、世贸组织等多边机构证明自身价值创造了机会。
That, ladies and gentlemen, was the challenge set forth by the President Bush three weeks ago to the UN concerning Iraq.
女士们先生们，这就是布什总统三周前就伊拉克问题向联合国提出的挑战。
And great power cooperation can be the basis for moving forward on problems that require multilateral solutions -- from terror to the environment.
大国合作可以成为解决从恐怖主义到环境等需要多边解决的问题的基础。
Finally, to build a balance of power that favors freedom, we must also extend the benefits to those who do not yet enjoy liberty and prosperity.
最后，为了建立有利于自由的均势，我们还必须让那些尚未享受自由和繁荣的人受益。
As the President has said, we have a responsibility to build a world that is not only safer, but better.
正如总统所说，我们有责任建设一个不仅更安全、而且更美好的世界。
That has always been the American way: the American flag has stood for power and the American flag has stood for freedom.
这一直是美国的方式：美国国旗代表着权力，美国国旗代表着自由。
The United States will fight poverty, disease, and oppression because it is the right thing to do; and it is the smart thing to do.
美国将与贫困、疾病和压迫作斗争，因为这是正确的事情；这是明智之举。
We have seen how poor states can become weak or even failed states, vulnerable to hijacking by terrorist networks, with potentially catastrophic consequences -- as in Afghanistan.
我们已经看到贫穷国家如何变得软弱甚至失败，容易受到恐怖分子网络的劫持，从而带来潜在的灾难性后果——就像在阿富汗一样。
And in societies where legal avenues for political dissent are stifled, the temptation to speak through violence does grow.
在政治异议的合法途径受到压制的社会中，通过暴力表达意见的诱惑确实会增加。
We will lead efforts to build a global trading system that is growing and more free.
我们将带头努力建立一个不断发展、更加自由的全球贸易体系。
Here in our own hemisphere, for example, we are committed to completing a Free Trade Area of the Americas by 2005.
例如，在我们自己的半球，我们致力于到 2005 年建成美洲自由贸易区。
And we're starting negotiations on free trade agreements with South -- with the South African Customs Union .
我们正在开始与南方——南非关税同盟——进行自由贸易协定的谈判。
Expanding trade is essential to the development efforts of poor nations and to the economic health of all nations.
扩大贸易对于贫穷国家的发展努力和所有国家的经济健康至关重要。
We will continue to lead the world in efforts to combat HIV/AIDS -- a pandemic which challenges our humanity and threatens our -- threatens whole societies.
我们将继续领导世界努力抗击艾滋病毒/艾滋病这一流行病，它挑战我们的人性并威胁我们的整个社会。
And we will seek to bring every nation into the expanding circle of development.
我们将努力让每个国家都进入不断扩大的发展圈。
Earlier this year the President proposed a 50 percent increase in U.S. development assistance, but he made clear that the terms were not the old terms.
今年早些时候，总统提议将美国发展援助增加 50%，但他明确表示这些条款不再是旧条款。
He sais that the new resources will only be available to countries that work to govern justly, that invest in the health and education of their people, and that encourage economic liberty.
他表示，新资源只会提供给致力于公正治理、投资于人民健康和教育、鼓励经济自由的国家。
We know from experience that corruption, bad policies, and bad practices can make aid money worse than useless.
我们从经验中知道，腐败、糟糕的政策和糟糕的做法会让援助资金变得更糟而不是毫无用处。
In such environments, aid props up bad policies, chases out investment, and perpetuates misery.
在这种环境下，援助会助长糟糕的政策，阻碍投资，并使苦难永久化。
We're not going back down that road again.
我们不会再走那条路了。
Good policy attracts private capital and expands trade.
良好的政策可以吸引私人资本并扩大贸易。
In a sound policy environment, development aid is a catalyst, not a crutch.
在良好的政策环境下，发展援助是催化剂，而不是拐杖。
At the core of America's foreign policy, then, is our resolve to stand on the side of men and women in every nation who stand for what the President has called the "non-negotiable demands of human dignity" -- free speech, equal justice, respect for women, religious tolerance, and limits on the power of the state.
那么，美国外交政策的核心就是我们决心站在每个国家的男男女女一边，他们支持总统所说的“人类尊严的不可谈判的要求”——言论自由、平等正义、尊重妇女、宗教宽容和对国家权力的限制。
These principles are universal -- and President Bush has made them part of the debate in regions where many thought that merely to raise them was imprudent or impossible.
这些原则具有普遍性，布什总统已将这些原则纳入一些地区的辩论中，而在这些地区，许多人认为仅仅提出这些原则是轻率或不可能的。
From Cairo and Ramallah to Tehran and Tashkent, the President has made clear that values must be a vital part of our relationships with other countries.
从开罗和拉马拉到德黑兰和塔什干，总统明确表示，价值观必须成为我们与其他国家关系的重要组成部分。
In our development aid, our diplomacy, our international broadcasting, and our educational assistance, the United States will promote moderation, tolerance, and human rights.
在我们的发展援助、我们的外交、我们的国际广播和我们的教育援助中，美国将促进温和、宽容和人权。
And we look forward to one day standing up for these aspirations in a free and unified Iraq.
我们期待有一天在一个自由和统一的伊拉克捍卫这些愿望。
We must simply reject the condescending view that freedom will not grow in the soil of the Middle East or the Persian Gulf -- or that Muslims somehow do not share in the desire to be free.
我们必须简单地拒绝那种居高临下的观点，即自由不会在中东或波斯湾的土壤中生长，或者穆斯林不知何故不渴望自由。
The celebrations that we saw on the streets of Kabul last year proved otherwise.
去年我们在喀布尔街头看到的庆祝活动证明情况并非如此。
And in a recent United Nations report, a panel of 30 Arab intellectuals recognized that for their nations to fully join in the progress of our times -- they will have to have greater political and economic freedom, the empowerment of women, and better and more modern education.
在最近的一份联合国报告中，由 30 名阿拉伯知识分子组成的小组认识到，他们的国家要充分融入我们时代的进步，就必须拥有更大的政治和经济自由、赋予妇女权力以及更好、更现代的教育。
We don't seek to impose our forms of democracy on others; we seek to create conditions in which people can claim a freer future for themselves.
我们并不寻求将我们的民主形式强加于他人；我们力求创造条件，使人们能够为自己争取更自由的未来。
We recognize there is no "one size fits all." Our vision of the future is not one where every person eats Big Macs and drinks Coke -- or where every nation has a bicameral legislature of 535 members or a judiciary that follows the principles of Marbury vs. Madison .
我们认识到不存在“一刀切”的情况。我们对未来的愿景不是每个人都吃巨无霸、喝可乐，也不是每个国家都有一个由 535 名议员组成的两院制立法机构，也不是一个遵循马伯里诉麦迪逊原则的司法机构。
Germany and Indonesia and Japan and South Korea and Taiwan and Turkey and South Africa have all shown that freedom can manifest itself differently around the globe -- and that new liberties can find time-honored -- can find an honored place amidst ancient traditions.
德国、印度尼西亚、日本、韩国、台湾、土耳其和南非都表明，自由可以在全球范围内以不同的方式表现出来，而且新的自由可以历史悠久，可以在古老的传统中找到一个受人尊敬的地方。
In countries like Bahrain, Jordan, Morocco, and Qatar, reform is taking shape according to local circumstances.
巴林、约旦、摩洛哥、卡塔尔等国正在根据当地实际情况进行改革。
And in Afghanistan this year, a traditional Loya Jirga assembly was the vehicle for creating the most broadly representative government in Afghan history.
今年在阿富汗，传统的支尔格大会是创建阿富汗历史上最具广泛代表性的政府的工具。
And because of our own history, the United States knows to be patient and to be humble.
由于我们自己的历史，美国知道要保持耐心和谦虚。
Change -- even if...it is for the better is often difficult -- and progress is sometimes slow.
改变——即使……是为了更好——往往是困难的——而且进展有时很缓慢。
To be truthful, we Americans have not always lived up to our own high standards in this regard.
说实话，我们美国人在这方面并不总是达到我们自己的高标准。
When the Founding Fathers said, "We, the people," they didn't mean me.
当开国元勋们说“我们，人民”时，他们指的并不是我。
My ancestors were three-fifths of a man.
我的祖先有五分之三是男人。
But slowly, but surely we have become an America that more properly and more completely reflects the great aspirations that the Founding Fathers held.
但缓慢但肯定的是，我们已经成为一个更恰当、更完整地反映开国元勋们的伟大愿望的美国。
We know from that experience that democracy is hard work.
从这次经验中我们知道，民主是一项艰苦的工作。
And 226 years later, we still get up everyday and we practice, and we work at it, and brick by brick we get closer to the American ideal.
226 年过去了，我们仍然每天起床，练习，努力，一点一点地接近美国理想。
We have the ability to forge a 21st century that lives up to our hopes and not down to our fears -- but only if we go about this work with purpose and with moral clarity; only if we are unwavering in our refusal to live in a world governed by terror and chaos; and only if we are unwilling to ignore growing dangers from aggressive tyrants and deadly technologies.
我们有能力打造一个不辜负我们的希望而不是我们的恐惧的21世纪——但前提是我们有目标、道德明确地开展这项工作；只有我们坚定不移地拒绝生活在一个充满恐怖和混乱的世界里；前提是我们不愿意忽视侵略性暴君和致命技术带来的日益增长的危险。
If we are persistent and patient in exercising our influence in the world, we will serve not only our ideals, but many beyond our shores.
如果我们坚持不懈地在世界上发挥影响力，我们不仅会实现我们的理想，而且还会服务于我们以外的许多人。
And we will truly deserve the tradition and the legacy of Americans who have stood for freedom, for justice -- for many decades.
我们确实值得继承美国人几十年来一直捍卫自由、正义的传统和遗产。
Q & A [as delivered] Q: My name is Michael Meyers [ph].
问答 [已交付] 问：我的名字是 Michael Meyers [ph]。
My question, Dr., relates to the scope of preemptive strikes in the context of the rule of law.
博士，我的问题涉及法治背景下先发制人打击的范围。
By "preemptive strike" I take it you mean military force, and if that's the -- if that's -- if that's the definition of preemptive strike, does that mean with our without congressional approval, with or without [United Nations] Security Council authorization?
我认为你所说的“先发制人打击”是指军事力量，如果这就是——如果是——如果这就是先发制人打击的定义，那么这是否意味着我们未经国会批准，无论是否经过[联合国]安理会授权？
But could "preemptive strike" also include assassination of tyrannical leaders -- dictators?
但“先发制人的打击”是否也包括暗杀残暴的领导人——独裁者？
Could preemptive strikes, which would in effect save the -- the lives of innocent people, but would also a preemptive strike also might include the assassination of under torture of people who are suspected of having knowledge of imminent terrorist strikes against the United States.
先发制人的打击实际上会拯救无辜人民的生命，但先发制人的打击也可能包括对那些涉嫌了解即将对美国发动恐怖袭击的人进行酷刑暗杀。
So, it relates to the question of torture as well as assassination of -- of tyrants.
因此，它涉及酷刑以及刺杀暴君的问题。
Dr. Rice: Yeah, I think on the latter the United States has to remain true to its values; and the -- I don't think that we, as Americans, are willing to turn our backs on really now almost a century or longer of adherence to conventions having to do with -- with torture.
赖斯博士：是的，我认为对于后者，美国必须忠于其价值观；我不认为我们，作为美国人，愿意背弃近一个世纪或更长时间以来对与酷刑有关的公约的遵守。
For instance, when we began to take detainees out of the Afghan conflict we were very clear that even though were "unlawful combatants" we would treat them consistent with the Geneva Convention, the core principles of the Geneva Convention.
例如，当我们开始将被拘留者带出阿富汗冲突时，我们非常清楚，即使他们是“非法战斗人员”，我们也会按照《日内瓦公约》这一《日内瓦公约》的核心原则来对待他们。
We have to remain who we are, even in the face of -- of threat.
即使面对威胁，我们也必须保持我们的本色。
Similarly, while there are people who probably qualify as command and control of hostile countries, we need to be very careful.
同样，虽然有些人可能有资格指挥和控制敌对国家，但我们需要非常小心。
We need to be very careful, as Americans, with all of these concepts, because if America is to have a moral position from which to lead, we have to be consistent between our values and our actions.
作为美国人，我们需要非常小心地对待所有这些概念，因为如果美国想要有一个道德立场来领导，我们就必须在我们的价值观和我们的行动之间保持一致。
Now preemption, I think, is completely consistent with a picture that says you have tried other things; it is not your first choice to simply take out a threat through military action.
我认为，现在的先发制人与你已经尝试过其他事情的图片完全一致；简单地通过军事行动消除威胁并不是你的第一选择。
We have our own system and I think it's quite clear from what the President is doing now that the Congress -- that he understands the Congress has a role and responsibility concerning the use of American military power.
我们有自己的体系，我认为从总统现在所做的事情可以清楚地看出国会——他明白国会在使用美国军事力量方面具有作用和责任。
In this case, the U.N.
在这种情况下，联合国
is important.
很重要。
In the case of Iraq the U.N.
就伊拉克问题而言，联合国
is important because these are U.N.
很重要，因为这些是联合国的
resolutions that the Iraqis are violating and the ceasefire was under U.N.
伊拉克人违反了联合国的停火决议
auspices.
主持。
So there is a mix here.
所以这里有一个混合。
But the basic core principle of taking anticipatory self-defense or action early so that you don�t face a devastating attack is well-enshrined both in international law and, I think, in -- is totally consistent with American values.
但尽早采取预期自卫或行动，以免面临毁灭性攻击的基本核心原则在国际法中得到了充分体现，而且我认为，这完全符合美国的价值观。
It shouldn�t be the first thing that you do.
这不应该是你做的第一件事。
That makes all the sense in the world.
这很有意义。
But when you look at some of the threats that we have faced and you ask could you have deterred or contained Al-Qaeda, probably not.
但当你看看我们面临的一些威胁并问你是否能够阻止或遏制基地组织时，可能不会。
Can you contain Saddam Hussein?
你能遏制萨达姆侯赛因吗？
We're failing at that as an international community.
作为一个国际社会，我们在这方面做得很失败。
So again, narrow scope, but a scope that must allow the President of the United States to protect the territory and the interests of the United States and that means that you cannot wait for threats to fully materialize.
同样，范围很窄，但范围必须允许美国总统保护美国的领土和利益，这意味着你不能坐等威胁完全实现。
And you know one of the best examples of this is really the Cuban missile crisis where of course quarantine is an act of war and President Kennedy was not willing to allow the missiles in Cuba to become operational.
你知道最好的例子之一就是古巴导弹危机，隔离当然是一种战争行为，肯尼迪总统不愿意让古巴的导弹投入使用。
And he -- the quarantine worked.
而他——隔离起了作用。
I think we could have a very good argument if anybody thinks that he wouldn�t have gone the next step had the quarantine failed.
我认为，如果有人认为如果隔离失败他就不会采取下一步行动，我们可以进行很好的争论。
Q: Can the most vital national security interests of the United States be held hostage to a Security Council veto, for example, by France or Russia?
问：美国最重要的国家安全利益是否会受到法国或俄罗斯等安理会否决权的影响？
Dr. Rice: Thank you.
赖斯博士：谢谢。
We won't let it be, you know.
我们不会让它这样，你知道。
Simply won't.
根本不会。
I -- I think you have to -- now, Mort, all you have to do is go back and read the President's speech.
我——我认为你必须——现在，莫特，你所要做的就是回去阅读总统的演讲。
You know, we want to do this in the U.N.
你知道，我们想在联合国做到这一点
Security Council.
安全理事会。
That's the proper place to do it.
这是做这件事的正确地点。
We're going to give it every chance.
我们将给予它一切机会。
The Security Council needs to stand up and act.
安理会需要站出来采取行动。
It needs to stand up to this bloody dictator who is -- has defied the U.N.
它需要对抗这个血腥的独裁者，他已经藐视了联合国。
in every way.
在各个方面。
The United Nations Security Council needs not to let itself become the League of Nations and the President is giving an opportunity to this great body to do precisely that.
联合国安理会不需要让自己成为国际联盟，而总统正在给这个伟大机构一个机会来做到这一点。
You know, after the end of the Cold War, there was that wonderful moment in 1991 when the Security Council finally acted as it was hoped and conceived to act in 1945.
你知道，冷战结束后，1991年有一个美妙的时刻，安理会终于按照1945年的希望和设想采取行动。
Throughout the Cold War because everything the United States proposed the Soviets vetoed or vice-versa, the Security Council couldn�t act.
在整个冷战期间，由于美国提出的一切建议都被苏联否决，反之亦然，安理会无法采取行动。
And then in '91 with the ideological conflict gone, the Security Council finally acted in a way that said it could meet threats like the threat of Saddam Hussein and then for 11 years it's allowed the erosion of that very powerful act.
然后在 91 年，意识形态冲突消失后，安理会最终采取了一种表示可以应对萨达姆·侯赛因威胁等威胁的行动，然后在 11 年间，它允许这种非常强大的行动受到侵蚀。
So we're going to go -- we're going to -- we're working for a strong Security Council resolution.
因此，我们将致力于制定一项强有力的安理会决议。
The French have ideas.
法国人有想法。
The Russians have ideas.
俄罗斯人有想法。
Everybody should talk about this.
每个人都应该谈论这个。
But in the final analysis, I think the President has made clear that if the Security Council cannot act or will not act, then we will have no choice but to do so with those countries that wish to join us.
但归根结底，我认为总统已经明确表示，如果安理会不能采取行动或不愿采取行动，那么我们别无选择，只能与那些希望加入我们的国家一起采取行动。
Q: Has Hans Blix today accepted a deal with Iraq that you find unacceptable?
问：汉斯·布利克斯今天是否接受了一项你认为无法接受的与伊拉克的协议？
Dr. Rice: Hans Blix went to talk with the Iraqis, which he does from time to time, under the old rules.
赖斯博士：汉斯·布利克斯去与伊拉克人交谈，按照旧规则，他时常这样做。
That is, he was discussing with the Iraqis what could take place under the old resolutions.
也就是说，他正在与伊拉克人讨论根据旧决议可能发生的情况。
It's the old resolutions that we find unacceptable not what -- not -- and not Hans Blix did.
我们认为不可接受的是旧的决议，而不是汉斯·布利克斯所做的。
The old arrangements is what we find unacceptable and we've been very clear and Collin Powell went out immediately to say that the United States believed strongly that there needs to be a new resolution.
旧的安排是我们认为不可接受的，我们已经非常明确，科林·鲍威尔立即出面表示，美国坚信需要一项新的决议。
The problem with the old inspections regime is that Saddam Hussein played it like a violin and they haven�t been there for four years.
旧检查制度的问题在于，萨达姆·侯赛因像拉小提琴一样演奏它，而他们已经四年没有去过那里了。
He's taken sites off -- off limits.
他取消了一些网站的限制。
He's said Iraqi personnel have to be there when people are interviewed.
他说，当人们接受采访时，伊拉克人员必须在场。
It's just unacceptable.
这是不可接受的。
So I think that it's well understood in the U.N.
所以我认为联合国对此很了解。
and I think it's well understood by Dr. Blix that he works for the Security Council and when the Security Council gives him, if as we hope it will, new instructions then he will operate on the basis of those new instructions.
我认为布利克斯博士很清楚他为安理会工作，当安理会向他发出新指示时（如果我们希望如此），那么他将根据这些新指示行事。
I will say one thing.
我要说一件事。
It appears that heavy pressure even gets the Iraqis' attention and so the worst thing that we could do now is to remove the pressure on the Iraqis.
看来沉重的压力甚至引起了伊拉克人的注意，所以我们现在能做的最糟糕的事情就是消除对伊拉克人的压力。
That's why we need a Congressional resolution that gives the President the authority that he needs to demonstrate that the United States is united in facing this threat and why we -- you'd need a U.N.
这就是为什么我们需要一项国会决议，赋予总统所需的权力，以证明美国团结一致地面对这一威胁，以及为什么我们需要联合国来解决这一问题。
Security Council resolution that is tough and that says to the Iraqis, this time, we're going to disarm you or if you won't disarm, we will disarm you.
安理会决议是强硬的，它对伊拉克人说，这一次，我们将解除你们的武装，或者如果你们不解除武装，我们将解除你们的武装。
So we think that today was -- was interesting.
所以我们认为今天很有趣。
It's interesting to see how the Iraqis are reacting to pressure.
看看伊拉克人如何应对压力是很有趣的。
But in terms of what is needed to get this job done, this set of arrangements will not get the job done.
但就完成这项工作所需的条件而言，这套安排并不能完成任务。
Q: Is it effective diplomacy to communicate to members of the Security Council that we intend to proceed irrespective how -- of how they actually end up voting?
问：向安理会成员传达我们打算继续进行的工作，无论他们最终如何投票，这是否是有效的外交？
Dr. Rice: Well, I -- I think we've -- we've been effective because we were clear that there was an important threshold that had to be crossed here and that threshold was a Security Council resolution that might actually get something done toward the -- the goal.
赖斯博士：嗯，我——我认为我们——我们一直很有效，因为我们很清楚，这里必须跨越一个重要的门槛，而这个门槛就是安理会的一项决议，它实际上可能会为实现目标做一些事情。
I think that it's well understood in the Security Council that the President of the United States and the Prime Minister of Great Britain are absolutely serious about their commitment to deal with the problem this time.
我认为，安理会充分理解美国总统和英国首相这次对解决这一问题的承诺绝对是认真的。
And unless you're prepared to say what the President has said, which is, either you will fix this problem or we will fix this problem together or we will find a way to fix it with others who wish to join us.
除非你准备好说出总统所说的话，也就是说，要么你解决这个问题，要么我们一起解决这个问题，或者我们将找到一种方法与其他希望加入我们的人一起解决这个问题。
Unless you're willing to say that, you're not going to bring the Security Council around.
除非你愿意这么说，否则你不会让安理会改变立场。
I think we learned that in '91.
我想我们在 91 年就学到了这一点。
This is -- when people say America must lead, America must lead; this is really what they should mean.
这是——当人们说美国必须领导时，美国必须领导；这才是他们真正应该表达的意思。
I was at the U.N.
我当时在联合国
-- I was at the U.N.
——我当时在联合国
when the President spoke and it was a -- it was a challenge to the United Nations and a challenge to the Security Council.
当总统讲话时，这是对联合国的挑战，也是对安全理事会的挑战。
But we believe that we can get this done in the Security Council because people are taking this issue seriously.
但我们相信我们可以在安理会完成这件事，因为人们正在认真对待这个问题。
Q: I realize there's never a good time for major changes.
问：我意识到从来都不是进行重大改变的好时机。
But why don�t we get out of NATO?
但我们为什么不退出北约呢？
Dr. Rice: Well, I've -- I'm actually -- you know, I'm -- I'm a big fan of NATO.
赖斯博士：嗯，我——实际上——你知道，我——我是北约的忠实粉丝。
I'll just -- I'll expose my -- my prejudices here and it's because not just because of what it's done but what it's doing.
我会在这里揭露我的偏见，这不仅因为它所做的事情，而且因为它正在做的事情。
It clearly had a glorious history in aligning the great democracies of the world, giving France and Germany an umbrella under which to become friends and most importantly checking and containing Soviet power east of -- in East Germany and further east and so it had a glorious history.
显然，它在结盟世界上伟大的民主国家方面有着辉煌的历史，为法国和德国提供了一个保护伞，使之成为朋友，最重要的是，它在东德和更远的东部遏制和遏制了苏联的势力，因此它有着辉煌的历史。
It is now performing an equally remarkable task which is if you look at the aspirant nations to NATO membership, NATO -- the only remaining security institution of consequence in Europe; you see that the pull of NATO, the pull of NATO membership gives them a kind of loadstar that they are using to reform their militaries, that they are using to be more democratic in their processes, that they're using to root out corruption.
它现在正在执行一项同样引人注目的任务，如果你看看那些渴望加入北约的国家，北约——欧洲唯一剩下的重要安全机构；你会看到，北约的吸引力，北约成员国的吸引力给了他们一种负载明星，他们用它来改革他们的军队，他们用它来使他们的进程更加民主，他们用它来根除腐败。
We've made membership in NATO a -- something that one only acquires by acting like an aspiring democracy and starting to get there and it's really provided an important anchor for these young states, whether it's the Baltics or the three that went in earlier.
我们已经成为北约成员国——只有像一个有抱负的民主国家一样行动并开始实现这一目标才能获得北约成员资格，这确实为这些年轻国家提供了重要的支柱，无论是波罗的海国家还是较早加入的三个国家。
They all have looked to NATO to -- to -- to be evidence that they are joining the paradigm of progress that they're joining this great European -- European construction and so I think it's -- it's continuing to play an important role.
他们都期待北约成为他们正在加入进步范式的证据，他们正在加入这个伟大的欧洲建设，所以我认为它正在继续发挥重要作用。
I will caution one thing.
我要提醒一件事。
As it gets larger, we are going to have to make certain that its military capabilities do improve and are transformed to deal with the threats today not the threats of the past.
随着它的规模不断扩大，我们必须确保其军事能力确实得到改善和转变，以应对当今的威胁，而不是过去的威胁。
Just like we're having to transform our armed forces, just like we no longer should have military -- a military that looks like it's expecting the Soviets over the German plains some time tomorrow.
就像我们必须改造我们的武装部队一样，就像我们不再应该拥有军队一样——一支看起来明天某个时候苏联人就会在德国平原上空等待的军队。
NATO has to have forces that are quick reaction forces that can deal with terrorists and that can deal with counter-proliferation against weapons of mass destruction and if you can make those changes, you will also have a -- a role for small states that aren�t able to have the full range of capabilities but might be able to contribute on one or more of the -- the areas that we need to have NATO function as a whole.
北约必须拥有快速反应部队，能够对付恐怖分子，能够应对大规模杀伤性武器的反扩散，如果你能做出这些改变，你也将在小国中发挥作用，这些小国无法拥有全面的能力，但可能能够在我们需要北约作为一个整体发挥作用的一个或多个领域做出贡献。
I'll just tell one final thing about NATO.
我只想谈谈关于北约的最后一件事。
You know, the September 11th was a -- as you might imagine, a pretty difficult day for us just like it was for everybody else.
你知道，9 月 11 日对我们来说是非常困难的一天，就像对其他人一样。
And I came into the office early on September 12th and my phone rang and it was Nick Burns who is our ambassador to NATO.
9 月 12 日，我一早来到办公室，电话响了，是我们驻北约大使尼克·伯恩斯打来的。
And he said, "NATO wants to invoke Article 5; an attack upon one is an attack upon all." And it meant a lot.
他说，“北约希望援引第五条；对一个人的攻击就是对所有人的攻击。”这意义重大。
At that particular moment in time, it meant a lot that the -- our great allies from 50 years of confronting the Soviet Union now understood that this article, which had never been invoked in the entire time of the Cold War, really did mean common values; an attack upon one was an attack upon all.
在那个特定的时刻，意义重大的是——我们与苏联对抗50年的伟大盟友现在明白，这条在整个冷战时期从未被援引过的条款确实意味着共同的价值观；对一个人的攻击就是对所有人的攻击。
Probably more than anything, that's what NATO gives us.
也许最重要的是，这就是北约给我们的。
Q: This is a -- a question about our troops in Saudi Arabia.
问：这是一个关于我们驻沙特阿拉伯军队的问题。
The House of Saud is a despicable, abhorrent regime and you said that we need to have the morality of America be reflected in our foreign policy.
沙特王室是一个卑鄙可恶的政权，你说我们需要在我们的外交政策中体现美国的道德。
So I wonder how that is consistent and if there aren�t people in that region of the world who view our troops there as support of this despicable regime and if we would not perhaps reduce the chance of a weapon of mass destruction going off in the United States if we removed our troops from Saudi Arabia.
所以我想知道这是如何一致的，世界上那个地区是否没有人将我们在那里的军队视为这个卑鄙政权的支持，如果我们从沙特阿拉伯撤军，我们是否可能不会减少大规模杀伤性武器在美国爆炸的机会。
Dr. Rice: Well, the -- the relationship with Saudi goes back -- Saudi Arabia goes back a long time.
赖斯博士：嗯，沙特阿拉伯与沙特阿拉伯的关系可以追溯到很久以前。
It's been an important strategic relationship to us for a variety of reasons and it continues to be an important relationship to us.
由于多种原因，它对我们来说是一种重要的战略关系，而且仍然是一种重要的关系。
In fact, the Saudis have been good in terms of counterterrorism cooperation, intelligence work, law enforcement work.
事实上，沙特在反恐合作、情报工作、执法工作方面一直做得很好。
We have said to them that there are things that we want them to do.
我们已经对他们说过，我们希望他们做一些事情。
We want them to cut off terrorist financing.
我们希望他们切断恐怖主义融资。
They've been slow.
他们动作很慢。
We want them to --to stop some of the propaganda that is used against Israel in favor of the Rejectionist in the Palestinian territories.
我们希望他们停止一些针对以色列的宣传，转而支持巴勒斯坦领土上的拒绝主义者。
They've -- they've not been as responsive as we would like and so we've been very clear on our differences.
他们没有像我们希望的那样做出回应，所以我们非常清楚我们的分歧。
But I have to tell you it's an important relationship and it's continuing to serve us well.
但我必须告诉你，这是一种重要的关系，并且它将继续为我们提供良好的服务。
As to the matter about -- of reform, you know, we don't -- we don't promise to remake everybody in -- in our own image and we don�t promise to do it immediately.
至于改革的问题，你知道，我们不——我们不承诺按照我们自己的形象重塑每个人，我们也不承诺立即这样做。
But these are trends that are going to affect Saudi too.
但这些趋势也将影响沙特。
And I think that if you look at the problems that they face and the fact that -- that there are reformers among them who understand that they face those problems, this is an evolution that will take place.
我认为，如果你看看他们面临的问题以及他们当中有改革者了解他们面临这些问题的事实，就会发生这种演变。
It is on our agenda with Saudi to discuss reform.
我们与沙特讨论改革已列入我们的议程。
That hasn�t ever been on the agenda before.
这以前从未提上议程。
You know, when the young women were killed in that horrible fire in the girls' school because the religious police forced them back in, it was a positive sign that the Crown Prince decided that women's education would no longer be under the religious ministries.
你知道，当年轻女性在女子学校那场可怕的火灾中丧生，因为宗教警察强迫她们返回学校时，这是一个积极的迹象，表明王储决定女性教育将不再由宗教部门管辖。
He transferred it to the Education Ministry.
他将其转交给教育部。
That's -- that's a positive step.
那是——这是积极的一步。
So yes, it's a -- they're a complicated relationship.
所以，是的，这是一种——他们是一种复杂的关系。
It's a complicated place.
这是一个复杂的地方。
But it is a relationship that has served us well and continues to.
但这种关系一直为我们提供了良好的服务，并将持续下去。
Q: How do you fight a war in Iraq and win it in a military sense; but at the same time lay the groundwork for a political victory in Iraq?
问：从军事意义上讲，您如何打伊拉克战争并取得胜利？但同时为伊拉克的政治胜利奠定基础？
Dr. Rice: Yes, it's a -- a very good question and it is one that we dealt with a lot and thought about a lot in the context of Afghanistan.
赖斯博士：是的，这是一个非常好的问题，我们在阿富汗的背景下处理了很多问题，思考了很多问题。
The President said very early on, I want it to be very clear that this is not a war on the people of Afghanistan.
总统很早就说过，我希望非常明确地表明，这不是针对阿富汗人民的战争。
This is a war on the Taliban.
这是一场针对塔利班的战争。
And we did many things early on to make clear that distinction.
我们很早就做了很多事情来明确这种区别。
For instance, some of the first packages that were actually dropped were not bombs but humanitarian assistance were some of the first things that we -- we dropped because we wanted it to be seen as a -- a power that was friendly to the Afghan people.
例如，实际上投放的一些包裹并不是炸弹，而是人道主义援助，我们投放的第一批物品是我们投放的，因为我们希望它被视为一种对阿富汗人民友好的力量。
Very early on, we cared about humanitarian conditions.
我们很早就关心人道主义状况。
The United States has always been careful about trying to minimize the effects on civilians and collateral damage.
美国一直小心翼翼地试图尽量减少对平民的影响和附带损害。
There are a lot of things that you can do to draw that distinction.
您可以做很多事情来区分这种区别。
But probably the most important thing that you can do is to early on have a vision for the people of a -- a country like that that you hope to liberate them from these horrible regimes, that it is not going to be a punitive occupation but rather a liberation in which you're going to try to give them an opportunity to build and to -- to create better lives for -- for themselves.
但你能做的最重要的事情可能是尽早为一个这样的国家的人民制定一个愿景，你希望将他们从这些可怕的政权中解放出来，这不会是一种惩罚性的占领，而是一种解放，你将尝试给他们一个机会为自己建设和创造更好的生活。
I think in Afghanistan, as tough as the struggle is, that is the reputation that the United States has.
我认为在阿富汗，尽管斗争很艰难，但这就是美国所享有的声誉。
And when they come to see us and you say, you know, we -- we know the long history of foreigners on Afghanistan, we don�t plan to stay; they say, whatever you do, don�t go.
当他们来见我们时，你说，你知道，我们——我们知道外国人在阿富汗的悠久历史，我们不打算留下来；我们不打算留下来。他们说，无论你做什么，都不要走。
I think that that is evidence that we've managed to say to the Afghan people we came to help you liberate yourselves; we didn�t come to occupy you.
我认为这证明我们已经成功地向阿富汗人民表明，我们是来帮助你们解放自己的；我们不是来占领你的。
And I would think that we would try to do the same thing in Iraq.
我认为我们会尝试在伊拉克做同样的事情。
The fact is that, as I said earlier, we always seem to forget that if people are given a choice between freedom and tyranny, they will chose freedom.
事实是，正如我之前所说，我们似乎总是忘记，如果人们在自由和暴政之间做出选择，他们就会选择自由。
And we have that going for us that this is a regime that is so horrible to its people that tortures and rapes women in front of their husbands to get confessions, that -- that has gassed its own population in the north, that has invaded its neighbors, this man who build palaces to himself blaming the United Nations for starving children while he uses the Oil-for-Food revenues to build palaces to himself.
我们认为，这个政权对其人民来说是如此可怕，它在丈夫面前折磨和强奸妇女以获取招供，它用毒气毒死了北方的人民，它入侵了邻国，这个为自己建造宫殿的人指责联合国让儿童挨饿，同时他用石油换食品的收入为自己建造宫殿。
They can hardly do worse than this.
他们几乎不可能做得比这更糟糕了。
And I think that we have to paint a picture of a better future and then we have to act as if we care about the lives of these people.
我认为我们必须描绘出更美好的未来，然后我们必须表现得关心这些人的生活。
And that has always been the American way and it would be the way if we find ourselves in the situation of having to use force in Iraq.
这一直是美国的方式，如果我们发现自己不得不在伊拉克使用武力，这也会是美国的方式。
Q: Assuming -- let's fast forward a bit.
问：假设——让我们快进一点。
Assuming we do get a U.N.
假设我们确实得到了联合国
support or even if we don�t and we do occupy Iraq, one of the great fears is that we will polarize the Arab World against the West and that -- that it will -- and that as a result of that, we will have a long, drawn out conflict that will involve many countries other than Iraq.
即使我们不支持伊拉克，但我们确实占领了伊拉克，我们最担心的一个问题是，我们将使阿拉伯世界对西方产生两极分化，而这种情况将会发生，结果，我们将发生一场旷日持久的冲突，这场冲突将涉及除伊拉克以外的许多国家。
What is our -- how -- how do you interpret our policy with regard to that fear?
对于这种恐惧，我们的政策是什么？您如何解释我们的政策？
Dr. Rice: Well, I think that we would not do this alone in terms of the reconstruction of Iraq if we get to that point.
赖斯博士：嗯，我认为，如果我们达到了这一点，我们就不会在伊拉克的重建方面单独做到这一点。
The -- There are a lot of countries that have a very strong stake in a functioning Iraq, in an Iraq that is unified, an Iraq that is stable, in an Iraq that is economically viable again.
一个正常运转的伊拉克、一个统一的伊拉克、一个稳定的伊拉克、一个在经济上再次可行的伊拉克，对许多国家来说有着非常重大的利害关系。
Iraq is, in this sense, not Afghanistan in that it does not have a 16th century infrastructure like Afghanistan did.
从这个意义上说，伊拉克不是阿富汗，因为它没有像阿富汗那样拥有 16 世纪的基础设施。
It is not a country that is without resources as Afghanistan was and it is a country that has a -- an educated, largely a -- partly middle class population that has -- that remains there to be freed to do some of these things.
它不是一个像阿富汗那样缺乏资源的国家，而是一个拥有受过教育的、大部分是中产阶级人口的国家，他们仍然留在那里，可以自由地做其中一些事情。
So I would think that the combination of the Iraqi people themselves and the interest of both Gulf states and European states in the revitalization and reconstruction of Iraq would not leave us alone in that task.
因此，我认为，伊拉克人民本身以及海湾国家和欧洲国家在伊拉克振兴和重建方面的利益相结合，不会让我们独自完成这项任务。
There is also some possibility of the United Nations might -- might play a role.
联合国也有可能发挥作用。
There are lots of difficulties if we -- if we have to use force in Iraq.
如果我们必须在伊拉克使用武力，就会遇到很多困难。
We're all aware of that.
我们都知道这一点。
But the problem is that there are always those difficulties and they will be there a year from now and two years from now and three years from now and four years from now.
但问题是，这些困难总是存在的，一年后、两年后、三年后、四年后还会存在。
And the only difference is that Saddam Hussein will get stronger and stronger and stronger.
唯一不同的是萨达姆侯赛因会变得越来越强大。
His weapons of mass destruction will be -- get more developed.
他的大规模杀伤性武器将得到更加发展。
He will get more money from the Oil-for-Food program.
他将从石油换食品计划中获得更多资金。
And sooner or later, his ambitions and our interests are going to clash.
他的野心和我们的利益迟早会发生冲突。
And, you know, great democracies have trouble acting in a timely fashion.
而且，你知道，伟大的民主国家很难及时采取行动。
One of the most interesting moments that I've had here in -- in -- in government was when the President had the Prime Minister of Estonia with him.
我在政府中经历过的最有趣的时刻之一是总统与爱沙尼亚总理在一起的时刻。
And the President had just finished a meeting with the Congressional leadership about Iraq.
总统刚刚结束与国会领导层关于伊拉克问题的会议。
And so he said, "Let me tell you about my Iraq policy." And the Estonian said, "Mr. President, you don�t have to tell me about your Iraq policy." He said, "In 1937, 1938 and 1939, the great democracies could not get it together, could not make a decision and as a result, my people lived in bondage for 50 years." He said, "You don�t have to tell me what happens when democracies don�t confront tyranny."
所以他说：“让我告诉你我的伊拉克政策。”爱沙尼亚人说：“总统先生，你不必告诉我你的伊拉克政策。”他说：“1937年、1938年和1939年，伟大的民主国家无法团结起来，无法做出决定，结果，我的人民在奴役下生活了50年。”他说：“你不必告诉我当民主国家不对抗暴政时会发生什么。”
We have a choice before us, which is to try to act in time this time or to wait until it's too late.
我们面前有一个选择，要么这次及时采取行动，要么等到为时已晚。
And the President has not made a choice for the use of military force; war is not inevitable.
总统并没有选择使用武力；战争并非不可避免。
But he has said that action is inevitable now.
但他表示，现在采取行动是不可避免的。
The United States has enormous responsibilities as the most powerful nation on earth and therefore the one most responsible for security.
作为地球上最强大的国家，美国肩负着巨大的责任，因此也是对安全最负责任的国家。
We can't afford to be late on a threat like this.
面对这样的威胁，我们不能迟到。
Thank you very much.
非常感谢。
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American Rhetoric.
美国修辞学。