Commonwealth Club Address -- Franklin Delano Roosevelt
Delivered 23 September 1932 • San Francisco, CA.
1932 年 9 月 23 日交付 • 加利福尼亚州旧金山。
I count it a privilege to be invited to address the Commonwealth Club.
我很荣幸受邀在英联邦俱乐部发表演讲。
It has stood in the life of this city and state , and it is perhaps accurate to add , the nation , as a group of citizen leaders interested in fundamental problems of government , and chiefly concerned with achievement of progress in government through non-partisan means.
它已经存在于这个城市和国家的生活中，也许准确地补充说，国家作为一群对政府的基本问题感兴趣的公民领导人，并且主要关心通过无党派手段实现政府的进步。
The privilege of addressing you , therefore , in the heat of a political campaign , is great.
因此，在政治竞选的白热化阶段，能向您发表讲话真是莫大的荣幸。
I want to respond to your courtesy in terms consistent with your policy.
我想以符合您政策的方式回应您的礼貌。
I want to speak not of politics but of government.
我想谈的不是政治，而是政府。
I want to speak not of parties , but of universal principles.
我想说的不是政党，而是普遍原则。
They are not political , except in that larger sense in which a great American once expressed a definition of politics , that nothing in all of human life is foreign to the science of politics.
它们不是政治性的，除非在更大的意义上，一位伟大的美国人曾经表达了政治的定义，即人类生活中没有任何事情与政治科学无关。
I do want to give you , however , a recollection of a long life spent for a large part in public office.
然而，我确实想让你们回忆一下我在公职中度过的漫长一生。
Some of my conclusions and observations have been deeply accentuated in these past few weeks.
在过去的几周里，我的一些结论和观察得到了深刻的强调。
I have traveled far -- from Albany to the Golden Gate.
我走了很远的路——从奥尔巴尼到金门。
I have seen many people , and heard many things , and today , when in a sense my journey has reached the half-way mark , I am glad of the opportunity to discuss with you what it all means to me.
我见过很多人，听过很多事，今天，从某种意义上说，我的旅程已经走到了一半，我很高兴有机会与大家讨论这一切对我意味着什么。
Sometimes , my friends , particularly in years such as these , the hand of discouragement falls upon us.
有时，我的朋友们，特别是在这样的年份，沮丧之手会降临到我们身上。
It seems that things are in a rut , fixed , settled , that the world has grown old and tired and very much out of joint.
一切似乎都已成定局，固定下来，尘埃落定，世界已经变得老旧、疲惫、脱节。
This is the mood of depression , of dire and weary depression.
这是一种抑郁的情绪，一种可怕而疲惫的抑郁。
But then we look around us in America , and everything tells us that we are wrong.
但当我们看看美国的周围，一切都告诉我们我们错了。
America is new.
美国是新的。
It is in the process of change and development.
它正处于变化和发展的过程中。
It has the great potentialities of youth , and particularly is this true of the great West , and of this coast , and of California.
它具有年轻人的巨大潜力，尤其是伟大的西部、这个海岸和加利福尼亚州。
I would not have you feel that I regard this as in any sense a new community.
我不会让你觉得我认为这在任何意义上都是一个新社区。
I have traveled in many parts of the world , but never have I felt the arresting thought of the change and development more than here , where the old , mystic East would seem to be near to us , where the currents of life and thought and commerce of the whole world meet us.
我游历过世界上许多地方，但从未像这里那样感受到变化和发展的引人注目，在这里，古老而神秘的东方似乎离我们很近，全世界的生活、思想和商业潮流在这里与我们相遇。
This factor alone is sufficient to cause man to stop and think of the deeper meaning of things , when he stands in this community.
仅这个因素就足以使人站在这个共同体中停下来思考事物的深层意义。
But more than that , I appreciate that the membership of this club consists of men who are thinking in terms beyond the immediate present , beyond their own immediate tasks , beyond their own individual interests.
但更重要的是，我很欣赏这个俱乐部的成员们的思维超越了眼前的现实，超越了他们自己眼前的任务，超越了他们自己的个人利益。
I want to invite you , therefore , to consider with me in the large , some of the relationships of government and economic life that go deep into our daily lives , our happiness , our future and our security.
因此，我想邀请你们和我一起思考一些政府和经济生活之间的关系，这些关系深入到我们的日常生活、我们的幸福、我们的未来和我们的安全。
The issue of government has always been whether individual men and women will have to serve some system of government or economics , or whether a system of government and economics exists to serve individual men and women.
政府的问题始终是，个体男人和女人是否必须为某种政府或经济体系服务，或者是否存在为个体男人和女人服务的政府和经济体系。
This question has persistently dominated the discussion of government for many generations.
这个问题多年来一直主导着政府的讨论。
On questions relating to these things men have differed , and for time immemorial it is probable that honest men will continue to differ.
在与这些事情有关的问题上，人们一直存在分歧，而且自古以来，诚实的人很可能会继续存在分歧。
The final word belongs to no man; yet we can still believe in change and in progress.
最终决定权不属于任何人；但我们仍然可以相信变革和进步。
Democracy , as a dear old friend of mine in Indiana , Meredith Nicholson , has called it , is a quest , a never-ending seeking for better things , and in the seeking for these things and the striving for them , there are many roads to follow.
正如我在印第安纳州的一位亲爱的老朋友梅雷迪思·尼科尔森所说，民主是一种追求，是对更好事物永无休止的追求，在追求这些事物并为之奋斗的过程中，有许多道路可走。
But , if we map the course of these roads , we find that there are only two general directions.
但是，如果我们绘制这些道路的路线图，我们会发现只有两个大致方向。
When we look about us , we are likely to forget how hard people have worked to win the privilege of government.
当我们环顾四周时，我们很可能忘记人们是如何努力工作来赢得政府的特权的。
The growth of the national governments of Europe was a struggle for the development of a centralized force in the nation , strong enough to impose peace upon ruling barons.
欧洲各国政府的发展是为了在国家内发展一支集权力量而进行的斗争，这种力量足以将和平强加给统治贵族。
In many instances the victory of the central government , the creation of a strong central government , was a haven of refuge to the individual.
在许多情况下，中央政府的胜利，强大的中央政府的建立，成为个人的避难所。
The people preferred the master far away to the exploitation and cruelty of the smaller master near at hand.
人们更喜欢远方的主人，而不是近处较小的主人的剥削和残酷。
But the creators of national government were perforce ruthless men.
但国家政府的创建者必然是冷酷无情的人。
They were often cruel in their methods , but they did strive steadily toward something that society needed and very much wanted , a strong central state , able to keep the peace , to stamp out civil war , to put the unruly nobleman in his place , and to permit the bulk of individuals to live safely.
他们的方法往往很残酷，但他们确实为社会需要和非常想要的东西而稳步奋斗，即一个强大的中央国家，能够维持和平，消除内战，取代不守规矩的贵族，并允许大多数人安全地生活。
The man of ruthless force had his place in developing a pioneer country , just as he did in fixing the power of the central government in the development of nations.
残酷的武力之人在发展一个先锋国家中占有一席之地，正如他在国家发展中固定中央政府的权力一样。
Society paid him well for his services and its development.
社会对他的服务和发展给予了丰厚的报酬。
When the development among the nations of Europe , however , had been completed , ambition and ruthlessness , having served its term , tended to overstep its mark.
然而，当欧洲国家之间的发展完成后，野心和冷酷在其任期结束后，往往会超越其界限。
There came a growing feeling that government was conducted for the benefit of a few who thrived unduly at the expense of all.
人们越来越感觉到，政府的运作是为了少数人的利益，他们以牺牲所有人的利益为代价过度繁荣。
The people sought a balancing -- a limiting force.
人们寻求一种平衡——一种限制力量。
There came gradually , through town councils , trade guilds , national parliaments , by constitution and by popular participation and control , limitations on arbitrary power.
通过市议会、贸易行会、国家议会，通过宪法以及民众的参与和控制，对专断权力的限制逐渐出现。
Another factor that tended to limit the power of those who ruled , was the rise of the ethical conception that a ruler bore a responsibility for the welfare of his subjects.
另一个限制统治者权力的因素是统治者对其臣民的福利负有责任的道德观念的兴起。
The American colonies were born in this struggle.
美洲殖民地就是在这场斗争中诞生的。
The American Revolution was a turning point in it.
美国革命是其中的一个转折点。
After the revolution the struggle continued and shaped itself in the public life of the country.
革命后，斗争仍在继续，并在国家的公共生活中形成。
There were those who because they had seen the confusion which attended the years of war for American independence surrendered to the belief that popular government was essentially dangerous and essentially unworkable.
有些人因为亲眼目睹了美国独立战争多年所带来的混乱，因此相信民选政府本质上是危险的，根本上是行不通的。
They were honest people , my friends , and we cannot deny that their experience had warranted some measure of fear.
我的朋友们，他们是诚实的人，我们不能否认他们的经历值得一定程度的恐惧。
The most brilliant , honest and able exponent of this point of view was Hamilton.
这一观点最杰出、最诚实、最能干的倡导者是汉密尔顿。
He was too impatient of slow-moving methods.
他对缓慢的方法太不耐烦了。
Fundamentally he believed that the safety of the republic lay in the autocratic strength of its government , that the destiny of individuals was to serve that government , and that fundamentally a great and strong group of central institutions , guided by a small group of able and public spirited citizens could best direct all government.
从根本上说，他相信共和国的安全在于其政府的专制力量，个人的命运是为政府服务，从根本上来说，一个伟大而强大的中央机构团体，在一小群有能力和热心公益的公民的指导下，可以最好地指导整个政府。
But Mr. Jefferson , in the summer of 1776 , after drafting the Declaration of Independence turned his mind to the same problem and took a different view.
但杰斐逊先生在1776年夏天起草了《独立宣言》后，却转向了同样的问题，并采取了不同的观点。
He did not deceive himself with outward forms.
他没有用外表来欺骗自己。
Government to him was a means to an end , not an end in itself; it might be either a refuge and a help or a threat and a danger , depending on the circumstances.
对他来说，政府只是达到目的的手段，而不是目的本身。它可能是避难所和帮助，也可能是威胁和危险，具体取决于具体情况。
We find him carefully analyzing the society for which he was to organize a government.
我们发现他仔细分析了他要为之组织政府的社会。
We have no paupers.
我们没有穷人。
The great mass of our population is of laborers , our rich who cannot live without labor , either manual or professional , being few and of moderate wealth.
我们的人口中的绝大多数是劳动者，我们的富人没有劳动就无法生存，无论是体力劳动还是专业劳动，他们人数不多，财富中等。
Most of the laboring class possess property , cultivate their own lands , have families and from the demand for their labor , are enabled to exact from the rich and the competent such prices as enable them to feed abundantly , clothe above mere decency , to labor moderately and raise their families.
大多数劳动阶级拥有财产，耕种自己的土地，拥有家庭，并且从对劳动的需求中，能够向富人和有能力的人索取这样的价格，使他们能够吃得饱，穿得好，适度地劳动并养家糊口。
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These people , he considered , had two sets of rights , those of “ personal competency ” and those involved in acquiring and possessing property.
他认为，这些人拥有两套权利，即“个人能力”权利和涉及获取和拥有财产的权利。
By “ personal competency ” he meant the right of free thinking , freedom of forming and expressing opinions , and freedom of personal living each man according to his own lights.
他所说的“个人能力”是指自由思考的权利、形成和表达意见的自由以及每个人按照自己的观点自由生活的权利。
To insure the first set of rights , a government must so order its functions as not to interfere with the individual.
为了确保第一组权利，政府必须调整其职能，使其不干涉个人。
But even Jefferson realized that the exercise of the property rights might so interfere with the rights of the individual that the government , without whose assistance the property rights could not exist , must intervene , not to destroy individualism but to protect it.
但即使是杰斐逊也意识到，财产权的行使可能会严重干扰个人的权利，以至于政府必须进行干预，没有政府的帮助，财产权就不可能存在，不是为了摧毁个人主义，而是为了保护它。
You are familiar with the great political duel which followed; and how Hamilton , and his friends , building towards a dominant centralized power were at length defeated in the great election of 1800 , by Mr. Jefferson ’ s party.
你们熟悉随后发生的伟大的政治决斗；以及汉密尔顿和他的朋友们如何建立一个占主导地位的集权权力，最终在 1800 年的伟大选举中被杰斐逊先生的政党击败。
Out of that duel came the two parties , Republican and Democratic , as we know them today.
这场决斗产生了我们今天所知的共和党和民主党两党。
So began , in American political life , the new day , the day of the individual against the system , the day in which individualism was made the great watchword of American life.
于是，在美国政治生活中，新的一天开始了，个人反对体制的一天，个人主义成为美国生活的伟大口号的一天。
The happiest of economic conditions made that day long and splendid.
最幸福的经济状况使这一天变得漫长而美好。
On the Western frontier , land was substantially free.
在西部边境，土地基本上是免费的。
No one , who did not shirk the task of earning a living , was entirely without opportunity to do so.
没有一个人不逃避谋生的任务，却完全没有机会这样做。
Depressions could , and did , come and go; but they could not alter the fundamental fact that most of the people lived partly by selling their labor and partly by extracting their livelihood from the soil , so that starvation and dislocation were practically impossible.
萧条可能而且确实会来来去去。但他们无法改变一个基本事实，即大多数人部分靠出卖劳动力、部分靠种地为生，因此饥饿和流离失所实际上是不可能的。
At the very worst there was always the possibility of climbing into a covered wagon and moving west where the untilled prairies afforded a haven for men to whom the East did not provide a place.
在最糟糕的情况下，总是有可能爬上一辆有盖的马车，向西行驶，那里的未开垦的大草原为东方无法提供庇护的人们提供了避风港。
So great were our natural resources that we could offer this relief not only to our own people , but to the distressed of all the world; we could invite immigration from Europe , and welcome it with open arms.
我们的自然资源是如此丰富，以至于我们不仅可以为我们自己的人民提供这种救济，而且可以为全世界受苦受难的人提供这种救济；我们可以邀请来自欧洲的移民，并张开双臂欢迎它。
Traditionally , when a depression came a new section of land was opened in the West; and even our temporary misfortune served our manifest destiny.
传统上，当经济萧条到来时，西部就会开辟新的土地。甚至我们暂时的不幸也服务于我们明显的命运。
It was in the middle of the 19th century that a new force was released and a new dream created.
十九世纪中叶，新的力量被释放，新的梦想被创造。
The force was what is called the industrial revolution , the advance of steam and machinery and the rise of the forerunners of the modern industrial plant.
这种力量就是所谓的工业革命、蒸汽和机械的进步以及现代工业工厂先驱的崛起。
The dream was the dream of an economic machine , able to raise the standard of living for everyone; to bring luxury within the reach of the humblest; to annihilate distance by steam power and later by electricity , and to release everyone from the drudgery of the heaviest manual toil.
这个梦想是经济机器的梦想，能够提高每个人的生活水平；让最卑微的人也能享受到奢华；通过蒸汽动力和后来的电力消除距离，并将每个人从最繁重的体力劳动中解放出来。
It was to be expected that this would necessarily affect government.
可以预见的是，这必然会影响到政府。
Heretofore , government had merely been called upon to produce conditions within which people could live happily , labor peacefully , and rest secure.
迄今为止，政府只是被要求创造条件，让人民幸福生活、安宁劳动、安居乐业。
Now it was called upon to aid in the consummation of this new dream.
现在，它被要求帮助实现这个新梦想。
There was , however , a shadow over the dream.
然而，这个梦想却蒙上了一层阴影。
To be made real , it required use of the talents of men of tremendous will , and tremendous ambition , since by no other force could the problems of financing and engineering and new developments be brought to a consummation.
要实现这一目标，需要利用具有巨大意志和雄心的人们的才能，因为没有其他力量可以使融资、工程和新开发的问题得以圆满解决。
So manifest were the advantages of the machine age , however , that the United States fearlessly , cheerfully , and , I think , rightly , accepted the bitter with the sweet.
然而，机器时代的优势如此明显，以至于美国无所畏惧、欣然接受，而且我认为，正确地接受了苦与甜。
It was thought that no price was too high to pay for the advantages which we could draw from a finished industrial system.
人们认为，对于我们可以从成品工业体系中获得的优势来说，无论付出什么代价都不算太高。
The history of the last half century is accordingly in large measure a history of a group of financial Titans , whose methods were not scrutinized with too much care , and who were honored in proportion as they produced the results , irrespective of the means they used.
因此，过去半个世纪的历史在很大程度上是一群金融巨头的历史，他们的方法没有受到过多的审查，他们获得的荣誉与他们所取得的成果成正比，无论他们使用什么手段。
The financiers who pushed the railroads to the Pacific were always ruthless , often wasteful , and frequently corrupt; but they did build railroads , and we have them today.
将铁路推向太平洋的金融家们总是冷酷无情，常常浪费，而且经常腐败。但他们确实修建了铁路，我们今天也拥有了它们。
It has been estimated that the American investor paid for the American railway system more than three times over in the process; but despite this fact the net advantage was to the United States.
据估计，美国投资者在此过程中为美国铁路系统支付了三倍以上的费用；但尽管如此，净优势还是属于美国。
As long as we had free land; as long as population was growing by leaps and bounds; as long as our industrial plants were insufficient to supply our own needs , society chose to give the ambitious man free play and unlimited reward provided only that he produced the economic plant so much desired.
只要我们有空闲的土地；只要人口在突飞猛进地增长；只要我们的工业工厂不足以满足我们自己的需要，社会就会选择给予雄心勃勃的人自由发挥和无限的奖励，只要他生产出如此渴望的经济工厂。
During this period of expansion , there was equal opportunity for all and the business of government was not to interfere but to assist in the development of industry.
在这个扩张时期，所有人都有平等的机会，政府的职责不是干涉而是协助工业发展。
This was done at the request of business men themselves.
这是应商人自己的要求而完成的。
The tariff was originally imposed for the purpose of “ fostering our infant industry , ” a phrase I think the older among you will remember as a political issue not so long ago.
征收关税最初是为了“培育我们的新兴产业”，我想你们中的长辈不久前还会记得这句话是一个政治问题。
The railroads were subsidized , sometimes by grants of money , oftener by grants of land; some of the most valuable oil lands in the United States were granted to assist the financing of the railroad which pushed through the Southwest.
铁路得到补贴，有时是通过金钱的补助，更多的是通过土地的补助。美国一些最有价值的油田被授予为穿越西南地区的铁路提供融资。
A nascent merchant marine was assisted by grants of money , or by mail subsidies , so that our steam shipping might ply the seven seas.
新生的商船队得到了资金或邮件补贴的帮助，以便我们的蒸汽船可以往返于七大洋。
Some of my friends tell me that they do not want the Government in business.
我的一些朋友告诉我，他们不希望政府介入。
With this I agree; but I wonder whether they realize the implications of the past.
我同意这一点；但我想知道他们是否意识到过去的影响。
For while it has been American doctrine that the government must not go into business in competition with private enterprises , still it has been traditional particularly in Republican administrations for business urgently to ask the government to put at private disposal all kinds of government assistance.
因为，尽管美国的信条是政府不得与私营企业竞争，但企业界仍然传统上特别是在共和党政府中，迫切要求政府将各种政府援助交由私人支配。
The same man who tells you that he does not want to see the government interfere in business -- and he means it , and has plenty of good reasons for saying so -- is the first to go to Washington and ask the government for a prohibitory tariff on his product.
那个告诉你他不想看到政府干预商业的人——他是认真的，并且有充分的理由这么说——是第一个前往华盛顿要求政府对其产品征收禁止性关税的人。
When things get just bad enough -- as they did two years ago -- he will go with equal speed to the United States government and ask for a loan; and the Reconstruction Finance Corporation is the outcome of it.
当事情变得足够糟糕时——就像两年前那样——他会以同样的速度向美国政府申请贷款；重建金融公司就是它的产物。
Each group has sought protection from the government for its own special interests , without realizing that the function of government must be to favor no small group at the expense of its duty to protect the rights of personal freedom and of private property of all its citizens.
每个群体都为了自己的特殊利益而寻求政府的保护，却没有意识到政府的职能必须是偏袒任何一个小群体，而牺牲其保护所有公民的个人自由权和私有财产权的责任。
In retrospect we can now see that the turn of the tide came with the turn of the century.
现在回想起来，我们可以看到，随着世纪之交，潮流发生了转变。
We were reaching our last frontier; there was no more free land and our industrial combinations had become great uncontrolled and irresponsible units of power within the state.
我们即将到达最后的边界；不再有自由土地，我们的工业联合体已成为国家内部不受控制和不负责任的巨大权力单位。
Clear-sighted men saw with fear the danger that opportunity would no longer be equal; that the growing corporation , like the feudal baron of old , might threaten the economic freedom of individuals to earn a living.
目光敏锐的人恐惧地看到机会不再平等的危险。不断壮大的公司，就像古代的封建男爵一样，可能会威胁到个人谋生的经济自由。
In that hour , our antitrust laws were born.
就在那时，我们的反垄断法诞生了。
The cry was raised against the great corporations.
人们对大公司发出了反对的声音。
Theodore Roosevelt , the first great republican progressive , fought a Presidential campaign on the issue of “ trust busting ” and talked freely about malefactors of great wealth.
西奥多·罗斯福是第一位伟大的共和党进步人士，他在总统竞选中以“破坏信任”问题为主题，并畅所欲言地谈论了巨额财富的犯罪分子。
If the government had a policy it was rather to turn the clock back , to destroy the large combinations and to return to the time when every man owned his individual small business.
如果政府有政策的话，那就是让时光倒流，摧毁大联合体，回到每个人都拥有自己的小企业的时代。
This was impossible; Theodore Roosevelt , abandoning the idea of “ trust busting , ” was forced to work out a difference between “ good ” trusts and “ bad ” trusts.
这是不可能的。西奥多·罗斯福放弃了“破坏信任”的想法，被迫区分“好”信托和“坏”信托。
The Supreme Court set forth the famous “ rule of reason ” by which it seems to have meant that a concentration of industrial power was permissible if the method by which it got its power , and the use it made of that power , was reasonable.
最高法院提出了著名的“合理规则”，这似乎意味着，如果工业权力获得权力的方法以及对权力的使用合理，那么工业权力的集中是允许的。
Woodrow Wilson , elected in 1912 , saw the situation more clearly.
1912 年当选的伍德罗·威尔逊 (Woodrow Wilson) 对这种情况看得更清楚。
Where Jefferson had feared the encroachment of political power on the lives of individuals , Wilson knew that the new power was financial.
杰斐逊担心政治权力会侵犯个人生活，而威尔逊知道新的权力是金融权力。
He saw , in the highly centralized economic system , the despot of the twentieth century , on whom great masses of individuals relied for their safety and their livelihood , and whose irresponsibility and greed (if it were not controlled) would reduce them to starvation and penury.
他在高度集中的经济体系中看到了二十世纪的暴君，广大人民的安全和生计都依赖于他，而他的不负责任和贪婪（如果不加以控制）将使他们陷入饥饿和贫困。
The concentration of financial power had not proceeded so far in 1912 as it has today; but it had grown far enough for Mr. Wilson to realize fully its implications.
1912 年金融权力的集中程度并没有像今天这样严重。但它已经发展到足以让威尔逊先生充分认识到其影响。
It is interesting , now , to read his speeches.
现在读他的演讲很有趣。
What is called “ radical ” today (and I have reason to know whereof I speak) is mild compared to the campaign of Mr. Wilson.
与威尔逊先生的竞选活动相比，今天所谓的“激进”（我有理由知道我所说的是什么）是温和的。
“ No man can deny , ” he said ,
“没有人可以否认，”他说，
that the lines of endeavor have more and more narrowed and stiffened; no man who knows anything about the development of industry in this country can have failed to observe that the larger kinds of credit are more and more difficult to obtain unless you obtain them upon terms of uniting your efforts with those who already control the industry of the country , and nobody can fail to observe that every man who tries to set himself up in competition with any process of manufacture which has taken place under the control of large combinations of capital will presently find himself either squeezed out or obliged to sell and allow himself to be absorbed.
努力的范围越来越窄、越来越僵硬；任何一个对这个国家的工业发展有任何了解的人都会注意到，除非你通过与那些已经控制了该国工业的人联合努力来获得更大种类的信贷，否则获得这些信贷将越来越困难；而且没有人会注意到，每个试图与任何在大资本组合控制下发生的制造过程竞争的人很快就会发现自己要么被挤出，要么被迫出售并让自己被吸收。
”
”
Had there been no World War -- had Mr. Wilson been able to devote eight years to domestic instead of to international affairs -- we might have had a wholly different situation at the present time.
如果没有世界大战——如果威尔逊先生能够将八年的时间花在国内事务而不是国际事务上——我们现在的情况可能会完全不同。
However , the then distant roar of European cannon , growing ever louder , forced him to abandon the study of this issue.
然而，远方的欧洲炮声越来越大，迫使他放弃了对这个问题的研究。
The problem he saw so clearly is left with us as a legacy; and no one of us on either side of the political controversy can deny that it is a matter of grave concern to the government.
他如此清楚地看到的问题作为遗产留给了我们；我们中政治争议双方的任何人都不能否认这是政府严重关切的问题。
A glance at the situation today only too clearly indicates that equality of opportunity as we have known it no longer exists.
纵观当今的形势，我们所知道的机会平等已经不复存在。
Our industrial plant is built; the problem just now is whether under existing conditions it is not overbuilt.
我们的工业厂房建成；现在的问题是，在现有条件下，它是否不会过度建设。
Our last frontier has long since been reached , and there is practically no more free land.
我们的最后边境早已到达，几乎没有更多的自由土地。
More than half of our people do not live on the farms or on lands and cannot derive a living by cultivating their own property.
我们一半以上的人民不住在农场或土地上，无法靠耕种自己的财产谋生。
There is no safety valve in the form of a Western prairie to which those thrown out of work by the Eastern economic machines can go for a new start.
西方大草原并不存在安全阀，可以让那些被东方经济机器抛弃的人重新开始。
We are not able to invite the immigration from Europe to share our endless plenty.
我们无法邀请来自欧洲的移民来分享我们无尽的财富。
We are no[w] providing a drab living for our own people.
我们现在正在为我们自己的人民提供单调的生活。
Our system of constantly rising tariffs has at last reacted against us to the point of closing our Canadian frontier on the north , our European markets on the east , many of our Latin American markets to the south , and a goodly proportion of our Pacific markets on the west , through the retaliatory tariffs of those countries.
我们不断提高关税的制度最终对我们产生了反作用，通过这些国家的报复性关税，关闭了我们北部的加拿大边境、东部的欧洲市场、南部的许多拉丁美洲市场以及西部的很大一部分太平洋市场。
It has forced many of our great industrial institutions who exported their surplus production to such countries , to establish plants in such countries , within the tariff walls.
它迫使我们许多向这些国家出口剩余产品的大型工业机构在关税壁垒内在这些国家建立工厂。
This has resulted in the reduction of the operation of their American plants , and opportunity for employment.
这导致他们美国工厂的运营减少，就业机会减少。
Just as freedom to farm has ceased , so also the opportunity in business has narrowed.
正如农业自由已经消失一样，商业机会也随之缩小。
It still is true that men can start small enterprises , trusting to native shrewdness and ability to keep abreast of competitors; but area after area has been preempted altogether by the great corporations , and even in the fields which still have no great concerns , the small man starts under a handicap.
确实，男人可以创办小企业，依靠天生的精明和跟上竞争对手的能力；但一个又一个的领域都被大公司抢占了，即使在那些还没有什么大问题的领域，小人物也处于不利地位。
The unfeeling statistics of the past three decades show that the independent business man is running a losing race.
过去三十年的无情统计数据表明，独立商人正在一场失败的比赛中。
Perhaps he is forced to the wall; perhaps he cannot command credit; perhaps he is “ squeezed out , ” in Mr. Wilson ’ s words , by highly organized corporate competitors , as your corner grocery man can tell you.
也许他是被逼到墙边的；也许他无法获得信誉；也许用威尔逊先生的话说，他被组织严密的企业竞争对手“排挤”了，正如你街角的杂货店老板可以告诉你的那样。
Recently a careful study was made of the concentration of business in the United States.
最近对美国的业务集中度进行了仔细研究。
It showed that our economic life was dominated by some six hundred odd corporations who controlled two-thirds of American industry.
它表明我们的经济生活是由大约六百多家公司主导的，这些公司控制着美国工业的三分之二。
Ten million small business men divided the other third.
1000 万小商人瓜分了另外三分之一。
More striking still , it appeared that if the process of concentration goes on at the same rate , at the end of another century we shall have all American industry controlled by a dozen corporations , and run by perhaps a hundred men.
更令人震惊的是，如果集中化过程以同样的速度继续下去，到另一个世纪末，我们将看到美国所有工业都由十几家公司控制，并由大约一百个人经营。
Put plainly , we are steering a steady course toward economic oligarchy , if we are not there already.
坦率地说，我们正在稳步走向经济寡头统治，如果我们还没有达到这一点的话。
Clearly , all this calls for a [re]appraisal of values.
显然，所有这一切都需要对价值观进行[重新]评估。
A mere builder of more industrial plants , a creator of more railroad systems , an organizer of more corporations , is as likely to be a danger as a help.
仅仅建造更多工厂、创建更多铁路系统、组织更多公司，既可能带来帮助，也可能带来危险。
The day of the great promoter or the financial Titan , to whom we granted anything if only he would build , or develop , is over.
伟大的发起人或金融巨头的时代已经结束，只要他愿意建设或发展，我们就给予他任何东西。
Our task now is not discovery or exploitation of natural resources , or necessarily producing more goods.
我们现在的任务不是发现或开发自然资源，也不一定是生产更多的商品。
It is the soberer , less dramatic business of administering resources and plants already in hand , of seeking to reestablish foreign markets for our surplus production , of meeting the problem of underconsumption , of adjusting production to consumption , of distributing wealth and products more equitably , of adapting existing economic organizations to the service of the people.
这是一项更冷静、不那么引人注目的工作，即管理现有的资源和工厂，为我们的剩余生产寻求重建国外市场，解决消费不足的问题，调整生产以适应消费，更公平地分配财富和产品，使现有的经济组织适应为人民服务的需要。
The day of enlightened administration has come.
开明行政的日子已经到来。
Just as in older times the central government was first a haven of refuge , and then a threat , so now in a closer economic system the central and ambitious financial unit is no longer a servant of national desire , but a danger.
正如过去中央政府首先是避难所，然后是威胁一样，现在在更紧密的经济体系中，中央和雄心勃勃的金融单位不再是国家欲望的仆人，而是一种危险。
I would draw the parallel one step farther.
我会把这种平行线画得更进一步。
We did not think because national government had become a threat in the 18th century that therefore we should abandon the principle of national government.
我们并不认为因为国民政府在18世纪已经成为威胁，所以我们就应该放弃国民政府的原则。
Nor today should we abandon the principle of strong economic units called corporations , merely because their power is susceptible of easy abuse.
今天我们也不应该仅仅因为公司的权力容易被滥用而放弃被称为公司的强大经济单位的原则。
In other times we dealt with the problem of an unduly ambitious central government by modifying it gradually into a constitutional democratic government.
还有的时候，我们解决中央政府野心太大的问题，逐步把它改成宪政民主政府。
So today we are modifying and controlling our economic units.
所以今天我们正在修改和控制我们的经济单位。
As I see it , the task of government in its relation to business is to assist the development of an economic declaration of rights , an economic constitutional order.
在我看来，政府在与企业的关系中的任务是协助发展经济权利宣言、经济宪法秩序。
This is the common task of statesman and business man.
这是政治家和商人的共同任务。
It is the minimum requirement of a more permanently safe order of things.
这是更持久的安全秩序的最低要求。
Happily , the times indicate that to create such an order not only is the proper policy of government , but it is the only line of safety for our economic structures as well.
令人高兴的是，时代表明，建立这样的秩序不仅是政府的正确政策，也是我们经济结构的唯一安全线。
We know , now , that these economic units cannot exist unless prosperity is uniform -- that is , unless purchasing power is well distributed throughout every group in the nation.
现在我们知道，除非繁荣是统一的，也就是说，除非购买力很好地分布在全国各个群体中，否则这些经济单位就不可能存在。
That is why even the most selfish of corporations for its own interest would be glad to see wages restored and unemployment ended and to bring the Western farmer back to his accustomed level of prosperity and to assure a permanent safety to both groups.
这就是为什么即使是最自私的公司为了自身利益也会高兴地看到工资恢复和失业结束，让西方农民恢复到他们惯常的繁荣水平，并确保这两个群体的永久安全。
That is why some enlightened industries themselves endeavor to limit the freedom of action of each man and business group within the industry in the common interest of all; why business men everywhere are asking a form of organization which will bring the scheme of things into balance , even though it may in some measure qualify the freedom of action of individual units within the business.
这就是为什么一些开明的行业本身为了所有人的共同利益而努力限制行业内每个人和商业团体的行动自由；为什么世界各地的商人都在寻求一种能够使事物计划保持平衡的组织形式，尽管它可能在某种程度上限制企业内各个单位的行动自由。
The exposition need not further be elaborated.
对此无需进一步阐述。
It is brief and incomplete , but you will be able to expand it in terms of your own business or occupation without difficulty.
它简短且不完整，但您将能够毫无困难地在自己的业务或职业方面扩展它。
I think every one who has actually entered the economic struggle -- which means everyone who was not born to safe wealth -- knows in his own experience and his own life that we have now to apply the earlier concepts of American government to the conditions of today.
我认为每一个真正参与经济斗争的人——这意味着每一个并非生来就拥有安全财富的人——从他自己的经历和生活中知道，我们现在必须将美国政府的早期概念应用于今天的条件。
The Declaration of Independence discusses the problem of government in terms of a contract.
《独立宣言》从契约的角度讨论了政府问题。
Government is a relation of give and take , a contract , perforce , if we would follow the thinking out of which it grew.
政府是一种给予和索取的关系，一种契约，如果我们遵循它产生的思维的话，这是必然的。
Under such a contract rulers were accorded power , and the people consented to that power on consideration that they be accorded certain rights.
根据这样的契约，统治者被授予权力，而人民则因为被赋予某些权利而同意这种权力。
The task of statesmanship has always been the re-definition of these rights in terms of a changing and growing social order.
政治家的任务始终是根据不断变化和发展的社会秩序重新定义这些权利。
New conditions impose new requirements upon government and those who conduct government.
新形势对政府和执政者提出了新要求。
I held , for example , in proceedings before me as Governor , the purpose of which was the removal of the Sheriff of New York , that under modern conditions it was not enough for a public official merely to evade the legal terms of official wrongdoing.
例如，在我作为州长审理的旨在罢免纽约州警长的诉讼中，我认为，在现代条件下，公职人员仅仅逃避官方不当行为的法律条款是不够的。
He owed a positive duty as well.
他也负有积极的责任。
I said in substance that if he had acquired large sums of money , he was when accused required to explain the sources of such wealth.
我的实质内容是，如果他获得了大笔金钱，那么当他被指控时，他就会被要求解释这些财富的来源。
To that extent this wealth was colored with a public interest.
从这个意义上说，这些财富带有公共利益的色彩。
I said that public servants should , even beyond private citizens , in financial matters be held to a stern and uncompromising rectitude.
我说过，公务员，甚至超越普通公民，在财务问题上也应该保持严格和毫不妥协的正直。
I feel that we are coming to a view through the drift of our legislation and our public thinking in the past quarter century that private economic power is , to enlarge an old phrase , a public trust as well.
我觉得，通过过去四分之一个世纪的立法和公众思维的变化，我们正在认识到，用一句老话来说，私人经济权力也是一种公共信托。
I hold that continued enjoyment of that power by any individual or group must depend upon the fulfillment of that trust.
我认为任何个人或团体继续享有这种权力必须取决于这种信任的履行。
The men who have reached the summit of American business life know this best; happily , many of these urge the binding quality of this greater social contract.
那些登上美国商业生活顶峰的人最了解这一点。令人高兴的是，其中许多人敦促这一更大的社会契约具有约束力。
The terms of that contract are as old as the Republic , and as new as the new economic order.
该合同的条款与共和国一样古老，与新经济秩序一样新。
Every man has a right to life; and this means that he has also a right to make a comfortable living.
每个人都有生命权；这意味着他也有权利过上舒适的生活。
He may by sloth or crime decline to exercise that right; but it may not be denied him.
他可能因懒惰或犯罪而拒绝行使该权利；但这不能否认他。
We have no actual famine or dearth; our industrial and agricultural mechanism can produce enough and to spare.
我们没有真正的饥荒或匮乏；我们的工农业机制可以生产充足、有余的。
Our government formal and informal , political and economic , owes to every one an avenue to possess himself of a portion of that plenty sufficient for his needs , through his own work.
我们的政府，无论是正式的还是非正式的，政治的还是经济的，都应该为每个人提供一条途径，通过自己的工作，获得足以满足其需要的一部分。
Every man has a right to his own property; which means a right to be assured , to the fullest extent attainable , in the safety of his savings.
每个人都有权拥有自己的财产；这意味着他有权在最大程度上保证其储蓄的安全。
By no other means can men carry the burdens of those parts of life which , in the nature of things , afford no chance of labor; childhood , sickness , old age.
人类除此之外无法承担生活中那些从本质上讲是不提供劳动机会的重担。童年、疾病、老年。
In all thought of property , this right is paramount; all other property rights must yield to it.
在所有关于财产的思想中，这项权利是至高无上的。所有其他财产权都必须屈服于它。
If , in accord with this principle , we must restrict the operations of the speculator , the manipulator , even the financier , I believe we must accept the restriction as needful , not to hamper individualism but to protect it.
如果按照这个原则，我们必须限制投机者、操纵者、甚至金融家的运作，我相信我们必须接受这种必要的限制，不是为了阻碍个人主义，而是为了保护个人主义。
These two requirements must be satisfied , in the main , by the individuals who claim and hold control of the great industrial and financial combinations which dominate so large a part of our industrial life.
这两个要求主要必须由那些声称并控制着主导我们工业生活很大一部分的工业和金融组合的个人来满足。
They have undertaken to be , not business men , but princes -- princes of property.
他们承诺成为的不是商人，而是王子——财产王子。
I am not prepared to say that the system which produces them is wrong.
我不准备说产生它们的系统是错误的。
I am very clear that they must fearlessly and competently assume the responsibility which goes with the power.
我非常清楚，他们必须无所畏惧、有能力地承担起与权力相伴的责任。
So many enlightened business men know this that the statement would be little more than a platitude , were it not for an added implication.
许多开明的商人都知道这一点，如果没有额外的暗示，这句话只不过是一句陈词滥调。
This implication is , briefly , that the responsible heads of finance and industry instead of acting each for himself , must work together to achieve the common end.
简而言之，这意味着金融和工业界的负责人不应各自为政，而必须共同努力以实现共同目标。
They must , where necessary , sacrifice this or that private advantage; and in reciprocal self-denial must seek a general advantage.
必要时，他们必须牺牲这样或那样的私人利益；并且在相互克己中必须寻求总体优势。
It is here that formal government -- political government , if you choose -- comes in.
正是在这里，正式政府——政治政府，如果你选择的话——发挥作用。
Whenever in the pursuit of this objective the lone wolf , the unethical competitor , the reckless promoter , the Ishmael or Insull whose hand is against every man ’ s , declines to join in achieving an end recognized as being for the public welfare , and threatens to drag the industry back to a state of anarchy , the government may properly be asked to apply restraint.
每当在追求这一目标的过程中，独狼、不道德的竞争者、鲁莽的推动者、以实玛利或因萨尔的手与所有人为敌，拒绝加入实现公认的公共福利目标，并威胁将行业拖回无政府状态时，政府可能会被适当地要求采取克制。
Likewise , should the group ever use its collective power contrary to the public welfare , the government must be swift to enter and protect the public interest.
同样，如果团体利用其集体权力违背公共利益，政府必须迅速介入并保护公共利益。
The government should assume the function of economic regulation only as a last resort , to be tried only when private initiative , inspired by high responsibility , with such assistance and balance as government can give , has finally failed.
政府只能作为最后的手段来承担经济调节的职能，只有在高度责任感的私人倡议以及政府所能提供的帮助和平衡最终失败的情况下才可以尝试。
As yet there has been no final failure , because there has been no attempt; and I decline to assume that this nation is unable to meet the situation.
到目前为止，还没有最终的失败，因为还没有尝试过；我不认为这个国家无法应对这种情况。
The final term of the high contract was for liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
高级契约的最后一个条款是为了自由和追求幸福。
We have learnt a great deal of both in the past century.
在过去的一个世纪里，我们在这两方面都学到了很多东西。
We know that individual liberty and individual happiness mean nothing unless both are ordered in the sense that one man ’ s meat is not another man ’ s poison.
我们知道，除非一个人的肉不是另一个人的毒药，否则个人自由和个人幸福就毫无意义。
We know that the old “ rights of personal competency ” -- the right to read , to think , to speak , to choose and live a mode of life -- must be respected at all hazards.
我们知道，古老的“个人能力权利”——阅读、思考、说话、选择和生活方式的权利——必须不惜一切代价得到尊重。
We know that liberty to do anything which deprives others of those elemental rights is outside the protection of any compact; and that government in this regard is the maintenance of a balance , within which every individual may have a place if he will take it; in which every individual may find safety if he wishes it; in which every individual may attain such power as his ability permits , consistent with his assuming the accompanying responsibility.
我们知道，任何剥夺他人这些基本权利的行为的自由不受任何契约的保护；政府在这方面是维持一种平衡，每个人都可以在其中占有一席之地，如果他愿意的话；如果每个人愿意，都可以在其中找到安全；每个人都可以获得其能力允许的权力，并承担相应的责任。
All this is a long , slow talk.
这一切都是一个漫长而缓慢的谈话。
Nothing is more striking than the simple innocence of the men who insist , whenever an objective is present , on the prompt production of a patent scheme guaranteed to produce a result.
没有什么比这些人的单纯天真更引人注目了，只要有一个目标，他们就坚持立即制定保证产生结果的专利方案。
Human endeavor is not so simple as that.
人类的努力并不是那么简单。
Government includes the art of formulating a policy , and using the political technique to attain so much of that policy as will receive general support; persuading , leading , sacrificing , teaching always , because the greatest duty of a statesman is to educate.
政府包括制定政策的艺术，以及使用政治技巧来实现该政策并获得普遍支持的艺术；永远说服、领导、牺牲、教导，因为政治家最大的职责就是教育。
But in the matters of which I have spoken , we are learning rapidly , in a severe school.
但就我所说的事情而言，我们在一所严格的学校里学得很快。
The lessons so learnt must not be forgotten , even in the mental lethargy of a speculative upturn.
即使在投机性好转的精神昏昏欲睡的情况下，我们也不能忘记从中吸取的教训。
We must build toward the time when a major depression cannot occur again; and if this means sacrificing the easy profits of inflationist booms , then let them go; and good riddance.
我们必须努力让大萧条不再发生；如果这意味着牺牲通货膨胀繁荣带来的轻松利润，那就放手吧；祝你摆脱困境。
Faith in America , faith in our tradition of personal responsibility , faith in our institutions , faith in ourselves demands that we recognize the new terms of the old social cont[r]act.
对美国的信仰，对我们个人责任传统的信仰，对我们机构的信仰，对我们自己的信仰，要求我们承认旧社会契约的新条款。
We shall fulfill them , as we fulfilled the obligation of the apparent Utopia which Jefferson imagined for us in 1776 , and which Jefferson , Roosevelt and Wilson sought to bring to realization.
我们将实现这些目标，就像我们履行了杰斐逊在 1776 年为我们设想的、杰斐逊、罗斯福和威尔逊力图实现的乌托邦的义务一样。
We must do so , lest a rising tide of misery engendered by our common failure , engulf us all.
我们必须这样做，以免因我们共同的失败而引发的痛苦浪潮席卷我们所有人。
But failure is not an American habit; and in the strength of great hope we must all shoulder our common load.
但失败并不是美国人的习惯；而是美国人的习惯。怀着伟大希望的力量，我们大家必须肩负起共同的重担。