President Dwight D. Eisenhower's Farewell Address (1961)
Citation: Farewell address by President Dwight D.
引文：德怀特·D·总统的告别演说
Eisenhower, January 17, 1961; Final TV Talk 1/17/61 (1), Box 38, Speech Series, Papers of Dwight D.
艾森豪威尔，1961 年 1 月 17 日；最终电视演讲 1/17/61 (1)，框 38，演讲系列，Dwight D. 的论文
Eisenhower as President, 1953-61, Eisenhower Library; National Archives and Records Administration
艾森豪威尔就任总统，1953-61 年，艾森豪威尔图书馆；国家档案和记录管理局
View All Pages in the National Archives Catalog
查看国家档案目录中的所有页面
On January 17, 1961, in this farewell address, President Dwight Eisenhower warned against the establishment of a "military-industrial complex."
1961 年 1 月 17 日，德怀特·艾森豪威尔总统在告别演说中警告不要建立“军工联合体”。
In a speech of less than 10 minutes, on January 17, 1961, President Dwight Eisenhower delivered his political farewell to the American people on national television from the Oval Office of the White House.
1961 年 1 月 17 日，德怀特·艾森豪威尔总统在白宫椭圆形办公室通过国家电视台发表了不到 10 分钟的演讲，向美国人民发表了政治告别。
Those who expected the military leader and hero of World War II to depart his Presidency with a nostalgic, "old soldier" speech like Gen.
那些期望这位二战军事领导人和英雄在卸任时能发表像特朗普将军这样怀旧的“老战士”演讲的人。
Douglas MacArthur's, were surprised at his strong warnings about the dangers of the "military-industrial complex."
道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟对他对“军工联合体”危险的强烈警告感到惊讶。
As President of the United States for two terms, Eisenhower had slowed the push for increased defense spending despite pressure to build more military equipment during the Cold War’s arms race.
作为两届美国总统，艾森豪威尔放慢了增加国防开支的步伐，尽管在冷战军备竞赛期间面临着建造更多军事装备的压力。
Nonetheless, the American military services and the defense industry had expanded a great deal in the 1950s.
尽管如此，美国的军事服务和国防工业在 20 世纪 50 年代有了很大的发展。
Eisenhower thought this growth was needed to counter the Soviet Union, but it confounded him.
艾森豪威尔认为这种增长是对抗苏联所必需的，但这让他感到困惑。
Though he did not say so explicitly, his standing as a military leader helped give him the credibility to stand up to the pressures of this new, powerful interest group.
尽管他没有明确表示，但他作为军事领导人的地位帮助他赢得了抵御这个新的强大利益集团压力的信誉。
He eventually described it as a necessary evil.
他最终将其描述为一种必要的罪恶。
The end of Eisenhower’s term as President not only marked the end of the 1950s, but also the end of an era in government.
艾森豪威尔总统任期的结束不仅标志着 20 世纪 50 年代的结束，也标志着一个政府时代的结束。
A new, younger generation was rising to national power that would set a more youthful, vigorous course.
新一代的年轻一代正在崛起，他们将走上更加年轻、充满活力的道路。
His farewell address was a warning to his successors of one of the many things they would have to be wary of in the coming years.
他的告别演说是对他的继任者的警告，他们在未来几年中必须警惕的许多事情之一。
This document is available on DocsTeach, the online tool for teaching with documents from the National Archives.
该文档可在 DocsTeach 上找到，这是一个使用国家档案馆文档进行教学的在线工具。
Find teaching activities that incorporate this document, or create your own online activity .
查找包含本文档的教学活动，或创建您自己的在线活动。
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
三天后，在为国家服务了半个世纪之后，我将卸任总统，按照传统而庄严的仪式，总统的权力将被授予我的继任者。
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
今天晚上，我向你们传达了告别和告别的信息，并与你们，我的同胞们分享了一些最后的想法。
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed.
像所有其他公民一样，我祝愿新总统以及所有与他一起工作的人一切顺利。
I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
我祈祷来年所有人都享有和平与繁荣。
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
我们的人民期望他们的总统和国会就重大问题达成重要共识，这些问题的明智解决将更好地塑造国家的未来。
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
我自己与国会的关系，在很久以前，当一名参议院议员任命我到西点军校时，就开始了遥远而脆弱的关系，此后，在战争期间和战后时期，关系变得亲密，最后，在过去八年里达到了相互依赖。
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation should go forward.
在这最后的关系中，国会和政府在最重要的问题上进行了良好的合作，为国家利益服务，而不仅仅是党派之争，因此确保了国家事业的发展。
So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.
因此，我与国会的正式关系以我个人的感激之情结束，因为我们能够一起做这么多事情。
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations.
现在，十年过去了，见证了大国之间发生了四次重大战争的世纪中点。
Three of these involved our own country.
其中三个涉及我们自己的国家。
Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world.
尽管发生了这些大屠杀，美国今天仍然是世界上最强大、最有影响力和最具生产力的国家。
Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.
我们对这种卓越地位感到自豪，但我们也认识到，美国的领导地位和威望不仅取决于我们无与伦比的物质进步、财富和军事实力，还取决于我们如何利用我们的力量来促进世界和平和人类进步。
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations.
在美国自由政府的冒险历程中，我们的基本目的一直是维护和平；促进人类成就的进步，并增强人民之间和国家之间的自由、尊严和正直。
To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people.
对于一个自由和有宗教信仰的民族来说，追求更少是不值得的。
Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at home and abroad.
任何由于傲慢而导致的失败，或者我们缺乏理解力或缺乏牺牲精神，都会给我们国内外带来严重伤害。
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world.
实现这些崇高目标的进展持续受到目前席卷世界的冲突的威胁。
It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings.
它控制着我们的全部注意力，吸引着我们的存在。
We face a hostile ideology-global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method.
我们面临着一种敌对的意识形态——范围是全球性的，性质是无神论的，目的是无情的，方法是阴险的。
Unhappily the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration.
不幸的是，它所带来的危险注定会无限期持续。
To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle-with liberty at stake.
为了成功地应对这一挑战，所需要的不是危机带来的情感上和短暂的牺牲，而是那些使我们能够稳定、坚定、毫无怨言地承担长期而复杂的斗争的负担——自由受到威胁的牺牲。
Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.
只有这样，我们才能不顾一切挑衅，坚定不移地走在实现永久和平和人类进步的既定道路上。
Crises there will continue to be.
危机将继续存在。
In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties.
在应对这些挑战时，无论是国外的还是国内的，无论是大的还是小的，都会反复出现这样的诱惑，即认为某些引人注目且代价高昂的行动可能会成为解决当前所有困难的奇迹。
A huge increase in newer elements of our defense; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research-these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.
我们的防御新元素大幅增加；制定不切实际的计划来治愈农业中的所有弊病；基础研究和应用研究的急剧扩展——这些以及许多其他的可能性，每一种本身都可能有希望，可以被认为是通往我们希望走的路的唯一途径。
But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs-balance between the private and the public economy, balance between cost and hoped for advantage-balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable; balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual; balance between action of the moment and the national welfare of the future.
但每项建议都必须根据更广泛的考虑进行权衡：保持国家计划内部和国家计划之间平衡的必要性——私营经济和公共经济之间的平衡，成本与希望获得的优势之间的平衡——明显必要和舒适之间的平衡；我们作为一个国家的基本要求与国家强加给个人的义务之间的平衡；当前行动与未来国家福利之间的平衡。
Good judgment seeks balance and progress; lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration.
良好的判断力寻求平衡和进步；缺乏它最终会发现不平衡和沮丧。
The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of stress and threat.
几十年来的记录证明，我们的人民及其政府在面对压力和威胁时基本上理解了这些真理，并做出了良好的反应。
But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise.
但新的种类或程度的威胁不断出现。
I mention two only.
我只提到两个。
A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment.
维持和平的一个重要因素是我们的军事机构。
Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.
我们的武器必须强大，随时准备采取行动，这样任何潜在的侵略者都不会被引诱去冒自我毁灭的风险。
Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peace time, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.
我们今天的军事组织与我的任何一位前任在和平时期所知道的军事组织，甚至与第二次世界大战或朝鲜战争中的战士所知道的军事组织没有什么关系。
Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry.
直到最近一次世界冲突之前，美国还没有军备工业。
American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well.
随着时间的推移，根据需要，美国的犁头制造商也可以制造剑。
But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions.
但现在我们不能再冒紧急临时国防的风险；我们被迫建立一个大规模的永久性军备工业。
Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment.
除此之外，还有三百五十万男女直接参与国防建设。
We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United State corporations.
我们每年在军事安全上的支出超过所有美国公司的净收入。
This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience.
庞大的军事机构和庞大的军火工业的结合在美国的经验中是新鲜事。
The total influence-economic, political, even spiritual-is felt in every city, every state house, every office of the Federal government.
每个城市、每个州议会大厦、联邦政府的每个办公室都感受到了经济、政治甚至精神上的总体影响。
We recognize the imperative need for this development.
我们认识到这种发展的迫切需要。
Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications.
然而我们决不能不理解它的严重含义。
Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.
我们的劳苦、资源、生计都参与其中；我们社会的结构也是如此。
In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex.
在政府委员会中，我们必须防止军工联合体获得不正当的影响力，无论是有意还是无意。
The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
错误权力的灾难性崛起的可能性存在并将持续存在。
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes.
我们决不能让这种结合的影响力危及我们的自由或民主进程。
We should take nothing for granted.
我们不应该认为任何事情都是理所当然的。
Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.
只有警觉且知识渊博的公民才能迫使庞大的工业和军事国防机器与我们的和平方法和目标适当结合，以便安全和自由能够共同繁荣。
Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades.
近几十年来的技术革命与我们的工业军事态势的彻底变化类似，并且在很大程度上是造成这种变化的原因。
In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly.
在这场革命中，研究已成为核心。它也变得更加正式、复杂和昂贵。
A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.
稳步增加的份额是为联邦政府、由联邦政府或在联邦政府的指导下进行的。
Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been over shadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields.
如今，这位在自己的工作室里修修补补的孤独发明家，已经被实验室和测试领域的科学家组成的特别工作组所笼罩。
In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research.
同样，自由大学作为历史上自由思想和科学发现的源泉，也经历了研究行为的革命。
Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity.
部分由于所涉及的巨大成本，政府合同实际上成为了求知欲的替代品。
For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers.
现在，每一块旧黑板都对应着数百台新电子计算机。
The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present and is gravely to be regarded.
联邦就业、项目拨款和金钱力量主宰国家学者的前景始终存在，值得认真对待。
Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.
然而，在尊重科学研究和发现的同时，我们也必须警惕同样和相反的危险，即公共政策本身可能成为科技精英的俘虏。
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system-ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.
政治家的任务是在我们民主制度的原则范围内塑造、平衡和整合这些新旧力量，并始终致力于实现我们自由社会的最高目标。
Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time.
保持平衡的另一个因素涉及时间因素。
As we peer into society's future, we-you and I, and our government-must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering, for our own ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow.
当我们展望社会的未来时，我们——你和我，以及我们的政府——必须避免只为今天而活的冲动，为了自己的安逸和便利而掠夺明天的宝贵资源。
We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage.
我们不能抵押我们的子孙后代的物质资产，而不冒着失去他们的政治和精神遗产的风险。
We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.
我们希望民主能够为子孙后代生存，而不是成为明天无力偿债的幻影。
Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.
在尚未书写的历史长河中，美国知道，我们的这个世界正在变得越来越小，必须避免成为一个充满可怕恐惧和仇恨的共同体，而应该成为一个相互信任和尊重的自豪联盟。
Such a confederation must be one of equals.
这样的联盟必须是平等的联盟之一。
The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength.
最弱的国家必须像我们一样怀着同样的信心来到会议桌前，并受到我们的道义、经济和军事力量的保护。
That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.
那张桌子虽然因过去的许多挫折而伤痕累累，但不能因为战场上的某种痛苦而被抛弃。
Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative.
在相互尊重和信任的情况下进行裁军是一项持续的当务之急。
Together we must learn how to compose difference, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose.
我们必须共同学习如何创造差异，不是用武力，而是用智慧和正当的目标。
Because this need is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment.
因为这种需要是如此尖锐和明显，我承认我带着明显的失望感放下了我在这一领域的正式职责。
As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war-as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years-I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.
作为一个目睹了战争的恐怖和挥之不去的悲伤的人，作为一个知道另一场战争可能彻底摧毁这个几千年来缓慢而痛苦建立起来的文明的人，我希望今晚可以说，持久的和平就在眼前。
Happily, I can say that war has been avoided.
令人高兴的是，我可以说战争已经避免了。
Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made.
我们已经朝着我们的最终目标稳步前进。
But, so much remains to be done.
但是，还有很多事情要做。
As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.
作为一名普通公民，我将永远不会停止尽我所能来帮助世界沿着这条道路前进。
So-in this my last good night to you as your President-I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and peace.
因此，在我作为总统向您致以最后的晚安之际，我感谢您为我提供了许多在战争与和平时期从事公共服务的机会。
I trust that in that service you find somethings worthy; as for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.
我相信您会在这项服务中找到有价值的东西；至于剩下的，我知道你将来会找到提高表现的方法。
You and I-my fellow citizens-need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice.
你和我——我的同胞们——需要坚定我们的信念，相信所有国家在上帝的领导下，都将实现正义的和平目标。
May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nation's great goals.
愿我们始终坚定不移地坚持原则，充满自信而谦虚有力量，孜孜不倦地追求国家的伟大目标。
To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America's prayerful and continuing inspiration:
我再次向世界各国人民表达美国的虔诚和持续的鼓舞：
We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its spiritual blessings; that those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibilities; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; that the scourges of poverty, disease and ignorance will be made to disappear from the earth, and that, in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.
我们祈祷所有信仰、所有种族、所有国家的人民都能满足他们巨大的人类需求；那些现在被剥夺机会的人将充分享受它；让所有渴望自由的人都能体验到自由的精神祝福；那些拥有自由的人也会明白其沉重的责任；所有对他人的需要不敏感的人都会学习慈善；贫穷、疾病和无知的祸害将从地球上消失，假以时日，所有人民将在相互尊重和爱的约束力所保证的和平中共同生活。