Truth and Tolerance in America -- Edward Moore Kennedy
delivered 3 October 1983, Liberty Baptist College ( Liberty University ), Lynchburg, VA
1983 年 10 月 3 日在弗吉尼亚州林奇堡自由浸信会学院（自由大学）交付
[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]
[真实性认证：以下文本版本直接从音频转录。]
Thank you very much Professor Kombay for that generous introduction.
非常感谢 Kombay 教授的慷慨介绍。
And let me say, that I never expected to hear such kind words from Dr. Falwell.
让我说，我从来没想到会听到福尔韦尔博士说的如此客气的话。
So in return, I have an invitation of my own.
作为回报，我也收到了一份自己的邀请函。
On January 20th, 1985, I hope Dr. Falwell will say a prayer at the inauguration of the next Democratic President of the United States.
1985 年 1 月 20 日，我希望福尔韦尔博士能够在美国下一任民主党总统的就职典礼上进行祈祷。
Now, Dr. Falwell, I�m not exactly sure how you feel about that.
现在，福尔韦尔博士，我不太确定你对此有何感想。
You might not appreciate the President, but the Democrats certainly would appreciate the prayer.
你可能不欣赏总统，但民主党人肯定会欣赏你的祈祷。
Actually, a number of people in Washington were surprised that I was invited to speak here -- and even more surprised when I accepted the invitation.
事实上，华盛顿的许多人对我被邀请在这里演讲感到惊讶——当我接受邀请时更感到惊讶。
They seem to think that it�s easier for a camel to pass through the eye of the needle than for a Kennedy to come to the campus of Liberty Baptist College.
他们似乎认为骆驼穿过针眼比肯尼迪来到自由浸会学院校园更容易。
In honor of our meeting, I have asked Dr. Falwell, as your Chancellor, to permit all the students an extra hour next Saturday night before curfew.
为了纪念我们的会面，我已要求你们的校长福尔韦尔博士允许所有学生下周六晚上宵禁前额外休息一小时。
And in return, I have promised to watch the Old Time Gospel Hour next Sunday morning.
作为回报，我答应下周日早上观看旧时福音时光。
I realize that my visit may be a little controversial.
我意识到我的访问可能会引起一些争议。
But as many of you have heard, Dr. Falwell recently sent me a membership in the Moral Majority -- and I didn't even apply for it.
但正如你们许多人所听说的，福尔韦尔博士最近让我成为道德多数派的一员——而我什至没有申请。
And I wonder if that means that I'm a member in good standing.
我想知道这是否意味着我是信誉良好的会员。
This is, of course, a nonpolitical speech which is probably best under the circumstances.
当然，在这种情况下，这可能是最好的非政治演讲。
Since I am not a candidate for President, it would certainly be inappropriate to ask for your support in this election and probably inaccurate to thank you for it in the last one.
由于我不是总统候选人，因此在这次选举中寻求你们的支持肯定是不合适的，在上一次选举中感谢你们的支持也可能不准确。
I have come here to discuss my beliefs about faith and country, tolerance and truth in America.
我来这里是为了讨论我对美国的信仰和国家、宽容和真理的信念。
I know we begin with certain disagreements; and I strongly suspect that at the end of the evening some of our disagreements will remain.
我知道我们一开始就存在某些分歧；我强烈怀疑，到了晚上，我们的一些分歧仍然会存在。
But I also hope that tonight and in the months and years ahead, we will always respect the right of others to differ, that we will never lose sight of our own fallibility, and that we will view ourselves with a sense of perspective and a sense of humor.
但我也希望今晚以及未来的岁月里，我们将始终尊重他人表达不同意见的权利，永远不会忽视自己的错误，并以远见卓识和幽默感来看待自己。
After all, in the New Testament, even the Disciples had to be taught to look first to the beam in their own eyes, and only then to the mote in their neighbors eyes.
毕竟，在新约中，即使是门徒也必须被教导先看自己眼中的梁木，然后才看邻居眼中的刺。
I am mindful of that counsel.
我很注意这个建议。
I am an American and a Catholic; I love my country and treasure my faith.
我是美国人，也是天主教徒；我热爱我的国家，珍惜我的信仰。
But I do not assume that my conception of patriotism or policy is invariably correct, or that my convictions about religion should command any greater respect than any other faith in this pluralistic society.
但我并不认为我的爱国主义或政策观念总是正确的，或者我对宗教的信念应该比这个多元化社会中的任何其他信仰更受尊重。
I believe there surely is such a thing as truth, but who among us can claim a monopoly on it?
我相信真理确实存在，但我们谁能垄断它呢？
There are those who do, and their own words testify to their intolerance.
有些人这样做，他们自己的话证明了他们的不宽容。
For example, because the Moral Majority has worked with members of different denominations, one fundamentalist group has denounced Dr. Falwell for hastening the ecumenical church and for "yoking together with Roman Catholics, Mormons, and others." I am relieved that Dr. Falwell does not regard that as a sin, and on this issue, he himself has become the target of narrow prejudice.
例如，由于道德多数派与不同教派的成员合作，一个原教旨主义团体谴责福尔韦尔博士加速了普世教会的发展，并“与罗马天主教徒、摩门教徒和其他人联合起来”。令我欣慰的是，福尔韦尔博士并不认为这是一种罪孽，在这个问题上，他本人也成为了狭隘偏见的目标。
When people agree on public policy, they ought to be able to work together, even while they worship in diverse ways.
当人们就公共政策达成一致时，他们应该能够一起工作，即使他们以不同的方式进行崇拜。
For truly we are all yoked together as Americans, and the yoke is the happy one of individual freedom and mutual respect.
因为，作为美国人，我们确实是被束缚在一起的，而这种束缚是个人自由和相互尊重的幸福枷锁。
But in saying that, we cannot and should not turn aside from a deeper and more pressing question -- which is whether and how religion should influence government.
但在这么说的同时，我们不能也不应该回避一个更深层次、更紧迫的问题——即宗教是否以及如何影响政府。
A generation ago, a presidential candidate had to prove his independence of undue religious influence in public life, and he had to do so partly at the insistence of evangelical Protestants.
一代人之前，总统候选人必须证明自己在公共生活中不受不当宗教影响，而他必须这样做，部分原因是在福音派新教徒的坚持下。
John Kennedy said at that time: I believe in an America where there is no religious bloc voting of any kind. Only twenty years later, another candidate was appealing to a[n] evangelical meeting as a religious bloc.
约翰·肯尼迪当时说道：“我相信美国不存在任何形式的宗教集团投票。”仅仅二十年后，另一位候选人就呼吁将福音派会议作为一个宗教集团。
Ronald Reagan said to 15 thousand evangelicals at the Roundtable in Dallas: I know that you cant endorse me.
罗纳德·里根在达拉斯圆桌会议上对 15000 名福音派人士说：“我知道你们不能支持我。”
I want you to know I endorse you and what you are doing.
我想让你知道我支持你和你正在做的事情。
To many Americans, that pledge was a sign and a symbol of a dangerous breakdown in the separation of church and state.
对许多美国人来说，这一承诺是政教分离危险崩溃的标志和象征。
Yet this principle, as vital as it is, is not a simplistic and rigid command.
然而，这一原则虽然至关重要，但并不是一个简单化和僵化的命令。
Separation of church and state cannot mean an absolute separation between moral principles and political power.
政教分离并不意味着道德原则与政治权力的绝对分离。
The challenge today is to recall the origin of the principle, to define its purpose, and refine its application to the politics of the present.
今天的挑战是回顾该原则的起源，定义其目的，并完善其在当前政治中的应用。
The founders of our nation had long and bitter experience with the state, as both the agent and the adversary of particular religious views.
我们国家的缔造者对国家有着长期而痛苦的经历，国家既是特定宗教观点的代理人，又是其反对者。
In colonial Maryland, Catholics paid a double land tax, and in Pennsylvania they had to list their names on a public roll -- an ominous precursor of the first Nazi laws against the Jews.
在殖民地马里兰州，天主教徒缴纳双重土地税，在宾夕法尼亚州，他们必须将自己的名字列在公共名单上——这是第一部针对犹太人的纳粹法律的不祥前兆。
And Jews in turn faced discrimination in all of the thirteen original Colonies.
反过来，犹太人在所有十三个原始殖民地都面临歧视。
Massachusetts exiled Roger Williams and his congregation for contending that civil government had no right to enforce the Ten Commandments.
马萨诸塞州流放了罗杰·威廉姆斯和他的会众，因为他们认为政府无权执行十诫。
Virginia harassed Baptist teachers, and also established a religious test for public service, writing into the law that no popish followers could hold any office.
弗吉尼亚州骚扰浸信会教师，还制定了公共服务宗教测试，将任何“天主教徒”都写入法律，不得担任任何公职。
But during the Revolution, Catholics, Jews, and Non-Conformists all rallied to the cause and fought valiantly for the American commonwealth -- for John Winthrops city upon a hill. Afterwards, when the Constitution was ratified and then amended, the framers gave freedom for all religion, and from any established religion, the very first place in the Bill of Rights.
但在美国独立战争期间，天主教徒、犹太人和异教徒都团结起来，为美国联邦英勇奋斗，为约翰·温思罗普的“山上之城”而战。随后，当宪法获得批准和修订时，制宪者赋予所有宗教自由，并赋予其脱离任何既定宗教的自由，这是《权利法案》的首要地位。
Indeed the framers themselves professed very different faiths: Washington was an Episcopalian, Jefferson a deist, and Adams a Calvinist.
事实上，制宪者们自己也表达了截然不同的信仰：华盛顿是圣公会教徒，杰斐逊是自然神论者，亚当斯是加尔文主义者。
And although he had earlier opposed toleration, John Adams later contributed to the building of Catholic churches, and so did George Washington.
尽管约翰·亚当斯早期反对宽容，但后来他为天主教堂的建设做出了贡献，乔治·华盛顿也是如此。
Thomas Jefferson said his proudest achievement was not the presidency, or the writing the Declaration of Independence, but drafting the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom.
托马斯·杰斐逊说，他最自豪的成就不是担任总统，也不是撰写《独立宣言》，而是起草《弗吉尼亚宗教自由法》。
He stated the vision of the first Americans and the First Amendment very clearly: The God who gave us life gave us liberty at the same time.
他非常清楚地阐述了第一批美国人和第一修正案的愿景：“赋予我们生命的上帝同时也赋予了我们自由。”
The separation of church and state can sometimes be frustrating for women and men of religious faith.
教会与国家的分离有时会让有宗教信仰的男女感到沮丧。
They may be tempted to misuse government in order to impose a value which they cannot persuade others to accept.
他们可能会试图滥用政府来强加一种他们无法说服他人接受的价值观。
But once we succumb to that temptation, we step onto a slippery slope where everyones freedom is at risk.
但一旦我们屈服于这种诱惑，我们就会走上滑坡，每个人的自由都受到威胁。
Those who favor censorship should recall that one of the first books ever burned was the first English translation of the Bible.
那些支持审查制度的人应该记得，最早被烧毁的书籍之一是《圣经》的第一本英文译本。
As President Eisenhower warned in 1953, Dont join the book burners...the right to say ideas, the right to record them, and the right to have them accessible to others is unquestioned -- or this isnt America. And if that right is denied, at some future day the torch can be turned against any other book or any other belief.
正如艾森豪威尔总统在 1953 年警告的那样，“不要加入焚书者的行列……表达想法的权利、记录想法的权利以及让他人接触到这些想法的权利是毫无疑问的——否则这就不是美国。”如果这项权利被剥夺，在未来的某一天，火炬可能会转向任何其他书籍或任何其他信仰。
Let us never forget: Todays Moral Majority could become tomorrows persecuted minority.
让我们永远不要忘记：今天的道德多数可能会成为明天受迫害的少数。
The danger is as great now as when the founders of the nation first saw it.
现在的危险与建国之父第一次看到它时一样严重。
In 1789, their fear was of factional strife among dozens of denominations.
1789 年，他们担心的是数十个教派之间的派系冲突。
Today there are hundreds -- and perhaps even thousands of faiths -- and millions of Americans who are outside any fold.
今天，有数百种——甚至可能是数千种信仰——以及数百万美国人不属于任何宗教圈子。
Pluralism obviously does not and cannot mean that all of them are right; but it does mean that there are areas where government cannot and should not decide what is wrong to believe, to think, to read, and to do.
多元主义显然并不也不可能意味着所有这些都是正确的。但这确实意味着，在某些领域，政府不能也不应该决定什么是错误的相信、思考、阅读和行为。
As Professor Larry Tribe, one of the nations leading constitutional scholars has written, Law in a non-theocratic state cannot measure religious truth, nor can the state impose it."
正如美国著名宪法学者之一拉里·特里布教授所写，“非神权国家的法律无法衡量宗教真理，国家也无法强加宗教真理。”
The real transgression occurs when religion wants government to tell citizens how to live uniquely personal parts of their lives.
当宗教希望政府告诉公民如何过他们生活中独特的个人部分时，真正的违法行为就发生了。
The failure of Prohibition proves the futility of such an attempt when a majority or even a substantial minority happens to disagree.
禁酒令的失败证明，当大多数人甚至少数人不同意时，这种尝试是徒劳的。
Some questions may be inherently individual ones, or people may be sharply divided about whether they are.
有些问题可能本质上是个人问题，或者人们对于这些问题是否是个人问题可能存在严重分歧。
In such cases, like Prohibition and abortion, the proper role of religion is to appeal to the conscience of the individual, not the coercive power of the state.
在这种情况下，比如禁止和堕胎，宗教的正确作用是诉诸个人的良知，而不是国家的强制力。
But there are other questions which are inherently public in nature, which we must decide together as a nation, and where religion and religious values can and should speak to our common conscience.
但还有其他一些本质上是公共性的问题，我们必须作为一个国家共同决定，以及宗教和宗教价值观能够而且应该与我们的共同良心对话。
The issue of nuclear war is a compelling example.
核战争问题就是一个令人信服的例子。
It is a moral issue; it will be decided by government, not by each individual; and to give any effect to the moral values of their creed, people of faith must speak directly about public policy.
这是一个道德问题；这将由政府决定，而不是由个人决定；为了使他们的信条的道德价值观产生影响，有信仰的人必须直接谈论公共政策。
The Catholic bishops and the Reverend Billy Graham have every right to stand for the nuclear freeze, and Dr. Falwell has every right to stand against it.
天主教主教和牧师比利·格雷厄姆完全有权利支持核冻结，而福尔韦尔博士也完全有权利反对它。
There must be standards for the exercise of such leadership, so that the obligations of belief will not be debased into an opportunity for mere political advantage.
行使这种领导权必须有标准，这样信仰的义务才不会被贬低为纯粹政治利益的机会。
But to take a stand at all when a question is both properly public and truly moral is to stand in a long and honored tradition.
但是，当一个问题既是适当公开的又是真正道德的问题时，要采取立场，就必须坚持悠久而光荣的传统。
Many of the great evangelists of the 1800s were in the forefront of the abolitionist movement.
1800 年代许多伟大的福音传道者都处于废奴运动的最前沿。
In our own time, the Reverend William Sloane Coffin challenged the morality of the war in Vietnam.
在我们这个时代，威廉·斯隆·科芬牧师对越南战争的道德提出了挑战。
Pope John XXIII renewed the Gospels call to social justice.
教皇约翰二十三世重申了福音对社会正义的呼吁。
And Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. who was the greatest prophet of this century, awakened our nation and its conscience to the evil of racial segregation.
马丁·路德·金博士是本世纪最伟大的先知，他唤醒了我们国家及其良心，让我们认识到种族隔离的罪恶。
Their words have blessed our world.
他们的话语祝福了我们的世界。
And who now wishes they had been silent?
现在谁希望自己保持沉默呢？
Who would bid Pope John Paul [II] to quiet his voice against the oppression in Eastern Europe, the violence in Central America, or the crying needs of the landless, the hungry, and those who are tortured in so many of the dark political prisons of our time?
谁会要求教皇约翰·保罗二世安静地反对东欧的压迫、中美洲的暴力，或者无地者、饥饿者和那些在我们这个时代如此多的黑暗政治监狱中遭受酷刑的人的迫切需要？
President Kennedy, who said that no religious body should seek to impose its will, also urged religious leaders to state their views and give their commitment when the public debate involved ethical issues.
肯尼迪总统表示“任何宗教团体都不应寻求强加自己的意志”，并敦促宗教领袖在公开辩论涉及道德问题时表达自己的观点并做出承诺。
In drawing the line between imposed will and essential witness, we keep church and state separate, and at the same time we recognize that the City of God should speak to the civic duties of men and women.
在划清强制意志和基本见证之间的界限时，我们将教会和国家分开，同时我们认识到上帝之城应该谈论男人和女人的公民义务。
There are four tests which draw that line and define the difference.
有四个测试可以划清界限并定义差异。
First, we must respect the integrity of religion itself.
首先，我们必须尊重宗教本身的完整性。
People of conscience should be careful how they deal in the word of their Lord.
有良心的人应该小心对待他们主的话语。
In our own history, religion has been falsely invoked to sanction prejudice -- even slavery -- to condemn labor unions and public spending for the poor.
在我们自己的历史上，宗教曾被错误地援引来制裁偏见——甚至奴隶制——来谴责工会和针对穷人的公共支出。
I believe that the prophecy, "The poor you always have with you" is an indictment, not a commandment.
我相信“穷人永远与你同在”的预言是一种控诉，而不是一条戒律。
And I respectfully suggest that God has taken no position on the Department of Education -- and that a balanced budget constitutional amendment is a matter of economic analysis, and not heavenly appeals.
我恭敬地建议上帝对教育部没有采取任何立场——平衡预算宪法修正案是一个经济分析的问题，而不是天堂的呼吁。
Religious values cannot be excluded from every public issue; but not every public issue involves religious values.
宗教价值观不能被排除在每个公共问题之外；但并非所有公共问题都涉及宗教价值观。
And how ironic it is when those very values are denied in the name of religion.
当这些价值观以宗教的名义被否定时，这是多么讽刺啊。
For example, we are sometimes told that it is wrong to feed the hungry, but that mission is an explicit mandate given to us in the 25th chapter of Matthew.
例如，有时我们被告知，喂养饥饿的人是错误的，但这一使命是马太福音第 25 章赋予我们的明确命令。
Second, we must respect the independent judgments of conscience.
其次，要尊重良心的独立判断。
Those who proclaim moral and religious values can offer counsel, but they should not casually treat a position on a public issue as a test of fealty to faith.
宣扬道德和宗教价值观的人可以提供建议，但他们不应随意将公共问题上的立场视为对信仰忠诚的考验。
Just as I disagree with the Catholic bishops on tuition tax credits -- which I oppose -- so other Catholics can and do disagree with the hierarchy, on the basis of honest conviction, on the question of the nuclear freeze.
正如我在学费税收抵免问题上不同意天主教主教的观点（我反对这一点）一样，其他天主教徒也可以基于诚实的信念，在核冻结问题上不同意领导层的观点。
Thus, the controversy about the Moral Majority arises not only from its views, but from its name -- which, in the minds of many, seems to imply that only one set of public policies is moral and only one majority can possibly be right.
因此，关于道德多数的争议不仅源于它的观点，还源于它的名字——在许多人看来，这似乎意味着只有一套公共政策是道德的，只有一个多数可能是正确的。
Similarly, people are and should be perplexed when the religious lobbying group Christian Voice publishes a morality index of congressional voting records, which judges the morality of senators by their attitude toward Zimbabwe and Taiwan.
同样，当宗教游说团体“基督教之声”发布国会投票记录道德指数时，人们也应该感到困惑，该指数通过参议员对津巴布韦和台湾的态度来判断他们的道德。
Let me offer another illustration.
让我再举一个例子。
Dr. Falwell has written -- and I quote: To stand against Israel is to stand against God. Now there is no one in the Senate who has stood more firmly for Israel than I have.
福尔韦尔博士曾写道——我引用一下：“反对以色列就是反对上帝。”现在参议院中没有人比我更坚定地支持以色列了。
Yet, I do not doubt the faith of those on the other side.
然而，我并不怀疑对方的信念。
Their error is not one of religion, but of policy.
他们的错误不是宗教的错误，而是政策的错误。
And I hope to be able to persuade them that -- that they are wrong in terms of both Americas interest and the justice of Israels cause.
我希望能够说服他们——他们在美国利益和以色列事业正义方面都是错误的。
Respect for conscience is most in jeopardy, and the harmony of our diverse society is most at risk, when we re-establish, directly or indirectly, a religious test for public office.
当我们直接或间接地重新建立公职宗教测试时，对良心的尊重将受到最大的威胁，我们多元化社会的和谐也将受到最大的威胁。
That relic of the colonial era, which is specifically prohibited in the Constitution, has reappeared in recent years.
宪法明确禁止的殖民时代的遗迹近年来又重新出现。
After the last election, the Reverend James Robison -- Robison warned President Reagan no to surround himself, as president before him had, with the counsel of the ungodly.
上次选举后，詹姆斯·罗宾逊牧师警告里根总统不要像前任总统那样，“让不敬虔的人听从他的劝告”。
I utterly reject any such standard for any position anywhere in public service.
我完全拒绝对公共服务中任何职位的任何此类标准。
Two centuries ago, the victims were Catholics and Jews.
两个世纪前，受害者是天主教徒和犹太人。
In the 1980s the victims could be atheists; in some other day or decade, they could be the members of the Thomas Road Baptist Church.
在 20 世纪 80 年代，受害者可能是无神论者；有一天或十年后，他们可能会成为托马斯路浸信会的成员。
Indeed, in 1976 I regarded it as unworthy and un-American when some people said or hinted that Jimmy Carter should not be president because he was a born again Christian.
事实上，1976年，当一些人说或暗示吉米·卡特不应该担任总统，因为他是重生的基督徒时，我认为这是不值得的，也不符合美国精神。
We must never judge the fitness of individuals to govern on the bas[is] of where they worship, whether they follow Christ or Moses, whether they are called born again or ungodly. Where it is right to apply moral values to public life, let all of us avoid the temptation to be self-righteous and absolutely certain of ourselves.
我们决不能根据个人崇拜的地方、是否追随基督或摩西、是否被称为“重生”或“不敬虔”来判断个人是否适合执政。只要将道德价值观应用于公共生活是正确的，我们所有人就应该避免自以为是和绝对自信的诱惑。
And if that temptation ever comes, let us recall Winston Churchills humbling description of an intolerant and inflexible colleague: There but for the grace of God goes God.
如果这种诱惑真的来了，让我们回想一下温斯顿·丘吉尔对一位不宽容、不灵活的同事的谦卑描述：“只有上帝的恩典，上帝才会去。”
Third, in applying religious values, we must respect the integrity of public debate.
第三，在运用宗教价值观时，我们必须尊重公开辩论的完整性。
In that debate, faith is no substitute for facts.
在这场辩论中，信仰不能替代事实。
Critics may oppose the nuclear freeze for what they regard as moral reasons.
批评者可能出于道德原因而反对核冻结。
They have every right to argue that any negotiation with the Soviets is wrong, or that any accommodation with them sanctions their crimes, or that no agreement can be good enough and therefore all agreements only increase the chance of war.
他们完全有权利辩称，与苏联的任何谈判都是错误的，或者与他们的任何和解都会制裁他们的罪行，或者任何协议都不够好，因此所有协议只会增加战争的可能性。
I do not believe that, but it surely does not violate the standard of fair public debate to say it.
我不相信，但这样说肯定不违反公平公开辩论的标准。
What does violate that standard, what the opponents of the nuclear freeze have no right to do, is to assume that they are infallible, and so any argument against the freeze will do, whether it is false or true.
违反这一标准的做法，即核冻结反对者无权做的，就是假设他们是绝对正确的，因此任何反对冻结的论点都可以，无论是真是假。
The nuclear freeze proposal is not unilateral, but bilateral -- with equal restraints on the United States and the Soviet Union.
核冻结提议不是单边的，而是双边的——对美国和苏联都有同样的限制。
The nuclear freeze does not require that we trust the Russians, but demands full and effective verification.
核冻结并不需要我们信任俄罗斯人，而是需要充分有效的核查。
The nuclear freeze does not concede a Soviet lead in nuclear weapons, but recognizes that human beings in each great power already have in their fallible hands the overwhelming capacity to remake into a pile of radioactive rubble the earth which God has made.
核冻结并不承认苏联在核武器方面处于领先地位，而是承认每个大国的人类已经掌握了压倒性的能力，可以将上帝创造的地球改造成一堆放射性瓦砾。
There is no morality -- There is no morality in the mushroom cloud.
没有道德——蘑菇云里没有道德。
The black rain of nuclear ashes will fall alike on the just and the unjust.
核灰烬的黑雨将同样降临在正义者和不正义者身上。
And then it will be too late to wish that we had done the real work of this atomic age -- which is to seek a world that is neither red nor dead.
然后，希望我们已经完成了这个原子时代的真正工作——即寻找一个既不红也不死的世界——就为时已晚了。
I am perfectly prepared to debate the nuclear freeze on policy grounds, or moral ones.
我完全准备好从政策或道德角度讨论核冻结问题。
But we should not be forced to discuss phantom issues or false charges.
但我们不应该被迫讨论虚假问题或虚假指控。
They only deflect us form the urgent task of deciding how best to prevent a planet divided from becoming a planet destroyed.
它们只会让我们偏离决定如何最好地防止一颗分裂的行星变成一颗被毁灭的行星的紧迫任务。
And it does not advance the debate to contend that the arms race is more divine punishment than human problem, or that in any event, the final days are near.
认为军备竞赛更像是神圣的惩罚而不是人类的问题，或者无论如何，最后的日子已经临近，这并不能推进辩论。
As Pope John said two decades ago, at the opening of the Second Vatican Council: We must beware of those who burn with zeal, but are not endowed with much sense...
正如教皇约翰二十年前在梵蒂冈第二届大公会议开幕式上所说：“我们必须提防那些充满热情但缺乏理智的人……
we must disagree with the prophets of doom, who are always forecasting disasters, as though the end of the earth was at hand. The message which echoes across the years is very clear: The earth is still here; and if we wish to keep it, a prophecy of doom is no alternative to a policy of arms control.
我们必须不同意末日先知的观点，他们总是在预言灾难，就好像地球末日即将来临一样。多年来回响的信息非常明确：地球仍然在这里；地球仍然存在；地球仍然存在；地球仍然存在。如果我们希望保留这一政策，末日预言就无法替代军备控制政策。
Fourth, and finally, we must respect the motives of those who exercise their right to disagree.
第四，也是最后一点，我们必须尊重那些行使不同意见权利的人的动机。
We sorely test our ability to live together if we readily question each others integrity.
如果我们轻易质疑彼此的诚信，我们就是在严峻地考验我们共同生活的能力。
It may be harder to restrain our feelings when moral principles are at stake, for they go to the deepest wellsprings of our being.
当道德原则受到威胁时，抑制我们的感情可能会更困难，因为它们深入到我们存在的最深处。
But the more our feelings diverge, the more deeply felt they are, the greater is our obligation to grant the sincerity and essential decency of our fellow citizens on the other side.
但我们的感受越分歧，感受越深刻，我们就越有义务给予对方公民真诚和基本的正直。
Those who favor E.R.A [Equal Rights Amendment] are not antifamily or blasphemers. And their purpose is not an attack on the Bible. Rather, we believe this is the best way to fix in our national firmament the ideal that not only all men, but all people are created equal.
那些支持 E.R.A（平等权利修正案）的人并不是“反家庭”或“亵渎者”。他们的目的也不是“攻击圣经”。相反，我们相信这是在我们国家的天空中确立这样一种理想的最佳方式：不仅所有人，而且所有人都生而平等。
Indeed, my mother, who strongly favors E.R.A., would be surprised to hear that she is anti-family.
事实上，我的母亲非常支持 E.R.A.，如果听到她反对家庭，她一定会感到惊讶。
For my part, I think of the amendments opponents as wrong on the issue, but not as lacking in moral character.
就我而言，我认为修正案的反对者在这个问题上是错误的，但并不缺乏道德品质。
I could multiply the instances of name-calling, sometimes on both sides.
我可以增加谩骂的次数，有时是双方的。
Dr. Falwell is not a warmonger. And liberal clergymen are not, as the Moral Majority suggested in a recent letter, equivalent to Soviet sympathizers. The critics of official prayer in public schools are not Pharisees; many of them are both civil libertarians and believers, who think that families should pray more at home with their children, and attend church and synagogue more faithfully.
福尔韦尔博士不是一个“战争贩子”。而且，正如道德多数派在最近的一封信中所暗示的那样，“自由主义神职人员”也不等同于“苏联同情者”。对公立学校正式祈祷的批评者不是“法利赛人”；而是“法利赛人”。他们中的许多人都是公民自由主义者和信徒，他们认为家庭应该更多地在家中与孩子一起祈祷，并更忠实地去教堂和犹太教堂。
And people are not sexist because they stand against abortion, and they are not murderers because they believe in free choice.
人们不是性别歧视者，因为他们反对堕胎，他们不是杀人犯，因为他们相信自由选择。
Nor does it help anyone -- Nor does it help anyones cause to shout such epithets, or to try and shout a speaker down -- which is what happened last April when Dr. Falwell was hissed and heckled at Harvard.
这对任何人都没有帮助——也没有帮助任何人的事业，喊出这样的绰号，或者试图压低发言者的声音——这就是去年四月福尔韦尔博士在哈佛受到嘘声和质问时发生的事情。
So I am doubly grateful for your courtesy here this evening.
因此，我对您今晚在这里的礼貌表示万分感谢。
That was not Harvards finest hour, but I am happy to say that the loudest applause from the Harvard audience came in defense of Dr. Falwells right to speak.
那不是哈佛最辉煌的时刻，但我很高兴地说，哈佛观众最响亮的掌声是为了捍卫福尔韦尔博士的发言权。
In short, I hope for an America where neither "fundamentalist" nor "humanist" will be a dirty word, but a fair description of the different ways in which people of goodwill look at life and into their own souls.
简而言之，我希望美国的“原教旨主义者”和“人文主义者”都不再是一个肮脏的词，而是公平地描述善意的人们看待生活和审视自己灵魂的不同方式。
I hope for an America where no president, no public official, no individual will ever be deemed a greater or lesser American because of religious doubt -- or religious belief.
我希望美国的总统、公职人员、个人都不会因为宗教怀疑或宗教信仰而被视为伟大或渺小的美国人。
I hope for an America where the power of faith will always burn brightly, but where no modern Inquisition of any kind will ever light the fires of fear, coercion, or angry division.
我希望美国的信仰力量永远熊熊燃烧，但任何形式的现代宗教裁判所都不会点燃恐惧、强制或愤怒分裂的火焰。
I hope for an America where we can all contend freely and vigorously, but where we will treasure and guard those standards of civility which alone make this nation safe for both democracy and diversity.
我希望在美国，我们所有人都可以自由而积极地竞争，但我们会珍惜和捍卫那些文明标准，只有这些标准才能使这个国家实现民主和多样性的安全。
Twenty years ago this fall, in New York City, President Kennedy met for the last time with a Protestant assembly.
二十年前的这个秋天，在纽约市，肯尼迪总统最后一次会见新教集会。
The atmosphere had been transformed since his earlier address during the 1960 campaign to the Houston Ministerial Association .
自 1960 年竞选期间他在休斯敦部长级协会发表演讲以来，气氛已经发生了变化。
He had spoken there to allay suspicions about his Catholicism, and to answer those who claimed that on the day of his baptism, he was somehow disqualified from becoming President.
他在那里发表讲话是为了消除人们对他信仰天主教的怀疑，并回答那些声称在他受洗当天他被取消担任总统资格的人。
His speech in Houston and then his election drove that prejudice from the center of our national life.
他在休斯敦的演讲以及随后的当选将这种偏见从我们国家生活的中心驱散了。
Now, three years later, in November of 1963, he was appearing before the Protestant Council of New York City to reaffirm what he regarded as some fundamental truths.
现在，三年后的 1963 年 11 月，他出现在纽约市新教理事会面前，重申他认为的一些基本真理。
On that occasion, John Kennedy said: The family of man is not limited to a single race or religion, to a single city, or country...the family of man is nearly 3 billion strong.
当时，约翰·肯尼迪说道：“人类大家庭不限于单一种族或宗教、单一城市或国家……人类大家庭有近30亿人口。
Most of its members are not white and most of them are not Christian. And as President Kennedy reflected on that reality, he restated an ideal for which he had lived his life -- that the members of this family should be at peace with one another.
它的大多数成员不是白人，也不是基督徒。当肯尼迪总统反思这一现实时，他重申了他一生为之奋斗的理想——“这个家庭的成员应该彼此和睦相处。”
That ideal shines across all the generations of our history and all the ages of our faith, carrying with it the most ancient dream.
这一理想闪耀在我们历代历史和历代信仰中，承载着最古老的梦想。
For as the Apostle Paul wrote long ago in Romans: If it be possible, as much as it lieth in you, live peaceably with all men.
正如使徒保罗很久以前在《罗马书》中所写的那样：“如果可能，就尽力与众人和睦相处。”
I believe it is possible; the choice lies within us; as fellow citizens, let us live peaceable with each other; as fellow human beings, let us strive to live peaceably with men and women everywhere.
我相信这是可能的；选择权在我们手中；作为同胞，让我们彼此和平相处；作为人类同胞，让我们努力与世界各地的男女和平相处。
Let that be our purpose and our prayer, yours and mine -- for ourselves, for our country, and for all the world.
让这成为我们的目的和我们的祈祷，你我的——为我们自己，为我们的国家，为全世界。
Book/CDs by Michael E.
Michael E. 的书籍/CD
Eidenmuller, Published by McGraw-Hill (2008)
艾登米勒 (Eidenmuller)，麦格劳-希尔 (McGraw-Hill) 出版 (2008)
Also in this database: Edward M.
此数据库中还有：Edward M.
Kennedy - Eulogy for Robert F.
肯尼迪 - 罗伯特·F·肯尼迪的悼词
Kennedy
肯尼迪
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页面更新日期：24 年 5 月 31 日美国版权状态：本文 = American R hetoric.com 的财产。
Audio = Uncertain.
音频 = 不确定。
� Copyright 2001-Present.
� 版权所有 2001 年至今。
American Rhetoric.
美国修辞学。
HTML transcription by Michael E.
HTML 转录由 Michael E.
Eidenmuller.
艾登米勒。