1984 DNC Keynote Address -- Mario Matthew Cuomo
1984 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address
1984 年民主党全国代表大会主题演讲
delivered 16 July 1984, San Francisco, CA
1984 年 7 月 16 日交付，加利福尼亚州旧金山
On behalf of the great Empire State and the whole family of New York, let me thank you for the great privilege of being able to address this convention.
让我代表伟大的帝国州和整个纽约大家庭，感谢你们有幸能够在这次大会上发言。
Please allow me to skip the stories and the poetry and the temptation to deal in nice but vague rhetoric.
请允许我跳过故事和诗歌，以及使用优美但模糊的修辞的诱惑。
Let me instead use this valuable opportunity to deal immediately with the questions that should determine this election and that we all know are vital to the American people.
相反，让我利用这个宝贵的机会立即处理决定这次选举的问题，而且我们都知道这些问题对美国人民至关重要。
Ten days ago, President Reagan admitted that although some people in this country seemed to be doing well nowadays, others were unhappy, even worried, about themselves, their families, and their futures.
十天前，里根总统承认，虽然这个国家的一些人现在似乎过得很好，但另一些人却对自己、家人和未来感到不高兴，甚至担心。
The President said that he didn't understand that fear.
总统说他不理解这种恐惧。
He said, "Why, this country is a shining city on a hill." And the President is right.
他说：“为什么，这个国家是山上一座闪亮的城市。”总统是对的。
In many ways we are a shining city on a hill.
从很多方面来说，我们都是一座闪亮的山上之城。
But the hard truth is that not everyone is sharing in this city's splendor and glory.
但残酷的事实是，并不是每个人都能分享这座城市的辉煌和荣耀。
A shining city is perhaps all the President sees from the portico of the White House and the veranda of his ranch, where everyone seems to be doing well.
总统从白宫的门廊和牧场的阳台上看到的也许就是一座闪亮的城市，那里的每个人似乎都过得很好。
But there's another city; there's another part to the shining the city; the part where some people can't pay their mortgages, and most young people can't afford one; where students can't afford the education they need, and middle-class parents watch the dreams they hold for their children evaporate.
但还有另外一个城市；这座城市的光辉还有另一部分；有些人无力支付抵押贷款，而大多数年轻人也无力承担；学生无力承担所需的教育，中产阶级父母则眼睁睁地看着自己为孩子们所抱有的梦想化为泡影。
In this part of the city there are more poor than ever, more families in trouble, more and more people who need help but can't find it.
在城市的这一地区，贫困人口比以往任何时候都多，陷入困境的家庭也越来越多，需要帮助却找不到帮助的人也越来越多。
Even worse: There are elderly people who tremble in the basements of the houses there.
更糟糕的是：那里的房屋地下室里有老人瑟瑟发抖。
And there are people who sleep in the city streets, in the gutter, where the glitter doesn't show.
还有人睡在城市的街道、阴沟里，那里没有闪光。
There are ghettos where thousands of young people, without a job or an education, give their lives away to drug dealers every day.
在贫民窟里，每天都有成千上万没有工作或没有受过教育的年轻人将自己的生命献给毒贩。
There is despair, Mr. President, in the faces that you don't see, in the places that you don't visit in your shining city.
总统先生，在你看不到的面孔中，在你没有去过的闪亮城市的地方，有绝望。
In fact, Mr. President, this is a nation -- Mr. President you ought to know that this nation is more a "Tale of Two Cities" than it is just a "Shining City on a Hill."
事实上，总统先生，这是一个国家——总统先生，你应该知道这个国家更多的是一个“两座城市的故事”，而不仅仅是一个“山上的闪亮之城”。
Maybe, maybe, Mr. President, if you visited some more places; maybe if you went to Appalachia where some people still live in sheds; maybe if you went to Lackawanna where thousands of unemployed steel workers wonder why we subsidized foreign steel.
也许，也许，总统先生，如果您多去一些地方的话；也许如果你去阿巴拉契亚，那里有些人仍然住在棚屋里；也许如果你去拉克万纳，那里成千上万的失业钢铁工人想知道为什么我们补贴外国钢铁。
Maybe -- Maybe, Mr. President, if you stopped in at a shelter in Chicago and spoke to the homeless there; maybe, Mr. President, if you asked a woman who had been denied the help she needed to feed her children because you said you needed the money for a tax break for a millionaire or for a missile we couldn't afford to use.
也许——也许，总统先生，如果您在芝加哥的一个避难所停下来并与那里的无家可归者交谈；也许会发生。总统先生，如果你问一位妇女，她被剥夺了养育孩子所需的帮助，因为您说您需要这笔钱来为百万富翁减税或购买我们无力使用的导弹。
Maybe -- Maybe, Mr. President.
也许——也许，总统先生。
But I'm afraid not.
但恐怕不是。
Because the truth is, ladies and gentlemen, that this is how we were warned it would be.
因为事实是，女士们先生们，我们被警告的就是这样。
President Reagan told us from the very beginning that he believed in a kind of social Darwinism.
里根总统从一开始就告诉我们，他相信一种社会达尔文主义。
Survival of the fittest.
适者生存。
"Government can't do everything," we were told, so it should settle for taking care of the strong and hope that economic ambition and charity will do the rest.
我们被告知“政府不能包揽一切”，因此它应该满足于照顾强者，并希望经济雄心和慈善事业能够完成剩下的工作。
Make the rich richer, and what falls from the table will be enough for the middle class and those who are trying desperately to work their way into the middle class.
让富人更富，桌子上掉下来的东西就足够中产阶级和那些拼命努力进入中产阶级的人了。
You know, the Republicans called it "trickle-down" when Hoover tried it.
你知道，当胡佛尝试时，共和党人称之为“滴流”。
Now they call it "supply side." But it's the same shining city for those relative few who are lucky enough to live in its good neighborhoods.
现在他们称之为“供应方”。但对于那些有幸居住在其良好社区的相对少数人来说，这仍然是一座闪亮的城市。
But for the people who are excluded, for the people who are locked out, all they can do is stare from a distance at that city's glimmering towers.
但对于那些被排除在外的人，对于那些被拒之门外的人，他们所能做的就是远远地凝视那座城市闪闪发光的塔楼。
It's an old story.
这是一个古老的故事。
It's as old as our history.
它和我们的历史一样古老。
The difference between Democrats and Republicans has always been measured in courage and confidence.
民主党人和共和党人之间的差异始终以勇气和信心来衡量。
The Republicans -- The Republicans believe that the wagon train will not make it to the frontier unless some of the old, some of the young, some of the weak are left behind by the side of the trail.
共和党人——共和党人认为，除非一些老人、一些年轻人、一些弱者被留在路边，否则马车不会到达边境。
"The strong" -- "The strong," they tell us, "will inherit the land."
“强者”——他们告诉我们，“强者将继承这片土地。”
We Democrats believe in something else.
我们民主党人相信别的东西。
We democrats believe that we can make it all the way with the whole family intact, and we have more than once.
我们民主党人相信，我们可以在整个家庭完好无损的情况下一路走来，而且我们不止一次做到了。
Ever since Franklin Roosevelt lifted himself from his wheelchair to lift this nation from its knees -- wagon train after wagon train -- to new frontiers of education, housing, peace; the whole family aboard, constantly reaching out to extend and enlarge that family; lifting them up into the wagon on the way; blacks and Hispanics, and people of every ethnic group, and native Americans -- all those struggling to build their families and claim some small share of America.
自从富兰克林·罗斯福从轮椅上站起来，带领这个国家摆脱屈膝的状态以来，一列又一列的马车——走向教育、住房、和平的新领域；船上的整个家庭，不断地伸出援手，扩大和扩大这个家庭；途中将它们抬上马车；黑人、西班牙裔、各族裔以及美洲原住民——所有这些人都在努力建立自己的家庭并声称自己拥有一小部分美国领土。
For nearly 50 years we carried them all to new levels of comfort, and security, and dignity, even affluence.
近 50 年来，我们将他们所有人带入了新的舒适、安全、尊严，甚至富裕的水平。
And remember this, some of us in this room today are here only because this nation had that kind of confidence.
请记住这一点，我们今天在座的一些人之所以来到这里，只是因为这个国家有这种信心。
And it would be wrong to forget that.
忘记这一点是错误的。
So, here we are at this convention to remind ourselves where we come from and to claim the future for ourselves and for our children.
因此，我们参加这次大会是为了提醒自己我们从哪里来，并为我们自己和我们的孩子争取未来。
Today our great Democratic Party, which has saved this nation from depression, from fascism, from racism, from corruption, is called upon to do it again -- this time to save the nation from confusion and division, from the threat of eventual fiscal disaster, and most of all from the fear of a nuclear holocaust.
今天，我们伟大的民主党将这个国家从萧条、法西斯主义、种族主义和腐败中拯救出来，现在我们被要求再次这样做——这一次是为了将国家从混乱和分裂中拯救出来，从最终的财政灾难的威胁中拯救出来，最重要的是从对核浩劫的恐惧中拯救出来。
That's not going to be easy.
这并不容易。
Mo Udall is exactly right -- it won't be easy.
莫尤达尔说得完全正确——这并不容易。
And in order to succeed, we must answer our opponent's polished and appealing rhetoric with a more telling reasonableness and rationality.
为了取得成功，我们必须以更有说服力的合理性和理性来回应对手华丽而有吸引力的言辞。
We must win this case on the merits.
我们必须根据案情打赢这场官司。
We must get the American public to look past the glitter, beyond the showmanship to the reality, the hard substance of things.
我们必须让美国公众看到事物的光鲜亮丽、表演技巧，看到现实，看到事物的本质。
And we'll do it not so much with speeches that sound good as with speeches that are good and sound; not so much with speeches that will bring people to their feet as with speeches that will bring people to their senses.
我们不会用听起来不错的演讲来做到这一点，而是用好的、健全的演讲来做到这一点。与其说是让人们站起来的演讲，不如说是让人们清醒过来的演讲。
We must make -- We must make the American people hear our "Tale of Two Cities." We must convince them that we don't have to settle for two cities, that we can have one city, indivisible, shining for all of its people.
我们必须让——我们必须让美国人民听到我们的“两个城市的故事”。我们必须让他们相信，我们不必满足于两个城市，我们可以拥有一个城市，不可分割，为所有人民带来光明。
Now, we will have no chance to do that if what comes out of this convention is a babel of arguing voices.
现在，如果这次大会的结果是一片争论的声音，我们将没有机会这样做。
If that's what's heard throughout the campaign, dissident sounds from all sides, we will have no chance to tell our message.
如果这就是整个竞选过程中听到的，来自各方的异议声音，我们将没有机会传达我们的信息。
To succeed we will have to surrender some small parts of our individual interests, to build a platform that we can all stand on, at once, and comfortably -- proudly singing out.
为了取得成功，我们必须放弃个人利益的一小部分，建立一个我们所有人都可以同时舒适地站在上面的平台——自豪地大声疾呼。
We need -- We need a platform we can all agree to so that we can sing out the truth for the nation to hear, in chorus, its logic so clear and commanding that no slick Madison Avenue commercial, no amount of geniality, no martial music will be able to muffle the sound of the truth.
我们需要——我们需要一个大家都同意的平台，以便我们能够为全国人民齐声唱出真相，让他们齐声聆听，它的逻辑如此清晰、如此具有威严，任何华而不实的麦迪逊大道商业广告、再多的友善、任何军事音乐都无法掩盖真相的声音。
And we Democrats must unite.
我们民主党人必须团结起来。
We Democrats must unite so that the entire nation can unite, because surely the Republicans won't bring this country together.
我们民主党人必须团结起来，这样整个国家才能团结起来，因为共和党肯定不会让这个国家团结起来。
Their policies divide the nation into the lucky and the left-out, into the royalty and the rabble.
他们的政策将国家分为幸运者和被遗弃者、皇室成员和平民。
The Republicans are willing to treat that division as victory.
共和党愿意将这次分裂视为胜利。
They would cut this nation in half, into those temporarily better off and those worse off than before, and they would call that division recovery.
他们会把这个国家一分为二，分为暂时富裕的和比以前更差的，他们将这种分裂称为恢复。
Now, we should not -- we should not be embarrassed or dismayed or chagrined if the process of unifying is difficult, even wrenching at times.
现在，如果统一的过程很困难，甚至有时令人痛苦，我们不应该感到尴尬、沮丧或懊恼。
Remember that, unlike any other Party, we embrace men and women of every color, every creed, every orientation, every economic class.
请记住，与任何其他政党不同，我们拥抱各种肤色、各种信仰、各种取向、各种经济阶层的男女。
In our family are gathered everyone from the abject poor of Essex County in New York, to the enlightened affluent of the gold coasts at both ends of the nation.
我们家里聚集了所有人，从纽约埃塞克斯县的赤贫者到全国两端黄金海岸的开明富人。
And in between is the heart of our constituency -- the middle class, the people not rich enough to be worry-free, but not poor enough to be on welfare; the middle class -- those people who work for a living because they have to, not because some psychiatrist told them it was a convenient way to fill the interval between birth and eternity.
介于两者之间的是我们选民的核心——中产阶级，他们没有富裕到无忧无虑，但也没有贫穷到靠福利生活；中产阶级——那些为了谋生而工作的人，因为他们不得不这样做，而不是因为某些精神病医生告诉他们这是填补出生和永恒之间间隔的便捷方式。
White collar and blue collar.
白领和蓝领。
Young professionals.
年轻的专业人士。
Men and women in small business desperate for the capital and contracts that they need to prove their worth.
小企业里的男男女女迫切需要资本和合同来证明自己的价值。
We speak for the minorities who have not yet entered the mainstream.
我们为尚未进入主流的少数群体发声。
We speak for ethnics who want to add their culture to the magnificent mosaic that is America.
我们为那些希望将自己的文化融入到美国这片壮丽的马赛克中的族群代言。
We speak -- We speak for women who are indignant that this nation refuses to etch into its governmental commandments the simple rule "thou shalt not sin against equality," a rule so simple --
我们为那些因这个国家拒绝将“不得违背平等而犯罪”这一简单规则铭刻在其政府戒律中而感到愤怒的女性发声，这条规则是如此简单——
I was going to say, and I perhaps dare not but I will.
我想说，也许我不敢，但我会。
It's a commandment so simple it can be spelled in three letters: E.R.A.
这是一条非常简单的诫命，可以用三个字母拼写：E.R.A.
We speak -- We speak for young people demanding an education and a future.
我们为要求教育和未来的年轻人代言。
We speak for senior citizens.
我们为老年人说话。
We speak for senior citizens who are terrorized by the idea that their only security, their Social Security, is being threatened.
我们代表老年人发言，他们因自己唯一的安全保障——社会保障——受到威胁而感到恐惧。
We speak for millions of reasoning people fighting to preserve our environment from greed and from stupidity.
我们代表数以百万计的人们为保护我们的环境免遭贪婪和愚蠢而奋斗。
And we speak for reasonable people who are fighting to preserve our very existence from a macho intransigence that refuses to make intelligent attempts to discuss the possibility of nuclear holocaust with our enemy.
我们代表理性的人们说话，他们正在为保护我们的存在而奋斗，免受大男子主义顽固分子的影响，这种顽固分子拒绝明智地尝试与我们的敌人讨论核浩劫的可能性。
They refuse.
他们拒绝。
They refuse, because they believe we can pile missiles so high that they will pierce the clouds and the sight of them will frighten our enemies into submission.
他们拒绝了，因为他们相信我们可以把导弹堆得如此之高，以至于它们能够穿透云层，看到它们就会吓倒我们的敌人。
Now we're proud of this diversity as Democrats.
现在，我们为民主党的这种多样性感到自豪。
We're grateful for it.
我们对此表示感谢。
We don't have to manufacture it the way the Republicans will next month in Dallas, by propping up mannequin delegates on the convention floor.
我们不必像共和党下个月在达拉斯那样制造它，在会议场地上支撑人体模型代表。
But we, while we're proud of this diversity, we pay a price for it.
但我们虽然为这种多样性感到自豪，但我们也为此付出了代价。
The different people that we represent have different points of view.
我们代表的不同人有不同的观点。
And sometimes they compete and even debate, and even argue.
有时他们还会竞争甚至争论，甚至争论。
That's what our primaries were all about.
这就是我们初选的目的。
But now the primaries are over and it is time, when we pick our candidates and our platform here, to lock arms and move into this campaign together.
但现在初选已经结束，当我们在这里挑选我们的候选人和我们的平台时，是时候携手并进，共同投入这场竞选了。
If you need any more inspiration to put some small part of your own difference aside to create this consensus, then all you need to do is to reflect on what the Republican policy of divide and cajole has done to this land since 1980.
如果你需要更多灵感来抛开自己的一小部分分歧来达成共识，那么你所需要做的就是反思自 1980 年以来共和党的分裂和哄骗政策对这片土地造成的影响。
Now the President has asked the American people to judge him on whether or not he's fulfilled the promises he made four years ago.
现在，总统要求美国人民对他是否履行了四年前的承诺进行评判。
I believe, as Democrats, we ought to accept that challenge.
我相信，作为民主党人，我们应该接受这一挑战。
And just for a moment let us consider what he has said and what he's done.
让我们暂时考虑一下他所说的话和所做的事情。
Inflation -- Inflation is down since 1980, but not because of the supply-side miracle promised to us by the President.
通货膨胀——自 1980 年以来通货膨胀率一直在下降，但这并不是因为总统向我们承诺的供应方奇迹。
Inflation was reduced the old-fashioned way: with a recession, the worst since 1932.
通货膨胀是用老式的方式降低的：经济衰退是 1932 年以来最严重的一次。
Now how did we -- We could have brought inflation down that way.
现在我们如何——我们本可以通过这种方式降低通货膨胀。
How did he do it?
他是怎么做到的？
55,000 bankruptcies; two years of massive unemployment; 200,000 farmers and ranchers forced off the land; more homeless -- more homeless than at any time since the Great Depression in 1932; more hungry, in this world of enormous affluence, the United States of America, more hungry; more poor, most of them women.
55,000 人破产；两年的大规模失业； 20万农民和牧场主被迫离开土地；无家可归者人数比 1932 年大萧条以来的任何时候都多；更加饥饿，在这个极其富裕的世界，美利坚合众国，更加饥饿；更贫穷，其中大多数是女性。
And -- And he paid one other thing, a nearly 200 billion dollar deficit threatening our future.
而且——他还付出了另一件事，近 2000 亿美元的赤字威胁着我们的未来。
Now, we must make the American people understand this deficit because they don't.
现在，我们必须让美国人民了解这种赤字，因为他们不明白。
The President's deficit is a direct and dramatic repudiation of his promise in 1980 to balance the budget by 1983.
总统的赤字直接而戏剧性地违背了他在 1980 年做出的到 1983 年实现预算平衡的承诺。
How large is it?
它有多大？
The deficit is the largest in the history of the universe.
这一赤字是宇宙历史上最大的。
It -- President Carter's last budget had a deficit less than one-third of this deficit.
卡特总统上一份预算的赤字还不到这一赤字的三分之一。
It is a deficit that, according to the President's own fiscal adviser, may grow to as much 300 billion dollars a year for "as far as the eye can see." And, ladies and gentlemen, it is a debt so large -- that is almost one-half of the money we collect from the personal income tax each year goes just to pay the interest.
根据总统自己的财政顾问的说法，“据目力所见”，赤字每年可能增长至 3000 亿美元。而且，女士们先生们，这是一笔如此巨大的债务——几乎是我们每年从个人所得税中收取的钱的一半只是用来支付利息。
It is a mortgage on our children's future that can be paid only in pain and that could bring this nation to its knees.
这是我们孩子未来的抵押贷款，只能痛苦地偿还，并且可能使这个国家屈服。
Now don't take my word for it -- I'm a Democrat.
现在不要相信我的话——我是民主党人。
Ask the Republican investment bankers on Wall Street what they think the chances of this recovery being permanent are.
询问华尔街的共和党投资银行家，他们认为这种复苏永久的可能性有多大。
You see, if they're not too embarrassed to tell you the truth, they'll say that they're appalled and frightened by the President's deficit.
你看，如果他们不是不好意思告诉你真相，他们会说他们对总统的赤字感到震惊和恐惧。
Ask them what they think of our economy, now that it's been driven by the distorted value of the dollar back to its colonial condition.
问问他们对我们的经济有何看法，因为我们的经济已经被扭曲的美元价值推回到了殖民状态。
Now we're exporting agricultural products and importing manufactured ones.
现在我们出口农产品并进口制成品。
Ask those Republican investment bankers what they expect the rate of interest to be a year from now.
问问那些共和党投资银行家，他们预计一年后的利率是多少。
And ask them -- if they dare tell you the truth -- you'll learn from them, what they predict for the inflation rate a year from now, because of the deficit.
问问他们——如果他们敢告诉你真相——你会从他们那里了解到，他们对一年后通货膨胀率的预测，因为赤字。
Now, how important is this question of the deficit.
现在，赤字问题有多重要。
Think about it practically: What chance would the Republican candidate have had in 1980 if he had told the American people that he intended to pay for his so-called economic recovery with bankruptcies, unemployment, more homeless, more hungry, and the largest government debt known to humankind?
实际上想一想：如果这位共和党候选人在 1980 年告诉美国人民，他打算用破产、失业、更多无家可归者、更多饥饿以及人类已知的最大政府债务来支付他所谓的经济复苏，他会有什么机会呢？
If he had told the voters in 1980 that truth, would American voters have signed the loan certificate for him on Election Day?
如果他在1980年告诉选民这个真相，美国选民会在选举日为他签署贷款凭证吗？
Of course not!
当然不是！
That was an election won under false pretenses.
那是一场以虚假借口赢得的选举。
It was won with smoke and mirrors and illusions.
它是通过烟雾和镜子和幻想而赢得的。
And that's the kind of recovery we have now as well.
我们现在也经历了这样的复苏。
But what about foreign policy?
但外交政策又如何呢？
They said that they would make us and the whole world safer.
他们说他们会让我们和整个世界更安全。
They say they have.
他们说他们有。
By creating the largest defense budget in history, one that even they now admit is excessive -- by escalating to a frenzy the nuclear arms race; by incendiary rhetoric; by refusing to discuss peace with our enemies; by the loss of 279 young Americans in Lebanon in pursuit of a plan and a policy that no one can find or describe.
通过制定历史上最大的国防预算，甚至他们现在也承认是过度的——通过升级到疯狂的核军备竞赛；通过煽动性言论；拒绝与我们的敌人讨论和平； 279 名美国年轻人在黎巴嫩为了追求一项无人能找到或描述的计划和政策而丧生。
We give money to Latin American governments that murder nuns, and then we lie about it.
我们向谋杀修女的拉丁美洲政府提供资金，然后我们对此撒谎。
We have been less than zealous in support of our only real friend -- it seems to me, in the Middle East -- the one democracy there, our flesh and blood ally, the state of Israel.
我们并没有那么热心地支持我们唯一真正的朋友——在我看来，是在中东——那里的一个民主国家，我们的血肉盟友，以色列国。
Our -- Our policy -- Our foreign policy drifts with no real direction, other than an hysterical commitment to an arms race that leads nowhere -- if we're lucky.
我们的——我们的政策——我们的外交政策没有真正的方向，除了歇斯底里地致力于军备竞赛，如果我们幸运的话，这种军备竞赛不会有任何结果。
And if we're not, it could lead us into bankruptcy or war.
如果我们不这样做，它可能会导致我们破产或战争。
Of course we must have a strong defense!
当然要有强大的防御！
Of course Democrats are for a strong defense.
当然，民主党主张强有力的防守。
Of course Democrats believe that there are times that we must stand and fight.
当然，民主党人认为，有些时候我们必须站起来战斗。
And we have.
我们有。
Thousands of us have paid for freedom with our lives.
我们成千上万的人为自由付出了生命的代价。
But always -- when this country has been at its best -- our purposes were clear.
但始终——当这个国家处于最佳状态时——我们的目标是明确的。
Now they're not.
现在他们不是了。
Now our allies are as confused as our enemies.
现在我们的盟友和我们的敌人一样困惑。
Now we have no real commitment to our friends or to our ideals -- not to human rights, not to the refuseniks , not to Sakharov , not to Bishop Tutu and the others struggling for freedom in South Africa.
现在，我们对我们的朋友或我们的理想没有真正的承诺——不是对人权，不是对拒绝者，不是对萨哈罗夫，不是对图图主教和其他在南非为自由而奋斗的人。
We -- We have in the last few years spent more than we can afford.
我们——过去几年我们花的钱超出了我们的承受能力。
We have pounded our chests and made bold speeches.
我们捶胸顿足，发表豪言壮语。
But we lost 279 young Americans in Lebanon and we live behind sand bags in Washington.
但我们在黎巴嫩失去了 279 名美国年轻人，我们住在华盛顿的沙袋后面。
How can anyone say that we are safer, stronger, or better?
谁能说我们更安全、更强大或更好？
That -- That is the Republican record.
那——那是共和党的记录。
That its disastrous quality is not more fully understood by the American people I can only attribute to the President's amiability and the failure by some to separate the salesman from the product.
美国人民并没有更充分地理解其灾难性的品质，我只能将其归因于总统的和蔼可亲以及某些人未能将推销员与产品分开。
And, now -- now -- now it's up to us.
现在——现在——现在就取决于我们了。
Now it's up to you and to me to make the case to America.
现在由你和我来向美国证明这一点。
And to remind Americans that if they are not happy with all that the President has done so far, they should consider how much worse it will be if he is left to his radical proclivities for another four years unrestrained.
并提醒美国人，如果他们对总统迄今为止所做的一切不满意，他们应该考虑如果他再任其激进倾向四年不受限制，情况会更糟。
Unrestrained.
无拘无束。
Now, if -- if July -- if July brings back Ann Gorsuch Burford -- what can we expect of December?
现在，如果——如果七月——如果七月让安·戈萨奇·伯福德回归——我们对十二月能期待什么？
Where would -- Where would another four years take us?
再过四年，我们会去往何处？
Where would four years more take us?
再过四年，我们会走向何方？
How much larger will the deficit be?
赤字将会扩大多少？
How much deeper the cuts in programs for the struggling middle class and the poor to limit that deficit?
为了限制赤字，针对陷入困境的中产阶级和穷人的计划要削减多少？
How high will the interest rates be?
利率有多高？
How much more acid rain killing our forests and fouling our lakes?
还有多少酸雨杀死了我们的森林并污染了我们的湖泊？
And, ladies and gentlemen, please think of this -- the nation must think of this: What kind of Supreme Court will we have?
女士们、先生们，请想一想——整个国家必须想一想：我们将拥有什么样的最高法院？
Please.
请。
[beckons audience to settle down]
[示意观众安静下来]
We -- We must ask ourselves what kind of court and country will be fashioned by the man who believes in having government mandate people's religion and morality; the man who believes that trees pollute the environment; the man that believes that -- that the laws against discrimination against people go too far; a man who threatens Social Security and Medicaid and help for the disabled.
我们——我们必须问自己，一个相信政府强制人民宗教和道德的人将建立什么样的法庭和国家？相信树木会污染环境的人；这个人相信——反对歧视他人的法律太过分了；一个威胁社会保障和医疗补助以及为残疾人提供帮助的人。
How high will we pile the missiles?
我们要把导弹堆多高？
How much deeper will the gulf be between us and our enemies?
我们和我们的敌人之间的鸿沟将会有多深？
And, ladies and gentlemen, will four years more make meaner the spirit of the American people?
女士们先生们，再过四年，美国人民的精神是否会变得更加卑鄙？
This election will measure the record of the past four years.
这次选举将衡量过去四年的记录。
But more than that, it will answer the question of what kind of people we want to be.
但更重要的是，它将回答我们想成为什么样的人的问题。
We Democrats still have a dream.
我们民主党人仍然有一个梦想。
We still believe in this nation's future.
我们仍然相信这个国家的未来。
And this is our answer to the question.
这就是我们对这个问题的回答。
This is our credo:
这是我们的信条：
We believe in only the government we need, but we insist on all the government we need.
我们只相信我们需要的政府，但我们坚持我们需要的所有政府。
We believe in a government that is characterized by fairness and reasonableness, a reasonableness that goes beyond labels, that doesn't distort or promise to do things that we know we can't do.
我们相信一个以公平和合理为特征的政府，这种合理性超越了标签，不会歪曲或承诺做我们知道不能做的事情。
We believe in a government strong enough to use words like "love" and "compassion" and smart enough to convert our noblest aspirations into practical realities.
我们相信政府足够强大，能够使用“爱”和“同情”等词语，并且足够聪明，能够将我们最崇高的愿望转化为现实。
We believe in encouraging the talented, but we believe that while survival of the fittest may be a good working description of the process of evolution, a government of humans should elevate itself to a higher order.
我们相信鼓励有才华的人，但我们相信，虽然适者生存可能是对进化过程的一个很好的描述，但人类政府应该将自己提升到更高的层次。
We -- Our -- Our government -- Our government should be able to rise to the level where it can fill the gaps that are left by chance or by a wisdom we don't fully understand.
我们——我们的——我们的政府——我们的政府应该能够提升到能够填补偶然或我们不完全理解的智慧所留下的空白的水平。
We would rather have laws written by the patron of this great city, the man called the "world's most sincere Democrat," St. Francis of Assisi, than laws written by Darwin.
我们宁愿让这座伟大城市的守护者、被称为“世界上最真诚的民主党人”的阿西西的圣方济各制定法律，也不愿让达尔文制定法律。
We believe -- We believe as Democrats, that a society as blessed as ours, the most affluent democracy in the world's history, one that can spend trillions on instruments of destruction, ought to be able to help the middle class in its struggle, ought to be able to find work for all who can do it, room at the table, shelter for the homeless, care for the elderly and infirm, and hope for the destitute.
我们相信——作为民主党人，我们相信，一个像我们这样幸福的社会，世界历史上最富裕的民主国家，可以在毁灭性工具上花费数万亿美元的国家，应该能够帮助中产阶级进行斗争，应该能够为所有有能力的人找到工作，餐桌上的座位，为无家可归者提供住所，照顾老人和体弱者，并为赤贫者带来希望。
And we proclaim as loudly as we can the utter insanity of nuclear proliferation and the need for a nuclear freeze, if only to affirm the simple truth that peace is better than war because life is better than death.
我们尽可能大声地宣称核扩散的彻底疯狂和核冻结的必要性，哪怕只是为了确认和平比战争更好，因为生命比死亡更好这一简单的事实。
We believe in firm -- We believe in firm but fair law and order.
我们相信坚定——我们相信坚定但公平的法律和秩序。
We believe proudly in the union movement.
我们自豪地相信工会运动。
We believe in a -- We believe -- We believe in privacy for people, openness by government.
我们相信——我们相信——我们相信人们的隐私，政府的开放。
We believe in civil rights, and we believe in human rights.
我们相信公民权利，我们相信人权。
We believe in a single -- We believe in a single fundamental idea that describes better than most textbooks and any speech that I could write what a proper government should be: the idea of family, mutuality, the sharing of benefits and burdens for the good of all, feeling one another's pain, sharing one another's blessings -- reasonably, honestly, fairly, without respect to race, or sex, or geography, or political affiliation.
我们相信一个——我们相信一个基本理念，它比大多数教科书和我能写的任何演讲都更好地描述了一个适当的政府应该是什么样子：家庭、相互性、为了所有人的利益而分享利益和负担、感受彼此的痛苦、分享彼此的祝福——合理、诚实、公平，不考虑种族、性别、地域或政治派别。
We believe we must be the family of America, recognizing that at the heart of the matter we are bound one to another, that the problems of a retired school teacher in Duluth are our problems; that the future of the child -- that the future of the child in Buffalo is our future; that the struggle of a disabled man in Boston to survive and live decently is our struggle; that the hunger of a woman in Little Rock is our hunger; that the failure anywhere to provide what reasonably we might, to avoid pain, is our failure.
我们相信我们必须是美国的大家庭，认识到问题的核心是我们彼此联系在一起，德卢斯一位退休学校教师的问题就是我们的问题；孩子的未来——布法罗孩子的未来就是我们的未来；波士顿残疾人为生存和体面生活而奋斗就是我们的奋斗；小石城妇女的饥饿就是我们的饥饿；任何地方未能合理地提供我们所能避免的痛苦，就是我们的失败。
Now for 50 years -- for 50 years we Democrats created a better future for our children, using traditional Democratic principles as a fixed beacon, giving us direction and purpose, but constantly innovating, adapting to new realities: Roosevelt's alphabet programs ; Truman's NATO and the GI Bill of Rights ; Kennedy's intelligent tax incentives and the Alliance for Progress ; Johnson's civil rights ; Carter's human rights and the nearly miraculous Camp David Peace Accord .
50 年来了——50 年来，我们民主党人为我们的孩子创造了更美好的未来，使用传统的民主党原则作为固定的灯塔，为我们提供方向和目标，但不断创新，适应新的现实：罗斯福的字母计划；杜鲁门的北约和《退伍军人权利法案》；肯尼迪明智的税收激励措施和进步联盟；约翰逊的公民权利；卡特的人权和近乎奇迹的戴维营和平协议。
Democrats did it -- Democrats did it and Democrats can do it again.
民主党做到了——民主党做到了，民主党可以再做一次。
We can build a future that deals with our deficit.
我们可以建设一个解决赤字问题的未来。
Remember this, that 50 years of progress under our principles never cost us what the last four years of stagnation have.
请记住，在我们的原则下 50 年的进步从来没有让我们付出像过去四年的停滞那样的代价。
And we can deal with the deficit intelligently, by shared sacrifice, with all parts of the nation's family contributing, building partnerships with the private sector, providing a sound defense without depriving ourselves of what we need to feed our children and care for our people.
我们可以明智地应对赤字，通过共同牺牲，全国家庭的各个部分都做出贡献，与私营部门建立伙伴关系，提供健全的防御，同时又不剥夺我们养活孩子和照顾人民所需的东西。
We can have a future that provides for all the young of the present, by marrying common sense and compassion.
通过结合常识和同情心，我们可以拥有一个为现在所有年轻人提供服务的未来。
We know we can, because we did it for nearly 50 years before 1980.
我们知道我们可以，因为在 1980 年之前我们已经这样做了近 50 年。
And we can do it again, if we do not forget -- if we do not forget that this entire nation has profited by these progressive principles; that they helped lift up generations to the middle class and higher; that they gave us a chance to work, to go to college, to raise a family, to own a house, to be secure in our old age and, before that, to reach heights that our own parents would not have dared dream of.
如果我们不忘记，如果我们不忘记整个国家都从这些进步原则中受益，我们就能再次做到这一点；他们帮助几代人跻身中产阶级及更高阶层；他们给了我们工作的机会，上大学的机会，养家糊口的机会，拥有房子的机会，晚年安稳的生活，以及在此之前达到我们父母不敢梦想的高度的机会。
That struggle to live with dignity is the real story of the shining city.
为有尊严地生活而奋斗，是这座闪亮之城的真实故事。
And it's a story, ladies and gentlemen, that I didn't read in a book, or learn in a classroom.
女士们先生们，这是一个我没有在书上读过或在课堂上学过的故事。
I saw it and lived it, like many of you.
像你们中的许多人一样，我看到了它并经历了它。
I watched a small man with thick calluses on both his hands work 15 and 16 hours a day.
我看到一个双手长满厚厚老茧的小个子男人每天工作15、16个小时。
I saw him once literally bleed from the bottoms of his feet, a man who came here uneducated, alone, unable to speak the language, who taught me all I needed to know about faith and hard work by the simple eloquence of his example.
我曾经看到他的脚底流着血，一个没有受过教育、孤身一人、不会说当地语言的人来到这里，他通过他简单的口才，教会了我关于信仰和努力工作的一切。
I learned about our kind of democracy from my father.
我从父亲那里了解到了我们的民主制度。
And I learned about our obligation to each other from him and from my mother.
我从他和我母亲那里了解到我们对彼此的义务。
They asked only for a chance to work and to make the world better for their children, and they -- they asked to be protected in those moments when they would not be able to protect themselves.
他们只要求有一个工作机会，为他们的孩子创造一个更美好的世界，他们要求在他们无法保护自己的时刻得到保护。
This nation and this nation's government did that for them.
这个国家和这个国家的政府为他们做到了这一点。
And that they were able to build a family and live in dignity and see one of their children go from behind their little grocery store in South Jamaica on the other side of the tracks where he was born, to occupy the highest seat, in the greatest State, in the greatest nation, in the only world we would know, is an ineffably beautiful tribute to the democratic process.
他们能够建立一个家庭，过上有尊严的生活，并看到他们的一个孩子从他出生的铁轨另一侧牙买加南部的小杂货店后面走出来，在最伟大的国家、最伟大的民族、我们所知道的唯一世界中占据最高席位，这是对民主进程的不可言喻的美丽致敬。
And -- And ladies and gentlemen, on January 20, 1985, it will happen again -- only on a much, much grander scale.
而且——女士们先生们，1985 年 1 月 20 日，这种情况将会再次发生——只是规模要大得多。
We will have a new President of the United States, a Democrat born not to the blood of kings but to the blood of pioneers and immigrants.
我们将迎来一位新的美国总统，一位出生于拓荒者和移民血统而非国王血统的民主党人。
And we will have America's first woman Vice President , the child of immigrants, and she -- she -- she will open with one magnificent stroke, a whole new frontier for the United States.
我们将迎来美国第一位女副总统，她是移民的孩子，而她——她——她将以华丽的一笔，为美国开辟一个全新的疆域。
Now, it will happen.
现在，它将会发生。
It will happen if we make it happen; if you and I make it happen.
如果我们让它发生，它就会发生；如果你和我能做到的话。
And I ask you now, ladies and gentlemen, brothers and sisters, for the good of all of us, for the love of this great nation, for the family of America, for the love of God: Please, make this nation remember how futures are built.
女士们、先生们、兄弟姐妹们，我现在请求你们，为了我们所有人的利益，为了对这个伟大国家的爱，为了美国家庭，为了上帝的爱：请让这个国家记住未来是如何构建的。
Book/CDs by Michael E.
Michael E. 的书籍/CD
Eidenmuller, Published by McGraw-Hill (2008)
艾登米勒 (Eidenmuller)，麦格劳-希尔 (McGraw-Hill) 出版 (2008)
Also in this database : Jesse Jackson's 1984 Democratic National Convention Address
此数据库中还有：杰西·杰克逊 (Jesse Jackson) 1984 年民主党全国代表大会演讲
Page Updated : 11/1/24 U.S. Copyright Status : Text = Restricted.
页面更新：24 年 11 月 1 日美国版权状态：文本 = 受限。
Audio = Uncertain.
音频 = 不确定。
� Copyright 2001-Present.
� 版权所有 2001 年至今。
American Rhetoric.
美国修辞学。
HTML transcription by Michael E.
HTML 转录由 Michael E.
Eidenmuller.
艾登米勒。