Free Speech in Wartime -- Robert Marion La Follette
Senate Address on Free Speech in War Time Title
参议院关于战时言论自由标题的讲话
delivered 6 October 1917, U.S. Senate Chamber, Washington, D.C.
1917 年 10 月 6 日在华盛顿特区美国参议院会议厅发表
Mr. President, I rise to a question of personal privilege.
主席先生，我提出个人特权问题。
I have no intention of taking the time of the Senate with a review of the events which led to our entrance into the war except in so far as they bear upon the question of personal privilege to which I am addressing myself.
我无意花参议院的时间来审查导致我们参战的事件，除非这些事件与我正在讨论的个人特权问题有关。
Six Members of the Senate and 50 Members of the House voted against the declaration of war.
六名参议院议员和五十名众议院议员投票反对宣战。
Immediately there was let loose upon those Senators and Representatives a flood of invective and abuse from newspapers and individuals who had been clamoring for war, unequaled, I believe, in the history of civilized society.
报纸和个人立即向这些参议员和众议员发出了如潮水般的谩骂和谩骂，他们一直在叫嚣着战争，我相信，这在文明社会的历史上是无与伦比的。
Prior to the declaration of war every man who had ventured to oppose our entrance into it had been condemned as a coward or worse, and even the President had by no means been immune from these attacks.
在宣战之前，每一个胆敢反对我们参战的人都被谴责为懦夫或更糟糕，甚至连总统也未能幸免于这些攻击。
Since the declaration of war the triumphant war press has pursued those Senators and Representations who voted against war with malicious falsehood and recklessly libelous attacks, going to the extreme limit of charging them with treason against their country.
自宣战以来，胜利的战争媒体一直以恶意谎言和鲁莽的诽谤性攻击追捕那些投票反对战争的参议员和众议员，甚至指控他们叛国罪。
This campaign of libel and character assassination directed against the Members of Congress who opposed our entrance into the war has been continued down to the present hour, and I have upon my desk newspaper clippings, some of them libels upon me alone, some directed as well against other Senators who voted in opposition to the declaration of war.
这场针对反对我们参战的国会议员的诽谤和人格诽谤运动一直持续到目前，我桌上放着一些剪报，其中一些诽谤只针对我一个人，一些还针对其他投票反对宣战的参议员。
One of these newspaper reports most widely circulated represents a Federal judge in the State of Texas as saying, in a charge to a grand jury -- I read the article as it appeared in the newspaper and the headline with which it is introduced:
其中一篇流传最广的报纸报道是德克萨斯州一位联邦法官在向大陪审团提出的指控中说的——我读到了报纸上出现的这篇文章以及介绍该文章的标题：
DISTRICT JUDGE WOULD LIKE TO TAKE SHOT AT TRAITORS IN CONGRESS.
地区法官希望在国会向叛徒开枪。
Judge Waller T.
沃勒·T.法官
Burns, of the United States district court, in charging a Federal grand jury at the beginning of the October term today, after calling by name Senators STONE of Missouri, HARDWICK of Georgia, VARDAMAN of Mississippi, GRONNA of North Dakota, GORE of Oklahoma, and LAFOLLETTE of Wisconsin, said:
美国地方法院的伯恩斯在今天十月任期开始时向联邦大陪审团提出指控，在点名密苏里州参议员斯通、佐治亚州哈德威克、密西西比州瓦尔达曼、北达科他州格罗纳、俄克拉荷马州戈尔和威斯康星州拉福莱特参议员后表示：
If I had a wish, I would wish that you men had jurisdiction to return bills of indictment against these men.
如果我有一个愿望，我希望你们有管辖权退回针对这些人的起诉书。
They ought to be tried promptly and fairly, and I believe this court could administer the law fairly; but I have a conviction, as strong as life, that this country should stand them up against an adobe wall tomorrow and give them what they deserve.
他们应该得到及时、公正的审判，我相信这个法院能够公正地执法；但我有一个坚定的信念，那就是这个国家明天应该让他们靠在土坯墙上，并给予他们应得的东西。
If any man deserves death, it is a traitor.
如果有一个人该死，那他就是叛徒。
I wish that I could pay for the ammunition.
我希望我能支付弹药费用。
I would like to attend the execution, and if I were in the firing squad I would not want to be the marksman who had the blank shell.
我想参加行刑，如果我在行刑队里，我不想成为拿着空壳的神枪手。
The above clipping, Mr. President, was sent to me by another Federal judge, who wrote upon the margin of the clipping that it occurred to him that the conduct of this judge might very properly be the subject of investigation.
总统先生，上述剪报是另一位联邦法官发给我的，他在剪报的页边写道，他认为这位法官的行为很可能成为调查对象。
He enclosed with the clipping a letter, from which I quote the following:
他附上一封信的剪报，我在信中引用了以下内容：
I have been greatly depressed by the brutal and unjust attacks that great business interests have organized against you.
巨大的商业利益集团对你们进行残酷和不公正的攻击，让我感到非常沮丧。
It is a time when all the spirits of evil are turned loose.
这是所有邪恶之灵都被释放的时刻。
The Kaisers of high finance, who have been developing hatred of you for a generation because you have fought against them and for the common good, see this opportunity to turn the war patriotism into an engine of attack.
金融界的皇帝们对你们产生了一代人的仇恨，因为你们为了共同利益而与他们作斗争，他们看到了这个机会，将战争爱国主义变成攻击的引擎。
They are using it everywhere, and it is a day when lovers of democracy, not only in the world, but here in the United States, need to go apart on the mountain and spend the night in fasting and prayer.
他们在各地都使用它，在这一天，民主爱好者不仅在世界上，而且在美国这里，都需要在山上分开，并在禁食和祈祷中度过一夜。
I still have faith that the forces of good on this earth will be found to be greater than the forces of evil, but we all need resolution.
我仍然相信地球上的正义力量将大于邪恶力量，但我们都需要决心。
I hope you will have the grace to keep your center of gravity on the inside of you and to keep a spirit that is unclouded by hatred.
我希望你能有恩典将重心保持在内心，并保持不被仇恨所笼罩的精神。
It is a time for the words, "with malice toward none and charity for all." It is the office of great service to be a shield to the good man's character against malice.
现在是一个说出“对任何人都怀有恶意，对所有人都充满仁慈”这句话的时候了。成为好人品格抵御恶意的盾牌是一项伟大服务的职责。
Before this fight is over you will have a new revelation that such a shield is yours.
在这场战斗结束之前，你将会有一个新的启示：这样的盾牌是你的。
If this newspaper clipping were a single or exceptional instance of lawless defamation.
如果这份剪报是非法诽谤的单一或特殊实例。
I should not trouble the Senate with a reference to it.
我不应该因为提到它而麻烦参议院。
But Mr. President, it is not.
但总统先生，事实并非如此。
In this mass of newspaper clippings which I have here upon my desk, and which I shall not trouble the Senate to read unless it is desired, and which represent but a small part of the accumulation clipped from the daily press of the country in the last three months, I find other Senators, as well as myself, accused of the highest crimes of which any man can be guilty --treason and disloyalty -- and, sir, accused not only with no evidence to support the accusation, but without the suggestion that such evidence anywhere exists.
在我桌上的这堆剪报中，除非需要，否则我不会劳烦参议院阅读，这些剪报仅代表过去三个月从该国日常新闻剪报中剪下的一小部分，我发现其他参议员，以及我自己，被指控犯有任何人都可能犯下的最高罪行——叛国和不忠——而且，先生，被指控的人不仅没有证据支持这一指控，而且没有暗示这种证据在任何地方都存在。
It is not claimed that Senators who opposed the declaration of war have since that time acted with any concerted purpose either regarding war measured or any others.
没有人声称，从那时起，反对宣战的参议员在战争或任何其他方面都出于任何一致的目的而采取行动。
They have voted according to their individual opinions, have often been opposed to each other on bills which have come before the Senate since the declaration of war, and, according to my recollection, have never all voted together since that time upon any single proposition upon which the Senate has been divided.
他们根据自己的个人意见进行投票，在宣战以来提交给参议院的法案上经常互相反对，而且根据我的记忆，自那时以来，他们从未对任何参议院存在分歧的单一提案进行过一起投票。
I am aware, Mr. President that in pursuance of this general campaign of vilification and attempted intimidation, requests from various individuals and certain organizations have been submitted to the Senate for my expulsion from this body, and that such requests have been referred to and considered by one of the committees of the Senate.
总统先生，我知道，在这场普遍的诽谤和企图恐吓活动中，不同个人和某些组织已向参议院提出将我驱逐出本机构的请求，并且这些请求已由参议院的一个委员会提交并审议。
If I alone had been made the victim of these attacks, I should not take one moment of the Senate's time for their consideration, and I believe that other Senators who have been unjustly and unfairly assailed, as I have been, hold the same attitude upon this that I do.
如果我一个人成为这些攻击的受害者，我就不应该花参议院的一分钟时间来考虑，而且我相信其他像我一样受到不公正和不公平攻击的参议员对此也持与我相同的态度。
Neither the clamor of the mob nor the voice of power will ever turn me by the breadth of a hair from the course I mark out for myself, guided by such knowledge as I can obtain and controlled and directed by a solemn conviction of right and duty.
无论是暴民的喧嚣还是权力的声音，都无法使我偏离我为自己制定的路线，我以我所能获得的知识为指导，并以对权利和义务的庄严信念来控制和指导。
But, sir, it is not alone Members of Congress that the war party in this country has sought to intimidate.
但是，先生，这个国家的战争党不仅仅试图恐吓国会议员。
The mandate seems to have gone forth to the sovereign people of this country that they must be silent while those things are being done by their Government which most vitally concern their well-being, their happiness, and their lives.
这个国家的主权人民似乎接到了这样的命令：当他们的政府正在做那些最关系到他们的福祉、幸福和生命的事情时，他们必须保持沉默。
Today and for weeks past honest and law-abiding citizens of this country are being terrorized and outraged in their rights by those sworn to uphold the laws and protect the rights of the people.
今天和过去几周，这个国家的诚实守法公民的权利受到那些发誓维护法律和保护人民权利的人的恐吓和愤怒。
I have in my possession numerous affidavits establishing the fact that people are being unlawfully arrested, thrown into jail, held incommunicado for days, only to be eventually discharged without ever having been taken into court, because they have committed no crime.
我掌握着大量宣誓书，证明人们被非法逮捕、投入监狱、单独关押数天，最终被释放而没有被带上法庭，因为他们没有犯罪。
Private residences are being invaded, loyal citizens of undoubted integrity and probity arrested, cross-examined, and the most sacred constitutional rights guaranteed to every American citizen are being violated.
私人住宅遭到入侵，正直和正直无疑的忠诚公民遭到逮捕和盘问，保障每个美国公民最神圣的宪法权利受到侵犯。
It appears to be the purpose of those conducting this campaign to throw the country into a state of terror, to coerce public opinion, to stifle criticism, and suppress discussion of the great issues involved in this war.
这场运动的目的似乎是为了让国家陷入恐怖状态，胁迫舆论，压制批评，压制对这场战争所涉及重大问题的讨论。
I think all men recognize that in time of war the citizen must surrender some rights for the common good which he is entitled to enjoy in time of peace.
我认为所有人都认识到，在战争时期，公民必须为了公共利益而放弃一些在和平时期有权享有的权利。
But sir, the right to control their own Government according to constitutional forms is not one of the rights that the citizens of this country are called upon to surrender in time of war.
但是先生，根据宪法形式控制自己政府的权利并不是这个国家的公民在战时被要求放弃的权利之一。
Rather in time of war the citizen must be more alert to the preservation of his right to control his Government.
相反，在战争时期，公民必须更加警惕维护他控制政府的权利。
He must be most watchful of the encroachment of the military upon the civil power.
他必须高度警惕军队对民事权力的侵犯。
He must beware of those precedents in support of arbitrary action by administrative officials, which excused on the plea of necessity in war time, become the fixed rule when the necessity has passed and normal conditions have been restored.
他必须警惕那些支持行政官员任意行动的先例，这些先例在战时以危急情况为借口开脱，而当危急情况过去并恢复正常情况时，这些先例就成为固定规则。
More than all, the citizen and his representative in Congress in time of war must maintain his right of free speech.
最重要的是，战时公民及其在国会的代表必须维护言论自由的权利。
More than in time of war must maintain his right of free speech.
比战争时期更必须维护自己的言论自由权。
More than in times of peace it is necessary that the channels for free public discussion of governmental policies shall be open and unclogged.
比和平时期更需要开放和畅通公众自由讨论政府政策的渠道。
I believe, Mr. President, that I am now touching upon the most important question in this country today -- and that is the right of the citizens of this country and their representatives in Congress to discuss in an orderly way frankly and publicly and without fear, from the platform and through the press, every important phase of this war; its causes, the manner in which it should be conducted, and the terms upon which peace should be made.
总统先生，我相信，我现在正在谈论这个国家今天最重要的问题，即这个国家的公民及其在国会的代表有权通过讲台和新闻界以有序的方式、坦率、公开、毫无恐惧地讨论这场战争的每一个重要阶段；其原因、进行的方式以及缔结和平的条件。
The belief which is becoming wide spread in this land that this most fundamental right is being denied to the citizens of this country is a fact the tremendous significance of which, those in authority have not yet begun to appreciate.
在这片土地上，人们普遍认为，这个国家的公民被剥夺了这项最基本的权利，但当权者尚未开始意识到这一事实的巨大意义。
I am contending, Mr. President, for the great fundamental right of the sovereign people of this country to make their voice heard and have that voice heeded upon the great questions arising out of this war, including not only how the war shall be prosecuted but the conditions upon which it may be terminated with a due regard for the rights and the honor of this Nation and the interests of humanity.
总统先生，我主张这个国家的主权人民享有伟大的基本权利，可以就这场战争引起的重大问题发出自己的声音，并让这种声音得到关注，这些问题不仅包括如何进行战争，还包括结束战争的条件，并适当考虑到这个国家的权利和荣誉以及人类的利益。
I am contending for this right because the exercise of it is necessary to the welfare, to the existence, of this Government to the successful conduct of this war, and to a peace which shall be enduring and for the best interest of this country.
我主张这项权利，因为行使这项权利对于这个政府的福祉、生存、成功地进行这场战争以及持久的和平和为了这个国家的最大利益是必要的。
Suppose success attends the attempt to stifle all discussion of the issues of this war, all discussion of the terms upon which it should be concluded, all discussion of the objects and purposes to be accomplished by it, and concede the demand of the war-mad press and war extremists that they monopolize the right of public utterance upon these questions unchallenged, what think you would be the consequences to this country not only during the war but after the war?
假设成功在于扼杀对这场战争问题的所有讨论、对结束战争的条件的所有讨论、对战争要实现的目标和目的的所有讨论，并承认战争狂热媒体和战争极端分子的要求，即他们垄断这些问题的公开言论权而不受挑战，你认为不仅在战争期间而且在战后会给这个国家带来什么后果？
Mr. President, our Government, above all others, is founded on the right of the people freely to discuss all matters pertaining to their Government, in war not less than in peace, for in this Government the people are the rulers in war no less than in peace.
主席先生，我们的政府首先是建立在人民有权自由讨论与其政府有关的所有事务的基础上的，无论是在战争中还是在和平中，因为在这个政府中，无论在战争中还是在和平中，人民都是统治者。
It is true, sir, that Members of the House of Representatives are elected for two years, the President for four years, and the Members of the Senate for six years, and during their temporary official terms these officers constitute what is called the Government.
先生，确实如此，众议院议员的任期为两年，总统的任期为四年，参议院的议员的任期为六年，在其临时正式任期内，这些官员组成了所谓的政府。
But back of them always is the controlling sovereign power of the people, and when the people can make their will known, the faithful officer will obey that will.
但他们的背后始终是人民的控制主权，当人民能够表达他们的意愿时，忠实的官员就会服从这个意愿。
Though the right of the people to express their will by ballot is suspended during the term of office of the elected official, nevertheless the duty of the official to obey the popular will continues throughout this entire term of office.
尽管人民通过投票表达意愿的权利在当选官员的任期内被暂停，但官员遵守民意的义务在整个任期内持续存在。
How can that popular will express itself between elections except by meetings, by speeches, by publications, by petitions, and by addresses to the representatives of the people?
除了通过会议、演讲、出版物、请愿书和向人民代表发表讲话之外，如何在选举期间表达人民的意愿呢？
Any man who seeks to set a limit upon those rights, whether in war or peace, aims a blow at the most vital part of our Government.
任何试图限制这些权利的人，无论是在战争还是和平时期，其目的都是对我国政府最重要部分的打击。
And then as the time for election approaches and the official is called to account for his stewardship -- not a day, not a week, not a month, before the election, but a year or more before it, if the people choose -- they must have the right to the freest possible discussion of every question upon which their representative has acted, of the merits of every measure he has supported or opposed, of every vote he has cast and every speech that he has made.
然后，随着选举时间的临近，官员被要求对其管理职责负责——不是选举前一天、一周、一个月，而是一年或更长时间，如果人民愿意的话——他们必须有权尽可能自由地讨论他们的代表所采取的每一个问题、他支持或反对的每一项措施的优点、他投下的每一张选票和他所做的每一次演讲。
And before this great fundamental right every other must, if necessary, give way, for in no other manner can representative government be preserved.
在这一伟大的基本权利面前，如果有必要，其他一切权利都必须让步，因为没有其他方式可以保留代议制政府。
Mr. President, what I am saying has been exemplified in the lives and public discussion of the ablest statesman of this country, whose memories we most revere and whose deeds, we most justly commemorate.
总统先生，我所说的已经在这个国家最有能力的政治家的生活和公开讨论中得到体现，我们最崇敬他的记忆，我们最公正地纪念他的事迹。
I shall presently ask the attention of the Senate to the views of some of these men upon the subject we are now considering.
我现在将请参议院注意其中一些人对我们现在正在考虑的主题的看法。
Closely related to this subject of the right of the citizen to discuss war is that of the constitutional power and duty of the Congress to declare the purposes and objects of any war in which our country may be engaged.
与公民讨论战争的权利这一主题密切相关的是国会宣布我国可能参与的任何战争的目的和目标的宪法权力和义务。
The authorities which I shall cite cover both the right of the people to discuss the war in all its phases and the right and the duty of the people's representatives in Congress to declare the purposes and objects of the war.
我将引用的权威既涵盖人民讨论战争各个阶段的权利，也涵盖人民代表在国会宣布战争的目的和目标的权利和义务。
For the sake of brevity, I shall present these quotations together at this point instead of submitting them separately.
为了简洁起见，我现在将这些引文一起呈现，而不是单独提交。
Henry Clay, in a memorable address at Lexington, Kentucky., on the 13th day of November, 1847, during the Mexican War, took a strong position in behalf of the right of the people to freely discuss every question relating to the war, even though the discussion involved a strong condemnation of the war policy of the Executive.
1847 年 11 月 13 日，墨西哥战争期间，亨利·克莱在肯塔基州列克星敦发表了一次令人难忘的讲话，他代表人民自由讨论与战争有关的所有问题的权利采取了强硬立场，尽管讨论中涉及到对行政部门战争政策的强烈谴责。
He also declared it to be not only the right but the duty of the Congress to declare the objects of the war.
他还宣称，宣布战争目标不仅是国会的权利，而且是义务。
AS a part of that address he presented certain resolutions embodying his views on these subjects.
作为该讲话的一部分，他提出了体现他对这些主题的看法的某些决议。
These resolutions were adopted at that meeting by the people present, and were adopted at many other mass meetings throughout the country during the continuance of the Mexican War.
这些决议是在那次会议上由出席的人们通过的，并且在墨西哥战争持续期间在全国各地的许多其他群众会议上也通过了。
For introducing in this body some time ago a resolution asserting the right of Congress to declare the purposes of the present war, I have, as the newspaper clippings here will show, been denounced as a traitor and my conduct characterized as treasonable.
由于不久前在本机构提出一项决议，主张国会有权宣布当前战争的目的，正如这里的剪报所示，我被谴责为叛徒，我的行为被定性为叛国罪。
As bearing directly upon the conduct for which I have been so criticized and condemned, I invite your attention to the language of Henry Clay in the address I have mentioned.
由于直接关系到我受到如此批评和谴责的行为，我请您注意我提到的演讲中亨利·克莱的语言。
But the havoc of war is in progress and the no less deplorable havoc of an inhospitable and pestilential climate.
但战争的破坏仍在继续，荒凉和瘟疫气候的破坏也同样令人遗憾。
Without indulging in an unnecessary retrospect and useless reproaches on the past, all hearts and heads should unite in the patriotic endeavor to bring it to a satisfactory close.
不要对过去进行不必要的回顾和无用的责备，所有的心和头脑都应该团结起来，为爱国的努力而努力，使之圆满结束。
Is there no way that this can be done?
难道就没有办法做到这一点吗？
Must we blindly continue the conflict without any visible object or any prospect of a definite termination?
难道我们必须在没有任何明显目标或没有明确结束前景的情况下盲目地继续冲突吗？
This is the important subject upon which I desire to consult and to commune with you.
这是我想与大家协商、交流的重要课题。
Who in this free Government is to decide upon the objects of a war at its commencement of at any time during its existence?
在这个自由政府中，谁有权在战争开始时或在其存在期间的任何时间决定战争的目标？
Does the power belong to collective wisdom of the Nation in congress assembled, or is it vested solely in a single functionary of the Government?
权力属于国会中国家的集体智慧，还是仅属于政府的单一官员？
A declaration of war is the highest and most awful exercise of sovereignty.
宣战是最高、最可怕的主权行使。
The convention which framed our Federal constitution had learned from the pages of history that it had been often and greatly abused.
制定我们联邦宪法的制宪会议从历史中得知，它经常被严重滥用。
It had seen that war had often been commenced upon the most trifling pretexts; that it had been frequently waged to establish or exclude a dynasty; to snatch a crown from the head of one potentate and place it upon the head of another; that it had often been prosecuted to promote alien and other interests than those of the nation whose chief had proclaimed it, as in the case of English wars for Hanoverian interests; and, in short, that such a vast and tremendous power ought not to be confined to the perilous exercise of one single man.
人们发现战争常常是以最微不足道的借口发动的。它经常被用来建立或排除一个王朝；从一位君主的头上夺走王冠，并将其戴在另一位君主的头上；它经常被起诉以促进外国人和其他利益，而不是其酋长宣布它的国家的利益，就像英国为汉诺威利益而发动的战争一样；简而言之，如此巨大的力量不应仅限于一个人的危险行使。
The convention therefore resolved to guard the war-making power against those great abuses, of which, in the hands of a monarch, it was so susceptible.
因此，会议决心保护战争权力免遭那些严重滥用职权的行为，而在君主手中，它很容易受到这些滥用权力的影响。
And the security against those abuses which its wisdom devised was to vest the war-making power in the congress of the united States, being the immediate representatives of the people and the States.
其智慧所设计的防止这些滥用权力的保障措施是将发动战争的权力赋予美国国会，因为国会是人民和各州的直接代表。
So apprehensive and jealous was the convention of its abuse in any State in the Union without the consent of Congress.
在未经国会同意的情况下，联邦任何州都会滥用这种做法，这令人感到担忧和嫉妒。
Congress, then in our system of government, is the sole depository of that tremendous power.
当时在我们的政府体系中，国会是这一巨大权力的唯一保管者。
Mr. President, it is impossible for me to quote as extensively from this address as I should like to do and still keep within the compass of the time that I have set down for myself; but the whole of the address is accessible to every Senator here, together with all of the discussion which followed it over the country, and in these times it would seem to me worthy of the review of Senators and of newspaper editors and of those who have duties to discharge in connection with this great crisis that is upon the world.
主席先生，我不可能像我希望的那样广泛地引用这次讲话，而且仍然在我为自己设定的时间范围之内；但是，在座的每一位参议员都可以阅读整个讲话，以及随后在全国范围内进行的所有讨论，在我看来，在这些时候，它值得参议员、报纸编辑以及那些有责任履行与世界面临的这场巨大危机有关的责任的人的审查。
The Constitution provides that Congress shall have power to declare war and grant letters of marque and reprisal, to make rules concerning captures on land and water, to raise and support armies, and provide and maintain a navy, and to make rules for the government of the land and naval forces.
宪法规定，国会有权宣战、授予私掠许可证和报复权、制定有关陆地和水上捕获的规则、筹集和支持军队、提供和维持海军以及制定陆地和海军政府的规则。
Thus we perceive that the principal power, in regard to war, with all its auxiliary attendants, is granted to Congress.
因此，我们认为，关于战争的主要权力及其所有辅助权力都被授予国会。
Whenever called upon to determine upon the solemn question of peace or war, Congress must consider and deliberate and decide upon the motives, objects, and causes of the war.
每当需要决定和平或战争的庄严问题时，国会必须考虑、审议并决定战争的动机、目标和原因。
If that be true is it treason for a Senator upon this floor to offer a resolution dealing with that question?
如果这是真的，参议员在座提出解决该问题的决议是否构成叛国罪？
And, if a war be commenced without any previous declaration of its objects, as in the case of the existing war with Mexico, Congress must necessarily possess the authority, at any time, to declare for what purposes it shall be further prosecuted.
而且，如果一场战争在没有事先宣布其目标的情况下发动，就像目前与墨西哥的战争一样，国会必须有权随时宣布为何种目的进一步起诉战争。
If we suppose Congress does not possess the controlling authority attributed to it, if it be contended that a war having been once commenced, the President of the United States may direct it to the accomplishment of any object he pleases, without consulting and without any regard to the will of Congress, the convention will have utterly failed in guarding the Nation against the abuses and ambition of a single individual.
如果我们假设国会不拥有其应有的控制权，如果有人认为战争一旦爆发，美国总统可以指示它实现他所希望的任何目标，而无需咨询和考虑国会的意愿，那么制宪会议在保护国家免受个人的滥用和野心侵害方面将完全失败。
Either Congress or the President possess if and may prosecute it for objects against the will of Congress, where is the difference between our free Government and that of any other nation which may be governed by an absolute Czar, Emperor, or King?
国会或总统都可以拥有并可以因违背国会意愿的目的而起诉它，我们的自由政府与任何其他可能由绝对沙皇、皇帝或国王统治的国家的政府有何区别？
I conclude, therefore, Mr. President and fellow citizens, with entire confidence, that congress has the right, either at the beginning or during the prosecution of any war, to decide the objects and purposes for which it was proclaimed or for which it ought to be continued.
因此，总统先生和同胞们，我满怀信心地得出结论，国会有权在任何战争开始时或在进行战争期间决定宣布战争或应继续战争的目的和宗旨。
And I think it is the duty of congress, by some deliberate and authentic act to declare for what objects the present war shall be longer prosecuted.
我认为国会有责任通过某种深思熟虑和真实的行动来宣布当前的战争将出于什么目的而继续进行。
I suppose the President would not hesitate to regulate his conduct by the pronounced will of congress and to employ the force and the diplomatic power of the Nation to execute that will.
我想总统会毫不犹豫地通过国会的明确意愿来规范自己的行为，并动用国家的武力和外交力量来执行该意愿。
But is the President should decline or refuse to do so and, in contempt of the supreme authority of congress, should persevere, in waging the war for other objects than those proclaimed by Congress, then it would be the imperative duty of that body to vindicate its authority by the most stringent and effectual and appropriate measures.
但是，如果总统拒绝或拒绝这样做，并且蔑视国会的最高权威，坚持为国会宣布的目标之外的其他目标发动战争，那么该机构就有义务通过最严格、有效和适当的措施来维护其权威。
And it, on the contrary, the enemy should refuse to conclude a treaty containing stipulations securing the objects designated by Congress, it would become the duty of the whole Government to prosecute the war with all the national energy until those objects were attained by a treaty of peace.
相反，如果敌人拒绝缔结一项包含确保国会指定目标的规定的条约，那么整个政府就有责任全力以赴地进行战争，直到通过和平条约实现这些目标。
There can be no insuperable difficulty in Congress making such an authoritative declaration.
国会做出如此权威的声明，不存在不可克服的困难。
Let it resolve, simply, that the war shall or shall not be a war of conquest; and, if a war of conquest, what is to be conquered.
让我们简单地决定这场战争是否是一场征服战争；如果是征服战争，则要征服什么。
should a resolution pass disclaiming the design of conquest, peace would follow in less than 60 days, if the President would conform to his constitutional duty.
如果通过一项否认征服计划的决议，如果总统履行其宪法义务，和平将在不到 60 天内实现。
Mr. Clay as a part of that speech presented certain resolutions which were unanimously adopted by the meeting and which declared that the power to determine the purposes of the war rested with Congress, and then proceeded clearly to state the purposes, and the only purposes, for which the war should be prosecuted.
作为演讲的一部分，克莱先生提出了会议一致通过的某些决议，这些决议宣布决定战争目的的权力属于国会，然后明确说明了发动战争的目的，以及唯一的目的。
The last one of these resolutions is so pertinent to the present discussion that I invite your attention to it at this time.
这些决议中的最后一项与当前的讨论非常相关，因此我请您此时注意它。
It is as follows:
如下：
Resolved, That we invite our fellow citizens of the United States who are anxious for the restoration of the blessings of peace, or, it the existing war shall continue to be prosecuted, are desirous that its purposes and objects shall be defined and know, who are anxious to avert present and future perils and dangers, with which it may be fraught, and who are also anxious to produce contentment and satisfaction at home, and to elevate the national character abroad, to assemble together in their respective communities, and to express their views, feelings, and opinions.
决心，我们邀请那些渴望恢复和平祝福的美国同胞，或者，如果现有的战争继续进行下去，渴望明确和了解战争的目的和目标，渴望避免当前和未来可能充满的危险和危险，渴望在国内创造满足和满意，并在国外提高国民素质的美国同胞，在各自的社区聚集在一起，表达他们的观点。观点、感受和意见。
Abraham Lincoln was a Member of congress at the time of the Mexican War.
亚伯拉罕·林肯是墨西哥战争期间的国会议员。
He strongly opposed the war while it was in progress and severely criticized President Polk on the floor of the House because he did not state in his message when peace might be expected.
他在战争进行期间强烈反对战争，并在众议院严厉批评波尔克总统，因为他没有在信息中说明何时可以实现和平。
In the course of his speech Lincoln said:
林肯在演讲中说道：
At its beginning, Gen.
一开始，Gen.
Scott was by this same President driven into disfavor, if not disgrace, for intimating that peace could not be conquered in less than three or four months.
斯科特因为暗示不可能在不到三四个月内实现和平而遭到这位总统的不满，甚至是耻辱。
But now, at the end of 20 months * * * this same President gives a long message, without showing us that as to the end he himself has even an imaginary conception.
但现在，在20个月结束时***，这位总统发出了很长的信息，却没有向我们表明，对于最终结果，他自己甚至有一个想象的构想。
AS I have said, he knows not where he is.
正如我所说，他不知道自己在哪里。
He is a bewildered, confounded, and miserably perplexed man.
他是一个困惑、困惑、困惑的人。
God grant he may be able to show there is not something about his conscience more painful than his mental perplexity.
上帝保佑他也许能够证明，在他的良心上，没有什么比他的精神困惑更痛苦的了。
Writing to a friend who had objected to his opposition to Polk in relation to this power of the President in war, Lincoln said:
林肯在写给一位朋友的信中说：
The provision of the constitution giving the war-making power to Congress was dictated, as I understand it, by the following reasons: Kings had always been involving and impoverishing their people in wars, pretending generally, if not always, that the good of the people was the object.
据我了解，宪法中赋予国会发动战争权力的规定是出于以下原因：国王总是让他们的人民卷入战争，并使他们的人民陷入贫困，他们假装一般（如果不是总是）以人民的利益为目标。
This our convention understood to be the most oppressive of all kingly oppressions, and they resolved to so frame the constitution that no man should hold the power of bringing this oppression upon us.
我们的大会被认为是所有国王压迫中最残酷的一次，他们决定制定宪法，使任何人都不应拥有对我们施加这种压迫的权力。
But your view destroys the whole matter and places our President where kings have always stood.
但你的观点破坏了整个事情，并将我们的总统置于国王一直以来的立场上。
I now quote from the speech of Charles Sumner, delivered at Tremont Temple, Boston, November 5, 1846.
现在我引用查尔斯·萨姆纳 (Charles Sumner) 1846 年 11 月 5 日在波士顿特雷蒙坦普尔 (Tremont Temple) 发表的演讲。
John A.
约翰·A.
Andrew, who was the great war governor of Massachusetts, as I remember, presided at this public meeting, which was in support of the independent nomination of Dr. I.G.
我记得安德鲁是马萨诸塞州的一战州长，他主持了这次公开会议，支持 I.G. 博士的独立提名。
Howe as Representative in Congress.
豪担任国会代表。
Mr. Sumner was followed by Hon.
萨姆纳先生之后是阁下。
Charles Francis Adams, who also delivered an address at this meeting.
查尔斯·弗朗西斯·亚当斯也在本次会议上发表了讲话。
This is the view of Mr. Sumner on the Mexican War, which was then in progress, as expressed by him on this occasion:
这是萨姆纳先生对当时正在进行的墨西哥战争的看法，正如他这次所表达的：
The Mexican War is an enormity born of slavery.
墨西哥战争是一场因奴隶制而产生的严重战争。
* * * Base in object, atrocious in beginning, immoral in all its influences, vainly prodigal of treasure and life, it is a war of infamy, which must blot the pages of our history.
* * * 目标卑鄙，开始时残暴，其所有影响都是不道德的，徒劳地挥霍财富和生命，这是一场臭名昭著的战争，它必须抹去我们历史的篇章。
In closing his eloquent and powerful address, he said:
在结束他雄辩而有力的演讲时，他说：
Even if we seem to fail in this election we shall not fail in reality.
即使我们在这次选举中看起来失败了，但实际上我们不会失败。
The influence of this effort will help to awaken and organize that powerful public opinion by which this war will at last be arrested.
这一努力的影响将有助于唤醒和组织强大的公众舆论，最终阻止这场战争。
Hand out, fellow citizens, the white banner of peace; let the citizens of Boston rally about it; and may it be borne forward by and enlightened, conscientious people, aroused to condemnation of this murderous war, until Mexico, now wet with blood unjustly shed, shall repose undisturbed beneath its folds.
同胞们，请伸出和平的白旗；让波士顿市民团结起来；愿那些开明、有良知、谴责这场残酷战争的人们推动这一进程，直到现在沾满不公正流血的墨西哥，在其地盘下不受干扰地安息。
Contrast this position taken by Charles Sumner at Tremont Temple with that of the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. McAdoo.
将特里蒙特寺的查尔斯·萨姆纳 (Charles Sumner) 所采取的立场与财政部长麦卡杜 (McAdoo) 先生的立场进行对比。
He is now touring the country with all the prestige of his great financial mission and the authority of his great financial mission and the authority of his high place in the administration.
他现在正带着他伟大的金融使命的所有声望、他伟大的金融使命的权威以及他在政府中的崇高地位的权威，巡游全国。
I quote the language of the authorized report of his speech before the Bankers' Association of West Virginia, September 21, 1917.
我引用了他 1917 年 9 月 21 日在西弗吉尼亚州银行家协会演讲的授权报告中的语言。
According to daily press reports he is making substantially the same denunciation in all his addresses:
据每日媒体报道，他在所有讲话中都做出了基本相同的谴责：
America intends that those well-meaning but misguided people who talk inopportunity of peace when there can be no peace until the cancer which has rotted civilization in Europe is extinguished and destroyed forever shall be silenced.
美国的目的是让那些善意但被误导的人们在没有和平的情况下谈论和平的机会，直到腐烂欧洲文明的癌症被永远消灭和摧毁为止。
I want to say here and now and with due deliberation that every pacifist speech in this country made at this inopportune and improper time is in effect traitorous.
我想说的是，此时此地，经过深思熟虑，这个国家在这个不合时宜和不恰当的时间发表的每一次和平主义言论实际上都是叛国。
In these times we had better turn the marble bust of Charles "Sumner to the wall.
在这些时候，我们最好把查尔斯·萨姆纳的大理石半身像放到墙上。
It ill becomes those who tamely surrender the right of free speech to look upon that strong, noble, patriotic face.
那些温顺地放弃言论自由权的人看到这张坚强、高贵、爱国的面孔是很糟糕的。
Mr. President, Daniel Webster, then in the zenith of his power, and with the experience and knowledge of his long life and great public service in many capacities, to add weight to his words, spoke at Faneuil Hall, November 6, 1846, in opposition to the Mexican War.
总统先生丹尼尔·韦伯斯特（Daniel Webster）当时正处于权力的顶峰，凭借他漫长的一生和在许多职位上所做的伟大公共服务的经验和知识，1846 年 11 月 6 日，他在法尼尔厅发表了反对墨西哥战争的讲话，为他的话增添了分量。
He said:
他说：
Mr. Chairman, I wish to speak with all soberness in this respect, and I would say nothing here tonight which I would not say in my place in Congress or before the whole world.
主席先生，在这方面我希望非常冷静地发言，今晚我不会在国会或全世界面前说任何话。
The question now is, For what purposes and to what ends is this present war to be prosecuted!
现在的问题是，这场战争是出于什么目的、达到什么目的！
What will you say to the stature of the statesmanship that imputes treason to his country to a Member of this body who introduces a resolution having no other import than that?
对于本机构的一名议员提出的一项除此之外没有其他意义的决议，将其归咎于叛国罪，您对这种政治家的高度有何评价？
Webster saw no reason why the purposes of the war in which his country was engaged should not be discussed in Congress or out of congress by the people's representatives or by the people themselves.
韦伯斯特认为没有理由不让人民代表或人民自己在国会或国会外讨论他的国家所参与的战争的目的。
After referring to Mexico as a weak and distracted country he proceeded:
在将墨西哥称为一个软弱且心不在焉的国家后，他接着说道：
It is time for us to know what are the objects and designs of our Government.
现在是我们了解我国政府的目标和计划的时候了。
It is not the habit of the American people, nor natural to their character, to consider the expense of a war which they deem just and necessary...Not only just, but necessary...but it is their habit and belongs to their character to inquire into the justice and necessity of a war in which it is proposed to involve them.
考虑一场他们认为正义和必要的战争的费用，这不是美国人民的习惯，也不是他们的性格的自然现象……不仅是正义的，而且是必要的……但调查一场让他们卷入的战争的正义和必要性是他们的习惯，也属于他们的性格。
Mr. Webster discussed the Mexican War at Springfield, Mass., September 29, 1847, and again, while the war was in progress, he did not hesitate to express his disapproval in plain language.
韦伯斯特先生于 1847 年 9 月 29 日在马萨诸塞州斯普林菲尔德讨论了墨西哥战争，在战争进行期间，他再次毫不犹豫地用平实的语言表达了他的反对意见。
Many battles had been fought and won, and our victorious armies were in the field, on foreign soil.
我们已经打了许多仗并取得了胜利，我们的胜利军队在异国的战场上。
Sir, free speech had not been suppressed.
先生，言论自由没有受到压制。
The right of the people to assemble and to state their grievances was still an attribute of American freedom.
人民集会和表达不满的权利仍然是美国自由的一个属性。
Mr. Webster said: "We are, in my opinion, in a most unnecessary and therefore a most unjustifiable war."
韦伯斯特先生说：“在我看来，我们正处于一场最不必要、因此也是最不合理的战争中。”
Whoever expects to whip men, free men, in this country into a position where they are to be denied the right to exercise the same freedom of speech and discussion that Webster exercised in that speech little understand the value which the average citizen of this country places upon the liberty guaranteed to him by the Constitution.
任何人想要鞭打这个国家的人民，自由人，使他们被剥夺行使韦伯斯特在那次演讲中行使的言论和讨论自由的权利，他们就很少了解这个国家的普通公民对宪法所保障的自由的重视。
Sir, until the sacrifices of every battle field consecrated to the establishment of representative government and of constitutional freedom shall be obliterated from the pages of history and forgotten of men, the plain citizenship of this country will jealously guard that liberty and that freedom and will not surrender it.
主席先生，直到为建立代议制政府和宪法自由而在每一个战场上做出的牺牲从历史的书页上抹去并被人们遗忘之前，这个国家的普通公民将小心翼翼地捍卫这种自由，不会放弃它。
We are in my opinion, in a most unnecessary and therefore a most unjustifiable war.
在我看来，我们正处于一场最不必要、因此也是最不合理的战争之中。
I hope we are nearing the close of it.
我希望我们已经接近尾声了。
I attend carefully and anxiously to every rumor and every breeze that brings to us any report that the effusion of blood, caused, in my judgment, by a rash and unjustifiable proceeding on the part of the Government, may cease.
我仔细而焦急地关注着每一个谣言和每一次风向，任何给我们带来的报道都表明，根据我的判断，由于政府鲁莽和不合理的行为而造成的流血事件可能会停止。
He makes the charge that the war was begun under false pretexts, as follows:
他指控战争是在虚假借口下开始的，如下：
Now, sir, the law of nations instructs us that there are wars of pretexts.
现在，先生，国际法告诉我们，战争是有借口的。
The history of the world proves that there have been, and we are not now without proof that there are, wars waged on pretexts; that is, on pretenses, where the cause assigned is not the true cause.
世界历史证明，曾经有过，而且我们现在也并非没有证据表明，有借口发动的战争；也就是说，所指定的原因并不是真正的原因。
That I believe on my conscience is the true character of the war now waged against Mexico.
我凭良心相信，这就是现在针对墨西哥发动的战争的真实性质。
IF believe it to be a war of pretexts; a war in which the true motive is not distinctly avowed, but in which pretenses, afterthoughts, evasions, and other method are employed to put a case before the community which is not the true case.
如果认为这是一场借口之战；这场战争的真实动机并未明确公开，而是利用借口、事后诸葛亮、逃避和其他方法向社会提出一个并非真实情况的案件。
Think you Mr. Webster was not within his constitutional rights in thus criticizing the character of the war, its origin and the reasons which were given from time to time in justification of it?
您认为韦伯斯特先生如此批评战争的性质、其起源以及不时提出的为战争辩护的理由，不符合宪法权利吗？
Mr. Webster discusses at length what he considers some of the false pretexts of the war.
韦伯斯特先生详细讨论了他认为的一些战争的虚假借口。
Later on he says:
后来他说：
Sir, men there are whom we see and whom we hear speak of the duty of extending our free institutions over the whole world if possible.
先生，我们看到和听到的一些人谈到了如果可能的话将我们的自由制度扩展到全世界的责任。
We owe it to benevolence, they think, to confer the blessings we enjoy on every other people.
他们认为，我们应该仁慈地把我们所享有的祝福给予其他人。
But while I trust that liberty and free civil institutions, as we have experienced them, may ultimately spread over the globe, I am by no means sure that all people are fit for them: nor am I desirous of imposing, or forcing, our peculiar forms upon any nation that does not wish to embrace them.
但是，虽然我相信自由和自由的公民制度，正如我们所经历的那样，最终可能会在全球范围内传播，但我绝不能确定所有人都适合它们：我也不希望将我们的特殊形式强加于或强迫任何不希望接受它们的国家。
Taking up the subject that war does now exist, Mr. Webster asks:
韦伯斯特先生谈到战争现在确实存在的问题时问道：
What is our duty?
我们的职责是什么？
I say for one, that I suppose it to be true -- I hope it to be true -- that a majority of the next House of Representatives will be Whigs; will be opposed to the war.
我想说的是，我认为这是真的——我希望这是真的——下一届众议院的多数成员将是辉格党；将会反对战争。
I think we have heard from the East and the West, the North and the South, some things that make that pretty clear.
我想我们已经从东方和西方、北方和南方听到了一些非常清楚的事情。
Suppose it to be so.
假设是这样。
What then?
然后呢？
Well, sir, I say for one, and at once, that unless the President of the United States shall make out a case which shall show to congress that the aim and object for which the war is now prosecuted is no purpose not connected with the safety of the Union and the just rights of the American people, then Congress ought to pass resolutions against the prosecution of the war, and grant no further supplies.
好吧，先生，我要立即说，除非美国总统能够向国会证明现在进行战争的目的和目的与联邦的安全和美国人民的正当权利无关，否则国会应该通过决议反对发动战争，并且不再提供进一步的物资。
I would speak here with caution and all just limitation.
我会在这里谨慎发言，并且仅限于限制。
It must be admitted to be the clear intent of the constitution that no foreign war would exist without the assent of Congress.
必须承认，宪法的明确意图是，未经国会同意，不得进行对外战争。
This was meant as a restraint on the Executive power.
这是对行政权力的限制。
But, if, when a war has once begun, the President may continue it as long as he pleases, free of all control of Congress, then it is clear that the war power is substantially in his own single hand.
但是，如果战争一旦开始，总统可以随心所欲地继续战争，不受国会的所有控制，那么很明显，战争权力基本上掌握在他自己的手中。
Nothing will be done by a wise Congress hastily or rashly, nothing that partakes of the nature of violence or recklessness; a high and delicate regard must, of course, be had for the honor and credit of the Nation; but, after all, if the war should become odious to the people, if they shall disapprove the objects for which it appears to be prosecuted, then it will be the bounden duty of their Representatives in Congress to demand of the President a full statement of his objects and purposes.
明智的国会不会仓促行事，也不会采取暴力或鲁莽的行为；当然，必须高度重视国家的荣誉和信誉；但是，毕竟，如果战争对人民来说是可憎的，如果他们不赞成战争的目的，那么他们在国会的代表就有义务要求总统全面陈述他的目标和宗旨。
And if these purposes shall appear to them not to be founded in the public good, or not consistent with the honor and character of the country, then it will be their duty to put an end to it by the exercise of their constitutional authority.
如果他们认为这些目的不是建立在公共利益的基础上，或者与国家的荣誉和特征不符，那么他们就有责任通过行使宪法权力来结束这种目的。
If this be not so, then the whole balance of the Constitution is overthrown, and all just restraint on the Executive power, in a matter of the highest concern to the peace and happiness of the country is over thrown, and all just restraint on the Executive power, in a matter of the highest concern to the peace and happiness of the country, entirely destroyed.
如果不是这样，那么宪法的整个平衡就被推翻了，在关系到国家和平与幸福的最高问题上对行政权的所有公正的限制都被推翻了，在关系到国家和平与幸福的问题上对行政权的所有公正的限制都被完全摧毁了。
If we do not maintain this doctrine; if it is not so -- if Congress, in whom the war-making power is expressly made to reside, is to have no voice in the declaration or continuance or war; if it is not to judge of the propriety of beginning or carrying it on -- then we depart at once, and broadly, from the Constitution.
如果我们不坚持这个教义；如果不是这样的话——如果国会明确拥有发动战争的权力，那么在宣战、继续或战争中没有发言权；如果不是要判断开始或继续进行的适当性，那么我们立即广泛地背离宪法。
Mr. Webster concluded his speech in these memorable words:
韦伯斯特先生用以下令人难忘的话语结束了他的演讲：
We may be tossed upon an ocean where we can see no land -- nor, perhaps, the sun or stars.
我们可能会被抛在海洋上，看不到陆地——也许也看不到太阳或星星。
But there is a chart and a compass for us to study, to consult, and to obey.
但有一个图表和一个指南针供我们研究、参考和遵守。
That chart is the Constitution of the country.
该图表就是该国的宪法。
That compass is an honest, single-eyed purpose to preserve the institutions and the liberty with which God has blessed us.
这个指南针是一个诚实的、单眼的目的，旨在维护上帝赐予我们的制度和自由。
In 1847 Senator Tom Corwin made a memorable speech in the Senate on the Mexican War.
1847 年，参议员汤姆·科温 (Tom Corwin) 在参议院就墨西哥战争发表了令人难忘的演讲。
It was one of the ablest addresses made by that very able statesman, and one of the great contributions to the discussion of the subject we are now considering.
这是这位非常有能力的政治家所做的最有能力的演讲之一，也是对我们现在正在考虑的主题讨论的伟大贡献之一。
At the time of Senator Corwin's address the majority in Congress were supporting the President, The people up to that time had had no chance to express their views at an election.
在参议员科温发表讲话时，国会中的大多数人都支持总统，而当时的人们还没有机会在选举中表达自己的观点。
After referring to the doctrine then preached by the dominant faction of the Senate, that after war is declared it must be prosecuted to the bitter end as the President may direct, until one side of the other is hopelessly beaten and devastated by the conflict, with one man -- the President -- in sole command of the destinies of the Nation, MR. Corwin said:
在提到当时参议院占主导地位的派系宣扬的学说后，宣战后必须按照总统的指示将战争进行到底，直到另一方被冲突无可救药地击败和摧毁，只有一个人——总统——独自掌控国家的命运，先生。科文说：
With these doctrines for our guide, I will thank any Senator to furnish me with any means of escaping from the prosecution of this or any other war, for an hundred years to come, if it please the President who shall be, to continue it so long.
以这些原则为指导，我将感谢任何一位参议员为我提供任何手段，使我能够在未来一百年内逃避这场战争或任何其他战争的审判，如果总统（即总统）愿意继续这么长时间的话。
Tell me, ye who contend that, being in war, duty demands of Congress for its prosecution all the money and every able-bodied man in America to carry it on if need be, who also contend that it is the right of the President, without the control of Congress, to march your embodied hosts to Monterey, to Yucatan, to Mexico, to Panama, to China, and that under penalty of death to the officer who disobeys him -- tell me, I demand it of you -- tell me, tell the American people, tell the nations of Christendom, what is the difference between your democracy and the most odious, most hateful despotism, that a merciful God has ever allowed a nation to be afflicted with since government on earth began?
告诉我，你们这些人声称，在战争中，责任要求国会提供所有的金钱和美国每一个身体健全的人来执行它，如果需要的话，他们还声称总统有权在不受国会控制的情况下，将你们的实体军队带到蒙特雷，到尤卡坦半岛，到墨西哥，到巴拿马，到中国，并且对不服从他的军官处以死刑——告诉我，我要求你这样做——告诉我，告诉美国人人民，告诉基督教世界各国，你们的民主和最可恶、最可恨的专制有什么区别？自地球上的政府开始以来，仁慈的上帝曾允许一个国家遭受苦难？
You may call this free government, but it is such freedom, and no other, as of old was established at Babylon, at Susa, at Bactrina, or Persepolis.
你可以称之为自由政府，但它就是这样的自由，没有其他自由，就像古代在巴比伦、苏萨、巴克特里纳或波斯波利斯建立的那样。
Its parallel is scarcely to be found when thus falsely understood, in any, even the worst, forms of civil polity in modern times.
如果这样错误地理解，在现代任何形式的公民政体中，即使是最糟糕的形式中，也很难找到类似的情况。
Sir, it is not so; such is not your Constitution; it is something else, something other and better than this.
先生，事实并非如此；这不是你们的宪法；这是别的东西，比这更好的东西。
Lincoln, Webster, Clay, Sumner -- what a galaxy of names in American history!
林肯、韦伯斯特、克莱、萨姆纳——美国历史上的名字多么丰富啊！
They all believed and asserted and advocated in the midst of war that it was the right -- the constitutional right -- and the patriotic duty of American citizens, after the declaration of war and while the war was in progress, to discuss the issued of the war and to criticize the policies employed in its prosecution and to work for the election of representatives opposed to prolonging war.
他们都相信、断言和主张，在战争期间，美国公民在宣战后和战争进行期间有权利——宪法权利——和爱国义务讨论战争问题，批评战争中所采用的政策，并为选举反对延长战争的代表而努力。
The right of Lincoln, Webster, Clay, Sumner to oppose the Mexican War, criticize its conduct, advocate its conclusion on a just basis, is exactly the same right and privilege as that possessed by every Representative in Congress and by each and every American citizen in our land today in respect to the war in which we are now engaged.
林肯、韦伯斯特、克莱、萨姆纳反对墨西哥战争、批评其行为、主张在公正的基础上结束战争的权利，与国会中的每一位代表以及我们今天在我们土地上的每一位美国公民在我们正在进行的战争中所拥有的权利和特权完全相同。
Their arguments as to the power of Congress to shape the war policy and their opposition to what they believed to be the usurpation of power on the part of the Executive are potent so long as the Constitution remains the law of the land.
只要宪法仍然是国家的法律，他们关于国会有权制定战争政策的论点以及他们认为的行政部门篡权的反对意见就很有效。
English history, like our own, shows that it has ever been the right of the citizen to criticize and, when he thought necessary, to condemn the war policy of his Government.
英国的历史和我们的历史一样表明，公民始终有权批评政府的战争政策，并在他认为必要时谴责政府的战争政策。
John Bright consistently fought the Crimean War with all the power of his great personality and noble mind; he fought it inch by inch and step by step from the floor of the English Parliament.
约翰·布莱特始终以其伟大的人格和崇高的思想的全部力量参加了克里米亚战争。他在英国议会的会场上一寸一寸、一步一步地与之抗争。
After his death Gladstone, although he had been a part of the ministry that Bright had opposed because of the Crimean War, selected this as the theme for his eulogy of the great statesman, as best portraying his high character and great service to the English people.
格莱斯顿死后，尽管曾因克里米亚战争而成为布莱特反对的内阁成员，但仍选择此作为悼念这位伟大政治家的主题，因为最能体现他的高尚品格和对英国人民的伟大服务。
Lloyd-George aggressively opposed the Boer War.
劳合·乔治强烈反对布尔战争。
Speaking in the House of Commons July 25, 1900, in reply to the prime minister, he said:
1900 年 7 月 25 日，他在下议院回复首相时说道：
He has led us into two blunders.
他使我们犯了两个错误。
The first was the war.
首先是战争。
But worse than the war is the change that has been effected in the purpose for which we are prosecuting the war.
但比战争更糟糕的是我们发动战争的目的发生了变化。
We went into the war for equal rights; we are prosecuting the war.
我们为平等权利而战；我们正在发动战争。
We went into the war for equal rights; we are prosecuting it for annexation.
我们为平等权利而战；我们正在起诉它并吞并它。
* * * You entered into these two Republics for philanthropic purposes and remained to commit burglary.
* * * 你出于慈善目的进入这两个共和国，却留下来进行盗窃。
* * * A war of annexation, however, against a proud people must be a war of extermination, and that is, unfortunately, what it seems we are now committing ourselves to -- burning homesteads and turning men and women out of their homes.
* * * 然而，一场针对骄傲民族的吞并战争必定是一场灭绝战争，不幸的是，这就是我们现在所承诺的——烧毁家园，将男男女女逐出家园。
I am citing this language, Mr. President, as showing the length to which statesmen have gone in opposing wars which have been conducted by their governments and the latitude that has been accorded them.
总统先生，我引用这段话是为了表明政治家们在反对本国政府发动的战争方面付出了多大的努力，以及给予他们的自由度。
The right honorable gentleman has made up his mind that this war shall produce electioneering capital to his own side.
这位尊贵的先生已经下定决心，这场战争将为他自己一方带来竞选资本。
He is in a great hurry to go to the country before the facts are known.
在真相未明之前，他急于赶往该国。
He wants to have the judgment of the people in the very height and excitement of the fever.
他希望人们在狂热的高度和兴奋中做出判断。
He wants a verdict before the pleadings are closed and before 'discovery' has been obtained.
他希望在诉状结束和获得“证据开示”之前做出裁决。
He does not want the documents to come, but he wants to have the judgment of the country upon censured news, suppressed dispatches, and unpaid bills.
他不希望收到这些文件，但他希望国家根据受谴责的新闻、被压制的消息和未付的账单做出判断。
In a speech delivered October 23, 1901.
1901 年 10 月 23 日发表演讲。
Lloyd-George charged that the English Army had burned villages, blown up farmhouses, swept away the cattle, burned thousands of tons of grain, destroyed all agricultural implements, all the mills, the irrigation works, and left the territory 'a blackened devastated wilderness." He said:
劳合·乔治指控英国军队烧毁了村庄，炸毁了农舍，卷走了牲畜，烧毁了数千吨粮食，摧毁了所有农具、所有磨坊和灌溉设施，使该地区成为“一片漆黑的、满目疮痍的荒野”。他说：
In June the death rate among the children in the Orange River Colony camps was at the rate of 192 per thousand per annum, and in Transvaal 233 per thousand per annum.
6月份，奥兰治河殖民地营地的儿童死亡率为每年千分之192，德兰士瓦的儿童死亡率为每年千分之233。
In July the figures were 220 and 336 per thousand per annum, respectively.
7月份的数字分别为每年220%和336%。
In August they had risen to 250 and 468, and in September to 442 in Orange River Colony and to 457 in the Transvaal.
8 月份，奥兰治河殖民地和德兰士瓦地区分别上升到 250 和 468 例，9 月上升到 442 例，457 例。
These are truly appalling figures.
这些数字确实令人震惊。
It means that at that rate in two years' time there would not be a little child left in the whole of these two new territories.
这意味着按照这个速度，两年后，这两个新领土上将不再有一个小孩。
The worst of it is that I can not resist the conclusion that their lives could have been saved had it not been that these camps had been deliberately chosen for military purposes.
最糟糕的是，我无法抗拒这样的结论：如果不是故意选择这些营地用于军事目的，他们的生命本可以得到挽救。
In the few camps near the coast there is hardly any mortality at all --
在海岸附近的几个营地里几乎没有任何死亡——
Observe that here is a criticism of the military policies of his Government --
请注意，这是对其政府军事政策的批评——
and if the children had been removed from the Orange River Colony and the Transvaal to the seacoasts, where they could have been easily fed and clothed and cared for, their lives might be saved; but as long as they were kept up in the north there was a terrible inducement offered to the Boer commanders not to attack the lines of communication.
如果把孩子们从奥兰治河殖民地和德兰士瓦转移到海岸，在那里他们可以很容易地得到食物、衣服和照顾，他们的生命可能会得到拯救；但是，只要他们继续留在北方，布尔指挥官就会受到可怕的诱惑，不要攻击交通线。
* * * If I were to despair for the future of this country it would not be because of trade competition from either American or Germany, or the ineffectiveness of its army, or anything that might happen to its ships; but rather because it used its great, hulking strength to torture a little child.
* * * 如果我对这个国家的未来感到绝望，那不是因为来自美国或德国的贸易竞争，也不是因为其军队的无能，也不是因为其船只可能发生的任何事情；而是因为它用它巨大而笨重的力量来折磨一个小孩子。
Had it not been that his ministry had shown distinct symptoms of softening of the brain.
要不是他的事工表现出了明显的大脑软化症状。
I would call the torpor and indifference they are showing in face of all this, criminal.
我认为他们面对这一切所表现出的麻木和冷漠是犯罪行为。
It is a maddening horror, and it will haunt the Empire to its dying hour.
这是一种令人发狂的恐怖，它将困扰着帝国直至灭亡。
What wonder is it that Europe should mock and hiss at us?
欧洲竟然嘲笑我们并对我们发出嘶嘶声，这有什么奇怪的呢？
Let any honest Britisher fearlessly search his heart and answer this question: Is there any ground for the reproach flung at us by the civilized world that, having failed to crush the men, we have now taken to killing babes?
让任何一个诚实的英国人无所畏惧地扪心自问，回答这个问题：文明世界对我们的指责有什么根据吗？我们没能镇压男人，现在却开始杀害婴儿？
Mr. President, while we were struggling for our independence the Duke of Grafton, in the House of Lords, October 26, 1775, speaking against voting thanks to British officers and soldiers, after the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill, declared:
总统先生，正当我们为独立而奋斗时，格拉夫顿公爵于 1775 年 10 月 26 日在上议院发言，感谢列克星敦和邦克山战役后的英国军官和士兵，宣布反对投票：
I pledge myself to your lordships and my country that if necessity should require it and my health otherwise permit it, I mean to come down to this House in a litter in order to express my full and hearty disapproval of the measures now pursued, and, as I understand from the noble lords in office, meant to be pursued.
我向阁下和我的国家保证，如果有必要，并且我的健康状况允许的话，我打算乘坐轿子来到下议院，以表达我对现在采取的措施的完全和衷心的反对，并且据我从在职贵族领主那里了解到，这些措施是打算采取的。
I could not consent to the bloody consequences of so silly a contest, about so silly an object, conducted in the silliest manner than history or observation had ever furnished an instance of, and from which we are likely to derive poverty, misery, disgrace, defeat, and ruin.
我不能同意如此愚蠢的一场竞赛，关于如此愚蠢的一个目标，以历史或观察所提供的最愚蠢的方式进行，并且我们很可能从中得到贫困、痛苦、耻辱、失败和毁灭，从而产生血腥的后果。
In the House of Commons, May 14, 1777, Mr. Burke is reported in the parliamentary debates against the war on the American Colonies, as saying he was, and ever would be, ready to support a just war, whether against subjects or alien enemies, but where justice or color of justice was wanting he would ever be the first to oppose it.
据报道，1777 年 5 月 14 日，伯克先生在下议院反对美洲殖民地战争的议会辩论中表示，他曾经并将永远准备支持一场正义的战争，无论是针对臣民还是外敌，但如果需要正义或正义色彩，他将第一个反对战争。
Lord Chatham, November 18, 1777, spoke as follows regarding the war between England and the American Colonies:
查塔姆勋爵于 1777 年 11 月 18 日就英国与美洲殖民地之间的战争发表如下讲话：
I would sell my shirt off my back to assist in proper measures, properly and wisely conducted, but I would not part with a single shilling to the present ministers.
我愿意卖掉我的衬衫，以协助采取适当、明智的措施，但我不会向现任部长们捐出一先令。
Their plans are founded in destruction and disgrace.
他们的计划建立在破坏和耻辱之上。
It is, my lords, a ruinous and destructive war; it is full of danger; it teems with disgrace and must end in ruin * * *.
陛下，这是一场毁灭性的战争；它充满了危险；它充满了耻辱，必然以毁灭告终。
If I were an American, as I am an Englishman, while a foreign troop was landed in my country I never would lay down my arms!
如果我是美国人，就像我是英国人一样，当外国军队登陆我的国家时，我绝不会放下武器！
Never!
绝不！
Never!
绝不！
Never!
绝不！
Mr. President, I have made these quotations from some of the leading statesmen of England to show that the principle of free speech was no new doctrine born of the Constitution of the United States.
总统先生，我引用一些英国主要政治家的言论是为了表明言论自由原则并不是美国宪法诞生的新学说。
Our Constitution merely declared the principle.
我们的宪法只是宣布了这一原则。
It did not create it.
它没有创造它。
It is a heritage of English-speaking peoples, which has been won by incalculable sacrifice, and which they must preserve so long as they hope to live as free men.
这是英语国家人民的遗产，是通过不可估量的牺牲而赢得的，只要他们希望作为自由人生活，他们就必须保护它。
I say without fear of contradiction that there has never been a time for more than a century and a half when the right of free speech and free press and the right of the people to peaceably assemble for public discussion have been so violated among English-speaking people as they are violated today throughout the United States.
我不用担心矛盾，一个半世纪以来，从来没有一个时期，言论自由和新闻自由的权利以及人民和平集会公开讨论的权利在英语国家中受到如此严重的侵犯，就像今天在美国各地受到的侵犯一样。
Today, in the land we have been wont to call the free United States, governors, mayors, and policemen are preventing or breaking up peaceable meetings called to discuss the questions growing out of this war, and judges and courts, with some notable and worthy exceptions, are failing to protect the citizens in their rights.
今天，在我们习惯称为自由美国的土地上，州长、市长和警察正在阻止或破坏为讨论这场战争中产生的问题而召开的和平会议，而法官和法院，除了一些值得注意和有价值的例外，未能保护公民的权利。
It is no answer to say that when the war is over the citizen may once more resume his rights and feel some security in his liberty and his person.
战争结束后，公民可以再次恢复自己的权利，并对自己的自由和人身感到某种安全感，这并不是一个答案。
As I have already tried to point out, now is precisely the time when the country needs the counsel of all its citizens.
正如我已经试图指出的那样，现在正是国家需要全体公民出谋划策的时候。
In time of war even more than in time of peace, whether citizens happen to agree with the ruling administration or not, these precious fundamental personal rights -- free speech, free press, and right of assemblage so explicitly and emphatically guaranteed by the Constitution should be maintained inviolable.
战时甚至比和平时期更重要的是，无论公民是否同意执政政府，宪法如此明确和强调保障的这些宝贵的基本个人权利——言论自由、新闻自由和集会权都应该受到维护。
There is no rebellion in the land, no martial law, no courts are closed, no legal processes suspended, and there is no threat even of invasion.
这片土地上没有叛乱，没有戒严，没有关闭的法院，没有暂停的法律程序，甚至没有入侵的威胁。
But more than this, if every preparation for war can be made the excuse for destroying free speech and a free press and the right of the people to assemble together for peaceful discussion, then we may well despair of ever again finding ourselves for a long period in a state of peace.
但更重要的是，如果每一次战争准备都可以成为破坏言论自由和新闻自由以及人民聚集在一起和平讨论的权利的借口，那么我们很可能对再次长期处于和平状态感到绝望。
With the possessions we already have in remote parts of the world, with the obligations we seem almost certain to assume as a result of the present war, a war can be made any time overnight and the destruction of personal rights now occurring will be pointed to then as precedents for a still further invasion of the rights of the citizen.
凭借我们在世界偏远地区已经拥有的财产，以及我们似乎几乎肯定要承担的当前战争结果的义务，战争随时可能在一夜之间爆发，而现在正在发生的对个人权利的破坏将成为进一步侵犯公民权利的先例。
This is the road which all free governments have heretofore traveled to their destruction, and how far we have progressed along it is shown when we compare the standard of liberty of Lincoln, Clay, and Webster with the standard of the present day.
这是迄今为止所有自由政府走向毁灭的道路，当我们将林肯、克莱和韦伯斯特的自由标准与当今的标准进行比较时，我们就可以看出我们在这条道路上取得了多大的进步。
This leads me, Mr. President, to the next thought to which I desire to invite the attention of the Senate, and that is the power of Congress to declare the purpose and objects of the war, and the failure of Congress to exercise that power in the present crisis.
总统先生，这使我想到了我希望引起参议院注意的下一个想法，即国会有权宣布战争的目的和目标，但国会在当前危机中未能行使这一权力。
POWER OF CONGRESS TO DECLARE OBJECTS OF WAR.
国会宣布战争目标的权力。
For the mere assertion of that right, in the form of a resolution to be considered and discussed -- which I introduced August 11, 1917 -- I have been denounced throughout this broad land as a traitor to my country.
仅仅因为以一项有待审议和讨论的决议的形式主张这一权利（我于 1917 年 8 月 11 日提出），我就在这片广阔的土地上被谴责为我国的叛徒。
Mr. President, we are in a war the awful consequences of which no man can foresee, which, in my judgment, could have been avoided if the Congress had exercised its constitutional power to influence and direct the foreign policy of this country.
总统先生，我们正处于一场战争，其可怕后果是任何人都无法预见的，根据我的判断，如果国会行使其宪法权力来影响和指导这个国家的外交政策，这场战争是可以避免的。
On the 8th day of February, 1915, I introduced in the Senate a resolution authorizing the President to invite the representatives of the neutral nations of the world to assemble and consider, among other things, whether it would not be possible to lay out lanes of travel upon the high seas and through proper negotiation with the belligerent powers have those lanes recognized as neutral territory, through which the commerce of neutral nations might pass.
1915年2月8日，我向参议院提交了一项决议，授权总统邀请世界上中立国家的代表聚集在一起，考虑是否可以在公海上划出航道，并通过与交战国的适当谈判，将这些航道承认为中立领土，中立国家的贸易可以通过其中。
This, together with other provisions, constituted a resolution, as I shall always regard it, of most vital and supreme importance in the world crisis, and one that should have been considered and acted upon by Congress.
我将始终认为，这一决议与其他条款一起构成了一项在世界危机中至关重要的决议，并且应该由国会审议并采取行动。
I believe, sir, that had some such action been taken the history of the world would not be written at this hour in the blood of more than one-half of the nations of the earth, with the remaining nations in danger of becoming involved.
先生，我相信，如果采取了一些这样的行动，世界历史就不会在此时由地球上一半以上的国家用鲜血书写，而其余国家也将面临卷入其中的危险。
I believe that had Congress exercised the power in this respect, which I contend it possesses, we could and probably would have avoided the present war.
我相信，如果国会在这方面行使了我认为它拥有的权力，我们就可以而且很可能避免目前的战争。
Mr. President, I believe that if we are to extricate ourselves from this war and restore this country to an honorable and lasting peace, the Congress must exercise in full the war powers entrusted to it by the Constitution.
总统先生，我认为，如果我们要摆脱这场战争，使这个国家恢复光荣和持久的和平，国会就必须充分行使宪法赋予它的战争权力。
I have already called your attention sufficiently, no doubt, to the opinions upon this subject expressed by some of the greatest lawyers and statesmen of the country, and I now venture to ask your attention to a little closer examination of the subject viewed in the light of distinctly legal authorities and principles.
毫无疑问，我已经充分提请您注意该国一些最伟大的律师和政治家就这个主题所表达的观点，现在我冒昧地请您注意根据明确的法律权威和原则对这个主题进行更仔细的审查。
Section 8, Article I, of the Constitution provides:
宪法第一条第八节规定：
The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States.
国会有权征收税收、关税、进口税和消费税，以偿还债务并提供合众国的共同国防和普遍福利。
In this first sentence we find that no war can be prosecuted without the consent of the Congress.
在第一句话中，我们发现，未经国会同意，不得发动战争。
No war can be prosecuted without money.
没有钱就无法进行战争。
There is no power to raise the money for war except the power of Congress.
除了国会的权力外，没有权力为战争筹集资金。
From this provision alone it must follow absolutely and without qualification that the duty of determining whether a war shall be prosecuted or not, whether the people's money shall be expended for the purpose of war or not rests upon the Congress, and with that power goes necessarily the power to determine the purposes of the war, for if the Congress does not approve the purposes of the war, it may refuse to lay the tax upon the people to prosecute it.
仅从这一规定就可以绝对且无条件地得出这样的结论：决定是否进行战争、是否应将人民的钱财用于战争目的的决定权落在国会身上，而有了这一权力，必然有决定战争目的的权力，因为如果国会不批准战争目的，它可以拒绝向人民征税以进行战争。
Again, section 8 further provides that Congress shall have power --
同样，第 8 条进一步规定国会有权——
To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water;
宣战，授予私掠许可证和报复，并制定有关陆地和水上捕获的规则；
To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years;
筹集和支持军队，但用于该用途的拨款期限不得超过两年；
To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;
制定陆军和海军的政府和监管规则；
To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrection, and repel invasion;
规定召集民兵执行联邦法律、镇压叛乱、击退入侵；
To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States, respectively, the appointment of the officers and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.
规定民兵的组织、武装和纪律，以及管理可能为美国服务的民兵部分，分别保留各州根据国会规定的纪律任命军官和训练民兵的权力。
In the foregoing grants of power, which are as complete as language can make them, there is no mention of the President.
在前述的权力授予中，尽管语言已尽其所能，但没有提及总统。
Nothing is omitted from the powers conferred upon the Congress.
授予国会的权力没有遗漏。
Even the power to make the rules for the government and the regulation of all the national forces, both on land and on the sea, is vested in the Congress.
甚至制定政府规则和管理所有陆地和海上国家力量的权力也都属于国会。
Then, not content with this, to make certain that no question could possibly arise, the framers of the Constitution declared that Congress shall have power --
然后，宪法的制定者们并不满足于此，为了确保不会出现任何问题，宪法的制定者宣布国会拥有权力——
To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof.
制定执行上述权力以及本宪法赋予美国政府或其任何部门或官员的所有其他权力所必需和适当的所有法律。
We all know from the debates which took place in the constitutional convention why it was that the constitution was so framed as to vest in the Congress the entire war-making power.
我们都从制宪会议上进行的辩论中知道，为什么宪法如此制定，将全部战争权力赋予国会。
The framers of the Constitution knew that to give to one man that power meant danger to the rights and liberties of the people.
宪法的制定者知道，赋予一个人权力意味着对人民权利和自由的威胁。
They knew that it mattered not whether you call the man king or emperor, czar or president, to put into his hands the power of making war or peace meant despotism.
他们知道，无论你称这个人为国王还是皇帝、沙皇还是总统，把战争或和平的权力交给他就意味着专制。
It meant that the people would be called upon to wage wars in which they had no interest or to which they might even be opposed.
这意味着人民将被要求发动他们不感兴趣或什至可能反对的战争。
It meant secret diplomacy and secret treaties.
这意味着秘密外交和秘密条约。
It meant that in those things, most vital to the lives and welfare of the people, they would have nothing to say.
这意味着在那些关系到人民生命和福祉的事情上，他们无话可说。
The framers of the constitution believed that they had guarded against this in the language I have quoted.
宪法的制定者相信，他们已经用我引用的语言防范了这种情况。
They placed the entire control of this subject in the hands of the Congress.
他们把这个问题的全部控制权交给了国会。
And it was assumed that debate would be free and open, that many men representing all the sections of the country would freely, frankly, and calmly exchange their views, unafraid of the power of the Executive, uninfluenced by anything except their own convictions, and a desire to obey the will of the people expressed in a constitutional manner.
人们认为辩论是自由和公开的，代表国家各阶层的许多人将自由、坦率、平静地交换意见，不惧怕行政部门的权力，除了自己的信念外不受任何事物的影响，并愿意服从以宪法方式表达的人民的意愿。
Another reason for giving this power to the congress was that the Congress, particularly the House of Representatives, was assumed to be directly responsible to the people and would most nearly represent their views.
将这一权力赋予国会的另一个原因是，国会，特别是众议院，被认为对人民直接负责，并且最接近代表人民的观点。
The term of office for a Representative was fixed at only two years.
代表的任期固定为两年。
One-third of the Senate would be elected each two years.
参议院三分之一的席位每两年选举一次。
It was believed that this close relation to the people would insure a fair representation of the popular will in the action which the Congress might take.
人们相信，这种与人民的密切关系将确保国会可能采取的行动能够公平地代表人民的意愿。
Moreover, if the congress for any reason was unfaithful to its trust and declared a war which the people did not desire to support or to continue, they could in two years at most retire from office their unfaithful Representatives and return others who would terminate the war.
此外，如果国会出于任何原因不忠于其信任，宣布一场人民不愿支持或继续的战争，他们最多可以在两年内让不忠实的代表退休，并返回其他将终止战争的代表。
It is true that within two years much harm could be done by an unwise declaration of war, especially a war of aggression, where men were e sent abroad.
确实，两年之内，不明智的宣战可能会造成很大伤害，尤其是侵略战争，其中人员被送往国外。
The framers of the Constitution made no provision for such a condition, for they apparently never contemplated that such a condition would arise.
宪法的制定者没有对这种情况做出任何规定，因为他们显然从未想到会出现这种情况。
Moreover, under the system of voluntary enlistment, which was the only system of raising an army for use outside the country of which the framers of the Constitution had any idea, the people could force a settlement of any war to which they were opposed by the simple means of not volunteering to fight it.
此外，自愿入伍制度是宪法制定者所了解的唯一一种在国外招募军队的制度，在这种制度下，人民可以通过不自愿参加战争的简单手段来迫使他们反对的任何战争得到解决。
The only power relating to war with which the Executive was entrusted was that of acting as Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy and of the militia when called into actual service.
行政机关被赋予的与战争有关的唯一权力是在实际服役时担任陆军、海军和民兵的总司令。
This provision is found in section 2 of Article II, and is as follows:
该规定见第二条第二节，内容如下：
The President shall be commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States and of the militia of the several States when called into the actual service of the United States.
总统应担任美国陆军和海军以及被征召实际为美国服役的各州民兵的总司令。
Here is found the sum total of the President's war powers.
这里是总统战争权力的总和。
After the Army is raised he becomes the General in Command.
军队组建后，他成为总司令。
His function is purely military.
他的职能纯粹是军事性的。
He is the General in Command of the entire Army, just as there is a general in command of a certain field of operation.
他是全军的统帅，就像某一个战场上有一个将军统帅一样。
The authority of each is confined strictly to the field of military service.
每个人的权力都严格限制在兵役领域。
The Congress must raise and support and equip and maintain the Army which the President is to command.
国会必须筹集、支持、装备和维持总统指挥的陆军。
Until the Army is raised the President has no military authority over any of the persons that may compose it.
在组建军队之前，总统对任何可能组成军队的人都没有军事权力。
He can not enlist a man, or provide a uniform, or a single gun, or pound of powder.
他无法招募一个人，或者提供一套制服，或者一把枪，或者一磅火药。
The country may be invaded from all sides and except for the command of the Regular Army, the President, as Commander in Chief of the Army, is as powerless as any citizen to stem the tide of the invasion.
国家可能会受到来自四面八方的入侵，除了正规军的指挥之外，总统作为陆军总司令，与任何公民一样无权阻止入侵浪潮。
In such case his only resort would be to the militia, as provided in the Constitution.
在这种情况下，他唯一的手段就是宪法规定的民兵。
Thus completely did the fathers of the Constitution strip the Executive of military power.
宪法之父们就这样彻底剥夺了行政部门的军事权力。
It may be said that the duty of the President to enforce the laws of the country carries with it by implication control over the military forces for that purpose, and that the decision as to when the laws are violated, and the manner in which they should be redressed, rests with the President.
可以说，总统执行国家法律的义务意味着为此目的对军队进行控制，而关于何时违反法律以及如何纠正法律的决定由总统决定。
This whole matter was considered in the famous case of Ex parte Milligan (4 Wall., 2).
著名的 Exparte Milligan 案（4 Wall., 2）考虑了整个问题。
The question of enforcing the laws of the United States, however, does not arise in the present discussion.
然而，目前的讨论中并未出现执行美国法律的问题。
The laws of the United States have no effect outside the territory of the United States.
美国法律在美国领土之外没有效力。
Our Army in France or our Navy on the high seas may be engaged in worthy enterprises, but they are not enforcing the laws of the United States, and the President derives from his constitutional obligation to enforce the laws of the country no power to determine the purposes of the present war.
我们在法国的陆军或我们在公海上的海军可能从事有价值的事业，但他们没有执行美国的法律，而总统根据其执行国家法律的宪法义务，无权决定当前战争的目的。
The only remaining provision of the Constitution to be considered on the subject is that provision of Article II, section 2, which provides that the President --
就该主题而言，宪法中唯一需要考虑的条款是第二条第二节的条款，其中规定总统：
Shall have no power by and with the consent of the Senate to make treaties, providing two-thirds of the Senate present concur.
如果参议院三分之二的议员同意，则无权经参议院同意缔结条约。
This is the same section of the Constitution which provides that the President "Shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers, consuls, judges of the Supreme Court," and so forth.
宪法的同一部分规定，总统“应提名，并在参议院的建议和同意下任命大使、其他公共部长、领事、最高法院法官”等。
Observe, the President under this constitutional provision gets no authority to declare the purposes and objects of any war in which the country may be engaged.
请注意，根据这项宪法规定，总统无权宣布该国可能参与的任何战争的目的和目标。
It is true that a treaty of peace can not be executed except the President and the Senate concur in its execution.
诚然，和平条约只有经总统和参议院同意才能执行。
If a President should refuse to agree to terms of peace which were proposed, for instance, by a resolution of Congress, and accepted by the parliament of an enemy nation against the will, we will say, of an emperor, the war would simply stop, if the two parliaments agreed and exercised their powers respectively to withhold supplies; and the formal execution of a treaty of peace would be postponed until the people could select another President.
如果总统拒绝同意由国会决议提出并由敌国议会违背皇帝意愿接受的和平条款，我们可以说，如果两个议会同意并分别行使各自的权力扣留供应，战争就会停止；和平条约的正式执行将被推迟，直到人民选出另一位总统为止。
It is devoutly to be hoped that such a situation will never arise, and it is hardly conceivable that it should arise with both an Executive and a Senate anxious, respectively, to discharge the constitutional duties of their office.
我们虔诚地希望这种情况永远不会发生，而且很难想象，当行政长官和参议院都急于履行其职务的宪法职责时，会出现这种情况。
But if it should arise, under the Constitution, the final authority and the power to ultimately control is vested by the Constitution in the Congress.
但如果真的出现了，根据宪法，最终的权力和最终控制权是宪法赋予国会的。
The President can no more make a treaty of peace without the approval not only of the Senate but of two-thirds of the Senators present than he can appoint a judge of the Supreme Court without the concurrence of the Senate.
总统不仅不能在参议院批准的情况下，而且在没有出席参议员三分之二的批准的情况下，也不能缔结和平条约，正如他不能在没有参议院同意的情况下任命最高法院法官一样。
A decent regard for the duties of the President, as well as the duties of the Senators, and the consideration of the interests of the people, whose servants both the Senators and the President are, requires that the negotiations which lead up to the making of peace should be participated in equally by the Senators and by the President.
对总统职责和参议员职责的适当尊重，以及对人民利益的考虑（参议员和总统都是人民的公仆），要求参议员和总统平等地参与导致和平的谈判。
for Senators to take any other position is to shirk a plain duty; is to avoid an obligation imposed upon them by the spirit and letter of the Constitution and by the solemn oath of office each has taken.
参议员采取任何其他立场都是在逃避一项明确的职责；是为了避免宪法的精神和文字以及每个人宣誓就职时强加给他们的义务。
As might be expected from the plain language of the Constitution, the precedents and authorities are all one way.
正如宪法的简单语言所预料的那样，先例和权威都是一种方式。
I shall not attempt to present them all here, but only refer to those which have peculiar application to the present situation.
我不会试图在这里全部介绍它们，而仅提及那些对当前情况有特殊应用的内容。
Watson, in his work on the Constitution, Volume II, page 915, says:
沃森在其关于宪法的著作第二卷第 915 页中说道：
The authority of the President over the Army and Navy to command and control is only subject to the restrictions of Congress to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces.
总统对陆军和海军的指挥和控制权仅受国会制定政府规则和管理陆军和海军的限制。
* * * Neither can impair or invade the authority of the other.
* * * 双方都不能损害或侵犯对方的权威。
* * *
** **
The powers of the President [under the war clause] are only those which may be called "military."
总统[根据战争条款]的权力仅限于可称为“军事”的权力。
The same author on the same and succeeding page points out that the President as Commander in Chief of the Army may direct the military force in such a way as to most effectively injure the enemy.
同一作者在同一页和后续页中指出，作为陆军总司令的总统可以以最有效地伤害敌人的方式指挥军队。
He may even direct an invasion of enemy territory.
他甚至可能指挥入侵敌方领土。
But, says the author, this can be done "temporarily, however, only until Congress has defined what the permanent policy of the country is to be."
但是，作者说，这可以“暂时完成，直到国会确定国家的永久政策是什么”。
How, then, can the President declare the purposes of the war to be, to extend permanently the territory of an ally or secure for an ally damages either in the form of money or new territory?
那么，总统如何才能宣布战争的目的是永久扩大盟友的领土，或者以金钱或新领土的形式确保盟友受到损害呢？
Pomeroy, in his "Introduction to the Constitutional Law of the United States" (9th edition 1886, p.
波默罗伊（Pomeroy），在他的《美国宪法导论》（1886 年第 9 版，第 17 页）中。
373), says:
373），说：
The organic law nowhere prescribes or limits the causes for which hostilities may be waged against a foreign country.
组织法没有规定或限制对外国发动敌对行动的原因。
The causes of war it leaves to the discretion and judgment of the legislature.
战争的起因由立法机关自行决定和判断。
In other words, it is for Congress to determine what we are fighting for.
换句话说，由国会来决定我们为何而战。
The President, as Commander in Chief of the Army, is to determine the best method of carrying on the fight.
总统作为陆军总司令，负责确定进行战斗的最佳方法。
But since the purposes of the war must determine what are the best methods of conducting it, the primary duty at all times rests upon Congress to declare either in the declaration of war or subsequently what the objects are which it is expected to accomplish by the war.
但是，由于战争的目的必须决定进行战争的最佳方法，因此国会在任何时候的主要职责都是在宣战中或随后宣布战争预期实现的目标是什么。
In Elliot's Debates (supplement 2d edition, 1866, p.
在艾略特的辩论中（补充第 2 版，1866 年，第 14 页）
439, vol. 5) it is said:
439，卷。 5）据说：
There is a material difference between the cases of making war and making peace.
发动战争与缔结和平的情况有本质区别。
It should be more easy to get out of war than into it.
摆脱战争应该比卷入战争更容易。
In the same volume, at page 140, we find:
在同一卷第 140 页，我们发现：
Mr. Sherman said he considered the executive magistracy as nothing more than an institution for carrying the will of the legislature into effect.
谢尔曼先生说，他认为行政法官只不过是一个将立法机关的意愿付诸实施的机构。
Story, in his work on the Constitution (5th edition, 1891, p.92), says:
斯托里在其关于宪法的著作（第 5 版，1891 年，第 92 页）中说道：
The history of republics has but too fatally proved that they are too ambitious of military fame and conquest and too easily devoted to the interests of demagogues, who flatter their pride and betray their interests.
共和国的历史已经致命地证明，它们对军事名声和征服的野心太大，太容易为煽动者的利益服务，煽动者奉承他们的骄傲，背叛他们的利益。
It should, therefore, be difficult in a republic to declare war, but not to make peace.
因此，在共和国中宣战应该是困难的，但缔和则不是。
The representatives of the people are to lay the taxes to support a war, and therefore have aright to be consulted as to its propriety and necessity.
人民代表负责征税以支持战争，因此有权就战争的适当性和必要性进行咨询。
I commend this language to those gentlemen, both in and out of public office, who condemn as treasonable all efforts, either by the people or by their representatives in Congress, to discuss terms of peace or who even venture to suggest that a peace is not desirable until such time as the President, acting solely on his own responsibility, shall declare for peace.
我向那些公职内外的先生们推荐这种语言，他们谴责人民或他们在国会的代表讨论和平条件的一切努力都是叛国行为，或者甚至胆敢提出在总统完全履行自己的责任宣布和平之前，和平是不可取的。
It is a strange doctrine we hear these days that the mass of the people, who pay in money, misery, and blood all the costs of this war, out of which a favored few profit so largely, may not freely and publicly discuss terms of peace.
我们这些天听到的一种奇怪的学说是，广大人民为这场战争付出了金钱、痛苦和鲜血的代价，而少数人从中获得了巨大的利益，他们可能不会自由地公开讨论和平条款。
I believe that I have shown that such an odious and tyrannical doctrine has never been held by the men who have stood for liberty and representative government in this country.
我相信我已经表明，这个国家的自由和代议制政府的人们从来没有持有过如此可恶和残暴的学说。
Ordronaux, in his work on Constitutional Legislation, says:
奥德罗诺在他的宪法立法著作中说：
This power [the war-making power] the Constitution has lodged in Congress, as the political department of the Government, and more immediate representative of the will of the people.
宪法赋予国会这一权力[发动战争的权力]，国会作为政府的政治部门，更直接地代表人民的意志。
(P.
（P。
495).
495）。
On page 496, the same author points out that --
在第 496 页，同一作者指出——
The general power to declare war, and the consequent right to conduct it as long as the public interests may seem to require --
宣战的一般权力，以及随之而来的在公共利益看来需要的情况下进行宣战的权利——
The right to determine when and upon what terms the public interests require that war shall cease must therefore necessarily vest in Congress.
因此，决定何时以及以何种条件满足公共利益要求停止战争的权利必然属于国会。
I have already referred to the fact that Lincoln, Webster, Clay, Sumner, Corwin, and others, all contended and declared in the midst of war that it was the right -- the constitutional right -- and the patriotic duty of American citizens, after the declaration of war, as well as before the declaration of war, and while the war was in progress, to discuss the issues of the war, to criticize the policies employed in its prosecution, and to work for the election of representatives pledged to carry out the will of the people respecting the war.
我已经提到过这样一个事实：林肯、韦伯斯特、克莱、萨姆纳、科文等人都在战争期间主张并宣称，在宣战之后、宣战之前以及战争进行期间讨论战争问题、批评战争中所采用的政策以及为选举代表而努力，是美国公民的权利——宪法权利——和爱国义务。战争。
Let me call your attention to what James Madison, who became the fourth President of the United States, said on the subject in a speech at the constitutional convention, June 29, 1787:
让我提请大家注意成为美国第四任总统的詹姆斯·麦迪逊 (James Madison) 在 1787 年 6 月 29 日的制宪会议上就这个问题发表的讲话：
A standing military force, with an overgrown Executive, will not long be safe companions to liberty.
一支常备军事力量加上一个过于庞大的行政部门，不会长久地成为自由的安全伴侣。
The means of defense against foreign dangers have always been the instrument of tyranny at home.
抵御外国危险的手段一直是国内暴政的工具。
Among the Romans it was a standing maxim to excite war whenever a revolt was apprehended.
在罗马人中，每当发生叛乱时，就煽动战争是一条亘古不变的格言。
Throughout all Europe the armies kept up under the pretense of defending have enslaved the people.
在整个欧洲，假装保卫的军队奴役了人民。
It is perhaps questionable whether the best concerted system of absolute power in Europe could maintain itself in a situation where no alarms of external danger could tame the people to the domestic yoke.
也许值得怀疑的是，欧洲最好的绝对权力协调体系是否能够维持这样一种局面：外部危险的警报无法使人民屈服于国内的枷锁。
I now invite your attention to some of the precedents established by Congress showing that it has exercised almost from the time of the first Congress substantially the powers I am urging it should assert now.
现在，我请大家注意国会确立的一些先例，这些先例表明，几乎从第一届国会开始，它就已经行使了我现在敦促它行使的权力。
Many of the precedents to which I shall now briefly refer will be found in Hinds' Precedents, volume 2, chapter 49.
我现在要简要提及的许多先例可以在《海因兹先例》第 2 卷第 49 章中找到。
My authority for the others are the records of Congress itself as contained in the Congressional Globe and Congressional Record.
我对其他人的权威是《国会环球》和《国会记录》中包含的国会本身的记录。
In 1811 the House originated and the Senate agreed to a resolution as follows:
1811年，众议院成立，参议院通过了如下决议：
Taking into view the present state of the world, the peculiar situation of Spain and of her American Provinces, and the intimate relations of the territory eastward of the River Perdido, adjoining the United States, to their security and tranquility: Therefore
考虑到世界现状、西班牙及其美洲各省的特殊情况，以及佩尔迪多河以东、毗邻美国的领土与其安全和安宁的密切关系：因此
Resolved, etc., That the United States can not see with indifference any part of the Spanish Provinces adjoining the said States eastward of the River Perdido pass from the hands of Spain into those of any other foreign power.
决议等，美国不能漠视佩尔迪多河以东与上述各州毗邻的西班牙省份的任何部分从西班牙手中落入任何其他外国势力的手中。
In 1821 Mr. Clay introduced the following resolution, which passed the House:
1821 年，克莱先生提出了以下决议，并获得众议院通过：
Resolved, That the House of Representatives participates with the people of the United States in the deep interest which they feel for the success of the Spanish Provinces of South America, which are struggling to establish their liberty and independence, and that it will give its constitutional support to the President of the United States whenever he may deem it expedient to recognize the sovereignty and independence of any of the said Provinces.
决定，众议院与美国人民一起参与南美西班牙各省的成功，他们正在为建立自由和独立而奋斗，并且只要美国总统认为承认任何上述省份的主权和独立是有利的，众议院将向他提供宪法支持。
In 1825 there was a long debate in the House relating to an unconditional appropriation for the expenses of the ministers to the Panama Congress.
1825年，众议院就无条件拨款巴拿马国会部长的开支问题进行了长时间的辩论。
According to Mr. Hinds's summary of this debate, the opposition to the amendment, led by Mr. Webster, was that --
根据海因兹先生对这次辩论的总结，以韦伯斯特先生为首的对该修正案的反对是——
While the Hose had an undoubted right to express its general opinion in regard to questions of foreign policy, in this case it was proposed to decide what should be discussed by the particular ministers already appointed.
虽然众议院毫无疑问有权就外交政策问题表达其一般意见，但在这种情况下，建议由已任命的特定部长来决定应讨论的内容。
If such instructions might be furnished by the House in this case they might be furnished in all, thus usurping the power of the Executive.
在这种情况下，如果众议院可以提供此类指示，那么它们可能会全部提供，从而篡夺了行政部门的权力。
James Buchanan and John Forsythe, who argued in favor of the amendment, "contended that it did not amount to any instruction to diplomatic agents, but was a proper expression of opinion by the House.
支持该修正案的詹姆斯·布坎南和约翰·福赛思“认为这并不构成对外交人员的任何指示，而是众议院正确表达的意见。
The House had always exercised the right of expressing its opinion on great questions, either foreign or domestic, and such expressions were never thought to be an improper interference with the Executive."
众议院一直行使对重大问题（无论是国外还是国内）表达意见的权利，这种表达从未被认为是对行政部门的不当干涉。”
In April, 1864, the House originated and passed a resolution declaring that --
1864 年 4 月，众议院制定并通过了一项决议，宣布——
It did not accord with the policy of the United States to acknowledge a monarchical government erected on the ruins of any republican government in America under the auspices of any European power.
承认在任何欧洲列强的支持下在美国任何共和政府的废墟上建立的君主制政府都不符合美国的政策。
On May 23 the House passed a resolution requesting the President to communicated any explanation given by the Government of the United States to France respecting the sense and bearing of the joint resolution relative to Mexico.
5 月 23 日，众议院通过一项决议，要求总统转达美国政府就墨西哥联合决议的意义和影响向法国做出的任何解释。
The President transmitted the correspondence to the House.
总统将信函转交众议院。
The correspondence disclosed that Secretary Seward had transmitted a copy of the resolution to our minister to France, with the explanation that --
信件透露，苏厄德国务卿已将该决议的副本转交给我们驻法国的部长，并解释说：
This is a practical and purely executive question, and the decision of its constitutionality belongs not to the House of Representatives or even to Congress but to the President of the United States.
这是一个实际的、纯粹的行政问题，其合宪性的决定不属于众议院，甚至不属于国会，而是属于美国总统。
After a protracted struggle, evidently accompanied with much feeling, the House of Representatives adopted the following resolution, which had been reported by Mr. Henry Winter Davis from the Committee on Foreign Affairs:
经过长时间的斗争，显然伴随着很多感情，众议院通过了以下决议，该决议由外交事务委员会的亨利·温特·戴维斯先生报告：
Resolved, That Congress has a constitutional right to an authoritative voice in declaring and prescribing the foreign policy of the United States as well in the recognition of new powers as in other matters, and it is the constitutional duty of the President to respect that policy, no less in diplomatic negotiations than in the use of the national force when authorized by law.
决议：国会在宣布和规定美国外交政策以及在其他事务中承认新权力方面享有宪法权利，享有权威声音，总统有宪法义务尊重这一政策，无论是在外交谈判中还是在法律授权使用国家武力时。
It will be observed from the language last read that it was assumed as a matter of course that Congress had an authoritative voice as to the use of the national forces to be made in time of war and that it was the constitutional duty of the President to respect the policy of the Congress in that regard, and Mr. Davis in the resolution just read argued that it was the duty of the President to respect the authority of Congress in diplomatic negotiations even as he must respect it when the Congress determined the policy of the Government in the use of the national forces.
从上次宣读的措辞中可以看出，国会理所当然地对战时使用国家军队拥有权威声音，尊重国会在这方面的政策是总统的宪法义务，而戴维斯先生在刚刚宣读的决议中指出，总统有责任在外交谈判中尊重国会的权威，即使在国会确定政府使用国家军队的政策时他也必须尊重国会的权威。
The portion of the resolution I have just read was adopted by a vote of 119 to 8.
我刚才宣读的决议部分以119票对8票通过。
The balance of the resolution was adopted by a smaller majority, and was as follows:
该决议以少数多数通过，内容如下：
And the propriety of any declaration of foreign policy by Congress is sufficiently proved by the vote which pronounces it, and such proposition, while pending and undetermined, is not a fit topic of diplomatic explanation with any foreign power.
国会宣布的任何外交政策的适当性都已通过宣布该政策的投票得到充分证明，而这样的提议虽然悬而未决，但不适合与任何外国势力进行外交解释。
The joint resolution of 1898 declaring the intervention of the United States to remedy conditions existing in the island of Cuba is recent history and familiar to all.
1898 年联合决议宣布美国进行干预，以纠正古巴岛现有的状况，这是最近的历史，也是众所周知的。
This resolution embodied a clear declaration of foreign policy regarding Cuba as well as a declaration of war.
该决议体现了对古巴外交政策的明确宣示以及对古巴的宣战。
It passed both branches of Congress and was signed by the President.
它通过了国会两个分支并由总统签署。
After reciting the abhorrent conditions existing in Cuba it reads as follows:
在叙述了古巴现有的令人憎恶的状况后，全文如下：
Resolved, etc., First.
解决等，首先。
That the people of the island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and independent.
古巴岛人民是而且理应是自由和独立的。
Second.
第二。
That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the Government of the United States does hereby demand, that the Government of the United States does hereby demand, that the Government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the island of Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters.
美国有责任要求、美国政府特此要求、美国政府特此要求西班牙政府立即放弃其在古巴岛的权力和政府，并从古巴和古巴水域撤出其陆军和海军部队。
Third.
第三。
That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the United States, and to call into the actual service of the United States the militia of the several States, to such extent as my be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect.
美国总统，并且特此，指示并授权他使用美国全部陆地和海军力量，并召集几个州的民兵为美国实际服务，以执行这些决议所必需的程度。
Fourth.
第四。
That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to its people.
美国特此声明，除平定该岛外，不承担对该岛行使主权、管辖权或控制权的任何处置或意图，并声明，一旦实现这一目标，美国决心将该岛的政府和控制权交给其人民。
On April 28, 1904, a joint resolution was passed by both Houses of Congress in the following terms:
1904年4月28日，国会两院通过了一项联合决议，内容如下：
That it is the sense of the Congress of the united States that it is desirable in the interests of uniformity of action by maritime States in time of war, that the President endeavor to bring about an understanding among the principal maritime powers, with a view to incorporating into the permanent law of civilized nations the principle of the exemption of all private property at sea, not contraband of war, from capture or destruction by belligerents.
美国国会认为，为了海上国家在战时行动的统一，总统应努力在主要海上强国之间达成谅解，以期将所有海上私人财产（不包括战争违禁品）免遭交战方夺取或破坏的原则纳入文明国家的永久法。
Here it will be observed that the Congress proposed by resolution to direct the President as to the policy of exempting from capture private property at sea, no contraband of war, in not only one war merely but in all wars, providing that other maritime powers could be brought to adopt the same policy.
在这里可以看到，国会提议通过决议指示总统制定免除在海上夺取私人财产和战争违禁品的政策，不仅在一场战争中而且在所有战争中，前提是可以促使其他海上强国采取同样的政策。
So far as I am aware, there is an unbroken line of precedents by Congress upon this subject down to the time of the present administration.
据我所知，直到本届政府执政期间，国会在这个问题上都有着不间断的先例。
It is true that in 1846 President Polk, without consulting Congress, assumed to send the Army of the United States into territory the title of which was in dispute between the United States and Mexico, thereby precipitating bloodshed and the Mexican War.
确实，1846年波尔克总统在没有咨询国会的情况下，擅自派遣美国陆军进入美国和墨西哥之间有争议的领土，从而引发了流血事件和墨西哥战争。
But it is also true that this act was condemned as unconstitutional by the great constitutional lawyers of the country, and Abraham Lincoln, when he became a Member of the next Congress, voted for and supported the resolution, called the Ashmun amendment, which passed the House of Representatives, declaring that the Mexican War had been unnecessarily and unconstitutionally begun by the President of the United States.
但这一法案确实被美国伟大的宪法律师谴责为违宪，而亚伯拉罕·林肯在成为下届国会议员时，投票支持了这项名为《阿什蒙修正案》的决议，该决议在众议院获得通过，宣布墨西哥战争是由美国总统不必要且违宪地发动的。
That the full significance of this resolution was appreciated by the House of Representatives is shown by the speech of Mr. Venable, Representative from North Carolina, and a warm supporter of President Polk, made in the House, January 12, 1848, where referring to this resolution he says:
1848 年 1 月 12 日，波尔克总统的热情支持者、来自北卡罗来纳州的众议员维纳布尔先生在众议院发表的讲话显示了这项决议的全部意义，他在谈到这项决议时说：
Eighty-five members of this House sustained that amendment and it now constitutes one of our recorded acts.
众议院八十五名议员支持这项修正案，现在它已成为我们记录在案的法案之一。
I will not here stop to inquire as to the moral effect upon the Mexican people and the Mexican government which will result to us from such a vote in the midst of a war.
我不会在这里停下来询问战争期间的这样一次投票将对墨西哥人民和墨西哥政府产生的道德影响。
I suppose gentlemen have fully weighed this matter.
我想先生们已经充分考虑过这个问题了。
Neither will I now inquire how much such a vote will strengthen our credit or facilitate the Government in furnishing the necessary supply of troops.
我现在也不会询问这样的投票将在多大程度上增强我们的信誉或有利于政府提供必要的部队供应。
They have said by their votes that the President has violated the Constitution in the most flagrant manner; that every drop of blood which has been shed, every bone which now whitens the plains of Mexico, every heart-wringing agony which has been produced must be placed to his account who has so flagitiously violated the Constitution and involved the Nation in the horrors or war.
他们通过投票表示，总统以最公然的方式违反了宪法；所流的每一滴血、现在使墨西哥平原变白的每一根骨头、所产生的每一桩令人心碎的痛苦都必须归咎于他，因为他如此公然违反了宪法，使国家卷入了恐怖或战争。
This the majority of this House have declared on oath.
众议院多数议员已宣誓这一点。
The grand inquest of the Nation have asserted the fact and fixed it on their records, and I here demand of them to impeach the President.
国家的盛大调查已经证实了这一事实并将其记录在他们的记录中，我在此要求他们弹劾总统。
That Mr. Lincoln was in no manner deterred from the discharge of his duty as he saw it is evidenced by the fact that on the day following the speech of Representative Venable, Lincoln replied with one of the ablest speeches of his career, the opening sentences of which I desire to quote.
林肯先生并没有以任何方式阻止他履行他所认为的职责，这一点可以从以下事实得到证明：在众议员维纳布尔发表讲话后的第二天，林肯以他职业生涯中最干练的演讲之一作了答复，我想引用其中的开场白。
He said:
他说：
Some, if not all, the gentlemen of the other side of the House, who have addressed the committee within the last two days, have spoken rather complainingly, if I have rightly understood them , if the vote given a week or 10 days ago, declaring that the War with Mexico was unnecessarily and unconstitutionally commenced by the President.
众议院另一方的一些先生们（如果不是全部的话）在过去两天内向委员会发表了讲话，如果我没有正确理解的话，如果一周或十天前进行投票，他们的发言相当抱怨，宣布与墨西哥的战争是由总统不必要且违反宪法地发动的。
I admit that such a vote should not be given in mere party wantonness and that the one given is justly censurable, if it have no other or better foundation.
我承认这样的投票不应该仅仅出于政党的肆意而进行，而且如果没有其他或更好的基础，所进行的投票是应该受到谴责的。
I am one of those who joined in that vote; and I did so under my best impression of the truth of the case.
我是参加那次投票的人之一；我是在对案件真相有最好的印象的情况下这样做的。
Lincoln then proceeded to demonstrate the truth of the charge as he regarded it.
林肯接着证明了他所认为的指控的真实性。
Evidently he did not think that patriotism in war more than in peace required the suppression of the truth respecting anything pertaining to the conduct of the war.
显然，他并不认为战争中的爱国主义比和平时期的爱国主义更需要压制有关战争行为的真相。
And yet today, Mr. President, for merely suggesting a possible disagreement with the administration on any measure submitted, or the offering of amendments to increase the tax upon incomes, or on war profits, is "treason to our country and an effort to serve the enemy."
然而今天，总统先生，仅仅提出与政府就所提交的任何措施可能存在分歧，或者提出增加收入税或战争利润的修正案，就是“对我们国家的叛国和为敌人服务的努力”。
Since the Constitution vests in Congress the supreme power to determine when and for what purposes the country will engage in war and the objects to attain which the war will be prosecuted, it seems to me to be an evasion of a solemn duty on the part of the Congress not to exercise that power at this critical time in the Nation's affairs.
由于宪法赋予国会最高权力来决定国家何时、出于何种目的进行战争以及战争将要达到的目标，在我看来，国会在国家事务的关键时刻不行使这一权力似乎是在逃避一项庄严的义务。
The Congress can no more avoid its responsibility in this matte than it can in any other.
国会在这件事上不能逃避自己的责任，就像在其他任何事情上一样。
As the Nation's purposes in conducting this war are of supreme importance to the country, it is the supreme duty of Congress to exercise the function conferred upon it by the Constitution of guiding the foreign policy of the Nation in the present crisis.
由于国家进行这场战争的目的对国家至关重要，因此国会的最高职责是行使宪法赋予它的职能，在当前危机中指导国家的外交政策。
A minor duty may be evaded by Congress, a minor responsibility avoided without disaster resulting, but on this momentous question there can be no evasion, no shirking of duty of the Congress, without subverting our form of government.
国会可以逃避一点小责任，避免一点小责任，却不会造成灾难，但在这个重大问题上，国会不能逃避、推卸责任，否则就会颠覆我们的政府形式。
If our Constitution is to be changed so as to give the President the power to determine the purposes for which this Nation will engage in war, and the conditions on which it will make peace, then let that change be made deliberately by an amendment to the constitution proposed and adopted in a constitutional manner.
如果要修改我们的宪法，以便赋予总统决定这个国家参战的目的以及缔造和平的条件的权力，那么就让这一改变通过以宪法方式提出和通过的宪法修正案来进行。
It would be bad enough if the Constitution clothed the President with any such power, but to exercise such power without constitutional authority can not long be tolerated if even the forms of free government are to remain.
如果宪法赋予总统任何此类权力，那已经够糟糕的了，但如果连自由政府的形式都保留的话，在没有宪法授权的情况下行使这种权力就不能长期容忍。
We all know that no amendment to the constitution giving the President the powers suggested would be adopted by the people.
我们都知道，任何赋予总统权力的宪法修正案都不会被人民通过。
We know that if such an amendment were to be proposed it would be overwhelmingly defeated.
我们知道，如果提出这样的修正案，将会以压倒性的优势被否决。
The universal conviction of those who yet believe in the rights of the people is that the first step toward the prevention of war and the establishment of peace, permanent peace, is to give the people who must bear the brunt of war's awful burden more to say about it.
那些仍然相信人民权利的人普遍相信，防止战争和建立和平、永久和平的第一步，是让那些必须承受战争可怕负担的人民有更多的发言权。
The masses will understand that it was the evil of a one-man power exercised in a half dozen nations through the malevolent influences of a system of secret diplomacy that plunged the helpless peoples of Europe into the awful war that has been raging with increasing horror and fury ever since it began and that now threatens to engulf the world before it stops.
群众将会明白，正是一个人通过秘密外交体系的恶意影响在六个国家行使的邪恶力量，使无助的欧洲人民陷入了可怕的战争，这场战争自战争开始以来就一直以越来越大的恐怖和愤怒肆虐，现在有可能在结束之前席卷整个世界。
No conviction is stronger with the people today than that there should be no future wars except in case of actual invasion, unless supported by a referendum, a plebiscite, a vote of ratification upon the declaration of war before it shall become effective.
今天的人民最坚定的信念是，除非发生实际入侵，否则未来不应发生战争，除非在宣战生效之前得到全民公决、公民投票和批准宣战的支持。
And because there is no clearness of understanding, no unity of opinion in this country on the part of the people as to the conditions upon which we are prosecuting this war or what the specific objects are upon the attainment of which the present administration would be willing to conclude a peace, it becomes still more imperative each day that Congress should assert its constitutional power to define and declared the objects of this war which will afford the basis for a conference and for the establishment of permanent peace.
由于这个国家的人民对我们进行这场战争的条件或现任政府愿意缔结和平的具体目标没有明确的理解和统一的意见，国会应该维护其宪法权力来定义和宣布这场战争的目标，这将为召开会议和建立永久和平提供基础，这一点变得越来越重要。
The President has asked the German people to speak for themselves on this great world issue; why should not the American people voice their convictions through their chosen representatives in Congress?
总统要求德国人民在这个重大的世界问题上为自己说话；为什么美国人民不应该通过他们在国会选出的代表表达他们的信念？
Ever since new Russia appeared upon the map she has been holding out her hands to free America to come to her support in declaring for a clear understanding of the objects to be attained to secure peace.
自从新俄罗斯出现在地图上以来，她一直伸出双手，要求美国支持她，宣布对确保和平要实现的目标有一个清晰的认识。
Shall we let this most remarkable revolution the world has ever witnessed appeal to us in vain?
难道我们要让这场世界上最引人注目的革命徒劳地吸引我们吗？
We have been six months at war.
我们已经处于战争状态六个月了。
We have incurred financial obligation and made expenditures of money in amounts already so large that the human mind can not comprehend them.
我们承担了财政义务，支出的金钱数额已经大到人类思维无法理解的程度。
The Government has drafted from the peaceful occupations of civil life a million of our finest young men -- and more will be taken if necessary -- to be transported 4,000 miles over the sea, with their equipment and supplies, to the trenches of Europe.
政府从公民生活的和平职业中征召了100万最优秀的年轻人——如果有必要的话还将征召更多的年轻人——带着他们的装备和补给跨越4,000英里的路程，被运送到欧洲的战壕。
The first chill winds of autumn remind us that another winter is at hand.
秋天的第一场寒风提醒我们另一个冬天即将来临。
The imagination is paralyzed at the thought of the human misery, the indescribable suffering, which the winter months, with their cold and sleet and ice and snow, must bring to the war-swept lands, not alone to the soldiers at the front but to the noncombatants at home.
一想到人类的苦难，难以形容的痛苦，寒冷、雨夹雪、冰雪的冬季必然给这片饱受战争蹂躏的土地带来痛苦，不仅给前线的士兵，而且给国内的非战斗人员，我们的想象力就变得麻木了。
To such excesses of cruelty has this war descended that each nation is now, as a part of its strategy, planning to starve the women and children of the enemy countries.
这场战争如此残酷，以至于每个国家现在都计划让敌国的妇女和儿童挨饿，作为其战略的一部分。
Each warring nation is carrying out the unspeakable plan of starving noncombatants.
每个交战国家都在执行让非战斗人员挨饿的难以启齿的计划。
Each nurses the hope that it may break the spirit of the men of the enemy country at the front by starving the wives and babes at home, and woe be it that we have become partners in this awful business and are even cutting off food shipments from neutral countries in order to force them to help starve women and children of the country against whom we have declared war.
每个人都希望这可以通过让家里的妻子和婴儿挨饿来摧毁前线敌国男人的精神，而不幸的是，我们已经成为这个可怕行业的合作伙伴，甚至切断中立国家的粮食运输，以迫使他们帮助我们宣战的国家的妇女和儿童挨饿。
There may be some necessity overpowering enough to justify these things, but the people of America should demand to know what results are expected to satisfy the sacrifice of all that civilization holds dear upon the bloody altar of a conflict which employs such desperate methods of warfare.
也许存在某种足以证明这些事情合理性的必要性，但美国人民应该要求知道，预计会出现什么结果来满足文明在采用如此绝望的战争方法的血腥冲突的血腥祭坛上所珍视的一切牺牲。
The question is, Are we to sacrifice millions of our young men -- the very promise of the land --and spend billions and more billions, and pile up the cost of living until we starve -- and for what?
问题是，我们是否要牺牲数以百万计的年轻人——这片土地的希望——并花费数十亿美元，增加生活成本，直到我们挨饿——为了什么？
Shall the fearfully overburdened people of this country continue to bear the brunt of a prolonged war for any objects not openly stated and defined?
这个国家负担过重的人民是否应该继续为任何未公开说明和定义的目标而承受长期战争的冲击？
The answer, sir, rests, in my judgment, with the Congress, whose duty it is to declare our specific purposes in the present war and to state the objects upon the attainment of which we will make peace.
先生，根据我的判断，答案在于国会，其职责是宣布我们在当前战争中的具体目的，并阐明我们将实现和平的目标。
CAMPAIGN SHOULD BE MADE ON CONSTITUTIONAL LINES.
运动应该在宪法范围内进行。
And, sir, this is the ground on which I stand.
先生，这就是我所立足的基础。
I maintain that Congress has the right and the duty to declare the objects of the war and the people have the right and the obligation to discuss it.
我认为国会有权利和义务宣布战争目标，人民有权利和义务讨论战争目标。
American citizens may hold all shades of opinion as to the war; one citizen may glory in it, another may deplore it, each has the same right to voice his judgment.
美国公民可能对这场战争持有各种不同的看法。一个公民可能会为此感到自豪，另一个公民可能会对此感到遗憾，每个人都有同样的权利表达自己的判断。
An American citizen may think and say that we are not justified in prosecuting this war for the purpose of dictating the form of government which shall be maintained by our enemy or our ally, and not be subject to punishment at law.
一个美国公民可能会认为并说，我们没有理由为了规定我们的敌人或我们的盟友应维持的政府形式而进行这场战争，而不受法律的惩罚。
He may pray aloud that our boys shall not be sent to fight and die on European battle fields for the annexation of territory or the maintenance of trade agreements and be within his legal rights.
他可能会大声祈祷我们的孩子不会为了吞并领土或维护贸易协定而被派往欧洲战场上战斗和死亡，并在他的合法权利范围内。
He may express the hope that an early peace may be secured on the terms set forth by the new Russia and by President Wilson in his speech of January 22, 1917, and he can not lawfully be sent to jail for the expression of his convictions.
他可能会表示希望能够按照新俄罗斯和威尔逊总统在 1917 年 1 月 22 日的讲话中提出的条件确保早日实现和平，并且他不能因为表达自己的信念而被合法地送进监狱。
It is the citizen's duty to obey the law until it is repealed or declared unconstitutional.
公民有义务遵守法律，直至法律被废除或被宣布违宪。
But he has the inalienable right to fight what he deems an obnoxious law or a wrong policy in the courts and at the ballot box.
但他拥有不可剥夺的权利，可以在法庭和投票箱上反对他认为令人讨厌的法律或错误的政策。
It is the suppressed emotion of the masses that breeds revolution.
正是群众被压抑的情感孕育了革命。
If the American people are to carry on this great war, if public opinion is to be enlightened and intelligent, there must be free discussion.
如果美国人民要进行这场伟大的战争，如果舆论要开明、明智，就必须有自由讨论。
Congress, as well as the people of the United States, entered the war in great confusion of mind and under feverish excitement.
国会以及美国人民是在极度混乱和狂热的兴奋中参战的。
The President's leadership was followed in the faith that he had some big, unrevealed plan by which peace that would exalt him before all the world would soon be achieved.
总统的领导力受到人们的追随，因为人们相信他有一个宏大的、未透露的计划，通过这个计划，在全世界很快就会实现和平之前，他将得到崇高的地位。
Gradually, reluctantly, Congress and the country are beginning to perceive that we are in this terrific world conflict, not only to right our wrongs, not only to aid the allies, not only to share its awful death toll and its fearful tax burden, but, perhaps, to bear the brunt of the war.
渐渐地，国会和国家不情愿地开始认识到，我们正处于这场可怕的世界冲突中，不仅是为了纠正我们的错误，不仅是为了援助盟友，不仅是为了分担可怕的死亡人数和可怕的税收负担，而且也许是在战争中首当其冲。
And so I say, if we are to forestall the danger of being drawn into years of war, perhaps finally to maintain imperialism and exploitation, the people must unite in a campaign along constitutional lines for free discussion of the policy of the war and its conclusion on a just basis.
所以我说，如果我们要防止陷入多年战争的危险，也许最终是为了维持帝国主义和剥削，人民就必须团结起来，沿着宪法路线开展运动，在公正的基础上自由讨论战争政策及其结论。
Permit me, sir, this word in conclusion.
先生，请允许我用这句话作为结论。
It is said by many persons for whose opinions I have profound respect and whose motives I know to be sincere that "we are in this war and must go through to the end." That is true.
许多人都说过，“我们正处于这场战争之中，必须坚持到底”，我对他们的观点深表敬意，而且我知道他们的动机也是真诚的。确实如此。
But it is not true that we must go through to the end to accomplish an undisclosed purpose, or to reach an unknown goal.
但并不是说我们必须坚持到底才能完成一个未公开的目的，或者达到一个未知的目标。
I believe that whatever there is of honest difference of opinion concerning this war, arises precisely at this point.
我相信，无论对这场战争有什么诚实的意见分歧，都正是在这一点上产生的。
There is, and of course can be, no real difference of opinion concerning the duty of the citizen to discharge to the last limit whatever obligation the war lays upon him.
对于公民有义务彻底履行战争赋予他的任何义务，当然不可能存在真正的意见分歧。
Our young men are being taken by the hundreds of thousands for the purpose of waging this war on the Continent of Europe, possibly Asia or Africa, or anywhere else that they may be ordered.
我们的数十万年轻人被绑架，目的是在欧洲大陆，可能是亚洲或非洲，或他们可能被命令的任何其他地方发动这场战争。
Nothing must be left undone for their protection.
为了保护他们，必须不遗余力。
They must have the best army, ammunition, and equipment that money can buy.
他们必须拥有金钱能买到的最好的军队、弹药和装备。
They must have the best training and the best officers which this great country can provide.
他们必须接受这个伟大国家所能提供的最好的训练和最好的军官。
The dependents and relatives they leave at home must be provided for, not meagerly, but generously so far as money can provide for them.
必须为他们留在家里的家属和亲属提供生活保障，不是微薄的，而是慷慨的，只要有钱就能养活他们。
I have done some of the hardest work of my life during the last few weeks on the revenue bill to raise the largest possible amount of money from surplus incomes and war profits for this war and upon other measures to provide for the protection of the soldiers and their families.
在过去的几周里，我在税收法案上做了我一生中最艰苦的工作，从盈余收入和战争利润中为这场战争筹集尽可能多的资金，并采取其他措施来保护士兵及其家人。
That I was not able to accomplish more along this line is a great disappointment to me.
我没能在这方面取得更多成就，这让我非常失望。
I did all that I could, and I shall continue to fight with all the power at my command until wealth is made to bear more of the burden of this war than has been laid upon it by the present Congress.
我已经做了我能做的一切，我将继续利用我掌握的所有力量进行战斗，直到财富在这场战争中承担的负担超过本届国会所承担的负担。
Concerning these matters there can be no difference of opinion.
对于这些问题，不能有任何不同意见。
We have not yet been able to muster the forces to conscript wealth, as we have conscripted men, but no one has ever been able to advance even a plausible argument for not doing so.
我们还无法像征兵那样聚集力量征募财富，但没有人能够提出哪怕一个合理的理由来证明不这样做。
No, Mr. President; it is on the other point suggested where honest differences of opinion may arise.
不，总统先生；在建议的另一点上，可能会出现诚实的意见分歧。
Shall we ask the people of this country to shut their eyes and take the entire war program on faith?
我们是否应该要求这个国家的人民闭上眼睛并相信整个战争计划？
There are no doubt many honest and well-meaning persons who are willing to answer that question in the affirmative rather than risk the dissensions which they fear may follow a free discussion of the issues of this war.
毫无疑问，许多诚实和善意的人愿意对这个问题做出肯定的回答，而不是冒着他们担心在自由讨论这场战争问题后可能出现分歧的风险。
With that position I do not -- I can not agree.
我不同意这个立场——我不能同意。
Have the people no intelligent contribution to make to the solution of the problems of this war?
难道人民没有为解决这场战争的问题作出明智的贡献吗？
I believe that they have, and that in this matter, as in so many others, they may be wiser than their leaders, and that if left free to discuss the issues of the war they will find the correct settlement of these issues.
我相信他们已经做到了，在这件事上，就像在其他许多事情上一样，他们可能比他们的领导人更明智，如果让他们自由地讨论战争问题，他们会找到解决这些问题的正确方法。
But it is said that Germany will fight with greater determination if her people believe that we are not in perfect agreement.
但据说，如果德国人民认为我们的意见不完全一致，德国就会以更大的决心进行斗争。
Mr. President, that is the same worn-out pretext which has been used for three years to keep the plain people of Europe engaged in killing each other in this war.
总统先生，这就是三年来一直使用的同样过时的借口，让欧洲的普通人民在这场战争中互相残杀。
And, sir, as applied to this country, at least, it is a pretext with nothing to support it.
而且，先生，至少对于这个国家来说，这是一个没有任何支持的借口。
The way to paralyze the German arm, to weaken the German military force, in my opinion, is to declare our objects in this war, and show by that declaration to the German people that we are not seeking to dictate a form of government to Germany or to render more secure England's domination of the seas.
在我看来，瘫痪德国武装、削弱德国军事力量的方法就是宣布我们在这场战争中的目标，并通过这一声明向德国人民表明，我们并不寻求向德国指定一种政府形式，也不寻求让英国对海洋的统治更加安全。
A declaration of our purposes in this war, so far from strengthening our enemy, I believe would immeasurably weaken her, for it would no longer be possible to misrepresent our purposes to the German people.
我相信，在这场战争中宣布我们的目的不仅不会增强我们的敌人，反而会极大地削弱她，因为我们再也不可能向德国人民歪曲我们的目的了。
Such a course on our part, so far from endangering the life of a single one of our boys, I believe would result in saving the lives of hundreds of thousands of them by bringing about an earlier and more lasting peace by intelligent negotiation, instead of securing a peace by the complete exhaustion of one or the other of the belligerents.
就我们而言，这样的做法远非危及我们任何一个男孩的生命，我相信，通过明智的谈判实现更早、更持久的和平，而不是通过使交战一方完全疲惫来确保和平，将挽救数十万人的生命。
Such a course would also immeasurably, I believe, strengthen our military force in this country, because when the objects of this war are clearly stated and the people approve of those objects they will give to the war a popular support it will never otherwise receive.
我相信，这样的方针也将极大地加强我们在这个国家的军事力量，因为当这场战争的目标得到明确阐述并且人民认可这些目标时，他们就会给予战争以其他方式永远不会得到的民众支持。
Then, again, honest dealing with the entente allies, as well as with our own people, requires a clear statement of our objects in this war.
然后，再次，诚实地对待协约国以及我们自己的人民，需要明确声明我们在这场战争中的目标。
If we do not expect to support the entente allies in the dreams of conquest we know some of them entertain, then in all fairness to them that fact should be stated now.
如果我们不希望支持协约国盟友的征服梦想，我们知道他们中的一些人抱有这样的梦想，那么为了公平起见，现在就应该说明这一事实。
If we do expect to support them in their plans for conquest and aggrandizement, then our people are entitled to know that vitally important fact before this war proceeds further.
如果我们确实希望支持他们的征服和扩张计划，那么我们的人民就有权在这场战争进一步进行之前知道这一至关重要的事实。
Common honesty and fair dealing with the people of this country and with the nations by whose side we are fighting, as well as a sound military policy at home, requires the fullest and freest discussion before the people of every issue involved in this great war and that a plain and specific declaration of our purposes in the war be speedily made by the Congress of the United States.
与这个国家的人民和与我们并肩作战的国家共同诚实和公平地对待，以及在国内实行健全的军事政策，需要在人民面前就这场伟大战争所涉及的每个问题进行最充分和最自由的讨论，并要求美国国会迅速明确明确地宣布我们在战争中的目的。
Book/CDs by Michael E.
Michael E. 的书籍/CD
Eidenmuller, Published by McGraw-Hill (2008) Text Source : Speeches and introductions reprinted from Robert C.
Eidenmuller，McGraw-Hill 出版 (2008) 文本来源：演讲和介绍转载自 Robert C.
Byrd, The Senate, 1789-1989: Classic Speeches, 1830-1993 .
伯德，参议院，1789-1989 年：经典演讲，1830-1993 年。
Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1994.
华盛顿特区：政府印刷局，1994 年。
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图片来源：美国国会图书馆页面更新：2021 年 2 月 19 日美国版权状态：文本和图像 = 公共领域。
� Copyright 2001-Present.
� 版权所有 2001 年至今。
American Rhetoric.
美国修辞学。
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