Statement at the Smith Act Trial -- Elizabeth Gurley Flynn
Your Honor, ladies and gentlemen, my name is Elizabeth Gurley Flynn.
尊敬的法官阁下，女士们、先生们，我的名字是伊丽莎白·格利·弗林。
I am a defendant in this case, acting as my own attorney, and therefore have the opportunity to address you directly.
我是本案的被告，作为我自己的律师，因此有机会直接向您讲话。
It is unusual for a defendant to represent ones self, but my comrade, Mr. Pettis Perry and I have elected to do so.
被告代表自己的情况并不常见，但我和我的战友佩蒂斯·佩里先生和我选择这样做。
Neither of us is a lawyer.
我们都不是律师。
We will speak to you in the language of laymen and women, I should say.
我应该说，我们会用外行和女性的语言与你们交谈。
We are both Communist leaders, proudly and avowedly.
我们都是共产党领导人，我们自豪地、公开地宣称。
We are qualified to explain to you what the Communist Party of the U.S.A.
我们有资格给你解释一下美国共产党的所作所为。
really stands for, what it advocates, what its day-by-day activities are, and what are its ultimate aims.
它真正代表什么，它提倡什么，它的日常活动是什么，它的最终目标是什么。
We will try to do so in simple, non-technical language.
我们将尝试用简单的非技术语言来做到这一点。
We will prove to you that we are not a criminal conspiracy but a 33-year-old working class political party, devoted to the immediate needs and aspirations of the American people, to the advancement of the workers, farmers and the Negro people, to the preservation of the democracy and culture, and to the advocacy of Socialism.
我们将向你们证明，我们不是一个犯罪阴谋，而是一个拥有33年历史的工人阶级政党，致力于美国人民的迫切需要和愿望，致力于工人、农民和黑人的进步，致力于维护民主和文化，并倡导社会主义。
Our ideas may be new and strange to you.
我们的想法对您来说可能是新的和陌生的。
Probably you have never seen or met a Communist before.
也许你以前从未见过或见过共产党员。
We dont ask you to agree with us but to listen with an open mind and not to accept as gospel truth the sensational tales of stool-pigeons and planted agents who will be the Governments chief, if not sole, witnesses.
我们并不要求你们同意我们的观点，而是要以开放的心态倾听，不要把那些关于大便鸽子和安插特工的耸人听闻的故事当作真理来接受，他们将成为政府的主要证人，甚至是唯一的证人。
Centuries ago, Judas became the symbol of such infamy, a forerunner of those who join a group of sincere and honest people, advocate its teachings, carry out its practices only to betray it.
几个世纪前，犹大成为这种耻辱的象征，他是那些加入一群真诚和诚实的人、宣扬其教义、实行其做法却背叛它的人的先驱。
We will prove to you that we who stand ready to make extreme sacrifices for what we believe, are giving you a true picture of the purposes of the Communist Party.
我们将向你们证明，我们这些随时准备为我们的信仰做出极端牺牲的人，正在向你们展示共产党的宗旨的真实画面。
It is customary for a client to be introduced to the jury by his or her attorney.
按照惯例，委托人由其律师介绍给陪审团。
I am my own attorney.
我是我自己的律师。
I must therefore, introduce myself.
因此我必须自我介绍一下。
I am an American of Irish decent.
我是爱尔兰裔美国人。
My father, Thomas Flynn, was born in Maine.
我的父亲托马斯·弗林出生于缅因州。
My mother, Anne Gurley, was born in Galway, Ireland.
我的母亲安妮·格利出生于爱尔兰戈尔韦。
I was born in Concord, New Hampshire, 62 years ago.
62 年前，我出生在新罕布什尔州康科德。
I married in 1908, separated from my husband shortly thereafter, and have always used my own name.
我于 1908 年结婚，不久就与丈夫分居，并且一直使用我自己的名字。
My only son, Fred, died in 1940 at the age of 29 from a chest cancer.
我唯一的儿子 Fred 于 1940 年因胸部癌症去世，享年 29 岁。
I reside with my sister, who is a retired school teacher.
我和姐姐住在一起，她是一名退休学校老师。
We have lived in New York City for the past 52 years.
过去 52 年来我们一直住在纽约市。
My mother was a skilled tailoress; my father a quarry worker who worked his way through the engineering school at Dartmouth College in New Hampshire.
我的母亲是一位熟练的裁缝；我的父亲是一名采石场工人，他通过自己的努力在新罕布什尔州达特茅斯学院的工程学院学习。
My father, grandfather, and all my uncles were members of labor unions.
我的父亲、祖父和所有叔叔都是工会成员。
To continue, ladies and gentlemen, one of the essential issues in this case is my individual intent, the intent with which I joined the Communist Party and have remained a member of it, and the intent with which I have tried to carry out its program.
继续说下去，女士们、先生们，本案的一个重要问题是我的个人意图，我加入共产党并继续作为党员的意图，以及我试图执行其纲领的意图。
My intent has been shaped out of my earlier experiences and my reaction to the conditions of life, especially the conditions of the worker.
我的意图是根据我早期的经历和我对生活条件（尤其是工人的条件）的反应而形成的。
By showing you what my intent is and what in my life shaped the intent, I shall show you that never have I, and not now do I, intend to advocate the overthrow of government by force and violence, nor do I intend to bring about such overthrow.
通过向你们展示我的意图是什么，以及我一生中是什么塑造了这个意图，我将向你们表明，我从来没有，现在也没有，打算提倡用武力和暴力推翻政府，我也不打算实现这种推翻。
I come from a family whose day-by-day diet included important social issues of the day, and form this I early learned to question things as they are and to seek improvements.
我来自一个家庭，他们的日常饮食包括当今重要的社会问题，从这个家庭开始，我很早就学会了质疑事物的本来面目并寻求改进。
Thus, my mother advocated Womens Suffrage, and my father and mother --
因此，我的母亲主张妇女选举权，而我的父亲和母亲——
-- and my father and mother discussed with their children the campaigns of Debs, the Socialist candidate for President.
——我的父母与他们的孩子讨论了社会党总统候选人德布斯的竞选活动。
My father read aloud to me and to my brother and sisters such books as the Communist Manifesto and other writings of Marx and Engels, which the Government will use as evidence in this trial.
我父亲向我和我的兄弟姐妹大声朗读《共产党宣言》和马克思、恩格斯的其他著作等书籍，政府将在这次审判中将其用作证据。
I was a serious child, due probably to these childish impressions which are background to my affiliation in my extreme youth with the Socialist movement and in my mature years with the Communist Party.
我是一个严肃的孩子，可能是因为这些幼稚的印象，这些印象成为我在青年时期加入社会主义运动和在成熟时期加入共产党的背景。
Times were hard.
日子过得很艰难。
We were poor.
我们很穷。
My first experience with discrimination was in Manchester, New Hampshire, when my father ran for city engineer about 1895.
我第一次经历歧视是在新罕布什尔州曼彻斯特，当时我父亲大约在 1895 年竞选城市工程师。
I heard it said he was defeated because he was Irish.
我听说他被击败是因为他是爱尔兰人。
He was very bitter on this subject and told us of signs on factories when he was a boy, No Irish need apply.
他在这个问题上非常痛苦，并告诉我们他小时候工厂里有这样的标语：“爱尔兰人无需申请。”
Our parents opposed all forms of national, religious or color discrimination, which we will prove is identical with the position of the Communist Party today and form the basis of the position I take today in the Communist Party.
我们的父母反对一切形式的民族、宗教或肤色歧视，我们将证明这与今天共产党的立场是一致的，并构成我今天在共产党中所采取立场的基础。
My first knowledge of the meaning of imperialism, which will be an issue in this case, was a vivid recollection of my fathers opposition to the Spanish-American War and his insistence on the right of the Cuban and Philippine peoples to their independence.
我对帝国主义含义的最初了解（在本例中将成为一个问题）是对我父亲反对美西战争以及他坚持古巴和菲律宾人民独立权利的生动回忆。
He joined an anti-imperialist league to protest against our country embarking on the evil path of imperialism, which we will prove began at that time.
他加入了反帝联盟，抗议我国走上帝国主义的邪恶道路，我们将证明这条道路就是从那时开始的。
The conditions in the textile towns of New Hampshire and Massachusetts contributed to my later joining the Communist Party, which, as Mr. Lane says, concentrates on the recruiting of workers in industry: huge gray mills, like prisons, barrack-like company boarding houses, long hours, low wages, long periods of slack; the prosperous owner lived in the center of Adams, Massachusetts, and rode around in his fine carriage with its beautiful horses.
新罕布什尔州和马萨诸塞州纺织城镇的条件促成了我后来加入共产党，正如莱恩先生所说，共产党的重点是在工业中招募工人：巨大的灰色工厂，像监狱一样，像兵营一样的公司宿舍，工作时间长，工资低，长期处于闲置状态；这位富有的主人住在马萨诸塞州亚当斯的中心，骑着他的精美马车和漂亮的马到处走走。
I saw lard instead of butter on neighbors tables, children without underwear in cold New England winters, a girl scalped by an unguarded machine in a mill across the street from our school.
我看到邻居们的桌子上放着猪油而不是黄油，新英格兰寒冷的冬天里孩子们没有穿内衣，学校对面的一家磨坊里一个女孩被一台无人看管的机器剥了皮。
I saw an old man weeping as they put him in the lockup as a tramp.
我看到一个老人在被当作流浪汉关进看守所时哭泣。
Then we came to live in the drab South Bronx, near the New Haven Railroads roundhouse, in a cold water, unheated, gas lit flat.
然后我们来到了单调的南布朗克斯，靠近纽黑文铁路的圆屋，住在一个冷水、没有暖气、煤气点燃的公寓里。
Casualties and accidents were high among the railroad workers.
铁路工人的伤亡和事故很高。
Children were maimed as they gathered coal in the yards in bad times.
天气不好时，孩子们在院子里捡煤时受伤。
My mother helped women in the neighborhood who could not afford a doctor when a baby came.
当孩子出生时，我母亲帮助了附近买不起医生的妇女。
Yes, I was greatly troubled by all this.
是的，我对这一切感到非常困扰。
Why did good hard-working people suffer so?
为什么那些努力工作的好人却遭受如此苦难？
Why were men who were willing, able, and anxious to work, denied jobs?
为什么愿意、有能力、渴望工作的男性却被拒绝工作？
Why was there so much unemployment?
为什么失业率如此之高？
Why were there rich people who apparently did little but enjoyed life?
为什么有的富人表面上几乎没有做什么，但却享受生活？
I hated poverty.
我讨厌贫穷。
I saw my mother humiliated when unpaid grocery bills could not be met and the landlord stood at the door demanding his rent.
我看到我的母亲因无法支付未付的杂货账单而房东站在门口索要租金而感到羞辱。
I joined a debating society in P.S.
我加入了 P.S. 的辩论社。
9 in the lower Bronx.
9 位于下布朗克斯。
I won a medal in a debate on the subject, Should the Government own the mines? I said, Yes, it should.
我在一场关于“政府应该拥有这些矿山吗？”这一主题的辩论中赢得了一枚奖牌，我说：“是的，它应该拥有。”
This was during the great anthracite coal strike in 1902.
那是 1902 年无烟煤大罢工期间。
I attended Bronx Socialist meeting in 1905; later at the Harlem Socialist Club at 125th Street.
1905 年我参加了布朗克斯社会主义者会议；后来在 125 街的哈莱姆社会主义俱乐部。
My speaking career started in 1906 on the ambitious subject of women under socialism.
我的演讲生涯始于 1906 年，主题是社会主义下的妇女这个雄心勃勃的话题。
Naturally, I drew heavily on authors, American women, like Charlotte Petingill and Susan B.
当然，我大量借鉴了作家、美国女性的作品，比如夏洛特·佩廷吉尔 (Charlotte Petingill) 和苏珊·B.
Anthony, also on a book written in 1872 by Augustus Bebel, a Socialist member of the German Reichstag, written while he was in prison under Bismarcks anti-Socialist law.
安东尼，也是德国国会社会党议员奥古斯都倍倍尔于 1872 年写的一本书，该书是他在俾斯麦的反社会主义法律下入狱时写的。
It was first published here by the Socialist Labor Party in 1904.
它于 1904 年由社会党工党首次在这里出版。
I am puzzled to see it on the Governments list of documents.
我很困惑地看到它出现在政府的文件清单上。
What relation it has to this indictment is hard to fathom, unless to advocate the full political, economic, and social emancipation of women has become a form of advocacy of the overthrow of government by force and violence under the Governments interpretation of the Smith Act .
它与这份起诉书有什么关系很难理解，除非根据政府对《史密斯法案》的解释，主张妇女的全面政治、经济和社会解放已成为鼓吹以武力和暴力推翻政府的一种形式。
But if this historic and economic study, which is very much out of date today, is to be finely tooth-combed for sentences which torn out of context can distort its meaning, this, we will prove, can be done to any book, no matter what its purpose, even to the Bible, Shakespeare, or Grays Anatomy.
但是，如果这项在今天已经过时的历史和经济研究要仔细梳理断章取义的句子，可能会扭曲其含义，那么我们将证明，这可以对任何书籍进行，无论其目的是什么，甚至可以对《圣经》、莎士比亚或格雷的解剖学进行。
My youthful ambition, believe it or not, was to be a constitutional lawyer.
不管你信不信，我年轻时的志向是成为一名宪法律师。
Instead, I became a labor organizer.
相反，我成为了一名劳工组织者。
Then it was call an agitator, or, by the press, one who stirred up the people.
然后，它被称为煽动者，或者被媒体称为煽动人民的人。
I was determined to do something about the bad conditions under which our family and all around us suffered.
我决心为我们的家人和周围的人所遭受的恶劣条件做点什么。
I have stuck to that purpose for 46 years.
46年来我一直坚持这个目标。
I consider in so doing I have been a good American.
我认为这样做我是一个好美国人。
I have spent my life among the American workers all over this country, slept in their homes, eaten at their tables.
我一生都在全国各地的美国工人中间度过，睡在他们的家里，吃在他们的餐桌上。
They are the majority of the people who have the inalienable right in our view to govern the country.
他们是我们认为拥有不可剥夺的治理国家权利的大多数人民。
We mean by workers, all who do useful work of hand or brain.
我们所说的工人是指所有从事有用的手工或脑力劳动的人。
My life work began when I joined the I.W.W., Industrial Workers of the World, in 1906, a pioneer in industrial unions which flashed like a great comet across the horizon of the American labor movement for nearly two decades.
我一生的工作始于 1906 年我加入 I.W.W.（世界产业工人协会），它是产业工会的先驱，它像一颗伟大的彗星在美国劳工运动的地平线上闪烁了近二十年。
I returned as an I.W.W.
我作为 I.W.W. 回来了。
organizer in 1912 to New England, my birthplace, where the I.W.W.
1912 年，我的组织者来到了我的出生地新英格兰，I.W.W. 在那里。
led historical textile strikes in Lawrence, Lowell, and New Bedford, Massachusetts.
领导了马萨诸塞州劳伦斯、洛厄尔和新贝德福德的历史性纺织罢工。
The strikes were unorganized, largely foreign-born men and women whose wages were cut when their hours were reduced by Massachusetts law.
罢工是无组织的，主要是外国出生的男女，他们的工资因马萨诸塞州法律减少工作时间而被削减。
In 1913 I was a leader in the Paterson, New Jersey silk strike; in 1916, in a strike of the iron ore miners on the Mesaba range in Minnesota, where the mines are owned by the U.S. Street trust, I will attempt to prove to you that it is not the Communists who advocate and use force and violence.
1913 年，我是新泽西州帕特森丝绸罢工的领导者； 1916年，在明尼苏达州梅萨巴山脉（该矿场归美国街道信托公司所有）的铁矿石矿工罢工中，我将试图向你们证明，鼓吹和使用武力和暴力的不是共产党人。
I saw it used in all of these labor struggles, not by the workers but by police, company guards and State militia.
我看到它被用在所有这些劳工斗争中，不是被工人使用，而是被警察、公司警卫和国家民兵使用。
I saw workers clubbed, beaten and shot down.
我看到工人遭到棍棒、殴打和枪杀。
I spoke --
我说话了——
My travels as a Communist speaker have taken me all over the country.
作为一名共产主义演讲家，我的旅行足迹遍及全国。
I saw the fruits of a lawless, aggressive, brutal and ruthless capitalism which garnered profits for a few at the expense of the many.
我看到了无法无天、咄咄逼人、残酷无情的资本主义的果实，它以牺牲大多数人的利益为代价为少数人谋取利润。
Our country is a rich and beautiful country, fully capable of producing plenty for all, educating its youth and caring for its aged.
我国是一个富饶美丽的国家，完全有能力富足、教育青年、养老。
We believe it could do this under Socialism.
我们相信在社会主义下它可以做到这一点。
I saw great forests cut down and the denuded land left with blackened stumps; miles of top soil blown and washed away, and fertile fields became like a desert.
我看到大片森林被砍伐，光秃秃的土地上留下了黑色的树桩。数英里的表层土壤被风吹走，被冲走，肥沃的田地变得像沙漠一样。
I have seen textile workers who wove beautiful woolen fabrics shivering for lack of warm clothing, and coal miners living in cold shacks in company towns, and steel towns that were armed camps.
我见过织造漂亮毛织物的纺织工人因缺乏保暖衣物而瑟瑟发抖，也见过煤矿工人住在公司城镇的冰冷棚屋里，见过钢铁城镇变成了武装营地。
I saw men black-listed, driven from town to town, forced to change their names because they had dared to try to organize a union.
我看到一些人被列入黑名单，从一个城镇赶到另一个城镇，被迫改变名字，因为他们敢于尝试组织工会。
We will prove to you that it is not the Communists who have advocated or practiced force and violence but that it is the employing class which has done both throughout the history of my life in the American labor movement, like General Sherman Bell who said in Colorado during a miners strike To Hell with habeas corpus; well give them post-mortems.
我们将向你们证明，不是共产党人鼓吹或实行武力和暴力，而是雇佣阶级在我一生的美国劳工运动历史中一直在这样做，就像谢尔曼·贝尔将军在科罗拉多州的一次矿工罢工中所说的“人身保护令下地狱吧”；我们将对他们进行尸检。
-- We will prove to you that it is nor we who flaunt the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, but that is has always been done by the employing class.
——我们会向你们证明，炫耀宪法和人权法案的不是我们，而是雇佣阶级一直在做的事。
We will prove that we are fighting here for our constitutional and democratic rights, not to advocate force and violence, but to expose and stop its use against the people.
我们将证明，我们在这里为我们的宪法和民主权利而战，不是为了鼓吹武力和暴力，而是为了揭露和制止对人民的使用。
We will demonstrate that in fighting for our rights, we believe we are defending the constitutional rights of all Americans.
我们将证明，在争取我们的权利的过程中，我们相信我们正在捍卫所有美国人的宪法权利。
We believe we are acting as good Americans.
我们相信我们正在表现得像好美国人。
Since six out of eleven of my writings in Political Affairs listed by the Government deal with what is called defense, I will prove to you that this has been a part of my life work since 1907 before there was a Communist Party.
由于政府列出的我在政治事务方面的著作中有六篇涉及所谓的国防，因此我将向您证明，自1907年共产党出现之前以来，这一直是我一生工作的一部分。
For example, I distributed thousands of copies of a famous document in the 20s called Illegal Practices of the Department of Justice, which is not among the Governments exhibits of old-time documents, but which I would gladly offer to the jury.
例如，我分发了数千份20世纪90年代著名的文件，名为“司法部的非法行为”，该文件不属于政府展示的旧文件，但我很乐意将其提供给陪审团。
It was signed by twelve of the most prominent lawyers of that period, including Professors Frankfurter and Chafee of Harvard and Francis Fisher Kane, who resigned his post as United States Attorney in Philadelphia in protest against such proceedings.
该协议由当时 12 名最杰出的律师签署，其中包括哈佛大学的法兰克福教授和查菲教授以及弗朗西斯·费舍尔·凯恩（Francis Fisher Kane），后者辞去费城联邦检察官职务以抗议此类程序。
I early engaged in struggles to win free speech on the streets and in halls.
我很早就参与了在街头和大厅里争取言论自由的斗争。
This early identification with civil liberties led to my becoming a charter member of the American Civil liberties Union in 1917, and later the organizer of the Workers Defense Union, a delegate body from unions and fraternal organizations which furnished legal defense in political and labor prosecutions.
这种对公民自由的早期认同使我于 1917 年成为美国公民自由联盟的创始成员，后来又成为工人保卫联盟的组织者，这是一个来自工会和兄弟组织的代表机构，为政治和劳工起诉提供法律辩护。
We had plenty to do during the infamous 1920 Palmer Red Raids.
在臭名昭著的 1920 年 Palmer Red Raids 期间，我们有很多事情要做。
We defended Socialist: I defended Socialists --
我们捍卫社会主义者：我捍卫社会主义者——
-- I worked for seven years in the unsuccessful struggles to save the lives of Sacco and Vanzetti.
——我为拯救萨科和万泽蒂的生命而奋斗了七年，但没有成功。
In the Governments list of exhibits is an article I wrote in August, 1947 entitled Sacco and Vanzetti -- Twenty Years After, in which I pointed out the worldwide belief in their innocence.
在政府的证物清单中，有一篇我于 1947 年 8 月写的文章，题为“萨科和凡泽蒂——二十年后”，我在文中指出了全世界对他们无罪的信念。
Now I will show how and why I left the I.W.W.
现在我将展示我如何以及为何离开 I.W.W.
and joined the Communist Party.
并加入了共产党。
This bears directly on the issue of forcible overthrow of the government that Mr. Lane spoke to you about this morning.
这直接关系到莱恩先生今天早上向大家谈到的强行推翻政府的问题。
After careful reflection, it became clear to me that the I.W.W.
经过仔细思考，我清楚地认识到 I.W.W.
was an anarcho-syndicalist organization.
是一个无政府工团主义组织。
The I.W.W.
I.W.W.
wanted to bring Socialism within Capitalism and then break through the shell of Capitalism by the general strike and the seizing and possession of industry.
想要把社会主义带入资本主义，然后通过总罢工和夺取和占有工业来冲破资本主义的外壳。
Now, it was precisely this position that I rejected.
现在，我所拒绝的正是这个立场。
I came to the conclusion that Socialism could be achieved, not by one splurge of violence, but by the persistent political activities of the workers and the people.
我得出的结论是，社会主义的实现不是靠一次挥霍的暴力，而是靠工人和人民坚持不懈的政治活动。
And so in order to participate in political activities in the effort to achieve Socialism, I joined the Communist Party.
于是，为了参加政治活动，为实现社会主义而努力，我加入了共产党。
In doing this, I got back into the labor movement and stopped being what I then had decided was anarchistic.
在这样做的过程中，我重新投入了劳工运动，不再是我当时认为的无政府主义者。
As to the origin of the Communist Party, we will show here that there developed within the Socialist Party an organized Left-wing movement until, by 1919, it was the majority of that party.
至于共产党的起源，我们将在这里表明，社会党内部发展了一场有组织的左翼运动，直到 1919 年，左翼运动占据了该党的多数。
At the Chicago convention of the Socialist Party a split occurred.
在社会党芝加哥代表大会上，社会党发生了分裂。
The Left wing, ejected by the police, reorganized as the Communist Party.
被警察驱逐的左翼改组为共产党。
The Left wing was the majority of the old Socialist Party.
左翼是旧社会党的多数。
All of my Socialist friends and associates were Left-wingers.
我所有的社会主义朋友和同事都是左翼分子。
I was in great sympathy with them.
我非常同情他们。
By 1926, I had become convinced that the Communist Party was the logical inheritor of all the best traditions, history and struggles of the older Socialist movement and of the I.W.W., too.
到 1926 年，我开始相信，共产党也是旧社会主义运动和 IWW 的所有最佳传统、历史和斗争的逻辑继承者。
I was ready to join the party and gave an application to Charles Ruthenberg, then the secretary of the Communist Party, in 1926.
1926年，我准备入党，并向时任共产党书记的查尔斯·鲁滕伯格提出了入党申请。
Due to his sudden death a few weeks later during the most critical period of my own illness, that application was apparently lost.
由于几周后他在我病情最严重的时期突然去世，该申请显然已丢失。
Anyhow, it was never presented to the Party.
无论如何，它从未提交给党。
I was ill of heart trouble in Portland, Oregon, at that time.
当时我在俄勒冈州波特兰市患有心脏病。
While there, I was in constant touch with my old friends, Ella Reeve Bloor and Anita Whitney of California, both Communist leaders.
在那里，我与我的老朋友、加利福尼亚州的艾拉·里夫·布鲁尔和安妮塔·惠特尼保持着经常的联系，他们都是共产党领导人。
Naturally, my heart and mind, although I was ill, were deeply involved in the current political problems of the people, the menace of Fascism in Europe, the great struggles of the unemployment led by Communists Foster, Amter, Minor, Dennis and others, and later the new unions which were present during the New Deal of President Roosevelt.
当然，虽然我病了，但我的心和思想却深深地卷入了当前人民的政治问题，欧洲法西斯主义的威胁，共产党人福斯特、阿姆特、米诺、丹尼斯等人领导的失业斗争，以及后来罗斯福总统新政期间出现的新工会。
Miss Whitney brought me a Daily Worker in the fall of 1935 with a speech by George Dimitroff, called The United Front Against War and Fascism, which the Government has stated it intends offering in evidence.
1935 年秋天，惠特尼小姐给我带来了《工人日报》，其中刊登了乔治·迪米特罗夫的演讲，题为“反对战争和法西斯主义的统一战线”，政府表示打算提供这一演讲作为证据。
This speech made a deep impression on me.
这次演讲给我留下了深刻的印象。
We will show the character of Communist work in the struggle against fascism in answer to this clarion call of Dimitroff, who died in 1949 as premier of his country.
我们将展示共产主义工作在反法西斯斗争中的特点，以回应迪米特罗夫的号角，迪米特罗夫于 1949 年作为国家总理去世。
We will show the background of this speech, which is essential in order for you to understand its meaning and the intent with which I then joined the Communist Party.
我们给大家介绍一下这次演讲的背景，这对于大家理解演讲的意义以及我当时加入共产党的初衷是非常重要的。
This was the time of the rise of fascism, which we will show seemed very remote to most people in our country in the 30s.
这是法西斯主义兴起的时代，我们将展示法西斯主义对于我们国家的大多数三十年代的人来说似乎非常遥远。
People laughed at Hitler and Mussolini as demagogues and mountebanks, but it caused great concern to the peoples of Europe, especially to the Communists in those countries directly affected or threatened.
人们嘲笑希特勒和墨索里尼是煽动者和江湖骗子，但这引起了欧洲人民，特别是那些直接受到影响或受到威胁的国家的共产党人的极大关注。
George Dimitroff was a Bulgarian Communist who had been in exile in Germany and while there was framed in the infamous Reichstag fire case.
乔治·迪米特罗夫是一名保加利亚共产党人，曾流亡德国，并在臭名昭著的德国国会大厦纵火案中遭到陷害。
Dimitroff was freed.
季米特洛夫被释放。
He took refuge in the Soviet Union, where he delivered this speech in 1935 at the Congress of the Communist International.
他避难到苏联，并于 1935 年在苏联共产国际代表大会上发表了这篇讲话。
It is an eloquent and dramatic appeal to fight fascism, which he describes as the most vicious enemy of mankind.
这是对抗法西斯主义的雄辩和戏剧性的呼吁，他将法西斯主义描述为人类最恶毒的敌人。
It is addressed to Communists especially and other progressive people elsewhere, to put aside all immediate partisan or sectarian interest or differences or ultimate political aims to unite to stop fascism.
它特别针对共产党人和其他地方的进步人士，要求抛开所有直接的党派或宗派利益或分歧或最终的政治目标，团结起来制止法西斯主义。
We will prove that this is what is meant by united front. This policy brought Communists together with all other honest and patriotic people who were determined to save their country from the ravages of fascism.
我们将证明，这就是“统一战线”的含义。这项政策将共产党人和所有其他决心拯救自己的国家免遭法西斯主义蹂躏的诚实爱国人民团结在一起。
We will show that Hank Forbes, one of our party organizers who might otherwise be here as a defendant, lost his life at the Anzio Beachhead in pursuance of that policy, as did hundreds of American Communists in World War II.
我们将展示汉克·福布斯（Hank Forbes），我们的政党组织者之一，否则他可能会作为被告来到这里，为执行这一政策而在安齐奥滩头阵地丧生，就像二战中数百名美国共产党人一样。
I resolved when I read this powerful appeal, Here is where I belong.
当我读到这个强有力的呼吁时，我下定决心：“这里就是我所属的地方。”
As soon as I am well I will again apply to join the Communist Party. I did so.
等我身体好了，我会再次申请加入共产党。我就这么做了。
William Z.
威廉·Z.
Foster, whom I first met in 1909 in the I.W.W., and Ella Reeve Bloor, whom I knew from the old Socialist Party, presented my application in the winter of 1936 and 1937.
我于 1909 年在 I.W.W. 第一次见到福斯特，以及我在旧社会党认识的埃拉·里夫·布洛尔 (Ella Reeve Bloor)，他们分别于 1936 年和 1937 年冬天提交了我的申请。
It was accepted and publicly announced in the press.
它被接受并在媒体上公开宣布。
In my extreme youth I had affiliated myself with the nonpolitical I.W.W.; in my maturity I came back into the working class political movement of socialism.
在我极其年轻的时候，我曾加入过非政治性的 I.W.W.。当我成熟时，我又回到了社会主义的工人阶级政治运动中。
This may seem a very lengthy introduction, but I have tried to draw conclusions from my biography on the issues in this case.
这似乎是一个非常冗长的介绍，但我试图从我的传记中就本案的问题得出结论。
I did not intend it to be personal, but and explanation of how and why I became a Communist.
我并不是想针对个人，而是解释我如何以及为何成为一名共产党员。
And I am an example, not and exception.
我就是一个例子，而不是例外。
Now, as to my official position in the Communist Party, which I gladly and proudly acknowledge -- they are a matter of public record: in 1938 I became and am today a member of the National Committee of the Communist Party.
现在，至于我在共产党中的正式地位，我很高兴并自豪地承认这一点，这是一个公开记录的问题：1938年，我成为并且今天仍然是共产党全国委员会的成员。
The National Committee was reduced in 1948 to 13.
1948年全国委员会减少到13个。
The other 12 members are William Z.
其他 12 名成员是 William Z.
Foster, our chairman, who has been seriously ill for several years, and my dear comrades, the 11 Communist leaders convicted under the Smith Act, which they challenged as unconstitutional.
福斯特，我们的主席，已经病重好几年了，还有我亲爱的同志们，还有根据《史密斯法案》被定罪的 11 名共产党领导人，他们质疑该法案违宪。
I have also been chairman of the Womens Committee of the Communist Party since 1945, which the evidence will show carries on struggle for equal rights for women in shops, unions, and all organizations, even including our own party when necessary.
自 1945 年以来，我一直担任共产党妇女委员会主席，有证据表明，该党在商店、工会和所有组织（必要时甚至包括我们自己的政党）中为妇女的平等权利而进行斗争。
My comrade, Claudia Jones, a defendant here, is the executive secretary.
我的同志克劳迪娅·琼斯（Claudia Jones）是这里的被告，也是执行秘书。
We have worked together, spoken together, written, and helped organize women for full equality, both politically and economically, for the building of movements for peace, consumers councils, parent-teachers organizations, and similar organizations, for the unity of Negro and white women, and to overcome the exploitation of Negro women as workers, as women, as Negroes.
我们共同努力、共同发言、共同写作，帮助组织妇女在政治和经济上实现完全平等，建立和平运动、消费者委员会、家长教师组织和类似组织，争取黑人和白人妇女的团结，并克服对黑人妇女作为工人、妇女和黑人的剥削。
Many articles which both of us have written on these subjects are featured in the Governments list of exhibits.
我们两人就这些主题撰写的许多文章都出现在政府的展品清单中。
We will demonstrate to you how constructive and beneficial is the nature of our work among women, inspiring them to greater self-confidence, greater comradeship with one another, greater participation in public affairs.
我们将向您展示我们在妇女中所做的工作具有多么建设性和有益的性质，激励她们增强自信、增进彼此之间的友谊、更多地参与公共事务。
The evidence will show further that we have urged the organization of women for political activity, not only on Election Day, but the year around, in hearings, delegations, petitions and statements to all legislative and public bodies on such issues as child care, better schools, better housing, a better standard of living, etc.
证据将进一步表明，我们不仅在选举日，而且在全年，通过听证会、代表团、请愿书以及向所有立法和公共机构就儿童保育、更好的学校、更好的住房、更好的生活水平等问题向所有立法和公共机构发表声明，敦促妇女组织政治活动。
We have written of the history of the womens movement in our country, where every right we now enjoy has been won only by organized struggle -- the right of women to vote, to serve on juries, protective labor legislation for women workers, mothers pensions, and so forth.
我们已经写过我国妇女运动的历史，我们现在享有的每一项权利都是通过有组织的斗争赢得的——妇女投票权、担任陪审员的权利、保护女工的劳动立法、母亲的养老金等等。
We have directed our sharpest criticism to the virtual disfranchisement of the southern Negro women by force and violence and through the pool tax, discrimination against women in factories, lack of upbringing, etc.
我们最尖锐的批评是通过武力和暴力以及集体税、工厂对妇女的歧视、缺乏教养等方式实际上剥夺了南方黑人妇女的选举权。
We have advocated socialism as a system of society best guaranteeing to women full equal rights in all spheres and insuring to them the possibility of exercising these rights.
我们提倡社会主义作为一种社会制度，能够最好地保证妇女在所有领域享有充分的平等权利，并确保她们有机会行使这些权利。
I remind you again that we are not asking you to agree with us, but will prove to you that we have not been advocating force and violence, but, rather, a peaceful, happy world.
我再次提醒大家，我们不是要求你们同意我们的观点，而是要向你们证明，我们倡导的不是武力和暴力，而是一个和平、幸福的世界。
I have also been chairman of the defense committee of the Party since 1948, when our leaders previously referred to were arrested.
自 1948 年以来，我一直担任党的国防委员会主席，当时我们前面提到的领导人被捕。
The evidence will show that our duties, my duties, were to raise funds necessary for adequate legal defense of our members who might be arrested under the Smith Act or held for deportation under the McCarran Act.
证据将表明，我们的职责，我的职责，是筹集必要的资金，为我们的成员提供充分的法律辩护，这些成员可能会根据《史密斯法案》被捕或根据《麦卡伦法案》被驱逐出境。
Individual Communists are not financially able to defend themselves.
个别共产党人在经济上没有能力保卫自己。
These duties are ours.
这些职责是我们的。
Our duties were to publicize the facts in the case, since newspaper coverage is notoriously inadequate and invariably prejudiced, to organized mass meetings, arrange tours for speakers, and generally call for public support for their defense.
我们的职责是宣传案件事实（众所周知，报纸报道不足且总是带有偏见）、组织群众集会、安排演讲者巡回演出，并普遍呼吁公众支持他们的辩护。
In addition, the Governments list of documents which they told us they would introduce in this case or indicated they would introduce in this case, makes clear to you, will make clear to you, that I am a columnist of the Daily Worker.
此外，政府的文件清单，他们告诉我们他们将在本案中引入或表明他们将在本案中引入，向你们表明，将会向你们表明，我是《工人日报》的专栏作家。
This is correct.
这是正确的。
For 15 years, form 1937 to date, I have produced at least two columns a week, besides many feature articles for the Sunday paper.
从 1937 年至今的 15 年里，除了《星期日报纸》的许多专题文章外，我每周至少撰写两篇专栏文章。
The Worker.
工人。
These are my personal columns and are not submitted to the editorial staff in advance.
这些是我的个人专栏，并没有提前提交给编辑人员。
Praise or criticism comes from the readers.
赞扬或批评都来自于读者。
Some of my columns and articles are listed by the Government as Governments exhibits, which they intend to introduce.
我的一些专栏和文章被政府列为政府展品，他们打算介绍。
If they are to prove my official position in our Party or my tours around the country or that I spoke in any specific places or that I invited people to join the Communist Party, the Government need not waste its time.
如果他们要证明我在党内的官方地位，或者我在全国各地的访问，或者我在任何特定的地方讲话，或者我邀请人们加入共产党，政府就不需要浪费时间。
I do not deny any of these things.
我不否认这些事情。
The evidence will show that I asked people to join it.
证据将表明我邀请人们加入它。
I believe in the Party to which I belong.
我相信我所属的党。
It is a legal Party in my estimation devoted to the best interest of the people, and I would not belong to it if I would hesitate to ask any honest persons to join me.
在我看来，这是一个致力于人民最大利益的合法政党，如果我犹豫邀请任何诚实的人加入我，我就不会加入它。
Hundreds did so at my invitation.
数百人应我的邀请这样做了。
I would be glad to make available to the jury at the appropriate time not just a few articles carefully culled for the Governments purposes, but all of them dealing with a vast range of subjects.
我很乐意在适当的时候向陪审团提供不仅仅是为政府目的精心挑选的几篇文章，而且所有这些文章都涉及广泛的主题。
I will prove to you thereby that there is no advocacy of force and violence in any one of them.
我将借此向你们证明，其中任何一个都没有鼓吹武力和暴力。
I have also written a dozen pamphlets during the past period covered by the indictment.
在起诉书所涵盖的过去一段时间里，我还写了十几本小册子。
One is called Stool Pigeon.
一种称为凳鸽。
Another The Plot to Gag America.
另一个堵嘴美国的阴谋。
The Government did not list them for your attention.
政府没有列出它们以供您注意。
I recommend especially that you do read one of their listed documents if and when it is presented -- the eloquent and able opening remarks of Eugene Dennis, General Secretary of the Communist Party, when he stood here, as I am standing now, defending himself before another jury.
我特别建议你一定要阅读他们列出的文件之一——共产党总书记尤金·丹尼斯雄辩而干练的开场白，当时他站在这里，就像我现在站着的那样，在另一个陪审团面前为自己辩护。
I wrote an introduction to it.
我写了一篇介绍。
It is called The Case for the Communist Party.
它被称为《共产党案》。
The Government has indicated that it intends offering it in evidence, possibly for this reason.
政府表示，可能出于这个原因，打算将其作为证据。
I am glad that the Government will make it available to you and would be happy to follow congressional example and ask that this speech of Eugene Dennis be considered an extension of my remarks.
我很高兴政府将其提供给您，并乐意效仿国会的榜样，并要求将尤金·丹尼斯的演讲视为我讲话的延伸。
I have handbills, advertisements and press clipping relative to hundreds of public mass meetings arranged by the Communist Party at which I and other defendants have spoken in the past 15 years.
我有传单、广告和新闻剪报，涉及共产党安排的数百场公开群众大会，我和其他被告在过去 15 年里曾在这些大会上发言。
We will prove that nowhere has there been any advocacy of force and violence.
我们将证明，任何地方都没有鼓吹武力和暴力的情况。
The subject matter of such meetings should interest this jury, I believe, however, as evidence of our intent.
然而，我相信，此类会议的主题应该让陪审团感兴趣，作为我们意图的证据。
Take some at random: "The Struggle Against the Taft-Hartley Law" -- "The Rights of the Negro People" --
随意取一些：“反对塔夫脱-哈特利法的斗争”——“黑人的权利”——
I and other defendants have spoken during the period covered by the indictment and previously on the radio, especially in political campaigns in support of Communist and other candidates, including Councilmen Cacchione and Davis, and for Simon W.
我和其他被告在起诉书所述期间以及之前在广播中发表过讲话，特别是在支持共产党和其他候选人的政治运动中，包括议员卡基奥内和戴维斯，以及西蒙·W·布什。
Gerson, a defendant present here, when he was a candidate after Mr. Cacchiones sudden death.
格尔森是在场的被告，当时他是卡基奥内先生突然去世后的候选人。
We will prove to you that the Communist Party, U.S.A., is not, as the indictment sets forth, a society, group or assembly of persons but is a legitimate political party.
我们将向你们证明，美国共产党并非如起诉书所述的一个社会、团体或集会，而是一个合法的政党。
It has nominated candidates for all public offices, including that of President.
它提名了所有公职的候选人，包括总统。
We will prove that defendants here on trial have been candidates and won substantially high votes -- Perry, Gerson, Begun, Johnson, Weinstone and Weinstock.
我们将证明这里受审的被告是候选人，并赢得了相当高的选票——佩里、格尔森、贝贡、约翰逊、温斯通和温斯托克。
I ran with Mr. Benjamin J.
我和Benjamin J先生一起跑步。
Davis for Congress-at-large in 1942 and we each received over 50,000 votes.
1942 年，戴维斯竞选全体国会议员，我们每人都获得了 50,000 多张选票。
Our campaign slogan or program for victory was:
我们的竞选口号或胜利纲领是：
Not an idle man.
不是一个闲人。
Not an idle machine.
不是闲置的机器。
Not an idle acre.
没有一英亩闲置。
Mr. Gerson received 150,000 votes in Brooklyn in 1948.
1948 年，格尔森先生在布鲁克林获得了 15 万张选票。
One of the defendants in the current Los Angeles Smith Act trial, a known Communist, Miss Bernadette Doyle, received over 600,000 votes for a state-wide office as a peace candidate.
目前《洛杉矶史密斯法案》审判中的被告之一、著名的共产党人伯纳黛特·多伊尔女士，作为和平候选人获得了超过 60 万张选票，被选为全州范围内的职位。
Our evidence will prove how the Communist Party operates politically.
我们的证据将证明共产党的政治运作方式。
We are a party of a new type in that we are not before the people just to capture their votes.
我们是一个新型政党，我们来到人民面前不仅仅是为了夺取他们的选票。
We will prove that we are politically active the year round.
我们将证明我们全年在政治上都很活跃。
We have attended public hearings as Communist spokesmen: for instance, I appeared with Mr. Gerson before the Senate Judiciary Committee to oppose the appointment of Tom Clarke to the Supreme Court.
我们作为共产党发言人参加了公开听证会：例如，我与格尔森先生一起出席参议院司法委员会，反对任命汤姆·克拉克为最高法院法官。
If our Party along with other minority parties were not hampered by ever-increasing electoral restrictions and barred from the ballot in some states, we believe firmly we would win many more votes and elect candidates to Congress.
如果我们党和其他少数党没有受到不断增加的选举限制的阻碍，并在某些州被禁止投票，我们坚信我们将赢得更多选票并选举国会候选人。
Communists are represented in the Parliaments of all major non-fascist countries in the world today.
当今世界所有主要非法西斯国家的议会中都有共产党人的代表。
This is the arena where political views belong, in the marketplace of public discussion, to be passed upon solely by the electorate of our country.
这是政治观点所属的舞台，在公共讨论的市场中，只能由我国选民来传递。
The Government obviously intends to make much of the fact that occasionally we spoke in somebodys home to a selected group of people.
政府显然打算充分利用这样一个事实：我们偶尔会在某个人的家里对选定的一群人进行演讲。
In reference to such house gatherings -- and some were purely social -- we will show that these are some of the reasons:
关于此类家庭聚会（其中一些是纯粹的社交聚会），我们将说明以下一些原因：
Sometimes it was because no hall could be rented and in small one-industry towns, like steel, coal and textiles, people seen at a Communist meeting by company spies would lose their jobs and be black-listed, and even the unions would not be able to protect these members.
有时是因为租不到礼堂，在钢铁、煤炭、纺织等单一工业小镇，开共产党会议被公司间谍看到的人就会失业，被列入黑名单，连工会也保护不了这些成员。
Sometimes we held them in homes for the convenience of women who could not attend otherwise.
有时我们把它们放在家里，以方便那些无法参加其他活动的妇女。
Sometimes it was for the protection of Negro people, especially in the South and border state areas, that the speaker goes to them rather than expecting them to come to the speaker.
有时，为了保护黑人，特别是在南方和边境各州地区，演讲者会去找他们，而不是期望他们来找演讲者。
We will show that we consider it our duty as Communists to protect workers, members and non-members alike, from harassment, loss of jobs, threats of violence or FBI surveillance, and just because they come to our meetings.
我们将表明，作为共产党人，我们有责任保护工人、党员和非党员，使其免受骚扰、失业、暴力威胁或联邦调查局监视，而仅仅因为他们来参加我们的会议。
Wherever possible our meetings were open with the public and the press invited.
我们的会议尽可能向公众开放，并邀请媒体参加。
Sometimes, unfortunately, Communists are driven to privacy as protection against persecution.
不幸的是，有时共产党人被迫保护隐私以防止迫害。
Criticism should not be directed to us but at those who create the repressive conditions which, we will prove, forces workers to choose between their jobs and their beliefs.
批评不应该针对我们，而应该针对那些创造镇压条件的人，我们将证明，这些条件迫使工人在工作和信仰之间做出选择。
We will prove, and I can assure you, that no member of our party but what would be happy and willing to publicly declare his or her membership if the same rights and protection were accorded to us as to all others engaged in political activity in our country.
我们将证明，而且我可以向你们保证，如果给予我们与在我国从事政治活动的所有其他人相同的权利和保护，我们党的任何成员都会高兴并愿意公开宣布自己的党员身份。
The Government will also make much of schools, as Mr. Lane has already indicated, where Marxism-Leninism was taught.
正如莱恩先生已经指出的那样，政府还将重视传授马克思列宁主义的学校。
I gave lectures at certain schools in New York City, Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, Cleveland and at a national training school.
我在纽约市、匹兹堡、费城、克利夫兰的某些学校以及一所国家培训学校做过演讲。
My topics were either History of the Labor Movement or History of the Womens Movement in the U.S.A. I have the outlines which I used in these courses which are analytical and explanatory, and I will, because they are only brief -- I will offer them in evidence in this case.
我的主题是“劳工运动史”或“美国妇女运动史”。我有在这些课程中使用的分析和解释性大纲，我会的，因为它们很简短——我将在本例中提供它们作为证据。
A course on the History of the American Labor Movement, delivered at the Jefferson School of New York, is presented here as the overt act of Mr. Louis Weinstock.
纽约杰斐逊学院开设的一门关于“美国劳工运动史”的课程在这里被呈现为路易斯·温斯托克先生的公开行为。
This brings us to the skeleton upon which this case is built -- a strange new type of overt act, suggestive, if I may say so, of Nazi book-burning.
这让我们看到了这个案件的框架——一种奇怪的新型公开行为，如果我可以这么说的话，暗示着纳粹焚书。
They set forth --
他们提出——
They set forth, we believe, activities which are the ordinary everyday acts of all organizations and individuals who seek to present their views in the marketplace of ideas.
我们认为，它们提出的活动是所有寻求在思想市场上表达自己观点的组织和个人的日常行为。
Of 29 overt acts, 11 are articles in the magazine Political Affairs.
在 29 起公开行为中，有 11 起是《政治事务》杂志上的文章。
The Government will attempt to clothe them, too.
政府也将尝试为他们提供衣服。
I presume, in the so-called Aesopian language, or, no matter what we said, we really meant its opposite.
我想，在所谓的伊索语言中，或者说，无论我们说什么，我们的意思实际上是相反的。
It is quite a Houdini-like performance to say peace to a mass meeting of 10,000 people and mean war.
对一万人的群众集会说和平，说战争意味着战争，这真是一场胡迪尼式的表演。
Mr. Perry and I and our co-defendants will try, in the evidence we submit as this case progresses, to cut through the maze of what we consider misrepresentations in relation to Aesopian language, and to make it clear that what -- that we say what we mean and we mean what we say, and that the language of Marxism-Leninism is not as mysterious or obscure as the Government attempts to make it sound.
佩里先生和我以及我们的共同被告人将在本案进展过程中，在我们提交的证据中，尝试澄清我们认为与伊索语言有关的歪曲事实的迷宫，并明确我们说的是我们的意思，我们的意思是我们所说的，马克思列宁主义的语言并不像政府试图使它听起来那么神秘或晦涩。
All sciences, even the law, have their own terminology, but like a doctors prescription, this does not mean they are dishonest or misleading to the general public.
所有科学，甚至法律，都有自己的术语，但就像医生的处方一样，这并不意味着它们不诚实或误导公众。
Not a single act of violence is alleged against any one of us.
没有任何一宗暴力行为指控针对我们任何人。
Not are there charges that I know of thus far that any of us collectively or individually advocated the forceful overthrow of the United States Government.
到目前为止，据我所知，我们中没有任何人集体或单独主张用武力推翻美国政府。
This science of Marxism-Leninism, which is expounded in the books as evidence had its origin over a century ago with two great political thinkers, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels.
这门以书本为依据阐述的马克思列宁主义科学，起源于一个多世纪前的两位伟大的政治思想家卡尔·马克思和弗里德里希·恩格斯。
In a few words -- and there is always a danger of over -- simplification of a scientific subject, they declared that what happens to humanity is not a matter of blind fate nor the will of great men, nor must it be accepted as irrevocable.
他们用几句话——而且总是存在过度简化科学主题的危险——宣称，人类所发生的事情不是盲目的命运问题，也不是伟人的意志，也不能被认为是不可逆转的。
They said mankind can find a scientific explanation for wars, famine, economic depression and poverty, and that mankind, especially the working class, can help to change society, can alter and direct the course of history, can abolish these evils and institute a planned social order, based on the well-being of all.
他们说，人类能够对战争、饥荒、经济萧条和贫困找到科学解释，人类特别是工人阶级能够帮助改变社会，能够改变和引导历史进程，能够消除这些罪恶，建立一个基于所有人福祉的有计划的社会秩序。
Out of their profound analysis of all human history, and especially of its present stage known as capitalism, they developed the system of scientific socialism which you will hear clarified by our witnesses.
通过对整个人类历史，特别是对资本主义现阶段的深刻分析，他们发展了科学社会主义体系，你们将听到我们的见证人对这一体系的澄清。
Today it has become a tremendous subject, too vast for any one person to fully explain, nor would the time allowed for a trial permit it.
今天，它已成为一个巨大的主题，太大了，任何人都无法完全解释清楚，审判的时间也不允许它。
The Government, I believe, will try to do the impossible, to compress over a century of the development of a great social science into the use of a few books and an infinitesimal part of its application.
我相信，政府将尝试做不可能的事，将一门伟大的社会科学一个多世纪的发展压缩为几本书及其应用的极小部分。
These scientific theories were not fixed and final at the death of Marx and Engels who never considered them a dogma.
这些科学理论在马克思和恩格斯去世时还没有被固定和最终确定，他们从未认为它们是教条。
Like all sciences, they have expanded and have been modified by subsequent developments.
与所有科学一样，它们随着后续发展而得到扩展和修改。
Other students and writers took up where they left off, particularly V.
其他学生和作家继续他们中断的地方，尤其是 V.
I.
我。
Lenin, a giant intellect and a great man who suffered exile and imprisonment under the Russian Czar.
列宁，一位伟大的才智和伟人，在俄罗斯沙皇统治下遭受流放和监禁。
He returned to his beloved country to lead the workers and peasants to free themselves form Czarist tyranny and exploitation.
他回到自己深爱的祖国，领导工农群众从沙皇的暴政和剥削中解放出来。
Lenin enriched Marxism by his studies, especially his analyses of new social conditions brought about by the rise of imperialism and the advent of socialism.
列宁的研究丰富了马克思主义，特别是他对帝国主义兴起和社会主义出现所带来的新的社会条件的分析。
Marxist-Leninist writings today fill thousands of books in all known languages and would more than fill this courtroom from floor to ceiling.
如今，马克思列宁主义著作充斥着所有已知语言的数千本书籍，而且远远超过了这个法庭从地板到天花板的空间。
They are studied by millions of people throughout the world, but we will prove to you that these great beacon lights are not blueprints, are not hard-and-fast directives but are only a guide, modified to conform to the developments of history and to new social conditions.
全世界数百万人都在研究它们，但我们将向你们证明，这些伟大的灯塔灯不是蓝图，不是硬性的指示，而只是一个指南，经过修改以适应历史的发展和新的社会条件。
Programs, immediate programs are their application.
程序、即时程序就是它们的应用程序。
We hold that political theories are not triable in a court of law under our established American tradition.
我们认为，根据我们既定的美国传统，政治理论无法在法庭上得到审判。
No jurys verdict can decide their merit; only the people can do that.
陪审团的裁决无法决定其优劣；只有人民才能做到这一点。
We have believed that under the Bill of Rights we have a right to advocate our views, but since our ideas are here on trial we feel we have a sacred duty to ourselves and to our Party to adequately defend them from any slander or distortion.
我们相信，根据《权利法案》，我们有权倡导我们的观点，但由于我们的观点正在接受审判，我们认为我们对自己和我们的党负有神圣的责任，充分捍卫它们免受任何诽谤或歪曲。
We contend that Americans have a right to speak their minds out on any subject.
我们认为美国人有权在任何问题上表达自己的想法。
We Communists have a right to defend socialism or the evolution of the capitalist system and economy and of the private ownership of the means of life of all the people.
我们共产党人有权捍卫社会主义或资本主义制度和经济的演变以及全体人民生活资料的私有制。
We will prove that such a change can and will be achieved, only when the majority of the American people are ready and willing to make it, and that the Communist Party does not advocate force and violence to effect such a change.
我们将证明，只有当大多数美国人民准备好并愿意实现这种改变时，这种改变才能而且一定会实现，并且共产党并不提倡武力和暴力来实现这种改变。
We will try to prove to you during this trial the meaning of working class internationalism, which the Government will use to bolster up their theory of foreign agent.
我们将在这次审判中尽力向你们证明工人阶级国际主义的含义，政府将用它来支持他们的外国代理人理论。
Abraham Lincoln said: The strongest bond of human sympathy, outside the family relation, should be one uniting all working people of all nations and tongues, and kindred. Both May Day and International Womens Day, we will prove, had their origin here in the United States even though they are now celebrated internationally.
亚伯拉罕·林肯说过：“除了家庭关系之外，人类同情心的最强有力的纽带应该是团结所有国家、语言和血缘的所有劳动人民。”我们将证明，五一劳动节和国际妇女节都起源于美国，尽管现在它们在国际上庆祝。
In the spirit of such solidarity I will show that I made three trips abroad and which, except for visits to Canada, were my first outside the U.S.A.
本着这种团结的精神，我将证明我曾三次出国旅行，其中除了加拿大之外，这是我第一次离开美国。
The occasions were a Congress of Women, held in 1945; the 80th birthday of Marcel Cachin, editor of the Communist daily paper of Paris, LHumanite, in 1949: and to cover the convention of the French Communist Party in 1950, where I was received as a fraternal delegate from our American party and invited to deliver its greetings.
场合是 1945 年召开的妇女代表大会； 1949 年巴黎共产党日报《人道报》编辑马塞尔·卡钦 (Marcel Cachin) 80 岁生日：以及报道 1950 年法国共产党代表大会，当时我作为我们美国党的兄弟代表受到接待，并受邀转达其问候。
On this last trip I visited London over a weekend, spoke at a London District Communist Party conference, and visited the grave of Karl Marx.
在最后一次旅行中，我在周末访问了伦敦，在伦敦地区共产党会议上发表讲话，并参观了卡尔·马克思的坟墓。
You will undoubtedly hear evidence form the Government of my first trip to Europe.
毫无疑问，您将会听到政府关于我第一次欧洲之行的证据。
The International Congress of Women was held in 1945, before the ashes of war were cold.
国际妇女大会于 1945 年召开，当时战争的余烬尚未冷却。
Women participated from all the Allied countries: The Soviet Union, England, France, Italy, Hungary and others.
来自所有同盟国的妇女参加了：苏联、英国、法国、意大利、匈牙利等。
Many had just been released form concentration camps and prisons: Ravensbrouck, Buchenwald, Auschwitz.
许多人刚刚从拉文斯布鲁克、布痕瓦尔德、奥斯维辛集中营和监狱释放。
We met women there who had been in the Soviet Army air force, who had been in charge of railroads, were executives of industry and reconstruction; women who came from a socialist country.
我们在那里遇到了曾在苏联陆军空军服役、负责铁路、担任工业和重建部门主管的女性；来自社会主义国家的妇女。
We met Spanish women in exile, some who came out of Spain at the risk of their lives.
我们遇到了流亡的西班牙妇女，其中一些人冒着生命危险离开西班牙。
This Congress held in Paris, without heat, with flickering lights, with sparse food supplies, was dedicated to the establishment of permanent peace in the world, the welfare of children, to the rights of women, all so ruthlessly destroyed by the Nazis.
这次大会在巴黎举行，没有暖气，灯光闪烁，粮食供应稀少，会议致力于在世界上建立永久和平，儿童福利，妇女权利，而所有这些都被纳粹无情地摧毁了。
Never to let it happen again was their burning resolve.
“绝不让这种事再次发生”是他们的坚定决心。
Our American delegation was amazed that they were so fearful that fascism, like the fabled Phoenix, would arise again from its own ashes.
我们的美国代表团感到惊讶的是，他们如此担心法西斯主义会像传说中的凤凰一样从自己的灰烬中重新崛起。
On our home voyage via an Army transport carrying over 5,000 returning G.I.s, we found their desire for peace as eager as that of the European women.
在我们乘坐载有 5,000 多名回国士兵的陆军运输机回国的途中，我们发现她们对和平的渴望与欧洲妇女一样渴望。
We will prove here that our work on behalf of peace is identical with the hopes and dreams of men and women all over the world as well as the whole American people today.
我们将在这里证明，我们为和平所做的工作与当今世界各地男女以及全体美国人民的希望和梦想是一致的。
I wrote a series of 28 articles on these trips.
我就这些旅行写了一系列 28 篇文章。
The one the Government has listed is I Met A Great Leader of France, published February 3, 1946, in The Worker and referring to a member and vice-president of the French Assembly, a leader of the French resistance movement against the Nazis, a French Communist leader, Jacques Duclos.
政府列出的文章是 1946 年 2 月 3 日发表在《工人报》上的《我遇见了一位伟大的法国领袖》，其中提到了法国议会的一位议员兼副主席、法国反纳粹抵抗运动的领导人、法国共产党领导人雅克·杜克洛 (Jacques Duclos)。
You have heard his name from Mr. Lane.
你从莱恩先生那里听说过他的名字。
You will hear a great deal about this French Communist who had written an article in a French Communists magazine Cahiers Du Communisme, in April, 1945.
你会听到很多关于这位法国共产党人的事迹，他于 1945 年 4 月在法国共产党杂志《共产主义手册》上写了一篇文章。
It was addressed to his French comrades.
这是写给他的法国同志的。
We will prove that they had reconstructed their party officially on its emergence from underground and were determined not to lose its identity in the popular United Front which had developed in the days of the resistance.
我们将证明，他们在从地下出现时就正式重建了自己的政党，并决心不失去其在抵抗时期发展起来的人民统一战线中的地位。
While cooperating to the fullest for the reestablishment of the French Republic, they maintained their independent existence as the Communist Party of France.
他们在全力合作重建法兰西共和国的同时，保持了法国共产党的独立存在。
We will prove that he used as an example of the wrong way to work, the dissolution of the American Communist Party and the creation of the Communist Political Association, which he analyzed in detail for the clarification of his French readers to counteract certain suggestions for liquidation, which had been circulated there in France.
我们将证明他以解散美国共产党和创建共产主义政治协会作为错误工作方式的例子，他对此进行了详细分析，以向法国读者澄清，以抵制法国流传的“某些清算建议”。
But we will prove that his article, while it was a sharp criticism of the American party, was not a directive nor an order.
但我们将证明他的文章虽然是对美国党的尖锐批评，但不是指令或命令。
It stands to reason that such a characterization of our course as notorious revisionism which came from an heroic fighter against Nazism, and a Communist of world renown, caused us to give it our most serious attention; especially was this so, and we will prove, when it coincided with alarming developments within our own country which convinced us that the capitalist leopard had not changed its spots during the war, but was ready to resume class hostilities against American labor unions and our Party.
理所当然，我们的路线被定性为臭名昭著的修正主义，出身于一个反纳粹的英勇斗士，一个享誉世界的共产党员，引起了我们最严重的关注；尤其是这一点，我们将证明，当时我们国内发生了令人震惊的事态发展，这使我们相信，资本主义的豹子在战争期间并没有改变它的位置，而是准备恢复针对美国工会和我们党的阶级敌对行动。
We will prove to you that a revaluation of our thinking and actions had already begun in our party leadership, and even without the Duclon article, although possibly not quite so swiftly, we would have reconstituted our Party, which had existed since 1919, interrupted only by an extremely short period of the few months of the Communist Political Association.
我们将向你们证明，我们的党的领导层已经开始重新评估我们的思想和行动，即使没有杜克隆的文章，尽管可能不会那么快，我们也会重建我们的党，我们的党自1919年以来就已经存在，只在共产主义政治协会的几个月中短暂中断过。
We feel that we have a right to call upon the Government to explain in the course of their accusations why, if the alleged danger emanating from our work was so clear and present that the Smith Act was needed in 1940, why wasnt it used against our leadership until 1948, or against us, the present defendants, until eleven years after the passage?
我们认为，我们有权要求政府在指控过程中解释，如果我们的工作所产生的所谓危险是如此明显和现实，以至于需要在 1940 年制定《史密斯法案》，那么为什么直到 1948 年才用它来反对我们的领导层，或者直到该法案通过十一年后才用它来反对我们这些目前的被告？
We will prove that Socialism was not on the agenda of the 1940 American political campaign, nor in 1944, nor 1948, or even now in 1952, and, therefore, cannot be the real causative factor for this indictment.
我们将证明，社会主义并不在1940年美国政治竞选的议程上，在1944年、1948年、甚至现在的1952年都没有，因此不可能是这一指控的真正原因。
We have publicly advocated Socialism as our ultimate goal since the birth of our Party 33 years ago, please remember.
我们党诞生33年来，我们就公开宣称社会主义是我们的终极目标，请记住。
Nor is the charge of force and violence a newly discovered issue.
武力和暴力指控也不是新发现的问题。
It was fought out tenaciously by the Government for 16 years in the famous Schneiderman case, which began in 1927, and which they lost before the Supreme Court in 1943 --
政府在著名的施奈德曼案中顽强地斗争了16年，该案始于1927年，并于1943年在最高法院败诉——
-- three years after the Smith Act was passed.
——《史密斯法案》通过三年后。
It was an attempt to cancel the citizenship of a leading Communist.
这是企图取消一位共产党领导人的公民身份。
If our Party needed reassurance of its legal rights, we felt it was certainly given by this decision.
如果我们党需要保证自己的合法权利，我们认为这个决定肯定会满足这一要求。
Justice Murphy wrote the opinion.
墨菲法官撰写了这份意见。
I will quote to you a portion of it, which to out Party and to the country generally was understood to have laid low this false accusation of force and violence once and for all, and to have reaffirmed our right to advocate our political views.
我向你们引用其中的一部分，对于党和国家来说，这被普遍理解为一劳永逸地平息了这种对武力和暴力的错误指控，并重申了我们倡导我们的政治观点的权利。
This also casts light on our intent, which you must consider.
这也揭示了我们的意图，您必须考虑这一点。
The Supreme Court had before them four of the books produced here -- the quote is as follows:
最高法院收到了这里制作的四本书——引文如下：
A tenable conclusion from the foregoing is that the Party in 1927 desired to achieve its purpose by peaceful and democratic means, and as a theoretical matter justified the use of force and violence only as a method of preventing an attempted forcible counter-overthrow once the Party had obtained control in a peaceful manner, or as a method of last resort to enforce the majority will if at some indefinite future time because of peculiar circumstances constitutional or peaceful channels were no longer open.
从上述内容可以得出一个站得住脚的结论，即1927年的党希望通过和平和民主的手段来实现其目的，从理论上讲，使用武力和暴力只是作为防止党以和平方式获得控制权后试图强行反推翻的一种方法，或者在未来某个不确定的时间由于特殊情况宪法或和平渠道不再开放时作为强制执行多数人意志的最后手段。
That is the close of Justice Murphys quote.
这是墨菲法官引述的结束语。
We will prove that our Party has repeatedly endorsed this statement as a basically correct, though incomplete, statement of our Partys policy in the matter of force and violence, and William Z.
我们将证明，我们党一再认可这一声明，这是对我们党在武力和暴力问题上的政策的基本正确但不完整的声明，而威廉·Z·
Foster, our chairman, so stated a few years ago before the Senate Judiciary Committee.
我们的主席福斯特几年前在参议院司法委员会上如此表示。
It is our contention that neither of these issues, neither Socialism nor the charge of force and violence, should rightfully bring us before this jury on this indictment.
我们认为，这些问题，无论是社会主义还是武力和暴力的指控，都不应该理所当然地把我们带到陪审团面前。
They becloud the real issues which we believe are to be found primarily in our day-to-day activities which are not peripheral or fringe activities as the Government contends, but the heart of our work.
它们掩盖了我们认为主要存在于我们日常活动中的真正问题，这些问题并非政府所声称的外围或边缘活动，而是我们工作的核心。
To fight against fascist tendencies in our country and to fight for peace is to us Marxism and Leninism in action.
在我国反对法西斯倾向，争取和平，就是我们马克思列宁主义的行动。
We believe that the struggle for peace and democratic rights will very soon lead to a new political alignment in our country, which we believe will break through the pattern of the two-party system and establish a new peoples party, a coalition which we would support.
我们相信，争取和平与民主权利的斗争将很快在我国形成新的政治联盟，我们相信这将突破两党制度的格局，建立一个新的人民政党，一个我们支持的联盟。
We will prove that what is called capitalism has existed only a comparatively short time in the United States, less than two centuries, and it is not identical with government.
我们要证明，所谓的资本主义在美国只存在了比较短的时间，不到两个世纪，而且它并不等同于政府。
It is neither the first nor the last stage of human society.
它既不是人类社会的第一阶段，也不是最后阶段。
Only those who profit by it consider it the Alpha and Omega, the best of all possible conclusions.
只有那些从中获利的人才认为它是阿尔法和欧米伽，是所有可能的结论中最好的。
Before capitalism there was feudalism, when the feudal lords owned the land and lived on the labor of their serf.
在资本主义出现之前，存在封建主义，封建领主拥有土地并靠农奴的劳动为生。
Before that there were chattel slavery, barbarism.
在此之前存在动产奴隶制和野蛮行为。
Capitalism developed and supplanted feudalism.
资本主义发展并取代了封建主义。
With the advent of power-operated mass production machinery, it expanded rapidly, controlled by an ever-smaller group as free competition was replaced by monopoly.
随着电力操作的大规模生产机器的出现，它迅速扩张，并由越来越小的集团控制，自由竞争被垄断所取代。
When we speak of abolishing capitalism, we do not mean of course to abolish the rich natural resources of our country, nor the vast productive industries which have been developed by the labor of its people.
当我们谈到废除资本主义时，我们当然不是指废除我国丰富的自然资源，也不是指废除我国人民劳动发展起来的庞大的生产工业。
We will prove that we mean abolishing the private ownership of the basic means of production and the profit-making system it engenders, which permits a few, the capitalistic class, to exploit the many.
我们将证明，我们的意思是废除基本生产资料的私有制及其所产生的营利制度，这种制度允许少数人（即资产阶级）剥削多数人。
We mean that the natural resources, and the mines, mills, factories, railroads, means of communication, shall be owned in common by all the people as state property to be administered by a government representing the working class, as well as all other people.
我们的意思是，自然资源、矿山、工厂、工厂、铁路、通讯工具应作为全民所有，作为国家财产，由代表工人阶级和所有其他人民的政府管理。
We dont mean that personal or private property is abolished in those things which are the result of saving or for personal use.
我们并不是说个人或私有财产因储蓄或个人使用而被废除。
What will be abolished is the use of private property to exploit the labor of another.
将废除的是利用私有财产剥削他人劳动的行为。
For example, in a socialistic society the principle applied would be from each according to his ability to each according to this work, which is identical with what St. Paul said to the Thessalonians, that if any would not work, neither should he eat.
例如，在社会主义社会，实行的原则是各尽其能，各尽所能，这与圣保罗对帖撒罗尼迦人所说的“若有不肯作的，就不该吃饭”是一样的。
In a Communist society, as differentiated from a socialistic society, when an abundance of everything needed for human life, development and comfort is assured, the principle would then be from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.
共产主义社会与社会主义社会不同，当人类生活、发展、舒适的一切都得到充分保障时，就遵循各尽所能、按需分配的原则。
This will be Communism, the fulfillment, we believe, of an ideal human society, which we believe to be possible and desirable.
我们相信，这将是共产主义，是理想的人类社会的实现，我们相信这是可能的和令人向往的。
In answer as to how we expect socialism will be brought about, in contradiction to the theory of force and violence, we will prove, as I have said, it cannot be the result of our efforts alone but it can be the result of the action of the majority of the people of the United States when they are ready and willing to make such a change.
在回答我们期望如何实现社会主义的问题时，与武力和暴力的理论相矛盾，我们将证明，正如我所说，这不可能是我们单独努力的结果，而是可以是美国大多数人民准备好并愿意做出这样的改变时采取行动的结果。
We will show that we sincerely denounce in our constitution any group or party which conspires or acts to subvert, undermine, weaken or overthrow any or all institutions of American democracy through which the majority of the American people can maintain their rights to determine their destinies.
我们将表明，我们在宪法中真诚地谴责“任何密谋或采取行动颠覆、破坏、削弱或推翻任何或所有美国民主制度的团体或政党，而大多数美国人民可以通过这些制度来维护他们决定自己命运的权利。”
In relation to a future hypothetical situation in the United States where an entrenched capitalist minority might use force to thwart the will of the people who voted for and are ready to make the transition to socialism, this would be tyranny, and we would take the position that the people would be justified to use force to overthrow it, just like our own Government called upon the people of Nazi Germany and fascist Italy to overthrow the rule of terror against the people and aid the underground resistance movement in all fascist-occupied countries.
就美国未来的假设情况而言，根深蒂固的资本主义少数派可能会使用武力来挫败投票支持并准备向社会主义过渡的人民的意愿，这将是暴政，我们将采取这样的立场：人民有理由使用武力推翻它，就像我们自己的政府呼吁纳粹德国和法西斯意大利人民推翻对人民的恐怖统治并援助所有地下抵抗运动一样。法西斯占领的国家。
The Communist position is that those who favored slavocracy opposed the abolition of human slavery in the past; it is quite possible that a diehard capitalist minority might oppose the abolition of the capitalist profit system in the future.
共产党的立场是，那些赞成奴隶制的人过去反对废除人类奴隶制；那些支持奴隶制的人反对废除奴隶制。未来极有可能有顽固的资本主义少数人反对废除资本主义利润制度。
Here, as in England and elsewhere, we Communist strive for a peaceful road to Socialism.
在这里，就像在英国和其他地方一样，我们共产党人努力争取一条和平的社会主义道路。
We will show that we would do everything in our power to prevent the use of force and violence in establishing Socialism, which we know full well cannot be undertaken here or elsewhere unless it has the support of the majority of the people.
我们将表明，我们将尽一切努力防止在建立社会主义过程中使用武力和暴力，我们深知，除非得到大多数人民的支持，否则无论在这里还是其他地方都无法实现这一目标。
But we cannot, of course, guarantee that the enemies of the people will accept the decision of the people to move to Socialism.
但我们当然不能保证人民的敌人会接受人民转向社会主义的决定。
Socialism, however, is not yet on the order of the day, let me repeat, in the United States.
然而，让我再说一遍，社会主义在美国还没有成为主流。
The immediate political program of our Party, we will prove, is anti-war and anti-fascist, for a peoples front government, a government dedicated to assure the well-being of the people.
我们将证明，我们党的当前政治纲领是反战、反法西斯，建立一个人民阵线政府，一个致力于确保人民福祉的政府。
What will take place after that along the road to Socialism in the United States of America is something history and the American people will determine, but which no one can here blueprint.
此后，在美利坚合众国的社会主义道路上将会发生什么，这是历史和美国人民将决定的事情，但没有人能在这里绘制蓝图。
This brings me now to my concluding remarks.
现在我要发表结论性意见。
We are here before you as defendants in the Smith Act case.
我们作为《史密斯法案》案件的被告来到你们面前。
We will prove to you that we are not conspirators, but that we are animated and united by common ideals and aspirations, with courage to affirm our beliefs, faith in the people and the future, and a willingness to sacrifice for a better world, which we are confident is in birth.
我们将向你们证明，我们不是阴谋家，而是因为共同的理想和愿望而充满活力和团结，有勇气确认我们的信念，对人民和未来的信心，并愿意为一个更美好的世界做出牺牲，我们相信这个世界正在诞生。
Nevertheless, it is incumbent on the Government, regardless of our ideological unity, to deal with us as individuals, and not to lump us together as a conspiracy because of the identity of our political views.
然而，无论我们的意识形态如何统一，政府都有责任把我们当作个体来对待，而不是因为我们的政见相同而把我们混为一团。
We will try to bring you a true and accurate picture of who we are, what our lives have been, what we say and mean, what we live by day by day and the relation of all this immediate activity to our ultimate aims.
我们将尽力向您真实准确地描述我们是谁，我们的生活是什么样的，我们所说的和意味着什么，我们每天的生活方式以及所有这些直接活动与我们最终目标的关系。
We will try to present to you during this trial our theories and work, our program, and our ultimate goal, the unity of theory and practice as it says in the books.
我们将尽力在这次试验中向大家展示我们的理论和工作、我们的纲领和我们的最终目标，即书本上所说的理论与实践的统一。
We will not do this in a classroom atmosphere, but so that you can understand us, in terms of our own knowledge and experience, regardless of whether you agree with us.
我们不会在课堂气氛中这样做，而是为了让您能够根据我们自己的知识和经验来理解我们，无论您是否同意我们的观点。
We expect to convince you that we are within our established constitutional rights to advocate change and progress, to advocate Socialism, which we are convinced will guarantee to all our people in our great and beautiful country the rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
我们希望让你们相信，我们在我们既定的宪法权利范围内倡导变革和进步，倡导社会主义，我们相信这将保证我们伟大而美丽的国家的所有人民享有生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。
Whether we are right is no issue here, and no jury, in this or any other trial, but time alone, will decide.
我们是否正确在这里不是问题，在这次审判或任何其他审判中，没有陪审团可以做出决定，只有时间才能做出决定。
Let none of us forget, especially in this trial in dealing with new ideas and proposals for social change, the wise words of Abraham Lincoln: This country with its institutions belongs to the people who inhabit it.
让我们谁都不要忘记，特别是在这次处理社会变革的新思想和建议的审判中，亚伯拉罕·林肯的明智之言：“这个国家及其机构属于居住在其中的人民。”
We are asking you to decide this case on the evidence, or, more correctly, may I say, on the lack of evidence which we are confident will be glaringly revealed long before this trial is over, to decide this case on the exact issues, regardless of fear or favor or the hysteria or prejudice which we all know very well does exist among some groups in the community.
我们要求你们根据证据来裁决此案，或者，更准确地说，在缺乏证据的情况下，我们相信在审判结束之前很久就会明显地揭露这些证据，根据确切的问题来裁决此案，无论我们都清楚地知道社区中某些群体中确实存在恐惧、偏爱、歇斯底里或偏见。
We ask you to keep your minds open until all the evidence, including our own, is before you.
我们请您保持开放的心态，直到所有证据（包括我们自己的证据）摆在您面前。
Then you will be shown that we do not advocate the overthrow of the Government of the United States by force and violence.
然后你就会知道，我们不主张通过武力和暴力推翻美国政府。
Book/CDs by Michael E.
Michael E. 的书籍/CD
Eidenmuller, Published by McGraw-Hill (2008) Note : All interruptions or interpellations, whether by the Court or by the Government prosecutors, are indicated, in each instance, by a line of asterisks.
Eidenmuller，麦格劳-希尔出版 (2008) 注：所有打断或质询，无论是法院还是政府检察官，均以一行星号表示。
U.S. Copyright Status : Text = Uncertain.
美国版权状态：文本 = 不确定。
Image = Public domain.
图像=公共领域。
� Copyright 2001-Present.
� 版权所有 2001 年至今。
American Rhetoric.
美国修辞学。
HTML transcription by Joseph P.
HTML 转录由 Joseph P.
Yarbrough.
亚伯勒。