A Time to Break Silence -- Martin Luther King, Jr.
Beyond Vietnam -- A Time to Break Silence
超越越南——打破沉默的时刻
Delivered 4 April 1967, Riverside Church, New York City
1967 年 4 月 4 日交付于纽约市河滨教堂
Over the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as I have called for radical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path.
在过去的两年里，当我开始打破对自己沉默的背叛，并从内心的燃烧中说出自己的心声时，当我呼吁彻底摆脱对越南的破坏时，许多人质疑我的道路是否明智。
At the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "Why are you speaking about the war, Dr. King?" "Why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "Peace and civil rights don't mix," they say.
在他们关心的核心问题上，这个问题常常显得很大而响亮：“金博士，你为什么要谈论战争？” “你为什么要加入反对的声音？” “和平与公民权利不能混为一谈，”他们说。
"Aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask?
他们问道：“你这不是在伤害你人民的事业吗？”
And when I hear them, though I often understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling.
当我听到他们的提问时，虽然我常常理解他们关心的根源，但我仍然感到非常悲伤，因为这样的问题意味着询问者并没有真正了解我，我的承诺或我的使命。
Indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.
事实上，他们的问题表明他们并不了解自己所生活的世界。
In the light of such tragic misunderstanding, I deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path from Dexter Avenue Baptist Church -- the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where I began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.
鉴于这种悲惨的误解，我认为尝试清楚地、我相信简明地陈述为什么我相信从德克斯特大道浸信会教堂（我开始担任牧师的阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利教堂）出发的道路今晚清楚地通向这个避难所，这是非常重要的。
I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation.
今晚我来到这个讲台上，向我深爱的国家发出热情的呼吁。
This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National Liberation Front.
这篇讲话不是针对河内或民族解放阵线的。
It is not addressed to China or to Russia.
它不是针对中国或俄罗斯的。
Nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of Vietnam.
这也不是试图忽视总体局势的模糊性以及集体解决越南悲剧的必要性。
Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or the National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem.
这既不是试图让北越或民族解放阵线成为美德典范，也不是忽视他们在成功解决问题中必须发挥的作用。
While they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.
虽然他们都有合理的理由怀疑美国的诚意，但生活和历史雄辩地证明了这样一个事实：如果双方没有相互信任的给予和接受，冲突就永远无法解决。
Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National Liberation Front, but rather to my fellow Americans.
然而今晚，我不想与河内和民族解放阵线交谈，而是与我的美国同胞交谈。
Since I am a preacher by calling, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision.
由于我是一名传教士，我想我有七个主要原因将越南纳入我的道德视野，这并不奇怪。
There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America.
从一开始，越南战争与我和其他人在美国进行的斗争之间就存在着一种非常明显且几乎显而易见的联系。
A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle.
几年前，这场斗争中有一个辉煌的时刻。
It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program.
通过贫困计划，似乎给穷人——无论是黑人还是白人——带来了真正的希望。
There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings.
有实验、有希望、有新的开始。
Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube.
然后是越南的集结，我看着这个计划被破坏和掏空，就好像它是一个因战争而疯狂的社会的一些闲置的政治玩物，我知道，只要像越南这样的冒险继续像一些恶魔般的破坏性吸管一样吸引人员、技能和金钱，美国就永远不会投入必要的资金或精力来恢复其穷人的生活。
So, I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.
因此，我越来越被迫将战争视为穷人的敌人，并以此来攻击它。
Perhaps a more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home.
当我清楚地意识到战争不仅仅摧毁了国内穷人的希望时，也许对现实的更悲惨的认识发生了。
It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population.
与其他人口相比，他们的儿子、兄弟和丈夫参战并死亡的比例极高。
We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem.
我们正在把那些因我们的社会而残废的黑人年轻人送往八千英里之外的东南亚，以保证他们在乔治亚州西南部和东哈莱姆区找不到的自由。
And so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools.
因此，我们一再面临着残酷的讽刺，在电视屏幕上看到黑人和白人男孩为一个无法让他们坐在同一所学校的国家一起杀戮和死亡。
And so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago.
因此，我们看到他们残酷地团结一致烧毁了一个贫穷村庄的小屋，但我们意识到他们很难住在芝加哥的同一个街区。
I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.
面对如此残酷的对穷人的操纵，我无法保持沉默。
My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the North over the last three years -- especially the last three summers.
我的第三个原因转向了更深层次的意识，因为它源于我过去三年在北方贫民窟的经历——尤其是过去三个夏天。
As I have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems.
当我走在绝望、被拒绝、愤怒的年轻人中间时，我告诉他们，燃烧弹和步枪无法解决他们的问题。
I have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action.
我试图向他们表达最深切的同情，同时坚信非暴力行动才能最有意义地实现社会变革。
But they ask -- and rightly so -- what about Vietnam?
但他们问——而且这是正确的——越南呢？
They ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted.
他们问我们自己的国家是否没有使用大量暴力来解决其问题，实现其想要的改变。
Their questions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government.
他们的问题击中了我的要害，我知道，如果没有首先向当今世界上最大的暴力提供者——我自己的政府——明确表态，我就再也不能大声疾呼反对贫民窟中被压迫者的暴力行为。
For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent.
为了那些男孩，为了这个政府，为了在我们的暴力下颤抖的数十万人，我不能保持沉默。
For those who ask the question, "Aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, I have this further answer.
对于那些问“你不是民权领袖吗？”的人来说。从而意味着将我排除在和平运动之外，我有这个进一步的答案。
In 1957 when a group of us formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, we chose as our motto: "To save the soul of America." We were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that America would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear.
1957年，当我们一群人组成南方基督教领袖会议时，我们选择“拯救美国的灵魂”作为我们的座右铭。我们坚信，我们不能将我们的愿景限制在黑人的某些权利上，而是坚信，除非奴隶的后裔完全摆脱他们仍然戴着的枷锁，否则美国永远不会获得自由或从自身中拯救出来。
In a way we were agreeing with Langston Hughes, that black bard of Harlem, who had written earlier:
在某种程度上，我们同意哈莱姆区的黑人吟游诗人兰斯顿·休斯的观点，他早些时候写道：
O, yes, I say it plain, America never was America to me, And yet I swear this oath -- America will be!
哦，是的，我说得很直白，美国对我来说从来都不是美国，但我发誓——美国将会成为！
Now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of America today can ignore the present war.
现在，应该非常清楚的是，任何关心当今美国的完整性和生活的人都不能忽视当前的战争。
If America's soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: Vietnam.
如果美国的灵魂彻底中毒，尸检的一部分必须是：越南。
It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over.
只要它摧毁了全世界人民最深切的希望，它就永远无法挽救。
So it is that those of us who are yet determined that America will be -- are -- are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.
因此，我们这些尚未确定美国将要——正在——被引导走上抗议和异议的道路，为我们土地的健康而努力。
As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954; 1 and I cannot forget that the Nobel Peace Prize was also a commission, a commission to work harder than I had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." This is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present I would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ.
似乎对美国人的生命和健康做出这样的承诺还不够，1954 年，我又承担了另一项责任； 1 我不能忘记，诺贝尔和平奖也是一个委托，一个让我比以前更加努力地为“人类兄弟情谊”工作的委托。这是一个让我超越国家忠诚的呼召，但即使它不存在，我也必须带着我对耶稣基督事工的承诺的意义生活。
To me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that I sometimes marvel at those who ask me why I'm speaking against the war.
对我来说，这个事工与缔造和平的关系是如此明显，以至于有时我对那些问我为什么反对战争的人感到惊讶。
Could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men -- for Communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative?
难道他们不知道这个好消息是给所有人的——共产主义者和资本主义者、他们的孩子和我们的孩子、黑人和白人、革命者和保守派？
Have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the One who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them?
难道他们忘记了，我的事工是服从那一位，他如此全心地爱他的敌人，甚至为他们而死？
What then can I say to the Vietcong or to Castro or to Mao as a faithful minister of this One?
那么，作为这个国家的忠实部长，我能对越共、卡斯特罗或毛泽东说些什么呢？
Can I threaten them with death or must I not share with them my life?
我可以用死亡来威胁他们，还是不能与他们分享我的生命？
And finally, as I try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from Montgomery to this place I would have offered all that was most valid if I simply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with all men the calling to be a son of the living God.
最后，当我试图为你和我自己解释从蒙哥马利到这个地方的道路时，如果我只是说我必须忠于我的信念，即我与所有人分享成为永生神的儿子的呼召，那么我就会提供最有效的一切。
Beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because I believe that the Father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, I come tonight to speak for them.
除了种族、国家或信仰的呼召之外，还有儿子和兄弟情谊的呼召，因为我相信天父特别关心他的苦难、无助和被遗弃的孩子，所以今晚我来为他们说话。
This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions.
我认为，这是我们所有人的特权和负担，我们认为自己受到效忠和忠诚的约束，这种忠诚和忠诚比民族主义更广泛和更深，并且超出了我们国家自我定义的目标和立场。
We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.
我们被要求为弱者、为无声者、为我们国家的受害者和那些被称为“敌人”的人发声，因为任何来自人类手中的文件都不能使这些人成为我们的兄弟。
And as I ponder the madness of Vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula.
当我思考越南的疯狂并在自己内心寻找理解和慈悲回应的方法时，我的思绪不断转向那个半岛的人民。
I speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the Liberation Front, not of the junta in Saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now.
我现在谈论的不是双方的士兵，不是解放阵线的意识形态，也不是西贡的军政府，而是现在几乎连续三个十年生活在战争诅咒之下的人民。
I think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.
我也想到他们，因为我很清楚，除非尝试去了解他们并听到他们破碎的哭声，否则那里不会有任何有意义的解决方案。
They must see Americans as strange liberators.
他们必须将美国人视为奇怪的解放者。
The Vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence in 1954 -- in 1945 rather -- after a combined French and Japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in China.
在法国和日本的联合占领之后、中国发生共产主义革命之前，越南人民于 1954 年（更确切地说是 1945 年）宣布了自己的独立。
They were led by Ho Chi Minh.
他们的领导者是胡志明。
Even though they quoted the American Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them.
尽管他们在自己的自由文件中引用了美国独立宣言，但我们拒绝承认他们。
Instead, we decided to support France in its reconquest of her former colony.
相反，我们决定支持法国重新征服她的前殖民地。
Our government felt then that the Vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long.
我们的政府当时认为越南人民还没有准备好独立，我们再次成为长期毒害国际气氛的西方致命傲慢态度的受害者。
With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by China -- for whom the Vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists.
通过这一悲惨的决定，我们拒绝了一个寻求自决的革命政府，而这个政府不是由中国建立的（越南人对中国没有多大的爱），而是由包括一些共产党人在内的明显本土力量建立的。
For the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.
对于农民来说，这个新政府意味着真正的土地改革，这是他们生活中最重要的需求之一。
For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right of independence.
1945 年之后的九年里，我们剥夺了越南人民的独立权利。
For nine years we vigorously supported the French in their abortive effort to recolonize Vietnam.
九年来，我们大力支持法国重新殖民越南的努力，但失败了。
Before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the French war costs.
战争结束前，我们承担了法国战争费用的百分之八十。
Even before the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not.
甚至在法国人在奠边府被击败之前，他们就开始对自己的鲁莽行动感到绝望，但我们没有。
We encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will.
我们用巨额的财政和军事物资鼓励他们在失去意志的情况下继续战争。
Soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.
很快我们就会为这次悲剧性的再殖民尝试付出几乎全部代价。
After the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the Geneva Agreement.
法国战败后，独立和土地改革似乎将通过日内瓦协议再次到来。
But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, Premier Diem.
但美国却来了，它决定胡锦涛不应该统一这个暂时分裂的国家，农民们再次注视着我们支持最邪恶的现代独裁者之一，我们选择的人吴氏总理。
The peasants watched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the North.
农民们看着吴廷琰无情地铲除所有反对派，支持敲诈勒索的地主，甚至拒绝讨论与北方的统一，他们感到畏缩。
The peasants watched as all this was presided over by United States' influence and then by increasing numbers of United States troops who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem's methods had aroused.
农民们眼睁睁地看着这一切都是由美国的影响力主导的，然后是越来越多的美国军队来帮助平息吴庭艳的方法引起的叛乱。
When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.
当吴庭艳被推翻时，他们可能很高兴，但一长串的军事独裁者似乎没有带来真正的改变，特别是在他们对土地与和平的需求方面。
The only change came from America, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support.
唯一的变化来自美国，我们增加了军队的投入，以支持那些极其腐败、无能且得不到民众支持的政府。
All the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform.
一直以来，人们阅读我们的传单并收到和平、民主和土地改革的定期承诺。
Now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy.
现在，他们在我们的炸弹下苦不堪言，并认为我们才是真正的敌人，而不是他们的越南同胞。
They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met.
当我们将他们从他们祖先的土地赶到集中营时，他们悲伤而冷漠地移动，那里的最低限度的社会需求很少得到满足。
They know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.
他们知道他们必须继续前进，否则就会被我们的炸弹摧毁。
So they go, primarily women and children and the aged.
他们就这样走了，主要是妇女、儿童和老人。
They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops.
他们看着我们毒害他们的水，我们杀死他们一百万英亩的庄稼。
They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees.
当推土机轰鸣着穿过他们的地区，准备摧毁珍贵的树木时，他们必须哭泣。
They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one Vietcong-inflicted injury.
他们走进医院，美军火力造成至少二十人伤亡，其中一名越共受伤。
So far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children.
到目前为止，我们可能已经杀死了一百万人，其中大部分是儿童。
They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals.
他们漫步到城镇里，看到成千上万的儿童无家可归，赤身露体，像动物一样成群结队地在街上奔跑。
They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food.
他们看到孩子们在乞讨食物时被我们的士兵侮辱。
They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.
他们看到孩子们把自己的姐妹卖给我们的士兵，为她们的母亲讨价还价。
What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform?
当我们与地主结盟，关于土地改革的许多话不付诸行动时，农民会怎么想？
What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe?
当我们在他们身上测试我们最新的武器时，就像德国人在欧洲集中营测试新药物和新酷刑一样，他们会怎么想？
Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to be building?
我们声称要建设的独立越南的根源在哪里？
Is it among these voiceless ones?
是在这些无声者之中吗？
We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village.
我们摧毁了他们最珍视的两个机构：家庭和村庄。
We have destroyed their land and their crops.
我们毁掉了他们的土地和庄稼。
We have cooperated in the crushing -- in the crushing of the nation's only non-Communist revolutionary political force, the unified Buddhist Church.
我们合作镇压——镇压这个国家唯一的非共产主义革命政治力量——统一的佛教会。
We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon.
我们支持西贡农民的敌人。
We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.
我们腐蚀了他们的妇女和儿童，并杀害了他们的男人。
Now there is little left to build on, save bitterness.
现在除了痛苦之外，已经没有什么可以继续发展的了。
Soon, the only solid -- solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." The peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these.
很快，剩下的唯一坚实的物理基础将出现在我们的军事基地和我们称之为“强化村庄”的集中营的混凝土中。农民们很可能想知道我们是否计划在这些基础上建设我们的新越南。
Could we blame them for such thoughts?
我们能把这种想法归咎于他们吗？
We must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise.
我们必须为他们说话，提出他们不能提出的问题。
These, too, are our brothers.
他们也是我们的兄弟。
Perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.
也许更困难但同样必要的任务是为那些被认定为我们的敌人的人说话。
What of the National Liberation Front, that strangely anonymous group we call "VC" or "communists"?
民族解放阵线这个奇怪的匿名团体，我们称之为“VC”或“共产主义者”，又怎么样呢？
What must they think of the United States of America when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of Diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the South?
当他们意识到我们允许吴廷琰的镇压和残酷行为（这有助于他们在南方成为抵抗组织）时，他们会对美利坚合众国有何看法？
What do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms?
他们对我们纵容导致他们自己拿起武器的暴力行为有何看法？
How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the North" as if there were nothing more essential to the war?
当我们现在谈论“来自北方的侵略”时，好像没有什么比战争更重要的了，他们怎么能相信我们的正直呢？
How can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land?
当我们在吴庭艳的残暴统治之后指控他们使用暴力，而我们又将每一种新的死亡武器倾倒在他们的土地上时，他们怎么能相信我们呢？
Surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions.
当然，即使我们不宽恕他们的行为，我们也必须理解他们的感受。
Surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence.
当然，我们必须看到我们支持的人迫使他们采取暴力。
Surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.
当然，我们必须看到，我们自己的计算机化破坏计划使他们最伟大的行为相形见绌。
How do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name?
当我们的官员知道他们的党员中共产党员比例不到百分之二十五，却坚持给他们一个笼统的名字时，他们会如何评价我们？
What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of Vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part?
当他们知道我们知道他们控制了越南的主要地区，而我们似乎准备允许举行全国选举，而这个组织严密的政治平行政府不会参与其中时，他们一定会怎么想？
They ask how we can speak of free elections when the Saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta.
他们问，当西贡媒体受到军政府审查和控制时，我们如何谈论自由选举。
And they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants.
他们想知道如果没有他们，我们计划帮助组建什么样的新政府，这是唯一与农民真正接触的政党，这当然是正确的。
They question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded.
他们质疑我们的政治目标，并否认和平解决的现实，而他们将被排除在外。
Their questions are frighteningly relevant.
他们的问题非常相关。
Is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?
我们的国家是否计划再次建立政治神话，然后以新的暴力力量来支撑它？
Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves.
这就是同情心和非暴力的真正意义和价值，它帮助我们看到敌人的观点，听到他的问题，了解他对我们自己的评价。
For from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.
因为从他的观点中，我们确实可以看到自己处境的基本弱点，如果我们成熟了，我们就可以从被称为反对派的兄弟的智慧中学习、成长并受益。
So, too, with Hanoi.
河内也是如此。
In the North, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust.
在北方，我们的炸弹袭击了土地，我们的地雷危及水道，我们遇到了一种深刻但可以理解的不信任。
To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in Western words, and especially their distrust of American intentions now.
为他们说话就是解释他们对西方话语缺乏信心，尤其是他们现在对美国意图的不信任。
In Hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the Japanese and the French, the men who sought membership in the French Commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of Paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies.
在河内，有一些人领导国家对抗日本和法国而独立，这些人寻求加入法兰西共和国，但被巴黎的软弱和殖民军队的任性出卖。
It was they who led a second struggle against French domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at Geneva.
他们付出了巨大的代价，领导了第二次反对法国统治的斗争，然后被说服放弃他们控制的北纬十三线和十七度线之间的土地，作为日内瓦的临时措施。
After 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought Ho Chi Minh to power over a united Vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again.
1954年之后，他们看到我们与吴庭艳密谋阻止选举，而选举肯定会让胡志明在统一的越南上台，他们意识到他们再次被出卖了。
When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.
当我们问他们为什么不立即进行谈判时，必须记住这些事情。
Also, it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence of American troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the Geneva Agreement concerning foreign troops.
此外，必须明确的是，河内领导人认为支持吴廷琰政权的美国军队的存在是对有关外国军队的日内瓦协定的最初军事违反。
They remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the South until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands.
他们提醒我们，直到美军人数达到数万人之后，他们才开始向南方派遣大量军队甚至物资。
Hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier North Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made.
河内记得我们的领导人如何拒绝告诉我们有关北越早期和平提议的真相，总统如何在明确提出和平提议时却声称不存在任何和平提议。
Ho Chi Minh has watched as America has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the North.
胡志明目睹了美国谈论和平并建立军队，现在他肯定听到了国际上关于美国计划入侵朝鲜的谣言。
He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy.
他知道我们正在进行的轰炸、炮击和采矿是传统的入侵前战略的一部分。
Perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than eight hundred -- rather, eight thousand miles away from its shores.
当他听到世界上最强大的国家谈论侵略时，也许只有他的幽默感和讽刺感才能拯救他，因为它向一个距离其海岸八百多英里（更确切地说是八千英里）的贫穷弱国投下了数千枚炸弹。
At this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in Vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," I am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else.
在这一点上，我应该明确表示，虽然我在过去的几分钟里试图为越南的无声者发出声音，并理解那些被称为“敌人”的人的论点，但我对我们自己在那里的军队和其他任何事情一样深感担忧。
For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy.
因为我突然想到，我们在越南让他们经历的不仅仅是军队面对面并寻求毁灭的任何战争中所发生的残酷过程。
We are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved.
我们在死亡过程中加入了愤世嫉俗的态度，因为他们必须知道，在死亡的短暂时期之后，我们声称为之奋斗的一切都没有真正参与其中。
Before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.
不久之后，他们一定会知道，他们的政府已经让他们卷入了越南人之间的斗争，而更老练的人肯定会意识到，我们站在富人和安全的一边，而我们却为穷人创造了地狱。
Somehow this madness must cease.
无论如何，这种疯狂必须停止。
We must stop now.
我们现在必须停下来。
I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam.
我作为上帝的孩子和越南受苦受难的穷人的兄弟发言。
I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted.
我为那些土地被荒废、家园被毁、文化被颠覆的人们代言。
I speak of the -- for the poor of America who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in Vietnam.
我指的是美国的穷人，他们正在为国内希望的破灭以及越南的死亡和腐败付出双重代价。
I speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken.
我以世界公民的身份发言，代表世界对我们所走的道路感到震惊。
I speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation: The great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.
我作为一个热爱美国的人对我们国家的领导人说：这场战争的伟大主动权是我们的；阻止这种情况的主动权必须由我们自己发起。
This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam.
这是越南伟大佛教领袖的讯息。
Recently one of them wrote these words, and I quote:
最近其中一位写下了这样的话，我引用一下：
Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the Vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct.
战争每一天都在越南人心中以及那些具有人道主义本能的人心中增加仇恨。
The Americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies.
美国人甚至迫使他们的朋友变成他们的敌人。
It is curious that the Americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat.
奇怪的是，美国人如此仔细地计算着军事胜利的可能性，却没有意识到在此过程中他们正在遭受深刻的心理和政治失败。
The image of America will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism (unquote).
美国的形象将不再是革命、自由和民主的形象，而是暴力和军国主义的形象（引述）。
If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in Vietnam.
如果我们继续下去，我和全世界都会毫无疑问地认为我们在越南没有任何光荣的意图。
If we do not stop our war against the people of Vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play.
如果我们不立即停止对越南人民的战争，世界将别无选择，只能将其视为我们决定玩的可怕、笨拙和致命的游戏。
The world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve.
现在世界要求美国成熟，但我们可能无法实现。
It demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the Vietnamese people.
它要求我们承认我们从越南冒险一开始就错了，我们对越南人民的生活造成了损害。
The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways.
在这种情况下，我们必须准备好彻底改变目前的做法。
In order to atone for our sins and errors in Vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.
为了弥补我们在越南的罪孽和错误，我们应该主动停止这场悲惨的战争。
I would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do [immediately] to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:
我想建议我们的政府应该[立即]采取五项具体措施，以开始摆脱这场噩梦般的冲突的漫长而艰难的过程：
Number one: End all bombing in North and South Vietnam.
第一：停止北越和南越的所有轰炸。
Number two: Declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.
第二：宣布单方面停火，希望以此创造谈判气氛。
Three: Take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in Southeast Asia by curtailing our military buildup in Thailand and our interference in Laos.
三：立即采取措施，通过限制我们在泰国的军事集结和对老挝的干涉，阻止东南亚的其他战场。
Four: Realistically accept the fact that the National Liberation Front has substantial support in South Vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future Vietnam government.
四：现实地接受这样一个事实：民族解放阵线在南越拥有大量支持，因此必须在任何有意义的谈判和任何未来的越南政府中发挥作用。
Five: Set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from Vietnam in accordance with the 1954 Geneva Agreement.
五：根据1954年日内瓦协议，确定我们从越南撤走所有外国军队的日期。
Part of our ongoing -- Part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any Vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the Liberation Front.
我们持续承诺的一部分很可能体现为向任何在包括解放阵线在内的新政权下担心自己生命安全的越南人提供庇护。
Then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done.
然后我们必须对我们造成的损害做出我们力所能及的赔偿。
We must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary.
我们必须提供急需的医疗援助，并在必要时在这个国家提供这些援助。
Meanwhile -- Meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment.
与此同时——与此同时，我们教会和犹太教堂有一项持续的任务，同时我们敦促我们的政府放弃可耻的承诺。
We must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in Vietnam.
如果我们的国家在越南继续采取不正当的做法，我们就必须继续提高我们的声音和我们的生活。
We must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.
我们必须做好言行一致的准备，寻找一切可能的创造性抗议方法。
As we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in Vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection.
当我们向年轻人提供关于服兵役的建议时，我们必须向他们阐明我们国家在越南的角色，并以良心拒服兵役的选择来挑战他们。
I am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, Morehouse College, and I recommend it to all who find the American course in Vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one.
我很高兴地说，这是我的母校莫尔豪斯学院七十多名学生现在选择的一条道路，我向所有认为美国在越南的课程是不光彩和不公正的人推荐这条道路。
Moreover, I would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.
此外，我鼓励所有达到征兵年龄的部长放弃部长豁免，并寻求良心拒服兵役者的地位。
These are the times for real choices and not false ones.
这是真正选择的时代，而不是错误的选择。
We are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly.
如果我们的国家要在自己的愚蠢行为中幸存下来，我们现在就必须冒着生命危险。
Every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.
每个具有人道信念的人都必须决定最适合他信念的抗议，但我们所有人都必须抗议。
Now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in Vietnam.
现在，停在此处并送我们所有人去参加在某些圈子里已成为流行的反对越南战争的运动，是一种诱人的诱惑。
I say we must enter that struggle, but I wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.
我说我们必须参与这场斗争，但我现在想继续说一些更令人不安的事情。
The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the American spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing "clergy and laymen concerned" committees for the next generation.
越南战争只是美国精神中更深层次弊病的一个症状，如果我们忽视这个发人深省的现实……如果我们忽视这个发人深省的现实，我们将发现自己正在为下一代组织“有关神职人员和平信徒”的委员会。
They will be concerned about Guatemala -- Guatemala and Peru.
他们将关注危地马拉——危地马拉和秘鲁。
They will be concerned about Thailand and Cambodia.
他们会关心泰国和柬埔寨。
They will be concerned about Mozambique and South Africa.
他们将关注莫桑比克和南非。
We will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in American life and policy.
我们将为这些和其他十几个名字游行，并无休止地参加集会，除非美国的生活和政策发生重大而深刻的变化。
And so, such thoughts take us beyond Vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living God.
因此，这样的想法让我们超越了越南，但并没有超越我们作为永生神的儿子的呼召。
In 1957, a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution.
1957年，一位敏感的美国海外官员表示，在他看来，我们的国家站在了世界革命的错误一边。
During the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of U.S. military advisors in Venezuela.
在过去十年中，我们看到了一种镇压模式的出现，这种模式现在证明了美国军事顾问在委内瑞拉的存在是合理的。
This need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala.
正是出于我们投资维护社会稳定的需要，美军在危地马拉采取了反革命行动。
It tells why American helicopters are being used against guerrillas in Cambodia and why American napalm and Green Beret forces have already been active against rebels in Peru.
它讲述了为什么美国直升机被用来对付柬埔寨的游击队，以及为什么美国凝固汽油弹和绿色贝雷帽部队已经在秘鲁积极对抗叛乱分子。
It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late John F.
已故约翰·肯尼迪 (John F.
Kennedy come back to haunt us.
肯尼迪回来困扰我们。
Five years ago he said, "Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable." Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments.
五年前他曾说过：“那些使和平革命不可能的人，将使暴力革命不可避免。”越来越多地，出于选择或偶然，这就是我们国家所扮演的角色，那些拒绝放弃海外投资巨额利润所带来的特权和快乐，从而使和平革命变得不可能的人所扮演的角色。
I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values.
我坚信，如果我们要站在世界革命的正确一边，我们作为一个国家就必须经历一场彻底的价值观革命。
We must rapidly begin...we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society.
我们必须迅速开始……我们必须迅速开始从以物为本的社会向以人为本的社会的转变。
When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.
当机器和计算机、利润动机和财产权被认为比人更重要时，种族主义、极端唯物主义和军国主义这三个巨大的三重奏就无法被征服。
A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies.
一场真正的价值观革命很快就会使我们质疑我们过去和现在的许多政策的公平性和正义性。
On the one hand, we are called to play the Good Samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act.
一方面，我们被要求在生活的路边扮演好撒玛利亚人，但这只是一个初步的行为。
One day we must come to see that the whole Jericho Road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway.
有一天，我们必须看到，整条耶利哥路必须得到改造，以便男男女女在人生的高速公路上行进时，不会不断遭到殴打和抢劫。
True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar.
真正的同情心不仅仅是向乞丐扔一枚硬币。
It comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.
人们发现，一座产生乞丐的大厦需要重建。
A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth.
一场真正的价值观革命很快就会在贫困与财富的鲜明对比中显得不安。
With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia, Africa, and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, "This is not just." It will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of South America and say, "This is not just." The Western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.
它会义愤填膺地漂洋过海，看到西方个别资本家在亚洲、非洲、南美洲投入巨资，却把利润拿走，不顾各国社会进步，说：“这不正义”。它将审视我们与南美地主贵族的联盟，并说：“这不公平。”西方人傲慢地认为自己拥有一切可以教给别人的东西，却没有什么可以向他们学习的，这种傲慢是不合理的。
A true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, "This way of settling differences is not just." This business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love.
真正的价值观革命将影响世界秩序，并对战争说：“这种解决分歧的方式是不公正的。”用凝固汽油弹烧死人类，让孤儿寡妇填满我们国家的家园，把仇恨的有毒药物注入通常人道的人们的血管中，把身体残疾和心理错乱的人从黑暗和血腥的战场上送回家，这些都是与智慧、正义和爱无法调和的。
A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.
一个年复一年花在军事防御上的钱多于花在社会进步计划上的国家正在接近精神死亡。
America, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values.
美国作为世界上最富有、最强大的国家，完全可以引领这场价值观革命。
There is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war.
除了悲惨的死亡愿望之外，没有什么可以阻止我们重新安排我们的优先事项，使追求和平优先于追求战争。
There is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.
没有什么可以阻止我们用受伤的双手塑造顽固的现状，直到我们将其塑造成兄弟情谊。
This kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against communism.
这种积极的价值观革命是我们对抗共产主义的最好防御。
War is not the answer.
战争不是答案。
Communism will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons.
共产主义永远不会被原子弹或核武器打败。
Let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the United States to relinquish its participation in the United Nations.
我们不要加入那些高喊战争的行列，并通过他们的错误热情敦促美国放弃对联合国的参与。
These are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness.
这些日子需要明智的克制和冷静的理性。
We must not engage in a negative anticommunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf of justice.
我们绝不能进行消极的反共主义，而应该积极推动民主，认识到我们对共产主义的最大防御就是为了正义而采取进攻行动。
We must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of communism grows and develops.
我们必须采取积极行动，努力消除贫困、不安全和不公正的状况，它们是共产主义种子生长和发展的沃土。
These are revolutionary times.
现在是革命时代。
All over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born.
全球各地的人们都在反抗旧的剥削和压迫制度，在脆弱世界的创伤中，新的正义和平等制度正在诞生。
The shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before.
这片土地上赤裸上身、赤脚的人们正在以前所未有的方式奋起反抗。
"The people who sat in darkness have seen a great light." 2 We in the West must support these revolutions.
“坐在黑暗中的人们看到了伟大的光明。” 2 我们西方人必须支持这些革命。
It is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the Western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch antirevolutionaries.
一个可悲的事实是，由于安逸、自满、对共产主义的病态恐惧以及我们容易适应不公正，那些倡导现代世界革命精神的西方国家现在已经成为主要的反革命者。
This has driven many to feel that only Marxism has a revolutionary spirit.
这让很多人感到只有马克思主义才有革命精神。
Therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated.
因此，共产主义是对我们未能实现民主并贯彻我们发起的革命的判断。
Our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism.
今天，我们唯一的希望在于我们有能力重拾革命精神，走进一个有时充满敌意的世界，宣布永远敌视贫困、种族主义和军国主义。
With this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain." 3
有了这一强有力的承诺，我们将大胆挑战现状和不公正的风俗，从而加速实现“一切山谷都将被抬高，一切大山都将被削平，弯曲的将被修直，崎岖的地方将变得平坦”。 3
A genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must become ecumenical rather than sectional.
归根结底，真正的价值观革命意味着我们的忠诚必须是普世性的，而不是局部性的。
Every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.
每个国家现在都必须对整个人类表现出压倒性的忠诚，以保持各自社会的最佳状态。
This call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing -- embracing and unconditional love for all mankind.
这种对全世界友爱的呼吁，使邻里关系超越部落、种族、阶级和国家，实际上是对全人类包容和无条件的爱的呼吁。
This oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily dismissed by the Nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now become an absolute necessity for the survival of man.
这种经常被误解、被曲解的概念，很容易被世界上的尼采视为一种软弱而懦弱的力量而予以驳斥，现在却成为人类生存的绝对必要条件。
When I speak of love I am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response.
当我谈到爱时，我并不是在谈论某种感性的、软弱的反应。
I am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh.
我说的不是那种情绪化的力量。
I am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life.
我说的是所有伟大宗教都将其视为生命的最高统一原则的力量。
Love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality.
爱在某种程度上是打开通向终极现实之门的钥匙。
This Hindu-Muslim-Christian-Jewish-Buddhist belief about ultimate -- ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of Saint John: "Let us love one another, for love is God.
圣约翰的第一封书信完美地总结了这种印度教、穆斯林、基督教、犹太教、佛教关于终极现实的信仰：“让我们彼此相爱，因为爱就是上帝。
And every one that loveth is born of God and knoweth God.
凡有爱心的人都是由神而生，并且认识神。
He that loveth not knoweth not God, for God is love." "If we love one another, God dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us." 4 Let us hope that this spirit will become the order of the day.
没有爱的人就不认识神，因为神就是爱。” “如果我们彼此相爱，神就住在我们里面，他的爱就在我们里面变得完全。” 4 让我们希望这种精神能够成为主流。
We can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation.
我们不能再崇拜仇恨之神或在报复的祭坛前低头。
The oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate.
仇恨的浪潮不断高涨，历史的海洋变得汹涌澎湃。
And history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate.
历史上充斥着走上这条自毁仇恨之路的国家和个人的残骸。
As Arnold Toynbee says:
正如阿诺德·汤因比所说：
Love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil.
爱是最终的力量，它促成生命和善良的拯救选择，反对死亡和邪恶的诅咒选择。
Therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word (unquote).
因此，我们清单中的第一个希望必须是希望爱有最后的决定权（不引用）。
We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today.
我的朋友们，我们现在面临这样一个事实：明天就是今天。
We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now.
我们现在面临着极其紧迫的情况。
In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late.
在这个不断展开的生命和历史难题中，有一种情况是为时已晚。
Procrastination is still the thief of time.
拖延仍然是时间的小偷。
Life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity.
生活常常让我们赤裸裸地站着，因失去机会而沮丧。
The tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood -- it ebbs.
人类事务的潮流不会一直处于涨潮状态，而是会退潮。
We may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on.
我们可能会拼命地呼喊时间让她停下来，但时间对每一次请求都坚持不懈，并继续前进。
Over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, "Too late." There is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect.
在众多文明的漂白骨头和杂乱残骸上写着可悲的话语：“太晚了”。有一本看不见的生命之书，忠实地记录着我们的警惕或忽视。
Omar Khayyam is right: "The moving finger writes, and having writ moves on."
奥马尔·海亚姆（Omar Khayyam）是对的：“移动的手指书写，令状继续前进。”
We still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation.
今天我们仍然有一个选择：非暴力共存或暴力共灭。
We must move past indecision to action.
我们必须克服优柔寡断，采取行动。
We must find new ways to speak for peace in Vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors.
我们必须找到新的方式来为越南的和平和整个发展中世界（一个与我们接壤的世界）伸张正义。
If we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight.
如果我们不采取行动，我们一定会被拖入那条漫长、黑暗、可耻的时间走廊，而这条走廊是为那些拥有权力而没有同情心、力量而没有道德、力量而没有视力的人所保留的。
Now let us begin.
现在让我们开始吧。
Now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world.
现在让我们重新投身于为新世界而进行的漫长而痛苦但又美好的斗争。
This is the calling of the sons of God, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response.
这是神儿女的呼召，我们的弟兄热切地等待我们的回应。
Shall we say the odds are too great?
我们是否应该说可能性太大了？
Shall we tell them the struggle is too hard?
我们要告诉他们斗争太艰难了吗？
Will our message be that the forces of American life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets?
我们要传达的信息是否是，美国生活的力量会妨碍他们成为完整的人，而我们会表示最深切的遗憾吗？
Or will there be another message -- of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of commitment to their cause, whatever the cost?
或者是否还会传达另一种信息——渴望、希望、对他们的渴望的团结、对他们事业的承诺，无论付出什么代价？
The choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.
选择是我们的，尽管我们可能更喜欢它，但我们必须在人类历史的这个关键时刻做出选择。
As that noble bard of yesterday, James Russell Lowell, eloquently stated:
正如昨天那位高贵的吟游诗人詹姆斯·拉塞尔·洛厄尔雄辩地指出的那样：
Once to every man and nation comes a moment to decide, In the strife of truth and Falsehood, for the good or evil side; Some great cause, God�s new Messiah offering each the bloom or blight, And the choice goes by forever �twixt that darkness and that light.
每个人和每个国家都会面临一个决定的时刻，在真理与谎言的斗争中，是善是恶；一些伟大的事业，上帝的新弥赛亚提供了每一种花朵或枯萎，而选择将永远在黑暗和光明之间进行。
Though the cause of evil prosper, yet �tis truth alone is strong Though her portions be the scaffold, and upon the throne be wrong Yet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknown Standeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.
虽然邪恶的事业兴盛，但只有真理才是强大的，虽然她的部分是断头台，而登上宝座是错误的，但那断头台却左右着未来，在昏暗的未知背后，上帝站在阴影里，在他自己的之上守护着。
And if we will only make the right choice, we will be able to transform this pending cosmic elegy into a creative psalm of peace.
只要我们做出正确的选择，我们就能够将这首悬而未决的宇宙挽歌转变成一首创造性的和平颂歌。
If we will make the right choice, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our world into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.
如果我们做出正确的选择，我们将能够将世界上刺耳的不和谐音转变成一首优美的兄弟情谊交响曲。
If we will but make the right choice, we will be able to speed up the day, all over America and all over the world, when "justice will roll down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream." 5
如果我们做出正确的选择，我们将能够加速这一天的到来，在美国和全世界，“正义将如水滚滚，正义将如滔滔江水”。 5
Book/CDs by Michael E.
Michael E. 的书籍/CD
Eidenmuller, Published by McGraw-Hill (2008) 1 King stated "1954." That year was notable for the Civil Rights Movement in the USSC's Brown v.
Eidenmuller，McGraw-Hill 出版 (2008) 1 King 指出“1954 年”。那一年因 USSC 布朗诉肯尼迪案中的民权运动而引人注目。
Board of Education ruling.
教育委员会裁决。
However, given the statement's discursive thrust, King may have meant to say "1964" -- the year he won the Nobel Peace Prize.
然而，考虑到该声明的推论，金可能想说“1964”——他获得诺贝尔和平奖的那一年。
Alternatively, as noted by Steve Goldberg, King may have identified 1954's "burden of responsibility" as the year he became a minister.
或者，正如史蒂夫·戈德堡（Steve Goldberg）指出的那样，金可能将 1954 年的“责任负担”确定为他成为部长的那一年。
2 Isaiah 9:2/Matthew 4:16 3 Isaiah 40:4 4 1 John 4:7-8, 12 5 Amos 5:24 Audio Source : Linked directly to the Internet Archive External Link : http://www.thekingcenter.org/ Research Note : This transcript rechecked for errors and subsequently revised on 10/3/2010.
2 以赛亚书 9:2/马太福音 4:16 3 以赛亚书 40:4 4 约翰一书 4:7-8, 12 5 阿摩司书 5:24 音频来源：直接链接到互联网档案馆 外部链接：http://www.thekingcenter.org/ 研究笔记：本记录重新检查了错误，并于 2010 年 10 月 3 日进行了修订。
Page Updated : 11/1/24 Text and Images = Restricted, seek permission.
页面更新：24 年 11 月 1 日 文本和图像 = 受限，寻求许可。
Copyright inquiries and permission requests may be directed to: Intellectual Properties Management (IPM), the exclusive licensor of the Estate of Martin Luther King, Jr., Inc. at permissions@ipmlicensing.com or 404-526-8968.
版权查询和许可请求可发送至：Intellectual Properties Management (IPM)，马丁·路德·金遗产公司的独家许可方，邮箱为permissions@ipmlicensing.com，电话：404-526-8968。
� Copyright 2001-Present.
� 版权所有 2001 年至今。
American Rhetoric.
美国修辞学。
HTML transcription by Michael E.
HTML 转录由 Michael E.
Eidenmuller.
艾登米勒。