Against Imperialism -- William Jennings Bryan

反对帝国主义——威廉·詹宁斯·布莱恩

· American Rhetoric · 原文

delivered 8 August 1900, Indianapolis, IN

1900 年 8 月 8 日交付，印第安纳州印第安纳波利斯

Mr. Chairman and Members of the Notification Committee:

主席先生及通知委员会成员：

I shall, at an early day, and in a more formal manner, accept the nomination which you tender, and shall at that time discuss the various questions covered by the Democratic platform.

我将尽早以更正式的方式接受你们提出的提名，届时将讨论民主党政纲所涵盖的各种问题。

It may not be out of place, however, to submit a few observations at this time upon the general character of the contest before us and upon the question which is declared to be of paramount importance in this campaign.

然而，此时对我们面前的竞争的一般性质以及被宣布为这场运动中最重要的问题提出一些看法可能并不合适。

When I say that the contest of 1900 is a contest of 1900 is a contest between Democracy on the one hand and plutocracy on the other I do not mean to say that all our opponents have deliberately chosen to give to organized wealth a predominating influence in the affairs of the Government, but I do assert that on the important issues of the day the Republican party is dominated by those influences which constantly tend to substitute the worship of mammon for the protection of the rights of man.

当我说1900年的竞争是1900年的竞争是民主与财阀之间的竞争时，我的意思并不是说我们所有的反对者都故意选择让有组织的财富在政府事务中占据主导地位，但我确实断言，在当今的重要问题上，共和党受到那些不断倾向于用崇拜玛门来取代对人权保护的影响的支配。

In 1859 Lincoln said that the Republican Party believed in the man and the dollar, but that in case of conflict it believed in the man before the dollar.

1859 年，林肯表示，共和党相信人和美元，但在发生冲突时，它更相信人而不是美元。

This is the proper relation which should exist between the two.

这是两者之间应该存在的正确关系。

Man, the handiwork of God, comes first; money, the handiwork of man, is of inferior importance.

人是上帝的杰作，是第一位的；金钱是人类的杰作，其重要性是次要的。

Man is the master, money the servant, but upon all important questions today Republican legislation tends to make money the master and man the servant.

人是主人，金钱是仆人，但在今天的所有重要问题上，共和党立法倾向于让金钱成为主人，人成为仆人。

The maxim of Jefferson, �equal rights to all and special privileges to none,� and the doctrine of Lincoln that this should be a government �of the people, by the people and for the people,� are being disregarded and the instrumentalities of government are being used to advance the interests of those who are in a position to secure favors from the Government.

杰斐逊的格言“人人享有平等权利，无人享有特权”，以及林肯的学说，即政府应该是“民有、民治、民享”的政府，都被忽视了，政府的工具被用来促进那些能够从政府那里获得好处的人的利益。

The Democratic party is not making war upon the honest acquisition of wealth; it has no desire to discourage industry, economy, and thrift.

民主党并不是对诚实获取财富发动战争；而是对诚实获取财富发动战争。它无意阻碍工业、经济和节俭。

On the contrary, it gives to every citizen the greatest possible stimulus to honest toil when it promises him protection in the enjoyment of the proceeds of his labor.

相反，当它保证每个公民享受其劳动收益时，它就给予每个公民诚实劳动的最大可能的刺激。

Property rights are most secure when human rights are most respected.

当人权最受尊重时，财产权才是最有保障的。

Democracy strives for civilization in which every member of society will share according to his merits.

民主致力于实现社会每个成员根据自己的优点分享的文明。

No one has a right to expect from a society more than a fair compensation for the services No one has a right to expect from a society more than a fair compensation for the services which he renders to society.

任何人都无权期望社会给予他所提供的服务更多的公平补偿。任何人无权期望社会给予他为社会提供的服务更多的公平补偿。

If he secures more it is at the expense of some one else.

如果他获得更多，那是以牺牲其他人为代价的。

It is no injustice to him to prevent his doing injustice to another.

阻止他对他人做出不公正的事情，这对他来说并不是不公正。

To him who would, either through class legislation or in the absence of necessary legislation, trespass upon the rights of another the Democratic party says "Thou shalt not."

对于那些想通过阶级立法或在缺乏必要立法的情况下侵犯他人权利的人，民主党说“你不可以”。

Against us are arrayed a comparatively small but politically and financially powerful number who really profit by Republican policies; but with them are associated a large number who, because of their attachment to their party name, are giving their support to doctrines antagonistic to the former teachings of their own party.

反对我们的人数相对较少，但在政治和经济上都很强大，他们真正从共和党的政策中获利。但与他们有联系的一大批人，由于他们依附于自己的政党名称，而支持与本党以前的教义相抵触的学说。

Republicans who used to advocate bimetallism now try to convince themselves that the gold standard is good; Republicans who were formerly attached to the greenback are now seeking an excuse for giving national banks control of the nation's paper money; Republicans who used to boast that the Republican party was paying off the national debt are now looking for reasons to support a perpetual and increasing debt; Republicans who formerly abhorred a trust now beguile themselves with the delusion that there are good trusts, and bad trusts, while in their minds, the line between the two is becoming more and more obscure; Republicans who, in times past, congratulated the country upon the small expense of our standing army, are now making light of the objections which are urged against a large increase in the permanent military establishment; Republicans who gloried in our independence when the nation was less powerful now look with favor upon a foreign alliance; Republicans who three years ago condemned "forcible annexation" as immoral and even criminal are now sure that it is both immoral and criminal to oppose forcible annexation.

曾经提倡复本位制的共和党人现在试图说服自己金本位制是好的。以前热衷于美元的共和党人现在正在寻找借口，让国家银行控制国家的纸币。过去吹嘘共和党正在偿还国债的共和党人现在正在寻找理由来支持永久且不断增加的债务；以前厌恶信托的共和党人，现在却误以为信托有好的信托和坏的信托之分，而在他们心目中，两者之间的界限变得越来越模糊；过去，共和党人因我们常备军的少量开支而对国家表示祝贺，现在却对反对大幅增加常备军编制的反对意见不屑一顾；当国家实力较弱时，共和党人曾以我们的独立为荣，现在却青睐与外国结盟。三年前谴责“强行吞并”是不道德甚至犯罪的共和党人现在确信反对强行吞并既不道德又犯罪。

That partisanship has already blinded many to present dangers is certain; how large a portion of the Republican party can be drawn over to the new policies remains to be seen.

毫无疑问，党派之争已经让许多人对当前的危险视而不见。新政策能够吸引多少共和党人还有待观察。

For a time Republican leaders were inclined to deny to opponents the right to criticize the Philippine policy of the administration, but upon investigation they found that both Lincoln and Clay asserted and exercised the right to criticize a President during the progress of the Mexican war.

共和党领导人一度倾向于否认反对者批评政府对菲律宾政策的权利，但经过调查，他们发现林肯和克莱在墨西哥战争期间都主张并行使了批评总统的权利。

Instead of meeting the issue boldly and submitting a clear and positive plan for dealing with the Philippine question, the Republican convention adopted a platform the larger part of which was devoted to boasting and self-congratulation.

共和党全国代表大会并没有大胆地解决这一问题，也没有提出解决菲律宾问题的明确而积极的计划，而是通过了一个大部分内容都是自吹自擂和沾沾自喜的纲领。

In attempting to press economic questions upon the country to the exclusion of those which involve the very structure of our government, the Republican leaders give new evidence of their abandonment of the earlier ideals of their party and of their complete subservience to pecuniary considerations.

共和党领导人试图将经济问题强加给国家，而排除那些涉及政府结构的问题，他们提供了新的证据，证明他们放弃了本党早期的理想，并完全屈服于金钱考虑。

But they shall not be permitted to evade the stupendous and far-reaching issue which they have deliberately brought into the arena of politics.

但他们不应该被允许回避他们故意带入政治舞台的巨大而影响深远的问题。

When the president, supported by a practically unanimous vote of the House and Senate, entered upon a war with Spain for the purpose of aiding the struggling patriots of Cuba, the country, without regard to party, applauded.

当总统在参众两院几乎一致投票的支持下，为了援助古巴的爱国者而与西班牙开战时，全国人民，无论党派如何，都鼓掌欢呼。

Although the Democrats realized that the administration would necessarily gain a political advantage from the conduct of a war which in the very nature of the case must soon end in a complete victory, they vied with the Republicans in the support which they gave to the president.

尽管民主党意识到政府必然会从战争中获得政治优势，而这场战争本质上必须很快以彻底胜利告终，但他们在对总统的支持方面与共和党展开了竞争。

When the war was over and the Republican leaders began to suggest the propriety of a colonial policy opposition at once manifested itself.

战争结束后，共和党领导人开始提出殖民政策的合理性，反对派立即表现出来。

When the President finally laid before the Senate a treaty which recognized the independence of Cuba, but provided for the cession of the Philippine Islands to the United States, the menace of imperialism became so apparent that many preferred to reject the treaty and risk the ills that might follow rather than take the chance of correcting the errors of the treaty by the independent action of this country.

当总统最终向参议院提交了一项承认古巴独立但规定将菲律宾群岛割让给美国的条约时，帝国主义的威胁变得如此明显，以至于许多人宁愿拒绝该条约并冒着可能随之而来的弊端的风险，也不愿冒险通过该国的独立行动来纠正该条约的错误。

I was among the number of those who believed it better to ratify the treaty and end the war, release the volunteers, remove the excuse for war expenditures and then give the Filipinos the independence which might be forced from Spain by a new treaty.

我是那些认为最好批准该条约并结束战争、释放志愿者、消除战争开支的借口，然后给予菲律宾人独立的人之一，这可能会通过新条约迫使菲律宾人脱离西班牙。

In view of the criticism which my action aroused in some quarters, I take this occasion to restate the reasons given at that time.

鉴于我的行为引起一些人的批评，我借此机会重申当时的理由。

I thought it safer to trust the American people to give independence to the Filipinos than to trust the accomplishment of that purpose to diplomacy with an unfriendly nation.

我认为，相信美国人民会给菲律宾人带来独立，比相信通过与一个不友好国家的外交来实现这一目标更安全。

Lincoln embodied an argument in the question when he asked, "Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws?" I believe that we are now in a better position to wage a successful contest against imperialism than we would have been had the treaty been rejected.

林肯在这个问题中体现了一个论点，他问道：“外星人制定条约能否比朋友制定法律更容易？”我相信，与条约被拒绝相比，我们现在处于更好的位置，能够成功地与帝国主义进行斗争。

With the treaty ratified a clean-cut issue is presented between a government by consent and a government by force, and imperialists must bear the responsibility for all that happens until the question is settled.

条约获得批准后，同意政府与武力政府之间就出现了明确的问题，帝国主义者必须为问题解决之前所发生的一切承担责任。

If the treaty had been rejected the opponents of imperialism would have been held responsible for any international complications which might have arisen before the ratification of another treaty.

如果该条约被拒绝，帝国主义的反对者就要为批准另一项条约之前可能出现的任何国际复杂情况负责。

But whatever difference of opinion may have existed as to the best method of opposing a colonial policy, there never was any difference as to the great importance of the question and there is no difference now as to the course to be pursued.

但是，无论对于反对殖民政策的最佳方法存在何种意见分歧，对于这个问题的重要性从来都没有任何分歧，而现在对于要采取的方针也没有任何分歧。

The title of Spain being extinguished we were at liberty to deal with the Filipinos according to American principles.

西班牙的头衔被取消了，我们可以自由地按照美国的原则与菲律宾人打交道。

The Bacon resolution, introduced a month before hostilities broke out at Manila, promised independence to the Filipinos on the same terms that it was promised to the Cubans.

培根决议是在马尼拉敌对行动爆发前一个月提出的，承诺按照向古巴人承诺的相同条件向菲律宾人提供独立。

I supported this resolution and believe that its adoption prior to the breaking out of hostilities would have prevented bloodshed, and that its adoption at any subsequent time would have ended hostilities.

我支持这项决议，并相信在敌对行动爆发之前通过该决议将可以防止流血，并且在随后的任何时间通过该决议都将结束敌对行动。

If the treaty had been rejected considerable time would have necessarily elapsed before a new treaty could have been agreed upon and ratified and during that time the question would have been agitating the public mind.

如果该条约被拒绝，必然要经过相当长的时间才能商定和批准新条约，而在此期间，这个问题将一直困扰着公众。

If the Bacon resolution had been adopted by the senate and carried out by the president, either at the time of the ratification of the treaty or at any time afterwards, it would have taken the question of imperialism out of politics and left the American people free to deal with their domestic problems.

如果培根决议获得参议院通过并由总统执行，无论是在条约批准之时还是之后的任何时候，帝国主义问题都会从政治中消失，让美国人民能够自由地处理他们的国内问题。

But the resolution was defeated by the vote of the Republican Vice-President, and from that time to this a Republican congress has refused to take any action whatever in the matter.

但该决议被共和党副总统的投票否决，从那时起，共和党国会拒绝就此事采取任何行动。

When hostilities broke out at Manila, Republican speakers and Republican editors at once sought to lay the blame upon those who had delayed the ratification of the treaty, and, during the progress of the war, the same Republicans have accused the opponents of imperialism of giving encouragement to the Filipinos.

当马尼拉爆发敌对行动时，共和党发言人和共和党编辑立即试图将责任归咎于那些推迟批准该条约的人，而在战争进行期间，这些共和党人又指责帝国主义的反对者鼓励菲律宾人。

This is a cowardly evasion of responsibility.

这是一种懦弱的逃避责任的行为。

If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine Islands permanently and imitate European empires in the government of colonies, the Republican party ought to state its position and defend it, but it must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability.

如果美国永久持有菲律宾群岛并效仿欧洲帝国的殖民地政府是正确的，那么共和党应该表明自己的立场并捍卫它，但它必须预料到附属种族会抗议这一政策并尽其所能地进行抵抗。

The Filipinos do not need any encouragement from Americans now living.

菲律宾人不需要现在居住的美国人的任何鼓励。

Our whole history has been an encouragement not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in their own government.

我们的整个历史不仅是对菲律宾人的鼓励，也是对所有在自己的政府中被剥夺发言权的人的鼓励。

If the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have used language calculated to make the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry.

如果共和党人准备谴责所有那些故意使用语言让菲律宾人憎恨外国统治的人，那就让他们谴责帕特里克·亨利的言论吧。

When he uttered that passionate appeal, "Give me liberty or give me death," he expressed a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men.

当他发出那句充满激情的呼吁时：“不自由，毋宁死”，他所表达的情感至今仍回响在人们的心中。

Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in political bondage.

让他们谴责杰斐逊吧；在历史上的所有政治家中，没有人对那些将同胞置于政治束缚中的人使用过如此冒犯性的言语。

Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonists must choose between liberty and slavery.

让他们谴责华盛顿，华盛顿宣称殖民者必须在自由和奴隶制之间做出选择。

Or, if the statute of limitations has run again the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest are forgotten.

或者，如果诉讼时效再次重犯了亨利、杰斐逊和华盛顿的罪过，那就让他们谴责林肯吧，当人们忘记了目前武力和征服的鼓吹者时，他的葛底斯堡演讲将被引用来捍卫人民政府。

Some one has said that a truth once spoken, can never be recalled.

有人说过，真理一旦说出，就永远无法回忆。

It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening influence.

它一直在持续，没有人能够限制其不断扩大的影响力。

But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or spoken in defense of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty.

但是，即使有可能抹去为捍卫《独立宣言》中所阐述的原则而写下或说出的每一个字，征服战争仍然会留下永久的仇恨遗产，因为是上帝亲自将对自由的热爱植入了每个人心中。

He never made a race of people so low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master.

他从来没有把一个民族的文明程度或智力水平弄得如此低下，以致于欢迎外国主人。

Those who would have this Nation enter upon a career of empire must consider, not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also calculate its effects upon our own nation.

那些想让这个国家进入帝国事业的人不仅必须考虑帝国主义对菲律宾人的影响，而且还必须计算它对我们自己国家的影响。

We cannot repudiate the principle of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here.

我们不能在不削弱菲律宾自治原则的情况下否定该原则。

Lincoln said that the safety of this Nation was not in its fleets, its armies, or its forts, but in the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands, everywhere, and he warned his countrymen that they could not destroy this spirit without planting the seeds of despotism at their own doors.

林肯说，这个国家的安全不在于它的舰队、军队或堡垒，而在于将自由视为所有人、所有土地、任何地方的遗产的精神，他警告他的同胞，如果他们不在自己家门口种下专制的种子，就不能摧毁这种精神。

Even now we are beginning to see the paralyzing influence if imperialism.

即使现在，我们也开始看到帝国主义的瘫痪影响。

Heretofore this Nation has been prompt to express its sympathy with those who were fighting for civil liberty.

迄今为止，这个国家一直迅速向那些为公民自由而奋斗的人们表示同情。

While our sphere of activity has been limited to the Western Hemisphere, our sympathies have not been bounded by the seas.

虽然我们的活动范围仅限于西半球，但我们的同情心并不局限于海洋。

We have felt it due to ourselves and to the world, as well as to those who were struggling for the right to govern themselves, to proclaim the interest which our people have, from the date of their own independence, felt in every contest between human rights and arbitrary power.

我们感受到了这一点，这是为了我们自己和世界，也为了那些为自治权而奋斗的人们，我们的人民自独立之日起就在人权与专制权力之间的每一次较量中感受到了利益。

Three-quarters of a century ago, when our nation was small, the struggles of Greece aroused our people, and Webster and Clay gave eloquent expression to the universal desire for Grecian independence.

四分之三个世纪前，当我们国家还很小的时候，希腊的斗争唤醒了我们的人民，韦伯斯特和克莱雄辩地表达了希腊独立的普遍愿望。

In 1896 all parties manifested a lively interest in the success of the Cubans, but now when a war is in progress in South Africa, which must result in the extension of the monarchical idea, or in the triumph of a republic, the advocates of imperialism in this country dare not say a word in behalf of the Boers.

1896年，各方都对古巴人的成功表现出了浓厚的兴趣，但现在，当南非正在进行一场战争，这必然会导致君主制思想的延伸，或者导致共和国的胜利时，这个国家的帝国主义鼓吹者不敢为布尔人说一句话。

Sympathy for the Boers does not arise from any unfriendliness towards England; the American people are not unfriendly toward the people of any nation.

对布尔人的同情并非源于对英格兰的任何不友好；美国人民对任何国家的人民都不是不友好的。

This sympathy is due to the fact that, as stated in our platform, we believe in the principles of self-government and reject, as did our forefathers, the claims of monarchy.

这种同情是因为，正如我们的纲领中所述，我们相信自治原则，并像我们的祖先一样拒绝君主制的主张。

If this nation surrenders its belief in the universal application of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, it will lose the prestige and influence which it has enjoyed among the nations as an exponent of popular government.

如果这个国家放弃了对《独立宣言》所规定原则的普遍适用的信念，它将失去它作为人民政府的倡导者在各国中享有的威望和影响力。

Our opponents, conscious of the weakness of their cause, seek to confuse imperialism with expansion, and have even dared to claim Jefferson as a supporter of their policy.

我们的对手意识到他们的事业的弱点，试图将帝国主义与扩张混为一谈，甚至敢于声称杰斐逊是他们政策的支持者。

Jefferson spoke so freely and used language with such precision that no one can be ignorant of his views.

杰斐逊的言论如此自由，语言如此精确，任何人都无法忽视他的观点。

On one occasion he declared: "If there be one principle more deeply rooted than any other in the mind of every American, it is that we should have nothing to do with conquest." And again he said: "Conquest is not in our principles; it is inconsistent with our government."

有一次，他宣称：“如果有一项原则比其他原则更根深蒂固地扎根在每个美国人的心中，那就是我们不应该与征服有任何关系。”他再次说道：“征服不符合我们的原则；这与我们的政府不一致。”

The forcible annexation of territory to be governed by arbitrary power differs as much from the acquisition of territory to be built up into States as a monarchy differs from a democracy.

强行吞并由任意权力管辖的领土与获取领土并建立国家的不同之处，就像君主政体与民主政体的不同一样。

The Democratic party does not oppose expansion when expansion enlarges the area of the Republic and incorporates land which can be settled by American citizens, or adds to our population people who are willing to become citizens and are capable of discharging their duties as such.

当扩张扩大了共和国的面积并纳入了可以由美国公民定居的土地，或者增加了我们的人口中愿意成为公民并有能力履行公民职责的人时，民主党并不反对扩张。

The acquisition of the Louisiana territory, Florida, Texas and other tracts which have been secured from time to time enlarged the republic and the Constitution followed the flag into the new territory.

路易斯安那州领土、佛罗里达州、德克萨斯州和其他不时获得的土地的收购扩大了共和国，宪法也跟着旗帜进入了新的领土。

It is now proposed to seize upon distant territory already more densely populated than our own country and to force upon the people a government for which there is no warrant in our Constitution or our laws.

现在有人提议夺取比我国人口更稠密的遥远领土，并把一个我们的宪法或法律没有授权的政府强加给人民。

Even the argument that this earth belongs to those who desire to cultivate it and who have the physical power to acquire it cannot be invoked to justify the appropriation of the Philippine Islands by the United States.

即使是“这片土地属于那些渴望耕种它并有能力获得它的人”这一论点也不能用来证明美国侵占菲律宾群岛的合理性。

If the islands were uninhabited American citizens would not be willing to go there and till the soil.

如果这些岛屿无人居住，美国公民就不会愿意去那里耕种土地。

The white race will not live so near the equator.

白人不会生活在离赤道那么近的地方。

Other nations have tried to colonize in the same latitude.

其他国家也曾试图在同一纬度进行殖民活动。

The Netherlands have controlled Java for three hundred years and yet today there are less than sixty thousand people of European birth scattered among the twenty-five million natives.

荷兰控制了爪哇三百年，但如今，两千五百万当地人中只有不到六万人是欧洲出生的人。

After a century and a half of English domination in India, less than one-twentieth of one per cent of the people of India are of English birth, and it requires an army of seventy thousand British soldiers to take care of the tax collectors.

英国在印度统治了一个半世纪之后，印度人口中只有不到百分之二十分之一是英国出生的，这需要一支由七万名英国士兵组成的军队来对付收税员。

Spain had asserted title to the Philippine Islands for three centuries and yet when our fleet entered Manila bay there were less than ten thousand Spaniards residing in the Philippines.

三个世纪以来，西班牙一直声称拥有菲律宾群岛的所有权，但当我们的舰队进入马尼拉湾时，居住在菲律宾的西班牙人还不到一万。

A colonial policy means that we shall send to the Philippine Islands a few traders, a few taskmasters and a few office-holders and an army large enough to support the authority of a small fraction of the people while they rule the natives.

殖民政策意味着我们将向菲律宾群岛派遣一些商人、一些工头和一些官员，以及一支足够大的军队，以支持一小部分人民统治当地人的权威。

If we have an imperial policy we must have a great standing army as its natural and necessary complement.

如果我们有帝国政策，我们就必须有一支庞大的常备军作为其自然和必要的补充。

The sprit which will justify the forcible annexation of the Philippine Islands will justify the seizure of other islands and the domination of other people, and with wars of conquest we can expect a certain, if not rapid, growth of our military establishment.

为强行吞并菲律宾群岛辩护的精神也将为夺取其他岛屿和统治其他人民辩护，通过征服战争，我们可以预期我们的军事力量将得到一定程度的增长，即使不是迅速增长。

That a large permanent increase in our regular army is intended by Republican leaders is not a matter of conjecture, but a matter of fact.

共和党领导人打算永久性地大幅增加我们的正规军，这不是猜测，而是事实。

In his message of December 5,1898, the president asked for authority to increase the standing army to 100,000.

1898 年 12 月 5 日，总统请求授权将常备军增至 10 万人。

In 1896 the army contained about 25,000.

1896年，军队人数约为25,000人。

Within two years the president asked for four times that many, and a Republican house of representatives complied with the request after the Spanish treaty had been signed, and when no country was at war with the United States.

两年之内，总统要求的金额是这个数字的四倍，在西班牙条约签署后，并且没有国家与美国交战时，共和党众议院同意了这一要求。

If such an army is demanded when an imperial policy is contemplated, but not openly avowed, what may be expected if the people encourage the Republican party by indorsing its policy at the polls?

如果在考虑帝国政策但未公开宣布时需要这样一支军队，那么如果人民在民意调查中支持共和党的政策来鼓励共和党，又会发生什么呢？

A large standing army is not only a pecuniary burden to the people and, if accompanied by compulsory service, a constant source of irritation, but it is ever a menace to a Republican form of government.

庞大的常备军不仅给人民带来金钱上的负担，而且如果伴随着义务兵役，会成为持续的烦恼源，而且对共和政体来说永远是一种威胁。

The army is the personification of force, and militarism will inevitably change the ideals of the people and turn the thoughts of our young men from the arts of peace to the science of war.

军队是武力的化身，军国主义必然会改变人民的理想，使我们年轻人的思想从和平的艺术转向战争的科学。

The Government which relies for its defense upon its citizens is more likely to be just than one which has at call a large body of professional soldiers.

依赖其公民进行防御的政府比拥有大批职业士兵的政府更有可能是公正的。

A small standing army and a well-equipped and well-disciplined state militia are sufficient at ordinary times, and in an emergency the nation should in the future as in the past place its dependence upon the volunteers who come from all occupations at their country's call and return to productive labor when their services are no longer required -- men who fight when the country needs fighters and work when the country needs workers.

平时，一支小规模的常备军和一支装备精良、纪律严明的国家民兵就足够了，在紧急情况下，国家今后也应该像过去一样依靠那些应国家号召来自各行各业、在不再需要他们时返回生产劳动的志愿者——这些人在国家需要战士时出战，在国家需要工人时工作。

The Republican platform assumes that the Philippine Islands will be retained under American sovereignty, and we have a right to demand of the Republican leaders a discussion of the future status of the Filipino.

共和党纲领假定菲律宾群岛将保留在美国主权之下，我们有权要求共和党领导人讨论菲律宾人的未来地位。

Is he to be a citizen or a subject?

他是公民还是臣民？

Are we to bring into the body politic eight or ten million Asiatics so different from us in race and history that amalgamation is impossible?

我们是否要将八百万或一千万亚洲人纳入政治体系，这些亚洲人在种族和历史上与我们如此不同，以致于融合是不可能的？

Are they to share with us in making the laws and shaping the destiny of this nation?

他们是否要与我们一起制定法律并塑造这个国家的命运？

No Republican of prominence has been bold enough to advocate such a proposition.

没有一位知名共和党人有足够的勇气提出这样的主张。

The McEnery resolution, adopted by the senate immediately after the ratification of the treaty, expressly negatives this idea.

条约批准后参议院立即通过的麦克内里决议明确否定了这一想法。

The Democratic platform describes the situation when it says that the Filipinos cannot be citizens without endangering our civilization.

民主党纲领描述了这种情况，称菲律宾人不可能成为公民而不危及我们的文明。

Who will dispute it?

谁会对此提出异议？

And what is the alternative?

还有什么替代方案呢？

If the Filipino is not to be a citizen, shall we make him a subject?

如果菲律宾人不成为公民，我们应该让他成为臣民吗？

On that question the Democratic platform speaks with equal emphasis.

在这个问题上，民主党的纲领也同样强调。

It declares that the Filipino cannot be a subject without endangering our form of government.

它宣称菲律宾人不可能成为一个不危及我们政府形式的臣民。

A republic can have no subjects.

共和国不能有臣民。

A subject is possible only in a government resting upon force; he is unknown in a government derived without consent and taxation without representation.

臣民只有在依靠武力的政府中才有可能；在一个未经同意而产生、未经代表征税的政府中，他是默默无闻的。

The Republican platform says that "the largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured to them (the Filipinos) by law." This is a strange doctrine for a government which owes its very existence to the men who offered their lives as a protest against government without consent and taxation without representation.

共和党政纲称，“应通过法律确保他们（菲律宾人）享有符合他们福利和我们职责的最大自治措施。”对于一个政府来说，这是一种奇怪的学说，因为政府的存在归功于那些献出生命来抗议未经同意的政府和未经代表征税的人们。

In what respect does the position of the Republican party differ from the position taken by the English Government in 1776?

共和党的立场与 1776 年英国政府的立场有何不同？

Did not the English Government promise a good government to the colonists?

英国政府不是向殖民者承诺过一个好政府吗？

What king ever promised a bad government to his people?

哪个国王曾向他的人民许诺过一个糟糕的政府？

Did not the English Government promise that the colonists should have the largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and English duties?

英国政府不是承诺过殖民者应该拥有与其福利和英国义务相一致的最大程度的自治吗？

Did not the Spanish Government promise to give to the Cubans the largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and Spanish duties?

难道西班牙政府没有承诺给予古巴人最大程度的自治权，以符合他们的福利和西班牙的义务吗？

The whole difference between a monarchy and a republic may be summed up in one sentence.

君主政体和共和政体之间的全部区别可以用一句话来概括。

In a monarchy the king gives to the people what he believes to be a good government; in a republic the people secure for themselves what they believe to be a good government.

在君主制国家，国王给予人民他认为是好的政府；在共和国里，人民为自己争取到一个他们认为是好政府的政府。

The Republican party has accepted the European idea and planted itself upon the ground taken by George III., and by every ruler who distrusts the capacity of the people for self-government or denies them a voice in their own affairs.

共和党已经接受了欧洲的理念，并将自己的立场建立在乔治三世以及每一位不信任人民自治能力或否认人民在自己的事务中发表意见的统治者所采取的立场上。

The Republican platform promises that some measure of self-government is to be given the Filipinos by law; but even this pledge is not fulfilled.

共和党纲领承诺通过法律给予菲律宾人某种程度的自治；但即使是这个承诺也没有兑现。

Nearly sixteen months elapsed after the ratification of the treaty before the adjournment of congress last June and yet no law was passed dealing with the Philippine situation.

从该条约批准到去年六月国会休会，已经过去了近十六个月，但仍未通过处理菲律宾局势的法律。

The will of the president has been the only law in the Philippine islands wherever the American authority extends.

无论美国的权力延伸到哪里，总统的意志都是菲律宾群岛上的唯一法律。

Why does the Republican party hesitate to legislate upon the Philippine question?

共和党为何在菲律宾问题立法上犹豫不决？

Because a law would disclose the radical departure from history and precedent contemplated by those who control the Republican party.

因为一项法律将揭露共和党控制者所设想的与历史和先例的彻底背离。

The storm of protest which greeted the Puerto Rican bill was an indication of what may be expected when the American people are brought face to face with legislation upon this subject.

波多黎各法案引发的抗议风暴表明，当美国人民面对有关这一主题的立法时，可能会发生什么。

If the Puerto Ricans, who welcomed annexation, are to be denied the guarantees of our Constitution, what is to be the lot of the Filipinos, who resisted our authority?

如果欢迎吞并的波多黎各人得不到我们宪法的保障，那么抵制我们权威的菲律宾人的命运又会如何呢？

If secret influences could compel a disregard of our plain duty toward friendly people, living near our shores, what treatment will those same influences provide for unfriendly people 7,000 miles away?

如果秘密影响力可能迫使我们忽视对生活在我们海岸附近的友好人民的明显义务，那么这些相同的影响力将为 7,000 英里外的不友好人民提供什么待遇呢？

If, in this country where the people have a right to vote, Republican leaders dare not take the side of the people against the great monopolies which have grown up within the last few years, how can they be trusted to protect the Filipinos from the corporations which are waiting to exploit the islands?

如果在这个人民有投票权的国家，共和党领导人不敢站在人民一边反对过去几年中崛起的大垄断企业，那么如何能信任他们能够保护菲律宾人免受那些等待剥削岛屿的公司的侵害呢？

Is the sunlight of full citizenship to be enjoyed by the people of the United States, and the twilight of semi-citizenship endured by the people of Puerto Rico, while the thick darkness of perpetual vassalage covers the Philippines?

难道美国人民正在享受完全公民身份的阳光，而波多黎各人民却要忍受半公民身份的黄昏，而菲律宾却笼罩着永久附庸的浓重黑暗？

The Puerto Rico tariff law asserts the doctrine that the operation of the constitution is confined to the forty-five states.

波多黎各关税法主张宪法的实施仅限于四十五个州。

The Democratic party disputes this doctrine and denounces it as repugnant to both the letter and spirit of our organic law.

民主党对这一学说提出异议，并谴责它与我们组织法的文字和精神相抵触。

There is no place in our system of government for the deposit of arbitrary and irresponsible power.

我们的政府体系中没有容留任意和不负责任的权力的地方。

That the leaders of a great party should claim for any president or congress the right to treat millions of people as mere "possessions" and deal with them unrestrained by the constitution or the bill of rights shows how far we have already departed from the ancient landmarks and indicates what may be expected if this nation deliberately enters upon a career of empire.

一个伟大政党的领导人应该要求任何总统或国会都有权将数百万人视为纯粹的“财产”，并不受宪法或权利法案的限制而处理他们，这表明我们已经远离了古老的里程碑，也表明了如果这个国家有意进入帝国生涯，可能会发生什么。

The territorial form of government is temporary and preparatory, and the chief security a citizen of a territory has is found in the fact that he enjoys the same constitutional guarantees and is subject to the same general laws as the citizen of a state.

领土政府形式是临时性和预备性的，领土公民的主要安全在于他享有与州公民相同的宪法保障并遵守相同的一般法律。

Take away this security and his rights will be violated and his interests sacrificed at the demand of those who have political influence.

剥夺了这种安全感，他的权利就会受到侵犯，他的利益就会在那些有政治影响力的人的要求下被牺牲。

This is the evil of the colonial system, no matter by what nation it is applied.

这就是殖民制度的罪恶，无论是哪个国家实行的。

What is our title to the Philippine Islands?

我们对菲律宾群岛的所有权是什么？

Do we hold them by treaty or by conquest?

我们是通过条约还是征服来控制它们？

Did we buy them or did we take them?

我们是买的还是拿的？

Did we purchase the people?

我们收买了人吗？

If not, how did we secure title to them?

如果没有，我们如何获得它们的所有权？

Were they thrown in with the land?

他们是和土地一起被扔进去的吗？

Will the Republicans say that inanimate earth has value but that when that earth is molded by the divine hand and stamped with the likeness of the Creator it becomes a fixture and passes with the soil?

共和党人会说，无生命的地球具有价值，但当地球被神圣之手塑造并印有造物主的肖像时，它就成为固定物并与土壤一起消失？

If governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, it is impossible to secure title to people, either by force or by purchase.

如果政府从被统治者的同意中获得正当权力，那么无论是通过武力还是通过购买，都不可能确保人民的所有权。

We could extinguish Spain's title by treaty, but if we hold title we must hold it by some method consistent with our ideas of government.

我们可以通过条约取消西班牙的所有权，但如果我们拥有所有权，我们就必须通过某种符合我们政府理念的方法来拥有它。

When we made allies of the Filipinos and armed them to fight against Spain, we disputed Spain's title.

当我们与菲律宾人结成盟友并武装他们对抗西班牙时，我们对西班牙的头衔提出了质疑。

If we buy Spain's title we are not innocent purchasers.

如果我们购买了西班牙的所有权，我们就不是无辜的购买者。

There can be no doubt that we accepted and utilized the services of the Filipinos, and that when we did so we had full knowledge that they were fighting for their own independence, and I submit that history furnishes no example of turpitude baser than ours if we now substitute our yoke for the Spanish yoke.

毫无疑问，我们接受并利用了菲律宾人的服务，当我们这样做时，我们完全知道他们正在为自己的独立而战，我认为，如果我们现在用我们的枷锁代替西班牙的枷锁，历史上没有比我们更卑鄙的例子了。

Let us consider briefly the reasons which have been given in support of an imperialistic policy.

让我们简要地考虑一下支持帝国主义政策的理由。

Some say that it is our duty to hold the Philippine Islands.

有人说，守住菲律宾群岛是我们的责任。

But duty is not an argument; it is a conclusion.

但责任不是争论；而是责任。这是一个结论。

To ascertain what our duty is, in any emergency, we must apply well settled and generally accepted principles.

为了确定我们在任何紧急情况下的职责是什么，我们必须运用既定且普遍接受的原则。

It is our duty to avoid stealing, no matter whether the thing to be stolen is of great or little value.

避免偷窃是我们的责任，无论被偷的东西价值多少。

It is our duty to avoid killing a human being, no matter where the human being lives or to what race or class he belongs.

我们有责任避免杀害一个人，无论这个人生活在哪里，无论他属于什么种族或阶级。

Every one recognizes the obligation imposed upon individuals to observe both the human and the moral law, but as some deny the application of those laws to nations, it may not be out of place to quote the opinions of others.

每个人都承认个人有义务遵守人类法律和道德法律，但由于有些人否认这些法律适用于国家，因此引用其他人的观点可能并无不当。

Jefferson, than whom there is no higher political authority, said: "I know of but one code of morality for men, whether acting singly or collectively."

没有比杰斐逊更高的政治权威，他说：“我所知道的人类道德准则只有一种，无论是单独行动还是集体行动。”

Franklin, whose learning, wisdom and virtue are a part of the priceless legacy bequeathed to use from the revolutionary days, expressed the same idea in even stronger language when he said:

富兰克林的学识、智慧和美德是革命时代遗留下来的无价遗产的一部分，他用更强烈的语言表达了同样的想法，他说：

Justice is strictly due between neighbor nations as between neighbor citizens.

邻国之间和邻国公民之间都应严格遵守正义。

A highwayman is as much a robber when he plunders in a gang as when single; and the nation that makes an unjust war is only a great gang.

拦路抢劫的强盗在结伙抢劫时和单独抢劫时一样都是强盗。发动非正义战争的国家只是一个大帮派。

Many may dare to do in crowds what they would not dare to do as individuals, but the moral character of an act is not determined by the number of those who join it.

许多人可能敢于在人群中做他们作为个人不敢做的事情，但行为的道德品质并不取决于加入该行为的人数。

Force can defend a right, but force has never yet created a right.

武力可以捍卫权利，但武力从未创造过权利。

If it was true, as declared in the resolutions of intervention, that the Cubans "are and of right ought to be free and independent" (language taken from the Declaration of Independence), it is equally true that the Filipinos "are and of right ought to be free and independent."

如果正如干预决议中所宣称的那样，古巴人“是而且理所当然应该自由和独立”（摘自《独立宣言》的语言），那么菲律宾人“是并且理所当然应该自由和独立”也同样正确。

The right of the Cubans to freedom was not based upon their proximity to the United States, nor upon the language which they spoke, nor yet upon the race or races to which they belonged.

古巴人的自由权不是基于他们与美国的距离，也不是基于他们所说的语言，也不是基于他们所属的种族。

Congress by a practically unanimous vote declared that the principles enunciated at Philadelphia in 1776 were still alive and applicable to the Cubans.

国会几乎一致投票宣布 1776 年在费城阐明的原则仍然有效并适用于古巴人。

Who will draw a line between the natural rights of the Cubans and the Filipinos?

谁将在古巴人和菲律宾人的自然权利之间划清界限？

Who will say that the former has a right to liberty and that the latter has no rights which we are bound to respect?

谁会说前者有自由权而后者没有我们必须尊重的权利？

And, if the Filipinos "are and of right ought to be free and independent," what right have we to force our government upon them without their consent?

而且，如果菲律宾人“确实应该自由和独立”，那么我们有什么权利在未经他们同意的情况下将我们的政府强加给他们呢？

Before our duty can be ascertained their rights must be determined, and when their rights are once determined it is as much our duty to respect those rights as it was the duty of Spain to respect the rights of the people of Cuba or the duty of England to respect the rights of the American colonists.

在确定我们的责任之前，必须确定他们的权利，而一旦确定了他们的权利，我们就有责任尊重这些权利，就像西班牙有责任尊重古巴人民的权利或英国有责任尊重美洲殖民者的权利一样。

Rights never conflict; duties never clash.

权利永远不会发生冲突；职责永远不会发生冲突。

Can it be our duty to usurp political rights which belong to others?

难道我们有义务篡夺他人的政治权利吗？

Can it be our duty to kill those who, following the example of our forefathers, love liberty well enough to fight for it?

难道我们有责任杀死那些效仿我们祖先的榜样、热爱自由并为自由而战的人吗？

A poet has described the terror which overcame a soldier who in the midst of the battle discovered that he had slain his brother.

一位诗人描述了一名士兵在战斗中发现自己杀死了自己的兄弟时所感到的恐惧。

It is written "All ye are brethren." Let us hope for the coming day when human life -- which when once destroyed cannot be restored -- will be so sacred that it will never be taken except when necessary to punish a crime already committed, or to prevent a crime about to be committed.

上面写着“你们都是弟兄”。让我们期待未来的一天，人类的生命——一旦被摧毁就无法恢复——将变得如此神圣，除非有必要惩罚已经犯下的罪行，或防止即将犯下的罪行，否则永远不会被夺走。

It is said that we have assumed before the world obligations which make it necessary for us to permanently maintain a government in the Philippine Islands.

据说，我们已经在世界面前承担了义务，这使得我们有必要在菲律宾群岛永久维持一个政府。

I reply first, that the highest obligation of this nation is to be true to itself.

我首先回答，这个国家的最高义务就是忠于自己。

No obligation to any particular nations, or to all the nations combined, can require the abandonment of our theory of government, and the substitution of doctrines against which our whole national life has been a protest.

对任何特定国家或所有国家的义务都不能要求我们放弃我们的政府理论，并代之以我们整个国民生活所抗议的学说。

And, second, that our obligation to the Filipinos, who inhabit the islands, is greater than any obligation which we can owe to foreigners who have a temporary residence in the Philippines or desire to trade there.

其次，我们对居住在这些岛屿上的菲律宾人的义务大于我们对在菲律宾临时居住或希望在那里进行贸易的外国人所承担的任何义务。

It is argued by some that the Filipinos are incapable of self-government and that, therefore, we owe it to the world to take control of them.

一些人认为，菲律宾人没有能力自治，因此，我们有责任让世界控制他们。

Admiral Dewey, in an official report to the Navy Department, declared the Filipinos more capable of self-government than the Cubans and said that he based his opinion upon a knowledge of both races.

杜威上将在向海军部提交的一份正式报告中宣称，菲律宾人比古巴人更有能力进行自治，并表示他的观点是基于对两个种族的了解。

But I will not rest the case upon the relative advancement of the Filipinos.

但我不会以菲律宾人的相对进步为依据。

Henry Clay, in defending the right of the people of South America to self-government said:

亨利·克莱在捍卫南美洲人民的自治权时说道：

It is the doctrine of thrones that man is too ignorant to govern himself.

王权的教义认为，人太无知而无法统治自己。

Their partisans assert his incapacity in reference to all nations; if they cannot command universal assent to the proposition, it is then demanded to particular nations; and our pride and our presumption too often make converts of us.

他们的支持者声称他无能力处理所有国家的问题；如果他们不能获得普遍同意，那么就向特定国家提出要求；我们的骄傲和狂妄常常使我们改变信仰。

I contend that it is to arraign the disposition of Providence himself to suppose that he has created beings incapable of governing themselves, and to be trampled on by kings.

我认为，这是对上帝本身的性格的指控，认为他创造了无法自我管理的生物，并被国王践踏。

Self-government is the natural government of man.

自治是人类自然的政府。

Clay was right.

克莱是对的。

There are degrees of proficiency in the art of self-government, but it is a reflection upon the Creator to say that he denied to any people the capacity for self-government.

自治的艺术有不同程度的熟练程度，但说造物主否认任何人有自治的能力，这是对造物主的反思。

Once admit that some people are capable of self-government and that others are not and that the capable people have a right to seize upon and govern the incapable, and you make force -- brute force -- the only foundation of government and invite the reign of a despot.

一旦承认一些人有能力自治而另一些人没有能力，并且承认有能力的人有权控制和统治无能力的人，你就会把武力——蛮力——作为政府的唯一基础，并招致暴君的统治。

I am not willing to believe that an all-wise and an all-loving God created the Filipinos and then left them thousands of years helpless until the islands attracted the attention of European nations.

我不愿意相信一位全智全爱的上帝创造了菲律宾人，然后让他们陷入了数千年的无助，直到这些岛屿引起了欧洲国家的注意。

Republicans ask, "Shall we haul down the flag that floats over our dead in the Philippines?" The same question might have been asked, when the American flag floated over Chapultepec and waved over the dead who fell there; but the tourist who visits the City of Mexico finds there a national cemetery owned by the United States and cared for by an American citizen.

共和党人问道：“我们应该把飘扬在菲律宾死者头上的旗帜放下吗？”当美国国旗飘扬在查普尔特佩克上空并在倒下的死者上方飘扬时，人们可能会问同样的问题；但参观墨西哥城的游客会发现那里有一座国家公墓，属于美国所有，并由美国公民照料。

Our flag still floats over our dead, but when the treaty with Mexico was signed American authority withdrew to the Rio Grande, and I venture the opinion that during the last fifty years the people of Mexico have made more progress under the stimulus of independence and self-government than they would have made under a carpet-bag government held in place by bayonets.

我们的旗帜仍然飘扬在我们的死者身上，但是当与墨西哥签署条约时，美国当局撤退到格兰德河，我冒昧地认为，在过去的五十年里，墨西哥人民在独立和自治的刺激下取得的进步，比在刺刀维持的地毯式政府统治下取得的进步要多。

The United States and Mexico, friendly republics, are each stronger and happier than they would have been had the former been cursed and the latter crushed by an imperialistic policy disguised as "benevolent assimilation."

美国和墨西哥这两个友好的共和国，如果前者受到诅咒，而后者被伪装成“仁慈同化”的帝国主义政策压垮的话，它们都会变得更加强大和幸福。

�Can we not govern colonies?� we are asked.

“我们可以不管理殖民地吗？”我们被问到。

The question is not what we can do, but what we ought to do.

问题不是我们能做什么，而是我们应该做什么。

This nation can do whatever it desires to do, but it must accept responsibility for what it does.

这个国家可以做任何它想做的事，但它必须对其所做的事情承担责任。

If the Constitution stands in the way, the people can amend the Constitution.

如果宪法有阻碍，人民可以修改宪法。

I repeat, the nation can do whatever it desires to do, but it cannot avoid the natural and legitimate results of its own conduct.

我再说一遍，国家可以为所欲为，但不能回避其行为的自然合理结果。

The young man upon reaching his majority can do what he pleases.

年轻人成年后可以做他想做的事。

He can disregard the teachings of his parents; he can trample upon all that he has been taught to consider sacred; he can disobey the laws of the State, the laws of society and the laws of God.

他可以无视父母的教诲；他可以践踏一切他被教导认为神圣的东西；他可以违反国家法律、社会法律和上帝的法律。

He can stamp failure upon his life and make his very existence a curse to his fellow men, and he can bring his father and mother in sorrow to the grave; but he cannot annul the sentence, �The wages of sin is death.�

他可以将失败烙印在他的生命中，使他的存在成为对同胞的诅咒，他可以将他的父母带入悲伤的坟墓。但他不能废除“罪的工价就是死亡”这句话。

And so with the nation.

国家也是如此。

It is of age and it can do what it pleases; it can spurn the traditions of the past; it can repudiate the principles upon which the nation rests; it can employ force instead of reason; it can substitute might for right; it can conquer weaker people; it can exploit their lands, appropriate their property and kill their people; but it cannot repeal the moral law or escape the punishment decreed for the violation of human rights.

它已经成年了，可以做自己想做的事了；它可以抛弃过去的传统；它可以否定国家赖以生存的原则；它可以用武力代替理性；它可以用强权代替权利；它可以征服弱者；它可以剥削他们的土地、侵占他们的财产并杀害他们的人民；但它无法废除道德法则，也无法逃脱因侵犯人权而受到的惩罚。

Would we win as the strong have ever won,

我们会像强者那样获胜吗？

Some argue that American rule in the Philippine Islands will result in the better education of the Filipinos.

一些人认为，美国对菲律宾群岛的统治将使菲律宾人获得更好的教育。

Be not deceived.

不要被欺骗。

If we expect to maintain a colonial policy, we shall not find it to our advantage to educate the people.

如果我们期望维持殖民政策，我们就不会发现教育人民对我们有利。

The educated Filipinos are now in revolt against us, and the most ignorant ones have made the least resistance to our domination.

受过教育的菲律宾人现在正在反抗我们，而最无知的人对我们的统治的抵抗却最少。

If we are to govern them without their consent and give them no voice in determining the taxes which they must pay, we dare not educate them, lest they learn to read the Declaration of Independence and Constitution of the United States and mock us for our inconsistency.

如果我们要在未经他们同意的情况下统治他们，并且不让他们在决定他们必须缴纳的税款方面有发言权，我们就不敢教育他们，以免他们学会阅读《独立宣言》和《美国宪法》，并嘲笑我们前后不一。

The principal arguments, however, advanced by those who enter upon a defense of imperialism are:

然而，那些为帝国主义辩护的人提出的主要论点是：

First -- That we must improve the present opportunity to become a world power and enter into international politics.

第一——我们必须抓住当前成为世界强国和参与国际政治的机会。

Second -- That our commercial interests in the Philippine Islands and in the Orient make it necessary for us to hold the islands permanently.

第二——我们在菲律宾群岛和东方的商业利益使我们有必要永久持有这些岛屿。

Third -- That the spread of the Christian religion will be facilitated by a colonial policy.

第三——殖民政策将促进基督教的传播。

Fourth -- That there is no honorable retreat from the position which the nation has taken.

第四——国家所采取的立场不会有光荣的退却。

The first argument is addressed to the nation�s pride and the second to the nation�s pocket-book.

第一个论点是针对国家的自豪感，第二个论点是针对国家的钱包。

The third is intended for the church member and the fourth for the partisan.

第三个是针对教会成员的，第四个是针对党派的。

It is sufficient answer to the first argument to say that for more than a century this nation has been a world power.

对于第一个论点，说一个多世纪以来这个国家一直是世界强国就足够了。

For ten decades it has been the most potent influence in the world.

十年来，它一直是世界上最强大的影响力。

Not only has it been a world power, but it has done more to shape the politics of the human race than all the other nations of the world combined.

它不仅是一个世界强国，而且它在塑造人类政治方面所做的贡献比世界上所有其他国家的总和还多。

Because our Declaration of Independence was promulgated, others have been promulgated.

因为我们的《独立宣言》颁布了，所以其他的也颁布了。

Because the patriots of 1776 fought for liberty, others have fought for it.

因为 1776 年的爱国者为自由而战，所以其他人也为自由而战。

Because our Constitution was adopted, other constitutions have been adopted.

因为我们的宪法被通过了，其他宪法也被通过了。

The growth of the principle of self-government, planted on American soil, has been the overshadowing political fact of the nineteenth century.

自治原则在美国土地上的发展，一直是十九世纪最重要的政治事实。

It has made this nation conspicuous among the nations and given it a place in history such as no other nation has ever enjoyed.

它使这个国家在各国中引人注目，并在历史上占有其他国家从未享有过的地位。

Nothing has been able to check the onward march of this idea.

没有什么能够阻止这个想法的前进。

I am not willing that this nation shall cast aside the omnipotent weapon of truth to seize again the weapons of physical warfare.

我不愿意这个国家抛弃万能的真理武器，重新拿起实体战争的武器。

I would not exchange the glory of this Republic for the glory of all empires that have risen and fallen since time began.

我不会用这个共和国的荣耀来换取自古以来所有兴衰帝国的荣耀。

The permanent chairman of the last Republican Nation Convention presented the pecuniary argument in all its baldness when he said:

上届共和党全国代表大会的常任主席赤裸裸地提出了金钱方面的论点，他说：

We make no hypocritical pretense of being interested in the Philippines solely on account of others.

我们不会虚伪地假装仅仅因为他人的利益而对菲律宾感兴趣。

While we regard the welfare of those people as a sacred trust, we regard the welfare of American people first.

虽然我们将这些人民的福祉视为神圣的信任，但我们首先考虑的是美国人民的福祉。

We see our duty to ourselves as well as to others.

我们看到我们对自己和他人的责任。

We believe in trade expansion.

我们相信贸易扩张。

By every legitimate means within the province of government and constitution we mean to stimulate the expansion of our trade and open new markets.

我们打算通过政府和宪法范围内的一切合法手段刺激我们的贸易扩张并开放新市场。

This is the commercial argument.

这是商业论证。

It is based upon the theory that war can be rightly waged for pecuniary advantage, and that it is profitable to purchase trade by force and violence.

它基于这样的理论：为了金钱利益而发动战争是正确的，并且通过武力和暴力购买贸易是有利可图的。

Franklin denied both of these propositions.

富兰克林否认了这两个主张。

When Lord Howe asserted that the acts of Parliament which brought on the Revolution were necessary to prevent American trade from passing into foreign channels, Franklin replied:

To me it seems that neither the obtaining nor retaining of any trade, howsoever valuable, is an object for which men may justly spill each other's blood; that the true and sure means of extending and securing commerce are the goodness and cheapness of commodities, and that the profits of no trade can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it and holding it by fleets and armies.

在我看来，无论是获得还是保留任何贸易，无论多么有价值，都不是人们可以正义地互相流血的目标； that the true and sure means of extending and securing commerce are the goodness and cheapness of commodities, and that the profits of no trade can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it and holding it by fleets and armies.

I consider this war against us, therefore, as both unjust and unwise.

因此，我认为这场针对我们的战争既不公正也不明智。

I place the philosophy of Franklin against the sordid doctrine of those who would put a price upon the head of an American soldier and justify a war of conquest upon the ground that it will pay.

The democratic party is in favor of the expansion of trade.

民主党赞成扩大贸易。

It would extend our trade by every legitimate and peaceful means; but it is not willing to make merchandise of human blood.

它将通过一切合法与和平的方式扩大我们的贸易；但它不愿意用人血制造商品。

But a war of conquest is as unwise as it is unrighteous.

但征服战争是不明智的，也是不正义的。

A harbor and coaling station in the Philippines would answer every trade and military necessity and such a concession could have been secured at any time without difficulty.

It is not necessary to own people in order to trade with them.

与人进行贸易不一定要拥有人。

We carry on trade today with every part of the world, and our commerce has expanded more rapidly than the commerce of any European empire.

今天，我们与世界各地进行贸易，而且我们的商业扩张速度比任何欧洲帝国都快。

We do not own Japan or China, but we trade with their people.

我们不拥有日本或中国，但我们与他们的人民进行贸易。

We have not absorbed the republics of Central and South America, but we trade with them.

我们没有吞并中美洲和南美洲的共和国，但我们与他们进行贸易。

It has not been necessary to have any political connection with Canada or the nations of Europe in order to trade with them.

与加拿大或欧洲国家进行贸易并不需要与他们有任何政治联系。

Trade cannot be permanently profitable unless it is voluntary.

除非自愿，否则贸易不可能永久盈利。

When trade is secured by force, the cost of securing it and retaining it must be taken out of the profits and the profits are never large enough to cover the expense.

Such a system would never be defended but for the fact that the expense is borne by all the people, while the profits are enjoyed by a few.

如果不是费用由全体人民承担，而利润由少数人享有，这样的制度永远不会得到捍卫。

Imperialism would be profitable to the army contractors; it would be profitable to the ship owners, who would carry live soldiers to the Philippines and bring dead soldiers back; it would be profitable to those who would seize upon the franchises, and it would be profitable to the officials whose salaries would be fixed here and paid over there; but to the farmer, to the laboring man and to the vast majority of those engaged in other occupations it would bring expenditure without return and risk without reward.

帝国主义对军队承包商来说是有利可图的；这对船主来说是有利可图的，他们可以将活的士兵运送到菲律宾并带回死去的士兵； it would be profitable to those who would seize upon the franchises, and it would be profitable to the officials whose salaries would be fixed here and paid over there; but to the farmer, to the laboring man and to the vast majority of those engaged in other occupations it would bring expenditure without return and risk without reward.

Farmers and laboring men have, as a rule, small incomes and under systems which place the tax upon consumption pay much more than their fair share of the expenses of government.

Thus the very people who receive least benefit from imperialism will be injured most by the military burdens which accompany it.

因此，那些从帝国主义中得到最少好处的人民，将因随之而来的军事负担而受到最大的伤害。

In addition to the evils which he and the farmer share in common, the laboring man will be the first to suffer if oriental subjects seek work in the United States; the first to suffer if American capital leaves our shores to employ oriental labor in the Philippines to supply the trade of China and Japan; the first to suffer from the violence which the military spirit arouses and the first to suffer when the methods of imperialism are applied to our own government.

除了与农民共同的不幸之外，如果东方臣民到美国寻找工作，劳动者将首先遭受苦难；如果美国资本离开我们的海岸并在菲律宾雇用东方劳动力来供应中国和日本的贸易，那么第一个遭受损失的国家；第一个遭受军事精神所引起的暴力的人，也是第一个在帝国主义的方法应用于我们自己的政府时遭受痛苦的人。

It is not strange, therefore, that the labor organizations have been quick to note the approach of these dangers and prompt to protest against both militarism and imperialism.

因此，劳工组织很快注意到这些危险的逼近并立即抗议军国主义和帝国主义，这并不奇怪。

The pecuniary argument, the more effective with certain classes, is not likely to be used so often or presented with so much enthusiasm as the religious argument.

金钱论据对于某些阶层来说更为有效，但它不可能像宗教论据那样经常被使用或被如此热情地提出。

If what has been termed the �gunpowder gospel� were urged against the Filipinos only it would be a sufficient answer to say that a majority of the Filipinos are now members of one branch of the Christian church; but the principle involved is one of much wider application and challenges serious consideration.

如果所谓的“火药福音”只是针对菲律宾人，那么说大多数菲律宾人现在是基督教会一个分支的成员就足够了。但所涉及的原则是一种应用范围更广的原则，需要认真考虑。

The religious argument varies in positiveness from a passive belief that Providence delivered the Filipinos into our hands, for their good and our glory, to the exultation of the minister who said that we ought to �thrash the natives (Filipinos) until they understand who we are,� and that �every bullet sent, every cannon shot, and every flag waved means righteousness.�

宗教争论的积极性各不相同，从被动的相信上帝将菲律宾人交到我们手中，为了他们的利益和我们的荣耀，到部长的狂喜，他说我们应该“殴打当地人（菲律宾人），直到他们明白我们是谁”，并且“每发射一颗子弹，每一次炮响，每一个飘扬的旗帜都意味着正义”。

We cannot approve of this doctrine in one place unless we are willing to apply it everywhere.

除非我们愿意在任何地方应用这一学说，否则我们不能在一个地方赞同它。

If there is poison in the blood of the hand it will ultimately reach the heart.

如果手的血液中有毒，最终会到达心脏。

It is equally true that forcible Christianity, if planted under the American flag in the far-away Orient, will sooner or later be transplanted upon American soil.

同样真实的是，强行的基督教如果打着美国旗帜种植在遥远的东方，迟早会被移植到美国的土地上。

If true Christianity consists in carrying out in our daily lives the teachings of Christ, who will say that we are commanded to civilize with dynamite and proselyte with the sword?

如果真正的基督教在于在我们的日常生活中贯彻基督的教义，那么谁会说我们被命令用炸药开化并用剑传教呢？

He who would declare the divine will must prove his authority either by Holy Writ or by evidence of a special dispensation.

想要宣告神圣意志的人必须通过圣经或特殊特许的证据来证明他的权威。

Imperialism finds no warrant in the Bible.

帝国主义在圣经中找不到任何依据。

The command, �Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature,� has no Gatling gun attachment.

“你们到全世界去，向每一个生物传播福音”的命令没有加特林机枪附件。

When Jesus visited a village of Samaria and the people refused to receive him, some of the disciples suggested that fire should be called down from Heaven to avenge the insult; but the Master rebuked them and said: �Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of; for the Son of Man is not come to destroy men�s lives, but to save them.� Suppose he had said: �We will thrash them until they understand who we are,� how different would have been the history of Christianity!

当耶稣访问撒玛利亚的一个村庄时，人们拒绝接待他，一些门徒建议从天上降下火来报仇。但夫子斥责他们说：“你们不知道你们的精神是什么样的；你们的精神是怎样的？”因为人子来不是要毁灭人的生命，而是要拯救他们。”假设他说：“我们要鞭打他们，直到他们明白我们是谁。”基督教的历史将会有多么不同啊！

Compare, if you will, the swaggering, bullying, brutal doctrine of imperialism with the golden rule and the commandment, �Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.�

如果你愿意的话，请将帝国主义趾高气扬、恃强凌弱、残酷的学说与“爱人如己”的金科玉律和戒律进行比较。

Love not force, was the weapon of the Nazarene; sacrifice for others, not the exploitation of them, was His method of reaching the human heart.

拿撒勒人的武器是爱，而不是武力；为他人牺牲，而不是剥削他们，是他打动人心的方法。

A missionary recently told me that the Stars and Stripes once saved his life because his assailant recognized our flag as a flag that had no blood upon it.

一位传教士最近告诉我，星条旗曾经救过他的命，因为袭击者认出我们的旗帜是一面没有血迹的旗帜。

Let it be known that our missionaries are seeking souls instead of sovereignty; let be it known that instead of being the advance guard of conquering armies, they are going forth to help and uplift, having their loins girt about with the truth and their feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace, wearing the breastplate of righteousness and carrying the sword of the spirit; let it be known that they are citizens of a nation which respects the rights of the citizens of other nations as carefully as it protects the rights of its own citizens, and the welcome given to our missionaries will be more cordial than the welcome extended to the missionaries of any other nation.

让人们知道，我们的传教士正在寻求灵魂而不是主权；让我们知道，他们并不是成为征服军队的先锋，而是前去帮助和鼓舞，腰间系着真理，脚上穿着和平福音的鞋，身穿公义的胸甲，携带圣灵的宝剑；让人们知道，他们是一个国家的公民，这个国家尊重其他国家公民的权利，就像保护本国公民的权利一样，对我们传教士的欢迎将比对任何其他国家传教士的欢迎更加热情。

The argument made by some that it was unfortunate for the nation that it had anything to do with the Philippine Islands, but that the naval victory at Manila made the permanent acquisition of those islands necessary, is also unsound.

一些人提出的论点是，与菲律宾群岛有任何关系对国家来说是不幸的，但马尼拉的海军胜利使得永久获得这些岛屿成为必要，这种论点也是站不住脚的。

We won a naval victory at Santiago, but that did not compel us to hold Cuba.

我们在圣地亚哥取得了海上胜利，但这并没有迫使我们占领古巴。

The shedding of American blood in the Philippine Islands does not make it imperative that we should retain possession forever; American blood was shed at San Juan and El Caney, and yet the President has promised the Cubans independence.

美国在菲律宾群岛上流血并不意味着我们就必须永远保留对菲律宾群岛的所有权；美国在圣胡安和埃尔卡尼流血，但总统却承诺古巴独立。

The fact that the American flag floats over Manila does not compel us to exercise perpetual sovereignty over the islands; the American flag floats over Havana to-day, but the President has promised to haul it down when the flag of the Cuban Republic is ready to rise in its place.

美国国旗飘扬在马尼拉上空这一事实并不迫使我们对这些岛屿行使永久主权；今天，美国国旗飘扬在哈瓦那上空，但总统承诺，当古巴共和国国旗准备升起时，会将其拉下。

Better a thousand times that our flag in the Orient give way to a flag representing the idea of self-government than that the flag of this Republic should become the flag of an empire.

我们东方的旗帜让位于代表自治理念的旗帜，比这个共和国的旗帜成为帝国的旗帜要好千倍。

There is an easy, honest, honorable solution of the Philippine question.

菲律宾问题有一个简单、诚实、光荣的解决方案。

It is set forth in the Democratic platform and it is submitted with confidence to the American people.

它在民主党纲领中提出，并满怀信心地提交给美国人民。

This plan I unreservedly indorse.

这个计划我毫无保留地赞同。

If elected, I will convene Congress in extraordinary session as soon as inaugurated and recommend an immediate declaration of the nation�s purpose, first, to establish a stable form of government in the Philippine Islands, just as we are now establishing a stable form of government in Cuba; second, to give independence to the Filipinos as we have promised to give independence to the Cubans; third, to protect the Filipinos from outside interference while they work out their destiny, just as we have protected the republics of Central and South America, and are, by the Monroe doctrine, pledged to protect Cuba.

如果当选，我将在国会就职后立即召开特别会议，并建议立即宣布国家的宗旨，首先，在菲律宾群岛建立稳定的政府形式，就像我们现在在古巴建立稳定的政府形式一样；第二，给予菲律宾人独立，就像我们承诺给予古巴人独立一样；第三，保护菲律宾人在决定自己命运的同时免受外来干涉，就像我们保护中美洲和南美洲各共和国，并根据门罗主义承诺保护古巴一样。

A European protectorate often results in the plundering of the ward by the guardian.

欧洲的保护国常常会导致监护人对被监护人的掠夺。

An American protectorate gives to the nation protected the advantage of our strength, without making it he victim of our greed.

美国的保护国为受保护的国家提供了我们实力的优势，而不使其成为我们贪婪的受害者。

For three-quarters of a century the Monroe doctrine has been a shield to neighboring republics and yet it has imposed no pecuniary burden upon us.

四分之三个世纪以来，门罗主义一直是邻近共和国的盾牌，但它并没有给我们带来金钱负担。

After the Filipinos had aided us in the war against Spain, we could not leave them to be the victims of the ambitious designs of European nations, and since we do not desire to make them a part of us or to hold them as subjects, we propose the only alternative, namely, to give them independence and guard them against molestation from without.

在菲律宾人帮助我们对抗西班牙的战争之后，我们不能让他们成为欧洲国家野心勃勃的计划的受害者，并且由于我们不想让他们成为我们的一部分或将他们视为臣民，所以我们提出唯一的选择，即给予他们独立并保护他们免受外部骚扰。

When our opponents are unable to defend their position by argument they fall back upon the assertion that is destiny, and insist that we must submit to it, no matter how much it violates our moral percepts and our principles of government.

当我们的对手无法通过论证来捍卫自己的立场时，他们就会求助于命运这一断言，并坚持认为我们必须服从它，无论它多么违反我们的道德观念和我们的政府原则。

This is a complacent philosophy.

这是一种自满的哲学。

It obliterates the distinction between right and wrong and makes individuals and nations the helpless victims of circumstance.

它消除了正确与错误的区别，使个人和国家成为环境的无助受害者。

Destiny is the subterfuge of the invertebrate, who, lacking the courage to oppose error, seeks some plausible excuse for supporting it.

命运是无脊椎动物的诡计，他们缺乏反对错误的勇气，所以寻找一些貌似合理的借口来支持它。

Washington said that the destiny of the Republican form of government was deeply, if not finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the American people.

华盛顿表示，共和党政府的命运即使不是最终，也深深地取决于委托给美国人民的实验。

How different Washington�s definition of destiny from the Republican definition!

华盛顿对命运的定义与共和党的定义多么不同！

The Republicans say that this nation is in the hands of destiny; Washington believed that not only the destiny of our own nation but the destiny of the Republican form of government throughout the world was entrusted to American hands.

共和党人说这个国家掌握在命运手中；华盛顿相信，不仅我们国家的命运，而且全世界共和政体的命运都被托付给了美国人。

Immeasurable responsibility!

责任不可估量！

The destiny of this Republic is in the hands of its own people, and upon the success of the experiment here rests the hope of humanity.

这个共和国的命运掌握在它自己的人民手中，而人类的希望就寄托在这里实验的成功之上。

No exterior force can disturb this Republic, and no foreign influence should be permitted to change its course.

任何外部力量都不能扰乱这个共和国，也不应允许任何外国影响力改变其进程。

What the future has in store for this nation no one has authority to declare, but each individual has his own idea of the nation�s mission, and he owes it to his country as well as to himself to contribute as best he may to the fulfillment of that mission.

这个国家的未来是什么，没有人有权宣布，但每个人对国家的使命都有自己的想法，他有责任为他的国家和他自己尽最大的努力来实现这一使命。

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: I can never fully discharge the debt of gratitude which I owe to my countrymen for the honors which they have so generously bestowed upon me; but, sirs, whether it be my lot to occupy the high office for which the convention has named me, or to spend the remainder of my days in private life, it shall be my constant ambition and my controlling purpose to aid in realizing the high ideals of those whose wisdom and courage and sacrifices brought the Republic into existence.

主席先生和委员会的先生们：我永远无法完全履行我对我的同胞的感激之情，因为他们慷慨地授予我荣誉；但是，先生们，无论我的命运是担任国民大会任命的高级职位，还是在私人生活中度过余生，我始终如一的野心和我的主宰目标是帮助那些用智慧、勇气和牺牲缔造了共和国的人们实现他们的崇高理想。

I can conceive of a national destiny surpassing the glories of the present and the past -- a destiny which meets the responsibility of today and measures up to the possibilities of the future.

我可以想象一种超越现在和过去的辉煌的国家命运，一种承担今天的责任、迎接未来的可能性的命运。

Behold a republic, resting securely upon the foundation stones quarried by revolutionary patriots from the mountain of eternal truth -- a republic applying in practice and proclaiming to the world the self-evident propositions that all men are created equal; that they are endowed with inalienable rights; that governments are instituted among men to secure these rights, and that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed.

看吧，一个共和国，牢固地建立在革命爱国者从永恒真理之山上开采的基石上——一个在实践中运用并向世界宣告人人生而平等的不言而喻的主张的共和国；他们被赋予不可剥夺的权利；政府是为了确保这些权利而在人中建立的，政府的正当权力来自于被统治者的同意。

Behold a republic in which civil and religion liberty stimulate all to earnest endeavor and in which the law restrains every hand uplifted for a neighbor's injury -- a republic in which every citizen is a sovereign, but in which no one cares to wear a crown.

看看这样一个共和国吧，在这个共和国里，公民和宗教自由激励所有人做出真诚的努力，在这个共和国里，法律限制每一个人为伤害邻居而举起的手——在这个共和国里，每个公民都是主权者，但没有人愿意戴上王冠。

Behold a republic standing erect while empires all around are bowed beneath the weight of their own armaments -- a republic whose flag is loved while other flags are only feared.

看看一个共和国挺立而立，而周围的帝国却在自己的军备重压下屈服——这个共和国的旗帜受到人们的喜爱，而其他旗帜则令人畏惧。

Behold a republic increasing in population, in wealth, in strength and in influence, solving the problems of civilization and hastening the coming of an universal brotherhood -- a republic which shakes thrones and dissolves aristocracies by its silent example and gives light and inspiration to those who sit in darkness.

看看这个共和国在人口、财富、实力和影响力方面不断增长，解决了文明问题并加速了普遍兄弟情谊的到来——这个共和国以其无声的榜样动摇了王位并瓦解了贵族统治，为那些坐在黑暗中的人们带来了光明和鼓舞。

Behold a republic gradually but surely becoming the supreme moral factor in the world's progress and the accepted arbiter of the world's disputes -- a republic whose history, like the path of the just, "is as the shining light that shineth more and more unto the perfect day."

看看一个共和国逐渐但肯定成为世界进步的最高道德因素和世界争端公认的仲裁者——这个共和国的历史，就像正义的道路一样，“就像越来越耀眼的光芒，直到完美的日子”。

1 Letter to Benjamin Vaughan , 14 March 1785

1 给本杰明·沃恩的信，1785 年 3 月 14 日

2 Henry Cabot Lodge, The Bacon Resolutions 1 September 1900

2 亨利·卡伯特·洛奇 (Henry Cabot Lodge)，《培根决议》，1900 年 9 月 1 日

Text Source 1 : Bryan, William Jennings.

文本来源 1：Bryan、William Jennings。

�Imperialism.� Speeches of William Jennings Bryan.

“帝国主义。”威廉·詹宁斯·布莱恩的演讲。

New York: Funk and Wagnalls Co., 1909.

纽约：Funk 和 Wagnalls Co.，1909 年。

Text Source 2 : Bryan, William Jennings.

文本来源 2：Bryan、William Jennings。

�Imperialism.� Under Other Flags: Travels, Lectures, Speeches.

“帝国主义”。在其他旗帜下：旅行、演讲、演讲。

Ed.

埃德。

Neb Lincoln.

内布·林肯。

The Woodruff-Collins Printing Co., 1904.

伍德拉夫-柯林斯印刷公司，1904 年。

Image Source : Wikipedia.org Page Updated : 8/2/25 U.S. Copyright Status : This text = Property of A merican R hetoric.com.

图片来源：Wikipedia.org 页面更新：25 年 8 月 2 日美国版权状态：本文 = American R hetoric.com 的财产。

Audio Victor Recording and Image = Public domain.

音频 Victor 录音和图像 = 公共领域。

American Rhetoric.

美国修辞学。

HTML transcription by Porshe Chiles, Jodi Rubbelke & Michael E.

HTML 转录由 Porshe Chiles、Jodi Rubbelke 和 Michael E.

Eidenmuller.

艾登米勒。

中文为机器翻译，仅供参考。