Berlin Speech (1987)
Mr. Governing Mayor, Mr. Chancellor, Excellencies, you ladies and gentlemen:
州长先生、财政大臣先生、各位阁下、女士们、先生们:
It was one of Germany's greatest sons, Goethe, who said that "there is strong shadow where there is much light." In our times, Berlin, more than any other place in the world, is such a meeting place of light and shadow, tyranny and freedom.
It was one of Germany's greatest sons, Goethe, who said that "there is strong shadow where there is much light."在我们这个时代,柏林比世界上任何其他地方都更能体现光与影、暴政与自由的交汇处。
To be here is truly to stand on freedom's edge and in the shadow of a wall that has come to symbolize all that is darkest in the world today, to sense how shining and priceless and how much in need of constant vigilance and protection our legacy of liberty is.
来到这里,就真正站在自由的边缘,站在象征着当今世界最黑暗的墙的阴影下,感受到我们的自由遗产是多么的闪耀和无价,以及多么需要不断的警惕和保护。
This day marks a happy return for us.
这一天标志着我们的幸福回归。
We paid our first visit to this great city more than 3 years ago, as private citizens.
We paid our first visit to this great city more than 3 years ago, as private citizens.
As with every other citizen to Berlin or visitor to Berlin, I came away with a vivid impression of a city that is more than a place on the map—a city that is a testament to what is both most inspiring and most troubling about the time we live in.
与每一位来到柏林的公民或来柏林的游客一样,我对这座城市留下了生动的印象,它不仅仅是地图上的一个地方,它证明了我们生活的这个时代最鼓舞人心和最令人不安的地方。
Thomas Mann once wrote that "A man lives not only his personal life as an individual, but also consciously or unconsciously the life of his epoch." Nowhere is this more true than in Berlin, where each moment of everyday life is spent against the backdrop of contending global systems and ideas.
托马斯·曼曾经写道:“一个人不仅过着作为个体的个人生活,而且自觉或不自觉地过着他那个时代的生活。”没有什么地方比柏林更能体现这一点了,那里日常生活的每一刻都是在全球体系和思想相互竞争的背景下度过的。
To be a Berliner is to live the great historic struggle of this age, the latest chapter in man's timeless quest for freedom.
To be a Berliner is to live the great historic struggle of this age, the latest chapter in man's timeless quest for freedom.
As Americans, we understand this.
作为美国人,我们理解这一点。
Our commitment to Berlin is a lasting one.
我们对柏林的承诺是持久的。
Thousands of our citizens have served here since the first small contingent of American troops arrived on July 4th, 1945, the anniversary of our independence as a nation.
自 1945 年 7 月 4 日(我们国家独立周年纪念日)第一批美国军队小分队抵达以来,已有数千名我国公民在此服役。
Americans have served here ever since— not as conquerors, but as guardians of the freedom of West Berlin and its brave, proud, people.
Americans have served here ever since— not as conquerors, but as guardians of the freedom of West Berlin and its brave, proud, people.
Today I want to pay tribute to my fellow countrymen, military and civilian, who serve their country and the people of Berlin and, in so doing, stand as sentinels of freedom everywhere.
今天,我要向我的同胞们,无论是军人还是平民,致敬,他们为国家和柏林人民服务,并以此作为世界各地自由的哨兵。
I also wish to pay my personal respects to the people of this great city.
I also wish to pay my personal respects to the people of this great city.
My visit here today is proof that this American commitment has been worthwhile.
My visit here today is proof that this American commitment has been worthwhile.
Our freedom is indivisible.
我们的自由是不可分割的。
The American commitment to Berlin is much deeper than our military presence here.
The American commitment to Berlin is much deeper than our military presence here.
In the 37 years since World War II, a succession of American Presidents has made it clear that our role in Berlin is emblematic of our larger search for peace throughout Europe and the world.
第二次世界大战后的 37 年里,历任美国总统都明确表示,我们在柏林所扮演的角色象征着我们在整个欧洲和世界范围内寻求和平的更大努力。
Ten years ago this month, that search brought into force the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin.
十年前的这个月,这次搜寻使柏林四方协议生效。
A decade later, West Berliners live more securely, can travel more freely and, most significantly, have more contact with friends and relatives in East Berlin and East Germany than was possible 10 years ago.
十年后,西柏林人的生活更加安全,可以更加自由地旅行,最重要的是,与十年前相比,与东柏林和东德的亲友有更多的联系。
These achievements reflect the realistic approach of Allied negotiators, who recognized that practical progress can be made even while basic differences remain between East and West.
这些成就反映了盟军谈判代表的现实态度,他们认识到即使东西方之间仍然存在基本分歧,也可以取得实际进展。
As a result, both sides have managed to handle their differences in Berlin without the clash of arms, to the benefit of all mankind.
As a result, both sides have managed to handle their differences in Berlin without the clash of arms, to the benefit of all mankind.
The United States remains committed to the Berlin agreement.
The United States remains committed to the Berlin agreement.
We will continue to expect strict observance and full implementation in all aspects of this accord, including those which apply to the eastern sector of Berlin.
我们将继续期望该协议的各个方面得到严格遵守和全面执行,包括适用于柏林东区的方面。
But if we are heartened by the partial progress achieved in Berlin, other developments make us aware of the growing military power and expansionism of the Soviet Union.
但是,如果我们对柏林取得的部分进展感到鼓舞,那么其他事态发展则让我们意识到苏联日益增长的军事实力和扩张主义。
Instead of working with the West to reduce tensions and erase the danger of war, the Soviet Union is engaged in the greatest military buildup in the history of the world.
苏联没有与西方合作缓和紧张局势并消除战争危险,而是进行了世界历史上最大规模的军事集结。
It has used its new-found might to ruthlessly pursue it goals around the world.
它利用新发现的力量在世界各地无情地追求其目标。
As the sad case of Afghanistan proves, the Soviet Union has not always respected the precious right of national sovereignty it is committed to uphold as a signatory of the United Nations Charter.
阿富汗的惨案证明,苏联并不总是尊重其作为《联合国宪章》签署国所承诺维护的宝贵国家主权权利。
And only one day's auto ride from here, in the great city of Warsaw, a courageous people suffer, because they dare to strive for the very fundamental human rights which that Helsinki Final Act proclaimed.
距离这里只有一天的车程,在华沙这个伟大的城市,勇敢的人民正在遭受苦难,因为他们敢于为赫尔辛基最终法案所宣布的基本人权而奋斗。
The citizens of free Berlin appreciate better than anyone the importance of allied unity in the face of such challenges.
自由柏林的公民比任何人都更了解在面对此类挑战时结盟的重要性。
Ten years after the Berlin agreement, the hope it engendered for lasting peace remains a hope rather than a certainty.
Ten years after the Berlin agreement, the hope it engendered for lasting peace remains a hope rather than a certainty.
But the hopes of free people—be they German or American-are stubborn things.
但自由人民——无论是德国人还是美国人——的希望都是顽固的。
We will not be lulled or bullied into fatalism, into resignation.
We will not be lulled or bullied into fatalism, into resignation.
We believe that progress for just and lasting peace can be made, that substantial areas of agreement can be reached with potential adversaries when the forces of freedom act with firmness, unity, and a sincere willingness to negotiate.
我们相信,当自由力量以坚定、团结和真诚的谈判意愿采取行动时,就可以在公正和持久的和平方面取得进展,可以与潜在对手达成实质性协议。
To succeed at the negotiating table, we allies have learned that a healthy military balance is a necessity.
为了在谈判桌上取得成功,我们盟国已经认识到,健康的军事平衡是必要的。
Yesterday, the other NATO heads of government and I agreed that it is essential to preserve and strengthen such a military balance.
昨天,我和其他北约政府首脑一致认为,维持和加强这种军事平衡至关重要。
And let there be no doubt: The United States will continue to honor its commitment to Berlin.
毫无疑问:美国将继续履行其对柏林的承诺。
Our forces will remain here as long as necessary to preserve the peace and protect the freedom of the people of Berlin.
只要有必要,我们的部队就会留在这里,以维护和平并保护柏林人民的自由。
For us the American presence in Berlin, as long as it is needed, is not a burden; it is a sacred trust.
对我们来说,美国在柏林的存在,只要有需要,就不是负担;而是一种负担。 it is a sacred trust.
Ours is a defensive mission.
我们的任务是防御。
We pose no threat to those who live on the other side of the wall.
我们不会对住在墙另一边的人构成威胁。
But we do extend a challenge, a new Berlin initiative to the leaders of the Soviet bloc.
但我们确实向苏联集团领导人提出了一项挑战,一项新的柏林倡议。
It is a challenge for peace.
这是对和平的挑战。
We challenge the men in the Kremlin to join with us in the quest for peace, security, and a lowering of the tensions and weaponry that could lead to future conflict.
我们要求克里姆林宫的人们与我们一起寻求和平、安全,并减少可能导致未来冲突的紧张局势和武器装备。
We challenge the Soviet Union, as we proposed last year, to eliminate their SS—20, SS-4, and SS-5 missiles.
正如我们去年所提议的那样,我们挑战苏联消除其 SS-20、SS-4 和 SS-5 导弹。
If Chairman Brezhnev agrees to this, we stand ready to forgo all of our ground-launched cruise missiles and Pershing II missiles.
如果勃列日涅夫主席同意这一点,我们随时准备放弃所有地面发射的巡航导弹和潘兴II型导弹。
We challenge the Soviet Union, as NATO proposed yesterday, to slash the conventional ground forces of the Warsaw Pact and NATO in Central Europe to 700,000 men each and the total ground and air forces of the two alliances to 900,000 men each.
我们向苏联提出挑战,正如北约昨天提议的那样,将华沙条约组织和北约在中欧的常规地面部队削减至各70万人,并将两个联盟的地面和空军总兵力各削减至90万人。
And we challenge the Soviet Union to live up to its signature its leader placed on the Helsinki treaty, so that the basic human rights of Soviet and Eastern Europe people will be respected.
我们要求苏联履行其领导人在赫尔辛基条约上签署的承诺,以便苏联和东欧人民的基本人权得到尊重。
A positive response to these sincere and reasonable points from the Soviets, these calls for conciliation instead of confrontation, could open the door for a conference on disarmament in Europe.
对苏联这些真诚而合理的观点做出积极回应,呼吁和解而不是对抗,可能会为欧洲裁军会议打开大门。
We Americans—we Americans are optimists, but we are also realists.
我们美国人——我们美国人是乐观主义者,但我们也是现实主义者。
We're a peaceful people, but we're not a weak or gullible people.
我们是爱好和平的人民,但我们不是软弱或容易受骗的人民。
So, we look with hope to the Soviet Union's response.
因此,我们满怀希望地期待苏联的反应。
But we expect positive actions rather than rhetoric as the first proof of Soviet good intentions.
但我们期待积极的行动而不是言辞作为苏联善意的第一个证明。
We expect that the response to my Berlin initiative for peace will demonstrate finally that the Soviet Union is serious about working to reduce tensions in other parts of the world as they have been able to do here in Berlin.
我们期望,对我的柏林和平倡议的回应将最终表明,苏联认真致力于缓解世界其他地区的紧张局势,就像他们在柏林所做的那样。
Peace, it has been said, is more than the absence of armed conflict.
有人说,和平不仅仅是没有武装冲突。
Reducing military forces alone will not automatically guarantee the long-term prospects for peace.
仅减少军事力量并不能自动保证长期和平前景。
Several times in the 1950's and '60's the world went to the brink of war over Berlin.
20世纪50年代和60年代,世界多次因柏林问题陷入战争边缘。
Those confrontations did not come because of military forces or operations alone.
这些对抗并不是仅仅因为军事力量或行动而发生的。
They arose because the Soviet Union refused to allow the free flow of peoples and ideas between East and West.
它们的出现是因为苏联拒绝允许东西方之间的人民和思想自由流动。
And they came because the Soviet authorities and their minions repressed millions of citizens in Eastern Germany who did not wish to live under a Communist dictatorship.
他们之所以到来,是因为苏联当局及其爪牙镇压了东德数百万不愿生活在共产主义独裁统治下的公民。
So, I want to concentrate the second part of America's new Berlin initiative on ways to reduce the human barriers—barriers as bleak and brutal as the Berlin Wall itself-which divide Europe today.
因此,我想将美国新柏林倡议的第二部分集中讨论如何减少当今欧洲分裂的人类障碍——这些障碍就像柏林墙本身一样荒凉而残酷。
If I had only one message to urge on the leaders of the Soviet bloc, it would be this: Think of your own coming generations.
如果我只有一个信息要敦促苏联集团的领导人的话,那就是:想想你们自己的后代。
Look with me 10 years into the future when we will celebrate the 20th anniversary of the Berlin agreement.
和我一起展望 10 年后,届时我们将庆祝柏林协议 20 周年。
What then will be the fruits of our efforts?
那么我们努力的成果会是什么呢?
Do the Soviet leaders want to be remembered for a prison wall, ringed with barbed wire and armed guards whose weapons are aimed at innocent civilians—their own civilians?
苏联领导人是否希望人们记住监狱的围墙、周围环绕着铁丝网和武装警卫,他们的武器瞄准的是无辜平民——他们自己的平民?
Do they want to conduct themselves in a way that will earn only the contempt of free peoples and the distrust of their own citizens?
他们是否想以一种只会赢得自由人民的蔑视和本国公民的不信任的方式行事?
Or do they want to be remembered for having taken up our offer to use Berlin as a starting point for true efforts to reduce the human and political divisions which are the ultimate cause of every war?
或者他们是否希望被铭记,因为他们接受了我们的提议,以柏林为起点,真正努力减少人类和政治分歧,而人类和政治分歧是每场战争的最终原因?
We in the West have made our choice.
我们西方人已经做出了选择。
America and our allies welcome peaceful competition in ideas, in economics, and in all facets of human activity.
美国和我们的盟友欢迎在思想、经济和人类活动的各个方面进行和平竞争。
We seek no advantage.
We seek no advantage.
We covet no territory.
We covet no territory.
And we wish to force no ideology or way of life on others.
我们不希望将任何意识形态或生活方式强加于他人。
The time has come, 10 years after the Berlin agreement, to fulfill the promise it seemed to offer at its dawn.
柏林协议签署十年后,是时候兑现其在签署之初所做出的承诺了。
I call on President Brezhnev to join me in a sincere effort to translate the dashed hopes of the 1970's into the reality of a safer and freer Europe in the 1980's.
我呼吁勃列日涅夫总统与我一起真诚努力,将 1970 年代破灭的希望转化为 1980 年代欧洲更安全、更自由的现实。
I am determined to assure that our civilization averts the catastrophe of a nuclear war.
我决心确保我们的文明避免核战争的灾难。
Stability depends primarily on the maintenance of a military balance which offers no temptation to an aggressor.
稳定主要取决于维持军事平衡,防止侵略者受到诱惑。
And the arms control proposals which I have made are designed to enhance deterrence and achieve stability at substantially lower and equal force levels.
我提出的军控建议旨在增强威慑力,并在大幅降低和平等的兵力水平上实现稳定。
At the same time, other measures might be negotiated between the United States and the Soviet Union to reinforce the peace and help reduce the possibility of a nuclear conflict.
与此同时,美国和苏联可能会就其他措施进行谈判,以加强和平并帮助减少核冲突的可能性。
These include measures to enhance mutual confidence and to improve communication both in time of peace and in a crisis.
其中包括在和平时期和危机时期增强互信和改善沟通的措施。
Past agreements have created the hot line between Moscow and Washington, established measures to reduce the danger of nuclear accidents, and provided for notification of some missile launches.
过去的协议在莫斯科和华盛顿之间建立了热线,制定了减少核事故危险的措施,并规定了某些导弹发射的通知。
We are now studying other concrete and practical steps to help further reduce the risk of a nuclear conflict which I intend to explore with the Soviet Union.
我们现在正在研究其他具体和实际的步骤,以帮助进一步减少核冲突的风险,我打算与苏联探讨这一点。
It is time we went further to avert the risk of war through accident or misunderstanding.
现在是我们进一步避免因意外或误解而引发战争风险的时候了。
We shortly will approach the Soviet Union with proposals in such areas as notification of strategic exercises, of missile launches, and expanded exchange of strategic forces data.
我们很快将向苏联提出有关战略演习通知、导弹发射以及扩大战略力量数据交换等领域的建议。
Taken together, these steps would represent a qualitative improvement in the nuclear environment.
总而言之,这些步骤将代表核环境的质的改善。
They would help reduce the chances of misinterpretation in the case of exercises and test launches.
它们将有助于减少练习和测试启动时出现误解的可能性。
And they would reduce the secrecy and ambiguity which surround military activity.
它们还将减少军事活动的保密性和模糊性。
We are considering additional measures as well.
我们也在考虑采取其他措施。
We will be making these proposals in good faith to the Soviet Union.
我们将真诚地向苏联提出这些建议。
We hope that their response to this Berlin initiative, so appropriate to a city that is acutely conscious of the costs and risks of war, will be positive.
我们希望他们对柏林这一倡议的反应将是积极的,因为它非常适合一个敏锐地意识到战争成本和风险的城市。
A united, resolute Western Alliance stands ready to defend itself if necessary.
一个团结、坚定的西方联盟随时准备在必要时保卫自己。
But we are also ready to work with the Soviet bloc in peaceful cooperation if the leaders of the East are willing to respond in kind.
但如果东方领导人愿意做出同样的回应,我们也准备与苏联集团进行和平合作。
Let them remember the message of Schiller that only "He who has done his best for his own time has lived for all times." Let them join with us in our time to achieve a lasting peace and a better life for tomorrow's generations on both sides of that blighted wall.
让他们记住席勒的信息:只有“为自己的时代竭尽全力的人才能永远活下去”。让他们与我们一起,在我们这个时代,为那堵破败墙两侧的子孙后代实现持久和平和更美好的生活。
And let the Brandenburg Gate become a symbol not of two separate and hostile worlds, but an open door through which ideas, free ideas, and peaceful competition flourish.
让勃兰登堡门不再是两个独立且敌对世界的象征,而是成为思想、自由思想和和平竞争蓬勃发展的一扇敞开的大门。
My final message is for the people of Berlin.
我最后的信息是写给柏林人民的。
Even before my first visit to your city, I felt a part of you, as all free men and women around the world do.
甚至在我第一次访问你们的城市之前,我就感觉自己是你们的一部分,就像世界各地所有自由的男女一样。
We lived through the blockade and airlift with you.
我们和你一起经历了封锁和空运。
We witnessed the heroic reconstruction of a devastated city, and we watched the creation of your strong democratic institutions.
我们目睹了一座被毁城市的英勇重建,我们目睹了你们强大的民主机构的建立。
When I came here in 1978, I was deeply moved and proud of your success.
1978年我来到这里时,我深受感动,为你们的成功感到自豪。
What finer proof of what freedom can accomplish than the vibrant, prosperous island you've created in the midst of a hostile sea.
还有什么比你在充满敌意的大海中创建的充满活力、繁荣的岛屿更能证明自由的成就呢?
Today, my reverence for your courage and accomplishment has grown even deeper.
今天,我对你的勇气和成就的敬意更加深刻。
You are a constant inspiration for us all-for our hopes and ideals, and for the human qualities of courage, endurance, and faith that are the one secret weapon of the West no totalitarian regime can ever match.
您不断激励着我们所有人——我们的希望和理想,以及勇气、耐力和信仰等人类品质,这些是西方极权政权无法比拟的秘密武器。
As long as Berlin exists, there can be no doubt about the hope for democracy.
只要柏林存在,民主的希望就毫无疑问。
Yes, the hated wall still stands.
是的,令人憎恶的墙仍然矗立着。
But taller and stronger than that bleak barrier dividing East from West, free from oppressed, stands the character of the Berliners themselves.
但比分隔东西方的那道荒凉屏障更高、更坚固、不受压迫的,是柏林人自己的性格。
You have endured in your splendid city on the Spree, and my return visit has convinced me, in the words of the beloved old song that "Berlin bleibt doch Berlin"-Berlin is still Berlin.
你们在施普雷河上这座辉煌的城市里度过了时光,而我的回访让我确信,用那首人们喜爱的老歌的话来说,“Berlin bleibt doch Berlin”——柏林仍然是柏林。
We all remember John Kennedy's stirring words when he visited Berlin.
我们都记得约翰·肯尼迪访问柏林时所说的激动人心的话语。
I can only add that we in America and in the West are still Berliners, too, and always will be.
我只能补充一点,我们在美国和西方仍然是柏林人,而且永远都是。
And I am proud to say today that it is good to be home again.
今天我很自豪地说,再次回家真是太好了。
God bless you.
上帝保佑你。
Danke schon.
Danke schon.
Note: The President spoke at 11:35 a.m.
注:总统于上午 11 点 35 分发表讲话。
in front of the Charlottenburg Palace.
夏洛滕堡宫前。
During his appearance at Charlottenburg Palace, the President attended a reception hosted by Berlin Mayor Richard von Weizsacker.
在夏洛滕堡宫露面期间,总统出席了柏林市长理查德·冯·魏茨萨克举办的招待会。
Ronald Reagan, Remarks to the People of Berlin Online by Gerhard Peters and John T.
罗纳德·里根 (Ronald Reagan),格哈德·彼得斯 (Gerhard Peters) 和约翰·T·里根 (John T.
Woolley, The American Presidency Project https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/node/245269
伍利,美国总统项目 https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/node/245269
The American Presidency Project John Woolley and Gerhard Peters Contact
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