A Time for Choosing -- Ronald Wilson Reagan
Air date 27 October 1964, Los Angeles, CA
播出日期 1964 年 10 月 27 日，加利福尼亚州洛杉矶
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[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio (2)]
[真实性认证：以下文本版本直接转录自音频 (2)]
Program Announcer : Ladies and gentlemen, we take pride in presenting a thoughtful address by Ronald Reagan.
节目播音员：女士们、先生们，我们很自豪能够呈现罗纳德·里根的深思熟虑的演讲。
Mr. Reagan:
里根先生：
Reagan : Thank you.
里根：谢谢。
Thank you very much.
非常感谢。
Thank you and good evening.
谢谢你，晚上好。
The sponsor has been identified, but unlike most television programs, the performer hasn't been provided with a script.
赞助商已经确定，但与大多数电视节目不同的是，表演者尚未获得剧本。
As a matter of fact, I have been permitted to choose my own words and discuss my own ideas regarding the choice that we face in the next few weeks.
事实上，我被允许选择自己的措辞，并讨论我自己对未来几周我们面临的选择的想法。
I have spent most of my life as a Democrat.
我一生的大部分时间都是作为一名民主党人度过的。
I recently have seen fit to follow another course.
我最近发现适合学习另一门课程。
I believe that the issues confronting us cross party lines.
我相信我们面临的问题是跨党派界限的。
Now, one side in this campaign has been telling us that the issues of this election are the maintenance of peace and prosperity.
现在，竞选活动的一方一直告诉我们，这次选举的问题是维护和平与繁荣。
The line has been used, "We've never had it so good."
常用的台词是：“我们从来没有过得这么好。”
But I have an uncomfortable feeling that this prosperity isn't something on which we can base our hopes for the future.
但我有一种不舒服的感觉，这种繁荣并不是我们对未来的希望的基础。
No nation in history has ever survived a tax burden that reached a third of its national income.
历史上没有一个国家能够在税收负担达到其国民收入三分之一的情况下幸存下来。
Today, 37 cents out of every dollar earned in this country is the tax collector's share, and yet our government continues to spend 17 million dollars a day more than the government takes in.
如今，这个国家每赚一美元，就有 37 美分是税收员的份额，但我们的政府每天的支出仍然比政府收入多 1700 万美元。
We haven't balanced our budget 28 out of the last 34 years.
过去 34 年里，我们有 28 年没有实现预算平衡。
We've raised our debt limit three times in the last twelve months, and now our national debt is one and a half times bigger than all the combined debts of all the nations of the world.
在过去十二个月里，我们三度提高了债务上限，现在我们的国债比世界所有国家的债务总和还要大一倍半。
We have 15 billion dollars in gold in our treasury; we don't own an ounce.
我们的国库里有150亿美元的黄金；我们一盎司都没有。
Foreign dollar claims are 27.3 billion dollars.
外币债权273亿美元。
And we've just had announced that the dollar of 1939 will now purchase 45 cents in its total value.
我们刚刚宣布 1939 年的美元现在可以兑换 45 美分的总价值。
As for the peace that we would preserve, I wonder who among us would like to approach the wife or mother whose husband or son has died in South Vietnam and ask them if they think this is a peace that should be maintained indefinitely.
至于我们要维护的和平，我想知道我们当中谁愿意接近丈夫或儿子在南越去世的妻子或母亲，询问他们是否认为这是应该无限期维持的和平。
Do they mean peace, or do they mean we just want to be left in peace?
它们是意味着和平，还是意味着我们只想保持和平？
There can be no real peace while one American is dying some place in the world for the rest of us.
当一名美国人为了我们其他人而在世界某个地方死去时，就不会有真正的和平。
We're at war with the most dangerous enemy that has ever faced mankind in his long climb from the swamp to the stars, and it's been said if we lose that war, and in so doing lose this way of freedom of ours, history will record with the greatest astonishment that those who had the most to lose did the least to prevent its happening.
我们正在与人类从沼泽爬向星际的漫长过程中所面对的最危险的敌人交战，据说，如果我们输掉了这场战争，并因此失去了我们的自由之路，历史将以最大的震惊记录，那些损失最惨重的人却在阻止其发生方面做得最少。
Well I think it's time we ask ourselves if we still know the freedoms that were intended for us by the Founding Fathers.
好吧，我认为我们是时候扪心自问了，我们是否仍然了解开国元勋们为我们设定的自由。
Not too long ago, two friends of mine were talking to a Cuban refugee, a businessman who had escaped from Castro, and in the midst of his story one of my friends turned to the other and said, "We don't know how lucky we are." And the Cuban stopped and said, "How lucky you are?
不久前，我的两个朋友正在与一名古巴难民交谈，他是一名逃离卡斯特罗的商人，在他的故事中，我的一个朋友转向另一个说：“我们不知道我们有多幸运。”古巴人停下来说：“你有多幸运？
I had someplace to escape to." And in that sentence he told us the entire story.
我有地方可以逃。”在这句话中，他告诉了我们整个故事。
If we lose freedom here, there's no place to escape to.
如果我们在这里失去自由，就无处可逃。
This is the last stand on earth.
这是地球上最后的立场。
And this idea that government is beholden to the people, that it has no other source of power except the sovereign people, is still the newest and the most unique idea in all the long history of man's relation to man.
政府对人民负责，除了拥有主权的人民之外，政府没有其他权力来源，这种观念仍然是人与人关系的漫长历史中最新、最独特的观念。
This is the issue of this election: whether we believe in our capacity for self-government or whether we abandon the American revolution and confess that a little intellectual elite in a far-distant capitol can plan our lives for us better than we can plan them ourselves.
这就是这次选举的问题：我们是否相信我们的自治能力，或者我们是否放弃美国革命并承认遥远国会大厦中的一小部分知识精英可以比我们自己更好地为我们规划我们的生活。
You and I are told increasingly we have to choose between a left or right.
你和我越来越多地被告知，我们必须在左派或右派之间做出选择。
Well I'd like to suggest there is no such thing as a left or right.
好吧，我想说的是，没有左或右之分。
There's only an up or down: [up] man's old -- old-aged dream, the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with law and order, or down to the ant heap of totalitarianism.
只有向上或向下：向上是人类古老的梦想，是符合法律和秩序的个人自由的终极，还是向下是极权主义的蚂蚁堆。
And regardless of their sincerity, their humanitarian motives, those who would trade our freedom for security have embarked on this downward course.
无论他们的诚意如何，他们的人道主义动机如何，那些愿意用我们的自由换取安全的人已经走上了这条堕落之路。
In this vote-harvesting time, they use terms like the "Great Society," or as we were told a few days ago by the President, we must accept a greater government activity in the affairs of the people.
在这个拉票的时代，他们使用“伟大社会”之类的术语，或者正如总统几天前告诉我们的那样，我们必须接受政府在人民事务中采取更大的行动。
But they've been a little more explicit in the past and among themselves; and all of the things I now will quote have appeared in print.
但他们过去和彼此之间的态度更加明确。我现在要引用的所有内容都已出版。
These are not Republican accusations.
这些不是共和党的指控。
For example, they have voices that say, "The cold war will end through our acceptance of a not undemocratic socialism." Another voice says, "The profit motive has become outmoded.
例如，他们有这样的声音：“冷战将通过我们接受不民主的社会主义而结束。”另一种声音说：“利润动机已经过时了。
It must be replaced by the incentives of the welfare state." Or, "Our traditional system of individual freedom is incapable of solving the complex problems of the 20th century." Senator Fulbright has said at Stanford University that the Constitution is outmoded.
它必须被福利国家的激励措施所取代。”或者，“我们传统的个人自由体系无法解决20世纪的复杂问题。”参议员富布赖特在斯坦福大学表示，宪法已经过时了。
He referred to the President as "our moral teacher and our leader," and he says he is "hobbled in his task by the restrictions of power imposed on him by this antiquated document." He must "be freed," so that he "can do for us" what he knows "is best." And Senator Clark of Pennsylvania, another articulate spokesman, defines liberalism as "meeting the material needs of the masses through the full power of centralized government."
他将总统称为“我们的道德导师和领袖”，并表示他“因这份过时文件对他的权力限制而阻碍了他的任务”。他必须“获得自由”，这样他才能“为我们做”他认为“最好”的事情。另一位善于表达的发言人、宾夕法尼亚州参议员克拉克将自由主义定义为“通过集权政府的全部权力来满足群众的物质需求”。
Well, I, for one, resent it when a representative of the people refers to you and me, the free men and women of this country, as "the masses." This is a term we haven't applied to ourselves in America.
好吧，就我个人而言，当人民代表将你和我，这个国家的自由男女称为“群众”时，我感到愤怒。我们在美国还没有用过这个词。
But beyond that, "the full power of centralized government" -- this was the very thing the Founding Fathers sought to minimize.
但除此之外，“中央集权政府的全部权力”——这正是开国元勋们试图最小化的事情。
They knew that governments don't control things.
他们知道政府无法控制事情。
A government can't control the economy without controlling people.
政府如果不控制人民就无法控制经济。
And they know when a government sets out to do that, it must use force and coercion to achieve its purpose.
他们知道，当政府着手这样做时，必须使用武力和胁迫来实现其目的。
They also knew, those Founding Fathers, that outside of its legitimate functions, government does nothing as well or as economically as the private sector of the economy.
那些开国元勋们还知道，除了其合法职能之外，政府所做的任何事都没有私营部门那么好或那么经济。
Now, we have no better example of this than government's involvement in the farm economy over the last 30 years.
现在，没有比过去 30 年政府对农业经济的参与更好的例子了。
Since 1955, the cost of this program has nearly doubled.
自 1955 年以来，该计划的成本几乎翻了一番。
One-fourth of farming in America is responsible for 85% of the farm surplus.
美国四分之一的农业生产了 85% 的农业剩余。
Three-fourths of farming is out on the free market and has known a 21% increase in the per capita consumption of all its produce.
四分之三的农业投入自由市场，所有农产品的人均消费量增长了 21%。
You see, that one-fourth of farming -- that's regulated and controlled by the federal government.
你看，四分之一的农业是由联邦政府监管和控制的。
In the last three years we've spent 43 dollars in the feed grain program for every dollar bushel of corn we don't grow.
在过去三年里，我们每不种植一美元蒲式耳的玉米，就在饲料谷物计划上花费 43 美元。
Senator Humphrey last week charged that Barry Goldwater, as President, would seek to eliminate farmers.
汉弗莱参议员上周指责巴里·戈德华特作为总统将寻求消灭农民。
He should do his homework a little better, because he'll find out that we've had a decline of 5 million in the farm population under these government programs.
他应该多做点功课，因为他会发现，在这些政府计划下，我们的农场人口减少了 500 万。
He'll also find that the Democratic administration has sought to get from Congress [an] extension of the farm program to include that three-fourths that is now free.
他还会发现，民主党政府已寻求国会延长农业计划，将目前免费的四分之三纳入其中。
He'll find that they've also asked for the right to imprison farmers who wouldn't keep books as prescribed by the federal government.
他会发现他们还要求有权监禁那些不按照联邦政府规定记账的农民。
The Secretary of Agriculture asked for the right to seize farms through condemnation and resell them to other individuals.
农业部长要求有权通过谴责来没收农场并将其转售给其他个人。
And contained in that same program was a provision that would have allowed the federal government to remove 2 million farmers from the soil.
该计划中还包含一项允许联邦政府将 200 万农民从土地上移走的条款。
At the same time, there's been an increase in the Department of Agriculture employees.
与此同时，农业部的雇员人数有所增加。
There's now one for every 30 farms in the United States, and still they can't tell us how 66 shiploads of grain headed for Austria disappeared without a trace and Billie Sol Estes never left shore.
现在美国每 30 个农场就有一个，但他们仍然无法告诉我们 66 船运往奥地利的谷物是如何消失得无影无踪，而 Billie Sol Estes 却从未离开过海岸。
Every responsible farmer and farm organization has repeatedly asked the government to free the farm economy, but how -- who are farmers to know what's best for them?
每个负责任的农民和农场组织都一再要求政府释放农业经济，但是农民如何知道什么对他们最有利？
The wheat farmers voted against a wheat program.
小麦农民投票反对小麦计划。
The government passed it anyway.
无论如何，政府还是通过了。
Now the price of bread goes up; the price of wheat to the farmer goes down.
现在面包的价格上涨了；农民的小麦价格下降。
Meanwhile, back in the city, under urban renewal the assault on freedom carries on.
与此同时，回到城市，在城市重建中，对自由的攻击仍在继续。
Private property rights [are] so diluted that public interest is almost anything a few government planners decide it should be.
私有财产权被如此稀释，以至于公共利益几乎是少数政府规划者认为应该做的事情。
In a program that takes from the needy and gives to the greedy, we see such spectacles as in Cleveland, Ohio, a million-and-a-half-dollar building completed only three years ago must be destroyed to make way for what government officials call a "more compatible use of the land." The President tells us he's now going to start building public housing units in the thousands, where heretofore we've only built them in the hundreds.
在一项向有需要的人索取、向贪婪的人提供援助的计划中，我们看到了这样的景象：在俄亥俄州克利夫兰，一栋仅三年前竣工、耗资一百万美元的建筑必须被摧毁，以便为政府官员所谓的“更兼容的土地利用”让路。总统告诉我们，他现在将开始建造数千套公共住房，而此前我们只建造了数百套。
But FHA [Federal Housing Authority] and the Veterans Administration tell us they have 120,000 housing units they've taken back through mortgage foreclosure.
但 FHA（联邦住房管理局）和退伍军人管理局告诉我们，他们通过抵押取消赎回权收回了 120,000 套住房。
For three decades, we've sought to solve the problems of unemployment through government planning, and the more the plans fail, the more the planners plan.
三十年来，我们一直寻求通过政府规划来解决失业问题，而计划越失败，规划者的计划就越多。
The latest is the Area Redevelopment Agency.
最新的是地区重建局。
They've just declared Rice County, Kansas, a depressed area.
他们刚刚宣布堪萨斯州赖斯县为经济萧条地区。
Rice County, Kansas, has two hundred oil wells, and the 14,000 people there have over 30 million dollars on deposit in personal savings in their banks.
堪萨斯州赖斯县有 200 口油井，那里的 14,000 人的银行里有超过 3000 万美元的个人储蓄。
And when the government tells you you're depressed, lie down and be depressed.
当政府告诉你你很沮丧时，躺下并感到沮丧。
We have so many people who can't see a fat man standing beside a thin one without coming to the conclusion the fat man got that way by taking advantage of the thin one.
我们有很多人看到一个胖子站在一个瘦子旁边，就会得出这样的结论：胖子是利用了瘦子的优势。
So they're going to solve all the problems of human misery through government and government planning.
因此，他们将通过政府和政府规划来解决人类苦难的所有问题。
Well, now, if government planning and welfare had the answer -- and they've had almost 30 years of it -- shouldn't we expect government to read the score to us once in a while?
好吧，现在，如果政府规划和福利部门已经找到了答案——他们已经有近 30 年的经验了——我们难道不应该期望政府偶尔给我们读一下分数吗？
Shouldn't they be telling us about the decline each year in the number of people needing help?
难道他们不应该告诉我们需要帮助的人数逐年下降吗？
The reduction in the need for public housing?
公共住房需求减少？
But the reverse is true.
但事实恰恰相反。
Each year the need grows greater; the program grows greater.
需求逐年增长；程序变得越来越大。
We were told four years ago that 17 million people went to bed hungry each night.
四年前有人告诉我们，每晚有 1700 万人饿着肚子上床睡觉。
Well that was probably true.
嗯，这可能是真的。
They were all on a diet.
他们都在节食。
But now we're told that 9.3 million families in this country are poverty-stricken on the basis of earning less than 3,000 dollars a year.
但现在我们得知，这个国家有930万家庭年收入不足3000美元，陷入贫困。
Welfare spending [is] 10 times greater than in the dark depths of the Depression.
福利支出是大萧条最黑暗时期的十倍。
We're spending 45 billion dollars on welfare.
我们在福利方面花费了 450 亿美元。
Now do a little arithmetic, and you'll find that if we divided the 45 billion dollars up equally among those 9 million poor families, we'd be able to give each family 4,600 dollars a year.
现在算一下，你会发现，如果我们把这450亿美元平均分给这900万个贫困家庭，我们每年就能给每个家庭4600美元。
And this added to their present income should eliminate poverty.
这增加了他们目前的收入，应该可以消除贫困。
Direct aid to the poor, however, is only running only about 600 dollars per family.
然而，对穷人的直接援助仅为每个家庭提供约 600 美元。
It would seem that someplace there must be some overhead.
看来某个地方一定有一些开销。
Now -- so now we declare " war on poverty ," or "You, too, can be a Bobby Baker." Now do they honestly expect us to believe that if we add 1 billion dollars to the 45 billion we're spending, one more program to the 30-odd we have -- and remember, this new program doesn't replace any, it just duplicates existing programs -- do they believe that poverty is suddenly going to disappear by magic?
现在——所以现在我们宣布“向贫困宣战”，或者“你也可以成为鲍比·贝克”。现在，他们真的希望我们相信，如果我们在 450 亿美元的支出中增加 10 亿美元，在我们已有的 30 多个计划中再增加一个计划——记住，这个新计划不会取代任何计划，它只是重复现有的计划——他们是否相信贫困会突然神奇地消失？
Well, in all fairness I should explain there is one part of the new program that isn't duplicated.
好吧，平心而论，我应该解释一下，新程序的一部分没有重复。
This is the youth feature.
这就是青春的特点。
We're now going to solve the dropout problem, juvenile delinquency, by reinstituting something like the old CCC camps [Civilian Conservation Corps], and we're going to put our young people in these camps.
我们现在要解决辍学问题和青少年犯罪问题，方法是重新建立类似旧的 CCC 营地 [平民保护团] 的机构，我们将把我们的年轻人安置在这些营地中。
But again we do some arithmetic, and we find that we're going to spend each year just on room and board for each young person we help 4,700 dollars a year.
但我们再次算了一下，我们发现每年我们为每个帮助的年轻人的食宿费用就要花费 4,700 美元。
We can send them to Harvard for 2,700!
我们花2700就能送他们去哈佛！
Course, don't get me wrong.
当然，别误会我的意思。
I'm not suggesting Harvard is the answer to juvenile delinquency.
我并不是说哈佛是解决青少年犯罪的答案。
But seriously, what are we doing to those we seek to help?
但说真的，我们对那些我们寻求帮助的人做了什么？
Not too long ago, a judge called me here in Los Angeles.
不久前，一位法官在洛杉矶给我打电话。
He told me of a young woman who'd come before him for a divorce.
他告诉我，有一位年轻女子向他提出离婚。
She had six children, was pregnant with her seventh.
她有六个孩子，目前正怀着第七个孩子。
Under his questioning, she revealed her husband was a laborer earning 250 dollars a month.
在他的询问下，她透露她的丈夫是一名月薪250美元的工人。
She wanted a divorce to get an 80 dollar raise.
她想通过离婚来获得 80 美元的加薪。
She's eligible for 330 dollars a month in the Aid to Dependent Children Program.
她有资格在受抚养儿童援助计划中每月领取 330 美元。
She got the idea from two women in her neighborhood who'd already done that very thing.
她的想法是从她邻居的两位女士那里得到的，她们已经做过这件事了。
Yet anytime you and I question the schemes of the do-gooders, we're denounced as being against their humanitarian goals.
然而，每当你我质疑行善者的计划时，我们都会被谴责为违背他们的人道主义目标。
They say we're always "against" things -- we're never "for" anything.
他们说我们总是“反对”某些事情——我们从不“支持”任何事情。
Well, the trouble with our liberal friends is not that they're ignorant; it's just that they know so much that isn't so.
嗯，我们的自由派朋友的问题不是他们无知，而是他们无知。只是他们知道的太多，事实并非如此。
Now -- we're for a provision that destitution should not follow unemployment by reason of old age, and to that end we've accepted Social Security as a step toward meeting the problem.
现在，我们赞成一项规定，即因年老而失业后不应陷入贫困，为此，我们接受社会保障作为解决这一问题的一个步骤。
But we're against those entrusted with this program when they practice deception regarding its fiscal shortcomings, when they charge that any criticism of the program means that we want to end payments to those people who depend on them for a livelihood.
但是，我们反对那些受托执行该计划的人，因为他们对其财政缺陷进行欺骗，他们指责该计划的任何批评都意味着我们希望停止向那些依赖该计划谋生的人们付款。
They've called it "insurance" to us in a hundred million pieces of literature.
他们在数亿篇文献中将其称为我们的“保险”。
But then they appeared before the Supreme Court and they testified it was a welfare program.
但后来他们出现在最高法院，并证明这是一项福利计划。
They only use the term "insurance" to sell it to the people.
他们只是用“保险”这个词来推销给人们。
And they said Social Security dues are a tax for the general use of the government, and the government has used that tax.
他们说，社会保障费是政府普遍使用的税收，政府已经使用了该税收。
There is no fund, because Robert Byers, the actuarial head, appeared before a congressional committee and admitted that Social Security as of this moment is 298 billion dollars in the hole.
没有基金，因为精算负责人罗伯特·拜尔斯(Robert Byers)在国会委员会面前承认，截至目前，社会保障金已达2980亿美元。
But he said there should be no cause for worry because as long as they have the power to tax, they could always take away from the people whatever they needed to bail them out of trouble.
但他表示，不必担心，因为只要他们有征税的权力，他们就可以从人民那里拿走任何他们需要的东西，以帮助他们摆脱困境。
And they're doing just that.
他们正在这样做。
A young man, 21 years of age, working at an average salary -- his Social Security contribution would, in the open market, buy him an insurance policy that would guarantee 220 dollars a month at age 65.
一个21岁的年轻人，拿着平均工资工作——他的社会保障缴款可以在公开市场上为他购买一份保险，保证他在65岁时每月能得到220美元。
The government promises 127.
政府承诺127。
He could live it up until he's 31 and then take out a policy that would pay more than Social Security.
他可以一直活到 31 岁，然后购买一份比社会保障支付更多的保单。
Now are we so lacking in business sense that we can't put this program on a sound basis, so that people who do require those payments will find they can get them when they're due -- that the cupboard isn't bare?
现在，我们是否如此缺乏商业意识，以至于我们无法将这个计划建立在健全的基础上，以便那些确实需要这些付款的人会发现他们可以在到期时得到它们——橱柜不是空的？
At the same time, can't we introduce voluntary features that would permit a citizen who can do better on his own to be excused upon presentation of evidence that he had made provision for the non-earning years?
与此同时，我们难道不能引入自愿特征，允许那些能够靠自己做得更好的公民在出示证据证明他已为非收入年份做好准备的情况下获得豁免吗？
Should we not allow a widow with children to work, and not lose the benefits supposedly paid for by her deceased husband?
我们是否应该不允许有孩子的寡妇工作，并且不失去她已故丈夫支付的福利？
Shouldn't you and I be allowed to declare who our beneficiaries will be under this program, which we cannot do?
难道你和我不应该被允许宣布谁将是这个计划下我们的受益人，而我们却不能这样做吗？
I think we're for telling our senior citizens that no one in this country should be denied medical care because of a lack of funds.
我认为我们是为了告诉我们的老年人，这个国家的任何人都不应该因为缺乏资金而被拒绝获得医疗服务。
But I think we're against forcing all citizens, regardless of need, into a compulsory government program, especially when we have such examples, as was announced last week, when France admitted that their Medicare program is now bankrupt.
但我认为我们反对强迫所有公民，无论是否需要，加入强制性政府计划，特别是当我们有这样的例子时，正如上周宣布的那样，当时法国承认他们的医疗保险计划现已破产。
They've come to the end of the road.
他们已经到了路的尽头。
In addition, was Barry Goldwater so irresponsible when he suggested that our government give up its program of deliberate, planned inflation, so that when you do get your Social Security pension, a dollar will buy a dollar's worth, and not 45 cents worth?
此外，巴里·戈德华特（Barry Goldwater）建议我们的政府放弃故意、有计划的通货膨胀计划，这样当你领取社会保障养老金时，一美元就可以买到一美元的价值，而不是价值 45 美分的东西，他是否如此不负责任？
I think we're for an international organization, where the nations of the world can seek peace.
我认为我们支持一个国际组织，世界各国可以在这里寻求和平。
But I think we're against subordinating American interests to an organization that has become so structurally unsound that today you can muster a two-thirds vote on the floor of the General Assembly among nations that represent less than 10 percent of the world's population.
但我认为，我们反对让美国的利益服从于一个结构如此不健全的组织，以至于今天你可以在联合国大会上获得代表不到世界人口 10% 的国家的三分之二选票。
I think we're against the hypocrisy of assailing our allies because here and there they cling to a colony, while we engage in a conspiracy of silence and never open our mouths about the millions of people enslaved in the Soviet colonies in the satellite nations.
我认为我们反对攻击我们的盟友的虚伪，因为他们时不时地固守着一个殖民地，而我们则从事着一场沉默的阴谋，从来没有对数百万在卫星国家的苏联殖民地被奴役的人开口说话。
I think we're for aiding our allies by sharing of our material blessings with those nations which share in our fundamental beliefs, but we're against doling out money government to government, creating bureaucracy, if not socialism, all over the world.
我认为我们支持通过与那些与我们有共同基本信念的国家分享我们的物质福祉来帮助我们的盟友，但我们反对政府向政府发放资金，从而在全世界创造官僚主义，甚至社会主义。
We set out to help 19 countries.
我们着手帮助 19 个国家。
We're helping 107.
我们正在帮助107。
We've spent 146 billion dollars.
我们已经花费了1460亿美元。
With that money, we bought a 2 million dollar yacht for Haile Selassie.
用这笔钱，我们为 Haile Selassie 买了一艘价值 200 万美元的游艇。
We bought dress suits for Greek undertakers, extra wives for Kenya[n] government officials.
我们为希腊殡葬承办人购买了正装，为肯尼亚政府官员购买了额外的妻子。
We bought a thousand TV sets for a place where they have no electricity.
我们为没有电的地方买了一千台电视机。
In the last six years, 52 nations have bought 7 billion dollars worth of our gold, and all 52 are receiving foreign aid from this country.
在过去的六年里，52个国家购买了价值70亿美元的黄金，所有52个国家都接受了来自这个国家的外援。
No government ever voluntarily reduces itself in size.
没有哪个政府会自愿缩小自身规模。
So, governments' programs, once launched, never disappear.
因此，政府的计划一旦启动就永远不会消失。
Actually, a government bureau is the nearest thing to eternal life we'll ever see on this earth.
事实上，政府机构是我们在地球上见过的最接近永生的东西。
Federal employees -- federal employees number two and a half million; and federal, state, and local, one out of six of the nation's work force employed by government.
联邦雇员——联邦雇员有二百五十万；联邦、州和地方，全国六分之一的劳动力受雇于政府。
These proliferating bureaus with their thousands of regulations have cost us many of our constitutional safeguards.
这些不断增加的机构及其数千项法规使我们失去了许多宪法保障。
How many of us realize that today federal agents can invade a man's property without a warrant?
我们中有多少人意识到今天联邦特工可以在没有搜查令的情况下侵入一个人的财产？
They can impose a fine without a formal hearing, let alone a trial by jury?
他们可以在没有正式听证会的情况下处以罚款，更不用说陪审团审判了？
And they can seize and sell his property at auction to enforce the payment of that fine.
他们可以没收并拍卖他的财产，以强制支付罚款。
In Chico County, Arkansas, James Wier over-planted his rice allotment.
在阿肯色州奇科县，詹姆斯·维尔过度种植了他的水稻分配地。
The government obtained a 17,000 dollar judgment.
政府获得了 17,000 美元的判决。
And a U.S. marshal sold his 960-acre farm at auction.
一位美国法警在拍卖会上出售了他的 960 英亩农场。
The government said it was necessary as a warning to others to make the system work.
政府表示，为了让该系统发挥作用，有必要对其他人发出警告。
Last February 19th at the University of Minnesota, Norman Thomas, six-times candidate for President on the Socialist Party ticket, said, "If Barry Goldwater became President, he would stop the advance of socialism in the United States." I think that's exactly what he will do.
去年2月19日，六次参加社会党总统候选人的诺曼·托马斯在明尼苏达大学表示，“如果巴里·戈德华特成为总统，他将阻止社会主义在美国的前进。”我认为这正是他会做的。
But as a former Democrat, I can tell you Norman Thomas isn't the only man who has drawn this parallel to socialism with the present administration, because back in 1936, Mr. Democrat himself, Al Smith, the great American, came before the American people and charged that the leadership of his Party was taking the Party of Jefferson, Jackson, and Cleveland down the road under the banners of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin.
但作为一名前民主党人，我可以告诉你，诺曼·托马斯并不是唯一一个将现任政府与社会主义相提并论的人，因为早在1936年，民主党先生本人，伟大的美国人阿尔·史密斯，就来到美国人民面前，指责他的政党的领导正在马克思、列宁和斯大林的旗帜下带领杰斐逊、杰克逊和克利夫兰的政党走上这条道路。
And he walked away from his Party, and he never returned til the day he died -- because to this day, the leadership of that Party has been taking that Party, that honorable Party, down the road in the image of the labor Socialist Party of England.
他离开了他的政党，直到去世的那一天才回来——因为直到今天，该党的领导层一直在带领这个政党，那个光荣的政党，按照英国工党社会党的形象走下去。
Now it doesn't require expropriation or confiscation of private property or business to impose socialism on a people.
现在不需要征用或没收私有财产或企业来将社会主义强加给人民。
What does it mean whether you hold the deed to the -- or the title to your business or property if the government holds the power of life and death over that business or property?
如果您持有您的企业或财产的契约，或者如果政府拥有对该企业或财产的生杀大权，这意味着什么？
And such machinery already exists.
这种机器已经存在。
The government can find some charge to bring against any concern it chooses to prosecute.
政府可以对其选择起诉的任何关注提出一些指控。
Every businessman has his own tale of harassment.
每个商人都有自己的骚扰故事。
Somewhere a perversion has taken place.
某处发生了变态。
Our natural, unalienable rights are now considered to be a dispensation of government, and freedom has never been so fragile, so close to slipping from our grasp as it is at this moment.
我们自然的、不可剥夺的权利现在被认为是政府的特权，自由从未像现在这样脆弱，如此接近从我们手中溜走。
Our Democratic opponents seem unwilling to debate these issues.
我们的民主党对手似乎不愿意辩论这些问题。
They want to make you and I believe that this is a contest between two men -- that we're to choose just between two personalities.
他们想让你和我相信这是两个人之间的竞争——我们只能在两种性格之间做出选择。
Well what of this man that they would destroy -- and in destroying, they would destroy that which he represents, the ideas that you and I hold dear?
那么他们要摧毁的这个人呢？在摧毁的过程中，他们会摧毁他所代表的东西，也就是你我所珍视的思想？
Is he the brash and shallow and trigger-happy man they say he is?
他是不是他们所说的那个傲慢、肤浅、好战的人？
Well I've been privileged to know him "when." I knew him long before he ever dreamed of trying for high office, and I can tell you personally I've never known a man in my life I believed so incapable of doing a dishonest or dishonorable thing.
嗯，我很荣幸“什么时候”认识他。早在他梦想尝试担任高级职位之前我就认识他了，我可以亲自告诉你，我一生中从未认识过一个我相信他没有能力做不诚实或不名誉的事情的人。
This is a man who, in his own business before he entered politics, instituted a profit-sharing plan before unions had ever thought of it.
这个人在进入政界之前就已经在自己的生意上制定了利润分享计划，而工会却没有想到这一计划。
He put in health and medical insurance for all his employees.
他为所有员工购买了健康和医疗保险。
He took 50 percent of the profits before taxes and set up a retirement program, a pension plan for all his employees.
他提取了 50% 的税前利润，并制定了退休计划，为所有员工制定养老金计划。
He sent monthly checks for life to an employee who was ill and couldn't work.
他每月向一名生病而无法工作的员工寄出终身支票。
He provides nursing care for the children of mothers who work in the stores.
他为在商店工作的母亲的孩子提供护理。
When Mexico was ravaged by the floods in the Rio Grande, he climbed in his airplane and flew medicine and supplies down there.
当墨西哥遭受格兰德河洪水蹂躏时，他爬上飞机，将药品和物资空运到那里。
An ex-GI told me how he met him.
一位前士兵告诉我他是如何认识他的。
It was the week before Christmas during the Korean War, and he was at the Los Angeles airport trying to get a ride home to Arizona for Christmas.
那是朝鲜战争期间圣诞节前一周，他在洛杉矶机场试图乘车返回亚利桑那州过圣诞节。
And he said that [there were] a lot of servicemen there and no seats available on the planes.
他说那里有很多军人，但飞机上没有座位。
And then a voice came over the loudspeaker and said, "Any men in uniform wanting a ride to Arizona, go to runway such-and-such," and they went down there, and there was a fellow named Barry Goldwater sitting in his plane.
然后扩音器里传来一个声音说：“任何穿制服的人想要搭车去亚利桑那州，就去某条跑道。”然后他们就到了那里，有一个名叫巴里·戈德华特的人坐在他的飞机上。
Every day in those weeks before Christmas, all day long, he'd load up the plane, fly it to Arizona, fly them to their homes, fly back over to get another load.
在圣诞节前的那几周里，他每天一整天都在给飞机装货，飞往亚利桑那州，带他们回家，然后飞回来再装货。
During the hectic split-second timing of a campaign, this is a man who took time out to sit beside an old friend who was dying of cancer.
在竞选活动紧张的瞬间，这位男士抽出时间坐在一位死于癌症的老朋友身边。
His campaign managers were understandably impatient, but he said, "There aren't many left who care what happens to her.
他的竞选经理很不耐烦，这是可以理解的，但他说，“已经没有多少人关心她发生了什么。
I'd like her to know I care." This is a man who said to his 19-year-old son, "There is no foundation like the rock of honesty and fairness, and when you begin to build your life on that rock, with the cement of the faith in God that you have, then you have a real start." This is not a man who could carelessly send other people's sons to war.
我想让她知道我在乎她。”这个人对他 19 岁的儿子说：“没有什么根基能比得上诚实和公平的磐石，当你开始把你的生活建立在这磐石上，用你对上帝的信仰作为水泥，那么你就有了一个真正的开始。”这不是一个可以随便把别人的儿子送上战场的人。
And that is the issue of this campaign that makes all the other problems I've discussed academic, unless we realize we're in a war that must be won.
这就是这场竞选的问题，它使我讨论过的所有其他问题都变得学术化，除非我们意识到我们正处于一场必须获胜的战争中。
Those who would trade our freedom for the soup kitchen of the welfare state have told us they have a utopian solution of peace without victory.
那些愿意用我们的自由换取福利国家施粥所的人告诉我们，他们有一个乌托邦式的和平解决方案，但没有胜利。
They call their policy "accommodation." And they say if we'll only avoid any direct confrontation with the enemy, he'll forget his evil ways and learn to love us.
他们称他们的政策为“通融”。他们说，如果我们避免与敌人发生任何直接对抗，他就会忘记他的邪恶方式并学会爱我们。
All who oppose them are indicted as warmongers.
所有反对他们的人都被指控为战争贩子。
They say we offer simple answers to complex problems.
他们说我们为复杂的问题提供简单的答案。
Well, perhaps there is a simple answer -- not an easy answer -- but simple: If you and I have the courage to tell our elected officials that we want our national policy based on what we know in our hearts is morally right.
好吧，也许有一个简单的答案——不是一个简单的答案——但很简单：如果你和我有勇气告诉我们民选的官员，我们希望我们的国家政策建立在我们内心知道的道德正确的基础上。
We cannot buy our security, our freedom from the threat of the bomb by committing an immorality so great as saying to a billion human beings now enslaved behind the Iron Curtain , "Give up your dreams of freedom because to save our own skins, we're willing to make a deal with your slave masters." Alexander Hamilton said, "A nation which can prefer disgrace to danger is prepared for a master, and deserves one." Now let's set the record straight.
我们不能通过犯下如此不道德的行为来换取我们的安全，我们免受炸弹威胁的自由，就像对现在被奴役在铁幕后面的十亿人说：“放弃你们的自由梦想，因为为了拯救我们自己的生命，我们愿意与你们的奴隶主达成协议。”亚历山大·汉密尔顿说：“一个宁愿受辱也不愿面对危险的国家已经准备好迎接一位主人，并且值得拥有一位主人。”现在让我们澄清事实。
There's no argument over the choice between peace and war, but there's only one guaranteed way you can have peace -- and you can have it in the next second -- surrender.
和平与战争之间的选择是没有争议的，但只有一种有保证的方式可以让你获得和平——而且你可以在下一秒获得和平——投降。
Admittedly, there's a risk in any course we follow other than this, but every lesson of history tells us that the greater risk lies in appeasement, and this is the specter our well-meaning liberal friends refuse to face -- that their policy of accommodation is appeasement, and it gives no choice between peace and war, only between fight or surrender.
诚然，除此之外，我们采取的任何做法都存在风险，但历史的每一个教训都告诉我们，更大的风险在于绥靖政策，而这是我们善意的自由派朋友拒绝面对的幽灵——他们的和解政策就是绥靖政策，在和平与战争之间没有选择，只有战斗或投降。
If we continue to accommodate, continue to back and retreat, eventually we have to face the final demand -- the ultimatum.
如果我们继续迁就，继续退缩，最终我们还是要面对最后的要求——最后通牒。
And what then -- when Nikita Khrushchev has told his people he knows what our answer will be?
那么当尼基塔·赫鲁晓夫告诉他的人民他知道我们的答案是什么时呢？
He has told them that we're retreating under the pressure of the Cold War, and someday when the time comes to deliver the final ultimatum, our surrender will be voluntary, because by that time we will have been weakened from within spiritually, morally, and economically.
他告诉他们，我们正在冷战的压力下撤退，有一天，当发出最后通牒的时候，我们的投降将是自愿的，因为到那时我们将在精神上、道德上和经济上被削弱。
He believes this because from our side he's heard voices pleading for "peace at any price" or "better Red than dead," or as one commentator put it, he'd rather "live on his knees than die on his feet." And therein lies the road to war, because those voices don't speak for the rest of us.
他相信这一点，因为从我们这边他听到了恳求“不惜一切代价实现和平”或“红总比死好”的声音，或者正如一位评论员所说，他宁愿“跪着生，也不愿站着死”。这就是通往战争的道路，因为这些声音不代表我们其他人。
You and I know and do not believe that life is so dear and peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery.
你我都知道，但并不相信，生命如此珍贵，和平如此甜蜜，以至于需要以锁链和奴役的代价才能换来。
If nothing in life is worth dying for, when did this begin -- just in the face of this enemy?
如果生命中没有什么值得为之而死，那么这一切是从什么时候开始的——就在面对这个敌人时？
Or should Moses have told the children of Israel to live in slavery under the pharaohs?
或者摩西应该告诉以色列人在法老的统治下生活为奴吗？
Should Christ have refused the cross?
基督应该拒绝十字架吗？
Should the patriots at Concord Bridge have thrown down their guns and refused to fire the shot heard 'round the world?
康科德桥上的爱国者们是否应该放下手中的枪，拒绝发射“全世界都能听到的枪声”？
The martyrs of history were not fools, and our honored dead who gave their lives to stop the advance of the Nazis didn't die in vain.
历史上的烈士不是傻子，我们那些为阻止纳粹前进而献出生命的光荣死者也没有白白牺牲。
Where, then, is the road to peace?
那么，和平之路在哪里呢？
Well it's a simple answer after all.
毕竟这是一个简单的答案。
You and I have the courage to say to our enemies, "There is a price we will not pay." There is a point beyond which they must not advance.
你我都有勇气对我们的敌人说：“有一个我们不会付出的代价。”他们不能超越一个点。
And this -- this is the meaning in the phrase of Barry Goldwater's "peace through strength." Winston Churchill said, "The destiny of man is not measured by material computations.
这就是巴里·戈德华特“通过力量实现和平”这句话的含义。温斯顿·丘吉尔说过：“人的命运不是用物质计算来衡量的。
When great forces are on the move in the world, we learn we're spirits -- not animals." And he said, "There's something going on in time and space, and beyond time and space, which, whether we like it or not, spells duty."
当强大的力量在世界上移动时，我们知道我们是灵魂，而不是动物。”他说，“在时间和空间中，以及在时间和空间之外，正在发生一些事情，无论我们喜欢与否，这都意味着责任。”
You and I have a rendezvous with destiny.
你我有缘分的相遇。
We'll preserve for our children this, the last best hope of man on earth, or we'll sentence them to take the last step into a thousand years of darkness.
我们将为我们的孩子保留这个地球上人类最后最好的希望，否则我们将判他们迈出一千年黑暗的最后一步。
We will keep in mind and remember that Barry Goldwater has faith in us.
我们将铭记巴里·戈德华特对我们的信任。
He has faith that you and I have the ability and the dignity and the right to make our own decisions and determine our own destiny.
他相信你和我有能力、有尊严、有权利做出自己的决定并决定自己的命运。
Book/CDs by Michael E.
Michael E. 的书籍/CD
Eidenmuller, Published by McGraw-Hill (2008) Audio Source : The Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation & Library
艾登米勒 (Eidenmuller)，麦格劳-希尔 (McGraw-Hill) 出版 (2008) 音频来源：罗纳德·里根总统基金会和图书馆
Page Updated : 9/13/25 U.S. Copyright Status : T ext and Audio = Property of A merican R hetoric.com.
页面更新：25 年 9 月 13 日美国版权状态：文本和音频 = American R hetoric.com 的财产。
Video = CC by 3.0 .
视频 = CC 3.0。
� Copyright 2001-Present.
� 版权所有 2001 年至今。
American Rhetoric.
美国修辞学。
HTML transcription by Michael E.
HTML 转录由 Michael E.
Eidenmuller.
艾登米勒。