President Franklin Roosevelt's Annual Message (Four Freedoms) to Congress (1941)
Citation: Franklin D.
引用: 富兰克林 D.
Roosevelt Annual Message to Congress, January 6, 1941; Records of the United States Senate; SEN 77A-H1; Record Group 46; National Archives.
罗斯福向国会发表的年度致辞，1941 年 1 月 6 日；美国参议院的记录； SEN 77A-H1；记录组 46；国家档案馆。
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查看国家档案目录中的所有页面
This speech, delivered by President Franklin Roosevelt on January 6, 1941, became known as his "Four Freedoms Speech" due to a short closing portion in which he described his vision for extending American ideals throughout the world.
富兰克林·罗斯福总统于 1941 年 1 月 6 日发表的这篇演讲因其在简短的结尾部分描述了他将美国理想扩展到全世界的愿景而被称为“四大自由演讲”。
Very early in his political career, as state senator and later as Governor of New York, President Roosevelt was concerned with human rights in the broadest sense.
罗斯福总统在其政治生涯的早期，作为州参议员，后来担任纽约州州长，就关心最广泛意义上的人权。
During 1940, stimulated by a press conference in which he discussed long-range peace objectives, he started collecting ideas for a speech about various rights and freedoms.
1940 年，在一次讨论长期和平目标的新闻发布会的刺激下，他开始收集关于各种权利和自由的演讲的想法。
In his 1941 State of the Union Address to Congress, with World War II underway in Europe and the Pacific, FDR asked the American people to work hard to produce armaments for the democracies of Europe, to pay higher taxes, and to make other wartime sacrifices.
1941 年，第二次世界大战在欧洲和太平洋地区爆发之际，罗斯福在向国会发表的国情咨文中要求美国人民努力为欧洲民主国家生产军备，缴纳更高的税收，并做出其他战时牺牲。
Roosevelt presented his reasons for American involvement, making the case for continued aid to Great Britain and greater production of war industries at home.
罗斯福阐述了美国参与其中的理由，阐述了继续向英国提供援助和增加国内军工工业生产的理由。
In helping Britain, President Roosevelt stated, the United States was fighting for the universal freedoms that all people deserved.
罗斯福总统表示，在帮助英国的过程中，美国正在为所有人应得的普遍自由而奋斗。
At a time when Western Europe lay under Nazi domination, Roosevelt presented a vision in which the American ideals of individual liberties should be extended throughout the world.
当西欧处于纳粹统治之下时，罗斯福提出了一个愿景，即美国的个人自由理想应该扩展到全世界。
Alerting Congress and the nation to the necessity of war, Roosevelt articulated the ideological aims of the war, and appealed to Americans' most profound beliefs about freedom.
罗斯福向国会和全国提醒战争的必要性，阐明了战争的意识形态目标，并呼吁美国人对自由最深刻的信念。
In his Four Freedoms Speech, Roosevelt proposed four fundamental freedoms that all people should have.
罗斯福在他的四项自由演讲中提出了所有人都应该拥有的四项基本自由。
His "four essential human freedoms" included some phrases already familiar to Americans from the Bill of Rights, as well as some new phrases: freedom of speech, freedom of worship, freedom from want, and freedom from fear.
他的“人类四项基本自由”包括美国人在《权利法案》中已经熟悉的一些短语，以及一些新短语：言论自由、信仰自由、免于匮乏的自由和免于恐惧的自由。
These symbolized America's war aims and gave the American people a mantra to hold onto during the war.
这些象征着美国的战争目标，并给了美国人民在战争期间坚守的口头禅。
As America became more engaged in World War II, painter Norman Rockwell created a series of paintings illustrating the four freedoms as international war goals that went beyond just defeating the Axis powers.
随着美国更多地参与第二次世界大战，画家诺曼·洛克威尔创作了一系列画作，将四种自由描绘成国际战争的目标，而不仅仅是击败轴心国。
In the series, he translated abstract concepts of freedom into four scenes of everyday American life.
在该系列中，他将抽象的自由概念转化为美国日常生活的四个场景。
Although the federal government initially rejected Rockwell's offer to create paintings on the four freedoms theme, the images were publicly circulated when The Saturday Evening Post , one of the nation's most popular magazines, commissioned and reproduced the paintings.
尽管联邦政府最初拒绝了罗克韦尔创作以四项自由为主题的画作的提议，但当美国最受欢迎的杂志之一《周六晚邮报》委托并复制这些画作时，这些图像被公开传播。
After winning public approval, the paintings served as the centerpiece of a massive U.S. war bond drive and went on a national tour to raise money for the war effort.
在赢得公众认可后，这些画作成为美国大规模战争债券活动的核心，并进行了全国巡演，为战争筹集资金。
After the war, the four freedoms appeared again, embedded in the Charter of the United Nations .
战后，四项自由再次出现，并载入《联合国宪章》。
This document is available on DocsTeach , the online tool for teaching with documents from the National Archives.
该文档可在 DocsTeach 上找到，这是一个使用国家档案馆文档进行教学的在线工具。
Find teaching activities that incorporate this document, or create your own online activity .
查找包含本文档的教学活动，或创建您自己的在线活动。
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress:
主席先生、议长先生、第七十七届国会议员们：
I address you, the Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the Union.
我在联邦历史上前所未有的时刻向你们第七十七届国会议员们讲话。
I use the word "unprecedented," because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
我使用“前所未有”这个词，是因为美国安全从来没有像今天这样受到过如此严重的外部威胁。
Since the permanent formation of our Government under the Constitution, in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs.
自1789年根据宪法永久组建我国政府以来，我国历史上的大多数危机时期都与我们的国内事务有关。
Fortunately, only one of these--the four-year War Between the States--ever threatened our national unity.
幸运的是，只有其中一场——为期四年的州际战争——威胁过我们的国家统一。
Today, thank God, one hundred and thirty million Americans, in forty-eight States, have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
今天，感谢上帝，四十八个州的一亿三千万美国人已经忘记了我们民族团结的指南针。
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often had been disturbed by events in other Continents.
确实，1914 年之前美国经常受到其他大陆事件的困扰。
We had even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce.
为了维护美国的权利和和平贸易的原则，我们甚至与欧洲国家进行了两场战争，并在西印度群岛、地中海和太平洋进行了许多不宣而战的战争。
But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
但在任何情况下，我们的国家安全或我们的持续独立都没有受到严重威胁。
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained clear, definite opposition, to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past.
我想要传达的是一个历史事实：美国作为一个国家始终明确反对任何将我们锁在中国古墙后面而让文明的脚步过去的企图。
Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
今天，考虑到我们的孩子和他们的孩子，我们反对对我们自己或美洲任何其他地区进行强制隔离。
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution.
我们多年来的这一决心在法国大革命后四分之一个世纪的战争中得到了证明。
While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain, nor any other nation, was aiming at domination of the whole world.
尽管由于法国在西印度群岛和路易斯安那的立足点，拿破仑的斗争确实威胁到了美国的利益，尽管我们参与 1812 年的战争是为了维护我们的和平贸易权利，但很明显，法国、英国或任何其他国家都没有以统治整个世界为目标。
In like fashion from 1815 to 1914-- ninety-nine years-- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
同样，从 1815 年到 1914 年（九十九年），欧洲或亚洲没有任何一场战争对我们的未来或任何其他美国国家的未来构成真正的威胁。
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this Hemisphere; and the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength.
除了马克西米利安在墨西哥的插曲外，没有任何外国势力试图在这个半球建立自己的势力。而英国舰队在大西洋的实力一直是友军的实力。
It is still a friendly strength.
这仍然是一种友好的力量。
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future.
即使 1914 年世界大战爆发，它似乎也只对我们美国的未来构成很小的威胁。
But, as time went on, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
但是，随着时间的推移，美国人民开始想象民主国家的垮台对我们自己的民主可能意味着什么。
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the Peace of Versailles.
我们无需过分强调《凡尔赛和约》的缺陷。
We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction.
我们不必喋喋不休地谈论民主国家在处理世界重建问题上的失败。
We should remember that the Peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of "pacification" which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.
我们应该记住，1919 年的和平远没有慕尼黑会议之前开始的那种“绥靖”那么不公正，这种“绥靖”是在今天试图蔓延到各大洲的新暴政秩序下进行的。
The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
美国人民坚决反对这种暴政。
Every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being' directly assailed in every part of the world--assailed either by arms, or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.
每个现实主义者都知道，民主生活方式此时正受到世界各地的直接攻击——攻击的方式要么是武力攻击，要么是那些试图破坏和平国家团结、煽动不和的人秘密散布有毒宣传的攻击。
During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small.
在长达十六个月的时间里，这种攻击摧毁了数量惊人的大小独立国家的整个民主生活模式。
The assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
袭击者仍在行进，威胁着其他国家，无论大小。
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the Union," I find it, unhappily, necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
因此，作为你们的总统，履行我的宪法义务“向国会提供国情信息”，我不幸地发现有必要报告，我们国家和我们民主的未来和安全绝大多数涉及远远超出我们国界的事件。
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents.
民主存在的武装保卫战正在四大洲英勇地进行。
If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe, Asia, Africa and Australasia will be dominated by the conquerors.
如果防御失败，欧洲、亚洲、非洲和澳大利亚的所有人口和所有资源都将被征服者所控制。
Let us remember that the total of those populations and their resources in those four continents greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere-many times over.
让我们记住，这四大洲的人口及其资源的总和大大超过了整个西半球的人口和资源的总和——许多倍。
In times like these it is immature--and incidentally, untrue--for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed, and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
在这样的时代，任何人吹嘘说，一个毫无准备的美国，单枪匹马，一只手被绑在背后，就可以阻止整个世界，这是不成熟的，顺便说一句，也是不真实的。
No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -or even good business.
任何现实的美国人都不能指望独裁者的和平国际慷慨，或真正独立的回归，或世界裁军，或言论自由，或宗教自由，甚至是良好的商业。
Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors.
这样的和平不会给我们或我们的邻国带来安全。
"Those, who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety."
“那些愿意放弃基本自由来换取一点暂时安全的人，既不配得到自由，也不配得到安全。”
As a nation, we may take pride in the fact that we are softhearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed.
作为一个国家，我们可能会因为我们心地善良而感到自豪；但我们不能软弱。
We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement.
我们必须时刻警惕那些敲锣打鼓鼓吹绥靖“主义”的人。
We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
我们必须特别提防一小群自私的人，他们为了自己的巢穴而剪掉美国鹰的翅膀。
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.
我最近指出，现代战争的节奏可能会以多快的速度将物理攻击带入我们之中，如果独裁国家赢得这场战争，我们最终必须预料到这种攻击。
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas.
关于我们免受来自大洋彼岸的立即和直接入侵的免疫力的说法有很多。
Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists.
显然，只要英国海军保有实力，就不存在这种危险。
Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
即使没有英国海军，任何敌人也不可能愚蠢到从数千英里的海洋上登陆美国来攻击我们，直到他们获得了可以进行作战的战略基地。
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe-particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.
但我们从欧洲过去几年的教训中学到了很多东西，特别是挪威的教训，该国的重要海港因多年来积累的背叛和意外而被占领。
The first phase of the invasion of this Hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops.
入侵这个半球的第一阶段不会是正规部队登陆。
The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and their dupes- and great numbers of them are already here, and in Latin America.
必要的战略要点将被秘密特工和他们的骗子占领——其中大量的人已经在这里，在拉丁美洲。
As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive, they-not we--will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
只要侵略国继续进攻，他们——而不是我们——将选择进攻的时间、地点和方式。
That is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger.
这就是为什么所有美利坚共和国的未来今天都处于严重危险之中。
That is why this Annual Message to the Congress is unique in our history.
这就是为什么向国会发出的这份年度致辞在我们的历史上是独一无二的。
That is why every member of the Executive Branch of the Government and every member of the Congress faces great responsibility and great accountability.
这就是为什么政府行政部门的每一位成员和国会的每一位成员都面临着巨大的责任和重大的责任。
The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost exclusively--to meeting this foreign peril.
当前的需要是，我们的行动和政策应该主要（几乎完全）致力于应对这种外国危险。
For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
因为我们所有的国内问题现在都是重大紧急情况的一部分。
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all nations, large and small.
正如我们的内政国家政策建立在对我们境内所有同胞的权利和尊严的适当尊重的基础上一样，我们的外交事务国家政策也建立在对所有国家，无论大小的权利和尊严的适当尊重的基础上。
And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
道德正义最终一定会获胜。
Our national policy is this:
我们的国家政策是这样的：
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
首先，我们以令人印象深刻的方式表达了公众意愿，不考虑党派之争，致力于包容各方的国防。
Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute peoples, everywhere, who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our Hemisphere.
其次，通过令人印象深刻地表达公众意愿，不考虑党派之争，我们致力于全力支持世界各地所有正在抵抗侵略、从而使战争远离我们半球的坚决人民。
By this support, we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail; and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
通过这种支持，我们表达了民主事业必胜的决心；我们加强我们国家的国防和安全。
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers.
第三，通过令人印象深刻的公众意愿表达，不考虑党派之争，我们致力于这样的主张：道德原则和对我们自身安全的考虑决不允许我们默许侵略者主导、绥靖者支持的和平。
We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
我们知道，持久和平不能以牺牲他人的自由为代价。
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy.
在最近的全国选举中，两大政党在国家政策方面没有实质性分歧。
No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate.
在美国选民面前，没有就这条路线争论任何问题。
Today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
今天，显而易见的是，世界各地的美国公民认识到明显的危险，要求并支持迅速、彻底的行动。
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production.
因此，当务之急是迅速、有力地增加我们的军备生产。
Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons.
工业界和劳工界的领导人响应了我们的号召。
Goals of speed have been set.
速度目标已经设定。
In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time; in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays; and in some cases--and I am sorry to say very important cases--we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
在某些情况下，这些目标会提前实现；在某些情况下，我们会按计划进行；在其他情况下，会有轻微但不严重的延误；在某些情况下——我很遗憾地说是非常重要的情况——我们都对我们的计划完成缓慢感到担忧。
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year.
然而，陆军和海军在过去一年中取得了实质性进展。
Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day.
实际经验正在日新月异地改进和加快我们的生产方法。
And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
今天最好的还不够明天。
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made.
我对迄今为止取得的进展并不满意。
The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism.
负责该项目的人员代表了训练、能力和爱国主义方面最优秀的人。
They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made.
他们对迄今为止取得的进展并不满意。
None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
在工作完成之前，我们谁都不会满意。
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
不管最初的目标定得太高还是太低，我们的目标都是更快、更好的结果。
To give you two illustrations:
给大家举两个例子：
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes; we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
我们生产成品飞机的进度落后于计划；我们夜以继日地工作，解决无数的问题，迎头赶上。
We are ahead of schedule in building warships but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
我们在建造军舰方面比计划提前，但我们正在努力进一步提前。
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task.
要把整个国家从平时生产和平用品的基础转变为战时生产战争用品的基础，这不是一件容易的事。
And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, and new ship ways must first be constructed before the actual materiel begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
最大的困难出现在项目开始时，必须首先建造新工具、新工厂设施、新装配线和新船道，然后实际材料才能开始稳定而快速地从中流出。
The Congress, of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program.
当然，国会必须随时了解该计划的进展情况。
However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
然而，正如国会本身很容易认识到的那样，为了我们自身的安全以及我们所支持的国家的利益，必须对某些信息保密。
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety.
新形势不断催生新的安全需求。
I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
我将要求本届国会大幅增加新的拨款和授权，以继续我们已经开始的工作。
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations.
我还要求本届国会给予足够的权力和资金来制造更多的弹药和多种战争物资，并将其移交给那些正在与侵略国进行实际战争的国家。
Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves.
我们最有用和最直接的角色是为他们和我们自己充当武器库。
They do not need man power, but they do need billions of dollars worth of the weapons of defense.
他们不需要人力，但确实需要价值数十亿美元的防御武器。
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash.
他们将无法用现金支付全部费用的时候已经临近了。
We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender, merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
我们不能，也不会，仅仅因为目前无力支付我们知道他们必须拥有的武器的费用，就告诉他们必须投降。
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons--a loan to be repaid in dollars.
我不建议我们向他们提供美元贷款来购买这些武器——一笔以美元偿还的贷款。
I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program.
我建议我们让这些国家能够继续在美国获得战争物资，将他们的订单纳入我们自己的计划。
Nearly all their materiel would, if the time ever came, be useful for our own defense.
如果时机成熟的话，他们的几乎所有物资都可以用于我们的防御。
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who by their determined and heroic resistance are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
听取军事和海军专家的建议，考虑什么对我们自己的安全最有利，我们可以自由决定有多少东西应该留在国内，有多少东西应该送到国外给我们的朋友，他们的坚决和英勇的抵抗使我们有时间准备我们自己的防御。
For what we send abroad, we shall be repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, in similar materials, or, at our option, in other goods of many kinds, which they can produce and which we need.
对于我们寄往国外的东西，我们将在敌对行动结束后的合理时间内以类似的材料，或者根据我们的选择，以他们可以生产和我们需要的多种其他货物的形式得到偿还。
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom.
让我们对民主国家说：“我们美国人非常关心你们捍卫自由。
We are putting forth our energies, our resources and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world.
我们正在投入我们的能量、我们的资源和我们的组织力量，为你们提供重新获得和维护自由世界的力量。
We shall send you, in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns.
我们将向你们派遣越来越多的船只、飞机、坦克和枪支。
This is our purpose and our pledge."
这是我们的目的，也是我们的承诺。”
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression.
在实现这一目标的过程中，我们不会被独裁者的威胁所吓倒，他们会认为我们援助敢于抵抗其侵略的民主国家是违反国际法或战争行为。
Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
这种援助不是战争行为，即使独裁者单方面宣布它是战争行为。
When the dictators, if the dictators, are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
当独裁者，如果是独裁者，准备对我们发动战争时，他们不会等待我们采取战争行动。
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war.
他们没有等待挪威、比利时或荷兰发动战争。
Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance, and, therefore, becomes an instrument of oppression.
他们唯一感兴趣的是新的单向国际法，该法在遵守方面缺乏相互性，因此成为一种压迫工具。
The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend upon how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt.
美国人子孙后代的幸福很可能取决于我们提供的援助的效果和直接程度。
No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet.
没有人能够说出我们可能需要应对的紧急情况的确切性质。
The Nation's hands must not be tied when the Nation's life is in danger.
当国家的生命处于危险之中时，国家的双手决不能被束缚。
We must all prepare to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands.
我们所有人都必须准备好做出紧急情况（几乎与战争本身一样严重）所要求的牺牲。
Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense preparations must give way to the national need.
任何阻碍国防准备速度和效率的因素都必须让位于国家需要。
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups.
一个自由国家有权期望所有群体的充分合作。
A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.
一个自由国家有权指望商业、劳工和农业领导人带头刺激努力，不是在其他群体中，而是在他们自己的群体中。
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and, if that fails, to use the sovereignty of Government to save Government.
对付我们中间少数偷懒者或麻烦制造者的最好办法是，首先以爱国榜样来羞辱他们，如果不行，就用政府的主权来拯救政府。
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone.
正如人们不仅仅靠面包生活一样，他们也不仅仅靠武器作战。
Those who man our defenses, and those behind them who build our defenses, must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending.
那些为我们守卫的人，以及那些在他们背后为我们筑起防御的人，必须拥有来自对他们所捍卫的生活方式不可动摇的信念的耐力和勇气。
The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all things worth fighting for.
我们所呼吁的强有力的行动不能建立在忽视所有值得为之奋斗的事情的基础上。
The Nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America.
为了让人民意识到维护美国民主生活中的个人利害关系，我们所做的一切让国家感到极大的满足和巨大的力量。
Those things have toughened the fibre of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
这些事情增强了我们人民的意志，更新了他们的信念，增强了他们对我们准备保护的机构的奉献精神。
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world.
当然，现在我们任何人都没有时间停止思考社会和经济问题，这些问题是社会革命的根本原因，而社会革命是当今世界的首要因素。
For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
因为健康而强大的民主的基础并不神秘。
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple.
我们人民对其政治和经济制度的基本期望很简单。
They are:
他们是：
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
青年和其他人机会平等。
Jobs for those who can work.
工作是为那些能工作的人准备的。
Security for those who need it.
为有需要的人提供安全保障。
The ending of special privilege for the few.
少数人特权的终结。
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
保护所有人的公民自由。
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
在更广泛和不断提高的生活水平中享受科学进步的成果。
These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world.
在我们现代世界的混乱和难以置信的复杂性中，这些是绝对不能忽视的简单、基本的事情。
The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
我们的经济和政治制度的内在和持久的力量取决于它们满足这些期望的程度。
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement.
许多与我们社会经济相关的课题都需要立即改进。
As examples:
举例来说：
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
让更多公民享受养老金、失业保险。
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
我们应该扩大获得充分医疗保健的机会。
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
我们应该规划一个更好的制度，使值得或需要有酬就业的人能够获得有酬就业。
I have called for personal sacrifice.
我呼吁做出个人牺牲。
I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.
我确信几乎所有美国人都愿意响应这一呼吁。
A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes.
一部分牺牲意味着缴纳更多的税金。
In my Budget Message I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying today.
在我的预算致辞中，我将建议这项伟大的国防计划的大部分费用由税收支付，而不是我们今天支付的费用。
No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
任何人都不应尝试或被允许通过该计划致富；按照纳税能力纳税的原则应当时时摆在我们面前，指导我们的立法。
If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
如果国会坚持这些原则，选民就会把爱国主义置于钱包之上，为你鼓掌。
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
在我们力求确保安全的未来日子里，我们期待一个建立在人类四项基本自由之上的世界。
The first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.
首先是世界各地的言论和表达自由。
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way--everywhere in the world.
第二是世界各地的每个人都有以自己的方式敬拜上帝的自由。
The third is freedom from want--which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants-everywhere in the world.
第三个是免于匮乏的自由——用世界术语来说，这意味着经济上的理解，这将确保世界上每个国家的居民在和平时期都能过上健康的生活。
The fourth is freedom from fear--which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor--anywhere in the world.
第四个是免于恐惧的自由——用世界术语来说，意味着在全世界范围内彻底削减军备，使任何国家都无法对世界任何地方的任何邻国实施武力侵略。
That is no vision of a distant millennium.
这不是遥远的千年的愿景。
It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation.
它是我们这个时代和这一代人可以实现的世界的明确基础。
That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
这种世界与独裁者试图通过炸弹爆炸建立的所谓暴政新秩序截然相反。
To that new order we oppose the greater conception--the moral order.
对于这个新秩序，我们反对一个更伟大的概念——道德秩序。
A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
一个好的社会能够毫无恐惧地面对世界统治和外国革命的计划。
Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change -- in a perpetual peaceful revolution -- a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions--without the concentration camp or the quick-lime in the ditch.
自从美国历史开始以来，我们就一直致力于变革——一场永久的和平革命——一场稳步进行的革命，静静地调整自己以适应不断变化的条件——没有集中营或沟里的生石灰。
The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
我们寻求的世界秩序是自由国家之间的合作，在一个友好、文明的社会中共同努力。
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God.
这个国家把自己的命运交到了数以百万计的自由男女的手中、头脑和心中；以及对上帝引导下的自由的信仰。
Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere.
自由意味着人权在任何地方都具有至高无上的地位。
Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them.
我们支持那些努力获得或保留这些权利的人。
Our strength is our unity of purpose.
我们的力量在于我们目标一致。
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
对于这个崇高的概念来说，除了胜利之外，没有终点。