The Communist Manifesto

The Communist Manifesto

共产党宣言

by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels

卡尔·马克思和弗里德里希·恩格斯

[From the English edition of 1888, edited by Friedrich Engels]

[摘自1888年英文版，弗里德里希·恩格斯编辑]

Contents

内容

I.

我。

BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS II.

资产阶级和无产阶级 II.

PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS III.

无产阶级和共产主义者 三．

SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE IV.

社会主义和共产主义文献 IV．

POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION TO THE VARIOUS EXISTING OPPOSITION PARTIES

共产党相对于现有各反对党的立场

A spectre is haunting Europe—the spectre of Communism.

一个幽灵正在欧洲徘徊——共产主义的幽灵。

All the Powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and German police-spies.

旧欧洲的所有强国都结成神圣联盟来驱除这个幽灵：教皇和沙皇、梅特涅和基佐、法国激进分子和德国警察间谍。

Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as Communistic by its opponents in power?

哪个在野党没有被执政对手谴责为共产主义呢？

Where is the Opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of Communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries?

没有对更先进的反对党及其反动对手进行共产主义品牌谴责的反对派在哪里？

Two things result from this fact.

这一事实导致了两件事。

I.

我。

Communism is already acknowledged by all European Powers to be itself a Power.

所有欧洲强国都承认共产主义本身就是一个强国。

II.

二.

It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the Spectre of Communism with a Manifesto of the party itself.

现在是时候了，共产党人应该在全世界面前公开发表他们的观点、他们的目标、他们的倾向，并用党本身的宣言来应对共产主义幽灵的童话故事。

To this end, Communists of various nationalities have assembled in London, and sketched the following Manifesto, to be published in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages.

为此，各国共产党人聚集在伦敦，草拟​​了以下宣言，并将以英语、法语、德语、意大利语、弗拉芒语和丹麦语出版。

I.

我。

BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS

资产阶级和无产阶级

The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class struggles.

迄今为止一切社会的历史都是阶级斗争的历史。

Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.

自由人和奴隶、贵族和平民、领主和农奴、行会会长和熟练工，总而言之，压迫者和被压迫者，不断地相互对立，进行着不间断的、时而隐蔽、时而公开的斗争，这场斗争每次都以整个社会的革命重建或斗争阶级的共同毁灭而结束。

In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold gradation of social rank.

在历史的早期时代，我们几乎到处都发现社会被复杂地安排成各种秩序，社会等级有多种等级。

In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations.

在古罗马，我们有贵族、骑士、平民、奴隶；在中世纪，封建领主、封臣、行会会长、熟练工、学徒、农奴；在几乎所有这些类别中，同样都有从属等级。

The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms.

从封建社会废墟上兴起的现代资产阶级社会，并没有消除阶级对立。

It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones.

它只是建立了新的阶级、新的压迫条件、新的斗争形式来取代旧的斗争形式。

Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms.

但是，我们的时代，资产阶级的时代，有一个显着的特点：阶级矛盾简单化了。

Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes, directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.

整个社会越来越分裂成两个敌对的大阵营，分裂成两个直接对峙的阶级：资产阶级和无产阶级。

From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns.

从中世纪的农奴中诞生了最早城镇的特许市民。

From these burgesses the first elements of the bourgeoisie were developed.

资产阶级的第一批成分就是从这些自由民中发展起来的。

The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie.

美洲的发现、绕过好望角，为新兴的资产阶级开辟了新天地。

The East-Indian and Chinese markets, the colonisation of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development.

东印度和中国市场、美洲的殖民化、与殖民地的贸易、交换手段和商品的普遍增加，给商业、航海、工业带来了前所未有的推动力，从而使摇摇欲坠的封建社会中的革命分子得到了迅速发展。

The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production was monopolised by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed for the growing wants of the new markets.

封建工业制度下，工业生产由封闭的行会垄断，现在已无法满足新市场日益增长的需求。

The manufacturing system took its place.

制造系统取而代之。

The guild-masters were pushed on one side by the manufacturing middle class; division of labour between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of division of labour in each single workshop.

行会会长们被制造业中产阶级推向一边；不同企业行会之间的分工在各个车间的分工面前消失了。

Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising.

与此同时，市场不断增长，需求不断增加。

Even manufacture no longer sufficed.

甚至制造也不再足够了。

Thereupon, steam and machinery revolutionised industrial production.

于是，蒸汽和机械彻底改变了工业生产。

The place of manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the place of the industrial middle class, by industrial millionaires, the leaders of whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.

制造业的地位被现代工业这个巨人所取代，工业中产阶级的地位被工业百万富翁、整个工业大军的领导人、现代资产阶级所取代。

Modern industry has established the world-market, for which the discovery of America paved the way.

现代工业已经建立了世界市场，美洲的发现为此铺平了道路。

This market has given an immense development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land.

这个市场给商业、航海和陆路通讯带来了巨大的发展。

This development has, in its time, reacted on the extension of industry; and in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation, railways extended, in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed into the background every class handed down from the Middle Ages.

这种发展在当时对工业的扩张产生了反作用。随着工业、商业、航海、铁路的发展，资产阶级也相应地发展起来，增加了资本，并将中世纪遗留下来的各个阶级推到了幕后。

We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of a long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange.

因此，我们看到，现代资产阶级本身是长期发展过程的产物，是生产方式和交换方式一系列革命的产物。

Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a corresponding political advance of that class.

资产阶级发展的每一步都伴随着该阶级相应的政治进步。

An oppressed class under the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governing association in the mediaeval commune; here independent urban republic (as in Italy and Germany), there taxable “third estate” of the monarchy (as in France), afterwards, in the period of manufacture proper, serving either the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, corner-stone of the great monarchies in general, the bourgeoisie has at last, since the establishment of Modern Industry and of the world-market, conquered for itself, in the modern representative State, exclusive political sway.

封建贵族统治下的被压迫阶级，中世纪公社的武装自治团体；这里有独立的城市共和国（如意大利和德国），有君主政体的应税“第三产业”（如法国），后来，在工业化时期，资产阶级要么为半封建的君主政体服务，要么为专制君主政体服务，作为对抗贵族的制衡，事实上，资产阶级是伟大君主政体的基石，自从现代工业和世界市场建立以来，资产阶级终于在现代代议制国家中为自己赢得了排他性的政治影响力。

The executive of the modern State is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.

现代国家的行政机关只不过是管理整个资产阶级共同事务的一个委员会。

The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part.

资产阶级在历史上发挥了最具革命性的作用。

The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations.

资产阶级无论在哪里占了上风，都结束了一切封建的、父权的、田园诗般的关系。

It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his “natural superiors,” and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous “cash payment.” It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation.

它无情地撕碎了将人与“自然上级”联系在一起的杂七杂八的封建纽带，除了赤裸裸的利己主义和冷酷无情的“现金支付”之外，人与人之间不再有任何其他联系。它淹没了宗教狂热、侠义热情、市侩感伤主义的最神圣的狂喜，淹没在自私算计的冰水中。

It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the numberless and indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom—Free Trade.

它将个人价值转化为交换价值，并建立了单一的、不合理的自由——自由贸易，取代了无数的、不可废除的特许自由。

In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.

一言以蔽之，就是为了剥削，被宗教和政治幻想所掩盖，是赤裸裸的、无耻的、直接的、残酷的剥削。

The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honoured and looked up to with reverent awe.

资产阶级已经剥夺了迄今为止所有受人尊敬和敬畏的职业的光环。

It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage labourers.

它已将医生、律师、牧师、诗人、科学家转变为它的受薪劳动者。

The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation.

资产阶级撕掉了家庭的情感面纱，把家庭关系降格为纯粹的金钱关系。

The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal display of vigour in the Middle Ages, which Reactionists so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence.

资产阶级已经揭露了反动派所推崇的中世纪残酷的活力是如何在最懒惰的懒惰中找到合适的补充的。

It has been the first to show what man’s activity can bring about.

它首次展示了人类活动可以带来什么。

It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former Exoduses of nations and crusades.

它所创造的奇迹远远超越了埃及金字塔、罗马渡槽和哥特式大教堂；它所进行的远征使所有以前的民族出走和十字军东征都黯然失色。

The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society.

如果不不断地革命化生产工具，从而革命化生产关系，以及随之而来的整个社会关系，资产阶级就不可能存在。

Conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered form, was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes.

相反，以不改变的形式保存旧的生产方式是所有早期工业阶级生存的首要条件。

Constant revolutionising of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones.

生产的持续革命、所有社会条件的不间断扰动、永远的不确定性和骚动，使资产阶级时代与所有早期时代区别开来。

All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify.

所有固定的、快速冻结的关系，连同其一系列古老而令人尊敬的偏见和观点，都被一扫而空，所有新形成的关系在僵化之前就变得过时了。

All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses, his real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind.

一切坚固的东西都烟消云散，一切神圣的东西都被亵渎，人类最终被迫面对清醒的感官、他的真实生活状况以及他与同类的关系。

The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe.

不断扩大产品市场的需要驱使资产阶级走遍全球。

It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connexions everywhere.

它必须到处栖息、到处定居、到处建立联系。

The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world-market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country.

资产阶级通过对世界市场的剥削，使各国的生产和消费具有了世界性的特征。

To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood.

让反动派大为懊恼的是，它从工业的脚下夺取了它赖以生存的国家基础。

All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed.

所有古老的民族工业都已被摧毁或每天都在被摧毁。

They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilised nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe.

它们被新工业取代，新工业的引入成为所有文明国家的生死攸关的问题，这些工业不再加工本土原材料，而是从最偏远地区提取原材料；这些行业的产品不仅在国内而且在全球每个角落都有消费。

In place of the old wants, satisfied by the productions of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes.

我们发现了新的需求，需要来自遥远土地和气候的产品来满足这些需求，而不是通过国家的产品来满足旧的需求。

In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations.

我们不再是过去的地方和国家的封闭和自给自足，而是全方位的交往和国家之间的普遍相互依存。

And as in material, so also in intellectual production.

正如物质生产一样，智力生产也是如此。

The intellectual creations of individual nations become common property.

各个国家的智力创造成为共同财产。

National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature.

民族的片面性和狭隘性越来越不可能，从众多的民族和地方文学中，产生了世界文学。

The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilisation.

资产阶级通过一切生产工具的迅速改进和极其便利的通讯手段，将所有民族，甚至是最野蛮的民族带入文明。

The cheap prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians’ intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate.

其低廉的商品价格，是它击垮万里长城的重炮，是它迫使夷狄的强烈仇外心理投降的重炮。

It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilisation into their midst, _i.e_., to become bourgeois themselves.

它迫使所有民族都采用资产阶级生产方式，否则就会灭亡。它迫使他们将所谓的文明引入他们中间，也就是说，让他们自己成为资产阶级。

In one word, it creates a world after its own image.

一言以蔽之，它按照自己的形象创造了一个世界。

The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns.

资产阶级使国家服从于城镇的统治。

It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life.

它创造了巨大的城市，使城市人口比农村人口大大增加，从而将相当一部分人口从愚蠢的农村生活中拯救出来。

Just as it has made the country dependent on the towns, so it has made barbarian and semi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilised ones, nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West.

正如它使乡村依附于城镇一样，它使野蛮和半野蛮国家依附于文明国家，使农民国家依附于资产阶级国家，使东方依附于西方。

The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state of the population, of the means of production, and of property.

资产阶级越来越多地消除人口、生产资料和财产的分散状态。

It has agglomerated production, and has concentrated property in a few hands.

它生产集聚，财产集中在少数人手中。

The necessary consequence of this was political centralisation.

其必然结果是政治集权。

Independent, or but loosely connected provinces, with separate interests, laws, governments and systems of taxation, became lumped together into one nation, with one government, one code of laws, one national class-interest, one frontier and one customs-tariff.

独立的或联系松散的省份，具有不同的利益、法律、政府和税收制度，却被合并为一个国家，有一个政府、一套法律法规、一个国家阶级利益、一个边境和一种关税。

The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together.

资产阶级在其统治的短短一百年里，创造的生产力比前几代人创造的生产力总和还多。

Subjection of Nature’s forces to man, machinery, application of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam-navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents for cultivation, canalisation of rivers, whole populations conjured out of the ground—what earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labour?

自然力量对人类的服从、机械、化学在工业和农​​业中的应用、蒸汽航海、铁路、电报、开垦整个大陆进行耕种、开凿河流、从地下召唤出全部人口——哪个早先的世纪曾预感到这样的生产力沉睡在社会劳动的怀抱中？

We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society.

由此可见：资产阶级赖以建立的生产资料和交换资料是在封建社会中产生的。

At a certain stage in the development of these means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged, the feudal organisation of agriculture and manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters.

这些生产资料和交换资料发展到一定阶段，封建社会生产和交换的条件，封建农业和制造业的组织，即封建的所有制关系，就不再与已经发达的生产力相适应了；他们成为如此多的枷锁。

They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder.

他们必须被炸得四分五裂；他们被炸得四分五裂。

Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted to it, and by the economical and political sway of the bourgeois class.

取而代之的是自由竞争，伴随着与之相适应的社会和政治宪法，以及资产阶级的经济和政治影响力。

A similar movement is going on before our own eyes.

类似的运动正在我们眼前发生。

Modern bourgeois society with its relations of production, of exchange and of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer, who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells.

具有生产关系、交换关系和财产关系的现代资产阶级社会，一个创造出如此庞大的生产资料和交换资料的社会，就像巫师一样，他不再能够控制他用咒语召唤的阴间的力量。

For many a decade past the history of industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern conditions of production, against the property relations that are the conditions for the existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule.

几十年来，工商业的历史只不过是现代生产力反抗现代生产条件、反抗作为资产阶级存在及其统治条件的财产关系的历史。

It is enough to mention the commercial crises that by their periodical return put on its trial, each time more threateningly, the existence of the entire bourgeois society.

只要提到商业危机就足够了，商业危机周期性地对整个资产阶级社会的存在提出了更大的威胁。

In these crises a great part not only of the existing products, but also of the previously created productive forces, are periodically destroyed.

在这些危机中，不仅现有产品的很大一部分，而且以前创造的生产力的很大一部分都周期性地遭到破坏。

In these crises there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an absurdity—the epidemic of over-production.

在这些危机中，爆发了一种在所有早期时代都显得荒谬的流行病——生产过剩的流行病。

Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if a famine, a universal war of devastation had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed; and why?

社会突然发现自己又回到了暂时的野蛮状态。一场饥荒、一场世界性的破坏性战争似乎切断了一切生存资料的供应；工商业似乎遭到破坏；为什么？

Because there is too much civilisation, too much means of subsistence, too much industry, too much commerce.

因为这里有太多的文明、太多的生存资料、太多的工业、太多的商业。

The productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of bourgeois property.

社会可支配的生产力不再倾向于进一步发展资产阶级财产状况；相反，他们已经变得过于强大，无法克服这些束缚他们的条件，一旦他们克服了这些束缚，他们就会给整个资产阶级社会带来混乱，危及资产阶级财产的存在。

The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them.

资产阶级社会的条件太狭窄，无法容纳他们所创造的财富。

And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises?

资产阶级如何度过这些危机？

On the one hand inforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones.

一方面强行破坏了大批生产力；另一方面，通过征服新市场和更彻底地开发旧市场。

That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.

也就是说，为更广泛、更具破坏性的危机铺平道路，并减少预防危机的手段。

The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.

资产阶级用来打倒封建主义的武器现在转向了资产阶级本身。

But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons—the modern working class—the proletarians.

但资产阶级不仅锻造了自取灭亡的武器，而且还制造了自取灭亡的武器。它还召唤了将要使用这些武器的人——现代工人阶级——无产阶级。

In proportion as the bourgeoisie, _i.e_., capital, is developed, in the same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, developed—a class of labourers, who live only so long as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labour increases capital.

随着资产阶级，即资本的发展，无产阶级，即现代工人阶级，也以同样的比例发展起来——这是一个劳动者阶级，他们只有找到工作才能生存，只有当他们的劳动增加资本时才能找到工作。

These labourers, who must sell themselves piece-meal, are a commodity, like every other article of commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition, to all the fluctuations of the market.

这些必须零散地出售自己的工人是一种商品，就像所有其他商品一​​样，因此面临着竞争的所有变迁和市场的所有波动。

Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of labour, the work of the proletarians has lost all individual character, and consequently, all charm for the workman.

由于机器的广泛使用和劳动分工，无产阶级的工作失去了一切个性，因而失去了工人的一切魅力。

He becomes an appendage of the machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and most easily acquired knack, that is required of him.

他成了机器的附属物，需要他的只是最简单、最单调、最容易掌握的诀窍。

Hence, the cost of production of a workman is restricted, almost entirely, to the means of subsistence that he requires for his maintenance, and for the propagation of his race.

因此，工人的生产成本几乎完全受限于他维持生计和繁衍种族所需的生活资料。

But the price of a commodity, and therefore also of labour, is equal to its cost of production.

但商品的价格以及劳动力的价格等于其生产成本。

In proportion therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage decreases.

因此，随着工作的令人厌恶程度增加，工资也会相应减少。

Nay more, in proportion as the use of machinery and division of labour increases, in the same proportion the burden of toil also increases, whether by prolongation of the working hours, by increase of the work exacted in a given time or by increased speed of the machinery, etc.

不仅如此，随着机器的使用和劳动分工的增加，劳动负担也相应地增加，无论是通过延长工作时间，通过增加在给定时间内完成的工作，还是通过提高机器的速度等等。

Modern industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist.

现代工业已经把父权制主人的小作坊变成了工业资本家的大工厂。

Masses of labourers, crowded into the factory, are organised like soldiers.

大批工人涌入工厂，像士兵一样组织起来。

As privates of the industrial army they are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants.

作为工业军的列兵，他们受到完善的军官和军士等级制度的指挥。

Not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois State; they are daily and hourly enslaved by the machine, by the over-looker, and, above all, by the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself.

他们不仅是资产阶级和资产阶级国家的奴隶，而且是资产阶级的奴隶。他们每天、每时每刻都被机器、旁观者、尤其是个别资产阶级制造商本人所奴役。

The more openly this despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, the more hateful and the more embittering it is.

这种专制主义越公开地宣称其目的和目的是为了利益，它就越狭隘、越可恨、越令人痛苦。

The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual labour, in other words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the more is the labour of men superseded by that of women.

体力劳动所蕴含的技能和力量越少，换句话说，现代工业越发达，男性劳动就越多地被女性劳动所取代。

Differences of age and sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working class.

对于工人阶级来说，年龄和性别的差异不再具有任何独特的社会有效性。

All are instruments of labour, more or less expensive to use, according to their age and sex.

所有这些都是劳动工具，根据其年龄和性别，其使用成本或多或少地昂贵。

No sooner is the exploitation of the labourer by the manufacturer, so far at an end, that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon by the other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker, etc.

制造商对工人的剥削一旦结束，当工人收到现金工资时，他就会受到资产阶级其他部分，如地主、店主、典当商等的攻击。

The lower strata of the middle class—the small tradespeople, shopkeepers, retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and peasants—all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which Modern Industry is carried on, and is swamped in the competition with the large capitalists, partly because their specialized skill is rendered worthless by the new methods of production.

中产阶级的下层——小商人、店主、退休商人、手工业者和农民——都逐渐沦为无产阶级，部分原因是他们的微薄资本不足以满足现代工业的发展规模，在与大资本家的竞争中被淹没，部分原因是他们的专业技能在新的生产方式下变得一文不值。

Thus the proletariat is recruited from all classes of the population.

因此，无产阶级是从人口的各个阶层中招募的。

The proletariat goes through various stages of development.

无产阶级经历了不同的发展阶段。

With its birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie.

它的诞生，就开始了与资产阶级的斗争。

At first the contest is carried on by individual labourers, then by the workpeople of a factory, then by the operatives of one trade, in one locality, against the individual bourgeois who directly exploits them.

这场斗争首先是由个体劳动者进行的，然后是由工厂的工人进行的，然后是由某一地区、某一行业的工人进行的，反对直接剥削他们的个体资产阶级。

They direct their attacks not against the bourgeois conditions of production, but against the instruments of production themselves; they destroy imported wares that compete with their labour, they smash to pieces machinery, they set factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished status of the workman of the Middle Ages.

他们的攻击不是针对资产阶级的生产条件，而是针对生产工具本身。他们摧毁与他们的劳动力竞争的进口商品，他们砸碎机器，他们纵火焚烧工厂，他们试图用武力恢复中世纪工人已经消失的地位。

At this stage the labourers still form an incoherent mass scattered over the whole country, and broken up by their mutual competition.

在这个阶段，劳动者仍然是一个分散在全国各地的不连贯的群众，并因相互竞争而分裂。

If anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies, this is not yet the consequence of their own active union, but of the union of the bourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain its own political ends, is compelled to set the whole proletariat in motion, and is moreover yet, for a time, able to do so.

如果他们在任何地方联合起来形成更紧密的团体，那么这也不是他们自己积极联合的结果，而是资产阶级联合的结果，资产阶级为了达到自己的政治目的，不得不动员整个无产阶级行动起来，而且在一段时期内还能够这样做。

At this stage, therefore, the proletarians do not fight their enemies, but the enemies of their enemies, the remnants of absolute monarchy, the landowners, the non-industrial bourgeois, the petty bourgeoisie.

因此，在这个阶段，无产阶级不是与他们的敌人作战，而是与敌人的敌人、君主专制的残余、地主、非工业资产阶级、小资产阶级作战。

Thus the whole historical movement is concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory so obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie.

这样，整个历史运动就集中在资产阶级手中。这样取得的每一次胜利都是资产阶级的胜利。

But with the development of industry the proletariat not only increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength grows, and it feels that strength more.

但随着工业的发展，无产阶级不仅数量增加，而且数量增加。它变得集中在更大的群体中，它的力量增强了，并且它感受到了更多的力量。

The various interests and conditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat are more and more equalised, in proportion as machinery obliterates all distinctions of labour, and nearly everywhere reduces wages to the same low level.

无产阶级内部的各种利益和生活条件越来越平等，随着机器消除了所有劳动区别，并且几乎在所有地方都将工资降低到同样的低水平。

The growing competition among the bourgeois, and the resulting commercial crises, make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating.

资产阶级之间日益激烈的竞争以及由此引发的商业危机，使得工人的工资更加波动。

The unceasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing, makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions between individual workmen and individual bourgeois take more and more the character of collisions between two classes.

机械的不断改进，发展的速度越来越快，使他们的生活越来越不稳定。个别工人与个别资产阶级之间的冲突越来越具有两个阶级之间冲突的性质。

Thereupon the workers begin to form combinations (Trades Unions) against the bourgeois; they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts.

于是，工人开始组成联合体（工会）来反对资产阶级。他们联合起来以维持工资水平；他们成立了常设协会，以便为这些偶尔发生的叛乱预先做好准备。

Here and there the contest breaks out into riots.

比赛时不时地爆发为骚乱。

Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time.

工人们偶尔会取得胜利，但只是暂时的。

The real fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate result, but in the ever-expanding union of the workers.

他们斗争的真正成果不在于眼前的结果，而在于不断扩大的工人联盟。

This union is helped on by the improved means of communication that are created by modern industry and that place the workers of different localities in contact with one another.

现代工业创造了改进的通讯手段，使不同地区的工人能够相互联系，从而促进了这一工会的发展。

It was just this contact that was needed to centralise the numerous local struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle between classes.

正是这种接触才需要将众多具有相同性质的地方斗争集中到一场全国性的阶级斗争中。

But every class struggle is a political struggle.

但每一次阶级斗争都是政治斗争。

And that union, to attain which the burghers of the Middle Ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries, the modern proletarians, thanks to railways, achieve in a few years.

中世纪的市民在公路简陋的情况下需要几个世纪才能实现这种联合，而现代无产阶级由于有了铁路，只需几年就能实现。

This organisation of the proletarians into a class, and consequently into a political party, is continually being upset again by the competition between the workers themselves.

无产阶级组织成一个阶级，进而组织成一个政党，却不断地被工人之间的竞争所扰乱。

But it ever rises up again, stronger, firmer, mightier.

但它会再次崛起，变得更强大、更坚定、更有威力。

It compels legislative recognition of particular interests of the workers, by taking advantage of the divisions among the bourgeoisie itself.

它利用资产阶级本身的分歧，迫使立法承认工人的特殊利益。

Thus the ten-hours’ bill in England was carried.

因此，英国的十小时法案得以通过。

Altogether collisions between the classes of the old society further, in many ways, the course of development of the proletariat.

旧社会各阶级之间的总的冲突在许多方面进一步推动了无产阶级的发展进程。

The bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle.

资产阶级发现自己陷入了一场持续不断的斗争。

At first with the aristocracy; later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisie itself, whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress of industry; at all times, with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries.

起初是贵族；后来，资产阶级本身的利益已经与工业的进步对立起来；古今中外，都与外国资产阶级打交道。

In all these battles it sees itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for its help, and thus, to drag it into the political arena.

在所有这些斗争中，它认为自己必须向无产阶级求助，寻求无产阶级的帮助，从而将无产阶级拖入政治舞台。

The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the proletariat with its own instruments of political and general education, in other words, it furnishes the proletariat with weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie.

因此，资产阶级本身向无产阶级提供了自己的政治教育和普通教育工具，换句话说，它向无产阶级提供了与资产阶级作斗争的武器。

Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling classes are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the proletariat, or are at least threatened in their conditions of existence.

此外，正如我们已经看到的那样，由于工业的进步，统治阶级的整个阶层都被转变为无产阶级，或者至少在他们的生存条件方面受到威胁。

These also supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress.

这也为无产阶级提供了启蒙进步的新鲜元素。

Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, the process of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact within the whole range of society, assumes such a violent, glaring character, that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift, and joins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in its hands.

最后，当阶级斗争接近决定性的时刻时，统治阶级内部，实际上是整个社会范围内发生的解体过程，呈现出如此暴力和明显的特征，以至于统治阶级中的一小部分人随波逐流，加入了革命阶级，这个掌握着未来的阶级。

Just as, therefore, at an earlier period, a section of the nobility went over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat, and in particular, a portion of the bourgeois ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole.

因此，正如在早期，一部分贵族转向资产阶级一样，现在一部分资产阶级转向无产阶级，特别是一部分资产阶级思想家，他们已经提高到从理论上理解整个历史运动的水平。

Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class.

在今天与资产阶级面对面的所有阶级中，只有无产阶级才是真正革命的阶级。

The other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of Modern Industry; the proletariat is its special and essential product.

其他阶级在现代工业面前衰败并最终消失。无产阶级是其特殊的、必要的产物。

The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie, to save from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class.

下层中产阶级、小工厂主、店主、工匠、农民，所有这些人都在与资产阶级作斗争，以挽救他们作为中产阶级一部分的生存免于灭绝。

They are therefore not revolutionary, but conservative.

因此，他们不是革命的，而是保守的。

Nay more, they are reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history.

不仅如此，他们是反动的，因为他们试图让历史的车轮倒转。

If by chance they are revolutionary, they are so only in view of their impending transfer into the proletariat, they thus defend not their present, but their future interests, they desert their own standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat.

如果他们碰巧是革命的，那么他们之所以革命，只是因为他们即将转入无产阶级，因此，他们捍卫的不是他们现在的利益，而是他们未来的利益，他们放弃自己的立场，把自己置于无产阶级的立场上。

The “dangerous class,” the social scum, that passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of old society, may, here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue.

“危险阶级”、社会败类、被旧社会最底层抛弃的被动腐烂的群众，可能会到处被无产阶级革命卷入运动；然而，它的生活条件却更适合成为反动阴谋的受贿工具。

In the conditions of the proletariat, those of old society at large are already virtually swamped.

无产阶级的状况实际上已经被整个旧社会的状况淹没了。

The proletarian is without property; his relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common with the bourgeois family-relations; modern industrial labour, modern subjection to capital, the same in England as in France, in America as in Germany, has stripped him of every trace of national character.

无产者没有财产；他与妻子和孩子的关系不再与资产阶级的家庭关系有任何共同之处。现代工业劳动，现代对资本的服从，在英国和法国、美国和德国都是如此，已经剥夺了他的一切民族性格。

Law, morality, religion, are to him so many bourgeois prejudices, behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests.

法律、道德、宗教，对他来说都是如此多的资产阶级偏见，其背后也潜伏着同样多的资产阶级利益。

All the preceding classes that got the upper hand, sought to fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their conditions of appropriation.

所有占据上风的先前阶级都试图通过使整个社会服从于他们的占有条件来巩固他们已经获得的地位。

The proletarians cannot become masters of the productive forces of society, except by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation.

无产阶级不能成为社会生产力的主人，除非废除他们自己以前的占有方式，从而也废除所有其他以前的占有方式。

They have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify; their mission is to destroy all previous securities for, and insurances of, individual property.

他们自己没有什么可以保护和巩固的；他们的任务是销毁个人财产以前的所有证券和保险。

All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interests of minorities.

以往的历史运动都是少数派的运动，或者说是为了少数派的利益而进行的运动。

The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interests of the immense majority.

无产阶级运动是绝大多数人自觉的、独立的运动，是为了绝大多数人的利益。

The proletariat, the lowest stratum of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up, without the whole superincumbent strata of official society being sprung into the air.

如果官方社会的整个上层不被腾空而起，无产阶级作为我们当今社会的最底层就无法骚动、无法崛起。

Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle.

无产阶级同资产阶级的斗争，虽然不是实质上的，而是形式上的，首先是民族斗争。

The proletariat of each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its own bourgeoisie.

当然，各国无产阶级首先必须同本国资产阶级解决问题。

In depicting the most general phases of the development of the proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat.

在描述无产阶级发展的最一般阶段时，我们追溯了在现有社会中肆虐的或多或少隐蔽的内战，直到战争爆发为公开的革命，并以暴力推翻资产阶级为无产阶级的统治奠定了基础。

Hitherto, every form of society has been based, as we have already seen, on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes.

正如我们已经看到的，迄今为止，每一种社会形式都是建立在压迫者和被压迫阶级的对抗之上的。

But in order to oppress a class, certain conditions must be assured to it under which it can, at least, continue its slavish existence.

但为了压迫一个阶级，就必须保证它能够至少继续其奴性存在的某些条件。

The serf, in the period of serfdom, raised himself to membership in the commune, just as the petty bourgeois, under the yoke of feudal absolutism, managed to develop into a bourgeois.

农奴在农奴制时期上升为公社成员，正如小资产阶级在封建专制主义的枷锁下发展成为资产阶级一样。

The modern laborer, on the contrary, instead of rising with the progress of industry, sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class.

相反，现代劳动者非但没有随着工业的进步而上升，反而在自己阶级的生存条件之下越陷越深。

He becomes a pauper, and pauperism develops more rapidly than population and wealth.

他变成了穷人，而穷人的发展速度比人口和财富的发展速度还要快。

And here it becomes evident, that the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in society, and to impose its conditions of existence upon society as an over-riding law.

在这里，很明显，资产阶级不再适合成为社会的统治阶级，不再适合将其生存条件作为压倒一切的法律强加于社会。

It is unfit to rule because it is incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state, that it has to feed him, instead of being fed by him.

它不适合统治，因为它没有能力保证奴隶在奴隶制中生存，因为它无法帮助奴隶陷入这样一种状态：它必须养活他，而不是被他养活。

Society can no longer live under this bourgeoisie, in other words, its existence is no longer compatible with society.

社会不能再生活在这个资产阶级之下，换句话说，它的存在不再与社会相容。

The essential condition for the existence, and for the sway of the bourgeois class, is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital is wage-labour.

资产阶级存在和影响的基本条件是资本的形成和扩充。资本的条件是雇佣劳动。

Wage-labour rests exclusively on competition between the laborers.

雇佣劳动完全依赖于劳动者之间的竞争。

The advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the labourers, due to competition, by their revolutionary combination, due to association.

工业的进步，其非自愿的推动者是资产阶级，它以革命性的联合、结社取代了劳动者因竞争而孤立的状态。

The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products.

因此，现代工业的发展从其脚下切断了资产阶级生产和占有产品的基础。

What the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces, above all, is its own grave-diggers.

因此，资产阶级首先制造的是它自己的掘墓人。

Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.

它的垮台和无产阶级的胜利同样是不可避免的。

II.

二.

PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS

无产阶级和共产主义者

In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole?

共产党人和整个无产阶级是什么关系？

The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working-class parties.

共产党并没有组建一个与其他工人阶级政党相对立的独立政党。

They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.

他们的利益与整个无产阶级的利益没有任何区别。

They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.

他们没有建立任何自己的宗派原则来塑造和塑造无产阶级运动。

The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only: (1) In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality.

共产党与其他工人阶级政党的区别仅在于：（1）在各国无产阶级的民族斗争中，他们指出并突出了整个无产阶级不分民族的共同利益。

(2) In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.

（二）在工人阶级反对资产阶级的斗争所必须经历的各个发展阶段，他们始终、无处不在地代表整个运动的利益。

The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement.

因此，共产党人实际上是各国工人阶级政党中最先进、最坚决的部分，是推动所有其他部分前进的部分；另一方面，在理论上，他们比广大无产阶级具有更清楚地认识无产阶级运动的前进路线、条件和最终总体结果的优势。

The immediate aim of the Communist is the same as that of all the other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat.

共产党的直接目标与所有其他无产阶级政党的直接目标相同：将无产阶级形成一个阶级，推翻资产阶级霸权，由无产阶级夺取政权。

The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based on ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or that would-be universal reformer.

共产党人的理论结论绝不是基于这个或那个潜在的普遍改革者发明或发现的思想或原则。

They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under our very eyes.

它们只是笼统地表达了源自现有阶级斗争、源自我们眼皮底下正在发生的历史运动的实际关系。

The abolition of existing property relations is not at all a distinctive feature of Communism.

废除现有的财产关系根本不是共产主义的显着特征。

All property relations in the past have continually been subject to historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions.

过去的一切财产关系都随着历史条件的变化而不断发生历史变化。

The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favour of bourgeois property.

例如，法国大革命废除了封建财产制，取而代之的是资产阶级财产制。

The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property.

共产主义的显着特征不是普遍废除财产制，而是废除资产阶级财产制。

But modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete expression of the system of producing and appropriating products, that is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by the few.

但现代资产阶级私有制是产品生产和占有制度的最终和最完整的体现，这种制度建立在阶级对抗和少数人剥削多数人的基础上。

In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the single sentence: Abolition of private property.

从这个意义上说，共产党人的理论可以用一句话来概括：废除私有制。

We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man’s own labour, which property is alleged to be the groundwork of all personal freedom, activity and independence.

我们共产党人因希望废除个人获得财产作为个人劳动成果的权利而受到指责，而财产被认为是所有个人自由、活动和独立的基础。

Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property!

来之不易、自己获得、自己挣来的财产！

Do you mean the property of the petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of property that preceded the bourgeois form?

你指的是小工匠和小农的财产，是资产阶级形式之前的一种财产形式吗？

There is no need to abolish that; the development of industry has to a great extent already destroyed it, and is still destroying it daily.

没有必要废除它；工业的发展在很大程度上已经摧毁了它，并且每天仍在摧毁它。

Or do you mean modern bourgeois private property?

还是说现代资产阶级私有制？

But does wage-labour create any property for the labourer?

但雇佣劳动是否为劳动者创造了任何财产呢？

Not a bit.

一点也不。

It creates capital, i.e., that kind of property which exploits wage-labour, and which cannot increase except upon condition of begetting a new supply of wage-labour for fresh exploitation.

它创造了资本，即剥削雇佣劳动的财产，除非为新的剥削产生新的雇佣劳动供给，否则资本不能增加。

Property, in its present form, is based on the antagonism of capital and wage-labour.

目前形式的财产权是建立在资本与雇佣劳动的对抗之上的。

Let us examine both sides of this antagonism.

让我们来看看这种对立的两面。

To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a social _status_ in production.

成为一个资本家，不仅意味着在生产中拥有纯粹的个人地位，而且拥有社会地位。

Capital is a collective product, and only by the united action of many members, nay, in the last resort, only by the united action of all members of society, can it be set in motion.

资本是集体的产物，只有通过众多成员的联合行动，不，归根结底，只有社会全体成员的联合行动，才能使其运转起来。

Capital is, therefore, not a personal, it is a social power.

因此，资本不是个人的力量，而是社会的力量。

When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into the property of all members of society, personal property is not thereby transformed into social property.

因此，当资本转化为公共财产、转化为社会全体成员的财产时，个人财产并没有因此转化为社会财产。

It is only the social character of the property that is changed.

改变的只是财产的社会特征。

It loses its class-character.

它失去了阶级特征。

Let us now take wage-labour.

现在让我们以雇佣劳动为例。

The average price of wage-labour is the minimum wage, _i.e_., that quantum of the means of subsistence, which is absolutely requisite in bare existence as a labourer.

雇佣劳动的平均价格是最低工资，即作为工人生存所绝对必需的生活资料的数额。

What, therefore, the wage-labourer appropriates by means of his labour, merely suffices to prolong and reproduce a bare existence.

因此，雇佣工人通过自己的劳动所占有的东西，仅仅足以维持和再生产一个赤裸的生存。

We by no means intend to abolish this personal appropriation of the products of labour, an appropriation that is made for the maintenance and reproduction of human life, and that leaves no surplus wherewith to command the labour of others.

我们绝不打算废除这种对劳动产品的个人占有，这种占有是为了人类生命的维持和再生产而进行的，并且不会留下任何剩余来指挥他人的劳动。

All that we want to do away with, is the miserable character of this appropriation, under which the labourer lives merely to increase capital, and is allowed to live only in so far as the interest of the ruling class requires it.

我们想要消除的只是这种拨款的悲惨性质，在这种拨款下，劳动者的生活只是为了增加资本，并且只能在统治阶级的利益需要的范围内生活。

In bourgeois society, living labour is but a means to increase accumulated labour.

在资产阶级社会中，活劳动只是增加积累劳动的一种手段。

In Communist society, accumulated labour is but a means to widen, to enrich, to promote the existence of the labourer.

在共产主义社会中，积累的劳动只是扩大、丰富和促进劳动者生存的一种手段。

In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present; in Communist society, the present dominates the past.

因此，在资产阶级社会中，过去支配着现在。在共产主义社会中，现在支配着过去。

In bourgeois society capital is independent and has individuality, while the living person is dependent and has no individuality.

在资产阶级社会中，资本是独立的，有个性的，而活着的人是附属的，没有个性的。

And the abolition of this state of things is called by the bourgeois, abolition of individuality and freedom!

而废除这种状态，被资产阶级称为废除个性和自由！

And rightly so.

确实如此。

The abolition of bourgeois individuality, bourgeois independence, and bourgeois freedom is undoubtedly aimed at.

消灭资产阶级个性、消灭资产阶级独立、消灭资产阶级自由，无疑是其目的。

By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditions of production, free trade, free selling and buying.

所谓自由，是指在目前资产阶级的生产条件下，自由贸易、自由买卖。

But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buying disappears also.

但如果买卖消失了，自由买卖也会消失。

This talk about free selling and buying, and all the other “brave words” of our bourgeoisie about freedom in general, have a meaning, if any, only in contrast with restricted selling and buying, with the fettered traders of the Middle Ages, but have no meaning when opposed to the Communistic abolition of buying and selling, of the bourgeois conditions of production, and of the bourgeoisie itself.

这种关于自由买卖的言论，以及我们资产阶级关于一般自由的所有其他“勇敢的言论”，如果有的话，只有与中世纪受束缚的商人的限制性买卖相比才有意义，但当反对共产主义废除买卖、资产阶级生产条件和资产阶级本身时，就没有任何意义。

You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property.

你对我们打算废除私有财产感到震惊。

But in your existing society, private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths.

但在你们现有的社会中，对于十分之九的人口来说，私有财产已经被废除了；它对于少数人的存在完全是因为它不存在于那十分之九的人手中。

You reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society.

因此，你们指责我们打算废除一种财产形式，而这种形式存在的必要条件是社会绝大多数人不存在任何财产。

In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your property.

一言以蔽之，你指责我们打算剥夺你的财产。

Precisely so; that is just what we intend.

正是如此；这正是我们的意图。

From the moment when labour can no longer be converted into capital, money, or rent, into a social power capable of being monopolised, _i.e_., from the moment when individual property can no longer be transformed into bourgeois property, into capital, from that moment, you say individuality vanishes.

从劳动不能再转化为资本、货币、租金，转化为可以垄断的社会权力的那一刻起，即从个人财产不再能转化为资产阶级财产、转化为资本的那一刻起，从那一刻起，你说个性就消失了。

You must, therefore, confess that by “individual” you mean no other person than the bourgeois, than the middle-class owner of property.

因此，你必须承认，你所说的“个人”不是指资产阶级，而是指财产的中产阶级所有者。

This person must, indeed, be swept out of the way, and made impossible.

事实上，这个人必须被扫除，并使其不可能。

Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products of society; all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate the labour of others by means of such appropriation.

共产主义不剥夺任何人占有社会产品的权力；它所做的一切就是剥夺他通过这种占有来征服他人劳动的权力。

It has been objected that upon the abolition of private property all work will cease, and universal laziness will overtake us.

有人反对说，一旦废除私有财产，所有的工作就会停止，普遍的懒惰就会降临到我们身上。

According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone to the dogs through sheer idleness; for those of its members who work, acquire nothing, and those who acquire anything, do not work.

照此看来，资产阶级社会早就该因懒惰而走向衰败了。因为那些工作的成员一无所获，而那些获得任何东西的人却没有工作。

The whole of this objection is but another expression of the tautology: that there can no longer be any wage-labour when there is no longer any capital.

这个反对意见的全部内容只不过是同义反复的另一种表达：当不再有任何资本时，就不再有任何雇佣劳动。

All objections urged against the Communistic mode of producing and appropriating material products, have, in the same way, been urged against the Communistic modes of producing and appropriating intellectual products.

所有反对共产主义生产和占有物质产品的方式，都以同样的方式反对共产主义生产和占有知识产品的方式。

Just as, to the bourgeois, the disappearance of class property is the disappearance of production itself, so the disappearance of class culture is to him identical with the disappearance of all culture.

正如对资产阶级来说，阶级财产的消失就是生产本身的消失一样，阶级文化的消失对他们来说就等于一切文化的消失。

That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormous majority, a mere training to act as a machine.

他哀叹这种文化的消失，对于绝大多数人来说，这种文化只不过是一种充当机器的训练。

But don’t wrangle with us so long as you apply, to our intended abolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois notions of freedom, culture, law, etc. Your very ideas are but the outgrowth of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property, just as your jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a law for all, a will, whose essential character and direction are determined by the economical conditions of existence of your class.

但是，只要你们把你们的资产阶级自由、文化、法律等观念的标准适用于我们要废除的资产阶级财产，就不要与我们争论。你们的思想只不过是你们资产阶级生产条件和资产阶级财产条件的产物，正如你们的法理学只不过是你们阶级的意志被制定为所有人的法律，一种意志，其本质特征和方向是由生存的经济条件决定的。你们班的。

The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into eternal laws of nature and of reason, the social forms springing from your present mode of production and form of property—historical relations that rise and disappear in the progress of production—this misconception you share with every ruling class that has preceded you.

这种自私的错误观念促使你们转变成永恒的自然法则和理性法则，从你们目前的生产方式和财产形式中产生的社会形式——在生产进步中产生和消失的历史关系——这种错误观念是你们之前的每一个统治阶级所共有的。

What you see clearly in the case of ancient property, what you admit in the case of feudal property, you are of course forbidden to admit in the case of your own bourgeois form of property.

你在古代财产中所清楚看到的，你在封建财产中所承认的，当然禁止你在你自己的资产阶级财产形式中承认。

Abolition of the family!

废除家庭！

Even the most radical flare up at this infamous proposal of the Communists.

即使是最激进的人也会对共产党人的这个臭名昭著的提议感到愤怒。

On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family, based?

现在的家庭，资产阶级家庭，是建立在什么基础上的？

On capital, on private gain.

靠资本，靠私利。

In its completely developed form this family exists only among the bourgeoisie.

在其完全发展的形式中，这个家庭只存在于资产阶级之中。

But this state of things finds its complement in the practical absence of the family among the proletarians, and in public prostitution.

但这种情况在无产阶级中实际上缺乏家庭和公共卖淫中得到了补充。

The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its complement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of capital.

当资产阶级家庭的补充消失时，资产阶级家庭也就理所当然地消失，而资产阶级家庭也随着资本的消失而消失。

Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of children by their parents?

你是否指责我们想要制止父母对儿童的剥削？

To this crime we plead guilty.

对于这一罪行，我们认罪。

But, you will say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations, when we replace home education by social.

但是，你会说，当我们用社会教育取代家庭教育时，我们就破坏了最神圣的关系。

And your education!

还有你的教育程度！

Is not that also social, and determined by the social conditions under which you educate, by the intervention, direct or indirect, of society, by means of schools, etc.?

难道这不也是社会的吗？是由你进行教育的社会条件决定的，通过社会的直接或间接干预，通过学校等手段？

The Communists have not invented the intervention of society in education; they do but seek to alter the character of that intervention, and to rescue education from the influence of the ruling class.

共产党人并没有发明社会对教育的干预；他们没有发明社会对教育的干预。他们只是试图改变这种干预的性质，并将教育从统治阶级的影响中拯救出来。

The bourgeois clap-trap about the family and education, about the hallowed co-relation of parent and child, becomes all the more disgusting, the more, by the action of Modern Industry, all family ties among the proletarians are torn asunder, and their children transformed into simple articles of commerce and instruments of labour.

资产阶级关于家庭和教育、关于父母与子女的神圣关系的陈词滥调，变得更加令人厌恶，而且，由于现代工业的作用，无产阶级之间的所有家庭关系都被撕裂，他们的孩子变成了简单的商品和劳动工具。

But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams the whole bourgeoisie in chorus.

但你们共产党人会引入妇女群体，整个资产阶级齐声尖叫。

The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production.

资产阶级将妻子视为纯粹的生产工具。

He hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in common, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than that the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the women.

他听说生产工具应该被共同利用，自然而然地，他只能得出这样的结论：所有人共同的命运同样会落在妇女身上。

He has not even a suspicion that the real point is to do away with the status of women as mere instruments of production.

他甚至不怀疑真正的目的是消除妇女作为生产工具的地位。

For the rest, nothing is more ridiculous than the virtuous indignation of our bourgeois at the community of women which, they pretend, is to be openly and officially established by the Communists.

对于其他人来说，没有什么比我们的资产阶级对妇女团体的义愤更可笑的了，他们假装这个妇女团体是由共产党人公开和正式建立的。

The Communists have no need to introduce community of women; it has existed almost from time immemorial.

共产党没有必要引入妇女团体；它几乎从远古时代就存在。

Our bourgeois, not content with having the wives and daughters of their proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common prostitutes, take the greatest pleasure in seducing each other’s wives.

我们的资产阶级不满足于拥有无产阶级的妻子和女儿，更不用说普通的妓女了，他们以勾引彼此的妻子为最大的乐趣。

Bourgeois marriage is in reality a system of wives in common and thus, at the most, what the Communists might possibly be reproached with, is that they desire to introduce, in substitution for a hypocritically concealed, an openly legalised community of women.

资产阶级婚姻实际上是一个共同妻子的制度，因此，共产党人最多可能会受到的指责是，他们希望引入一个公开合法化的妇女群体，以取代虚伪的隐藏。

For the rest, it is self-evident that the abolition of the present system of production must bring with it the abolition of the community of women springing from that system, _i.e_., of prostitution both public and private.

对于其他人来说，不言而喻的是，废除现行生产制度必然会废除源自该制度的妇女群体，即公共和私人卖淫。

The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish countries and nationality.

共产党人还被指责想要废除国家和民族。

The working men have no country.

劳动人民没有祖国。

We cannot take from them what they have not got.

我们不能从他们那里夺走他们没有得到的东西。

Since the proletariat must first of all acquire political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of the nation, must constitute itself _the_ nation, it is, so far, itself national, though not in the bourgeois sense of the word.

既然无产阶级首先必须获得政治上的最高地位，必须成为民族的领导阶级，必须自己构成民族，所以到目前为止，它本身就是民族的，尽管不是资产阶级意义上的民族。

National differences and antagonisms between peoples are daily more and more vanishing, owing to the development of the bourgeoisie, to freedom of commerce, to the world-market, to uniformity in the mode of production and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto.

由于资产阶级的发展、商业自由、世界市场、生产方式和与之相适应的生活条件的统一，各国人民之间的民族差异和对抗日益消失。

The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still faster.

无产阶级的霸权将使他们消失得更快。

United action, of the leading civilised countries at least, is one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat.

至少主要文明国家的联合行动是无产阶级解放的首要条件之一。

In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another is put an end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will also be put an end to.

随着一个人对另一个人的剥削的结束，一个国家对另一个国家的剥削也将随之结束。

In proportion as the antagonism between classes within the nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to another will come to an end.

随着民族内部阶级间的对抗消失，一个民族对另一个民族的敌对也将结束。

The charges against Communism made from a religious, a philosophical, and, generally, from an ideological standpoint, are not deserving of serious examination.

从宗教、哲学和一般意识形态的角度对共产主义提出的指控不值得认真审查。

Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man’s ideas, views and conceptions, in one word, man’s consciousness, changes with every change in the conditions of his material existence, in his social relations and in his social life?

人的思想、观点、观念，即人的意识，随着物质存在条件、社会关系、社会生活的每一次变化而变化，是否需要深刻的直觉呢？

What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectual production changes its character in proportion as material production is changed?

除了智力生产随着物质生产的变化而改变其特征之外，思想史还证明了什么？

The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling class.

每个时代的统治思想都是其统治阶级的思想。

When people speak of ideas that revolutionise society, they do but express the fact, that within the old society, the elements of a new one have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence.

当人们谈论使社会发生革命性变化的思想时，他们只是表达了这样一个事实：在旧社会中，新社会的要素已经被创造出来，旧思想的消解与旧的生存条件的消解同步进行。

When the ancient world was in its last throes, the ancient religions were overcome by Christianity.

当古代世界陷入最后的阵痛时，古代宗教被基督教所征服。

When Christian ideas succumbed in the 18th century to rationalist ideas, feudal society fought its death battle with the then revolutionary bourgeoisie.

当基督教思想在18世纪屈服于理性主义思想时，封建社会与当时的革命资产阶级进行了殊死的战斗。

The ideas of religious liberty and freedom of conscience merely gave expression to the sway of free competition within the domain of knowledge.

宗教自由和良心自由的思想只是体现了知识领域内的自由竞争。

“Undoubtedly,” it will be said, “religious, moral, philosophical and juridical ideas have been modified in the course of historical development.

有人会说，“毫无疑问，宗教、道德、哲学和司法观念在历史发展过程中已经发生了变化。

But religion, morality philosophy, political science, and law, constantly survived this change.”

但宗教、道德哲学、政治学和法律却在这种变化中不断幸存下来。”

“There are, besides, eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice, etc. that are common to all states of society.

“此外，还有一些永恒的真理，例如自由、正义等，是所有社会状态所共有的。

But Communism abolishes eternal truths, it abolishes all religion, and all morality, instead of constituting them on a new basis; it therefore acts in contradiction to all past historical experience.”

但共产主义废除了永恒的真理，废除了一切宗教、一切道德，而不是把它们建立在新的基础上；因此，它的行为与所有过去的历史经验相矛盾。”

What does this accusation reduce itself to?

这个指控归结为什么呢？

The history of all past society has consisted in the development of class antagonisms, antagonisms that assumed different forms at different epochs.

过去一切社会的历史都是阶级对抗的发展，而阶级对抗在不同的时代呈现出不同的形式。

But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all past ages, viz., the exploitation of one part of society by the other.

但无论它们采取何种形式，有一个事实是过去所有时代所共有的，即社会的一部分受到另一部分的剥削。

No wonder, then, that the social consciousness of past ages, despite all the multiplicity and variety it displays, moves within certain common forms, or general ideas, which cannot completely vanish except with the total disappearance of class antagonisms.

因此，难怪过去时代的社会意识尽管表现出多重性和多样性，但仍以某些共同的形式或一般观念运动，除非阶级对抗完全消失，否则这些形式或一般观念不会完全消失。

The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional property relations; no wonder that its development involves the most radical rupture with traditional ideas.

共产主义革命是对传统财产关系最彻底的决裂。难怪它的发展涉及到与传统观念最彻底的决裂。

But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to Communism.

但让我们结束资产阶级对共产主义的反对吧。

We have seen above, that the first step in the revolution by the working class, is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling as to win the battle of democracy.

我们在上面已经看到，工人阶级革命的第一步，就是把无产阶级提高到统治地位，以赢得民主斗争。

The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralise all instruments of production in the hands of the State, _i.e_., of the proletariat organised as the ruling class; and to increase the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible.

无产阶级将利用其政治上的最高地位，逐步从资产阶级手中夺取所有资本，将所有生产工具集中在国家手中，即集中在作为统治阶级组织起来的无产阶级手中；尽快增加生产力总量。

Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except by means of despotic inroads on the rights of property, and on the conditions of bourgeois production; by means of measures, therefore, which appear economically insufficient and untenable, but which, in the course of the movement, outstrip themselves, necessitate further inroads upon the old social order, and are unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionising the mode of production.

当然，一开始，除非通过对财产权和资产阶级生产条件的专制侵犯，否则这是不可能实现的。因此，采取的措施在经济上看来是不够的和站不住脚的，但在运动过程中却超出了自身的限度，需要进一步侵入旧的社会秩序，并且不可避免地成为彻底变革生产方式的手段。

These measures will of course be different in different countries.

当然，这些措施在不同国家会有所不同。

Nevertheless in the most advanced countries, the following will be pretty generally applicable.

然而，在最先进的国家，以下内容将非常普遍适用。

1.

1.

Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes.

废除土地所有权并将所有土地租金用于公共目的。

2.

2.

A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.

沉重的累进或累进所得税。

3.

3.

Abolition of all right of inheritance.

废除所有继承权。

4.

4.

Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.

没收所有移民和叛乱分子的财产。

5.

5.

Centralisation of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.

通过拥有国家资本和独家垄断的国家银行，将信贷集中在国家手中。

6.

6.

Centralisation of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the State.

通讯和运输手段集中于国家手中。

7.

7.

Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the State; the bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.

扩大国有工厂和生产工具；一般按照共同计划开垦荒地和改良土壤。

8.

8.

Equal liability of all to labour.

所有人对劳动负有平等的责任。

Establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture.

建立工业军，特别是农业工业军。

9.

9.

Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more equable distribution of the population over the country.

农业与制造业相结合；通过在全国范围内更公平地分配人口，逐步取消城乡之间的区别。

10.

10.

Free education for all children in public schools.

公立学校为所有儿童提供免费教育。

Abolition of children’s factory labour in its present form.

废除目前形式的工厂童工。

Combination of education with industrial production, &c., &c.

教育与工业生产结合等。

When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character.

当阶级差别在发展过程中消失，一切生产都集中到全国广大人民团体手中时，公共权力就失去了政治性。

Political power, properly so called, is merely the organised power of one class for oppressing another.

所谓政治权力，只不过是一个阶级压迫另一个阶级的有组织的权力。

If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organise itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class.

如果无产阶级在与资产阶级的斗争中，迫于环境的力量，将自己组织成一个阶级，如果它通过革命使自己成为统治阶级，从而用武力扫除旧的生产条件，那么，它就会连同这些条件一起扫除阶级对抗和一般阶级存在的条件，从而废除它自己作为一个阶级的至高无上的地位。

In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.

我们将建立一个协会，以取代具有阶级和阶级对立的旧资产阶级社会，在这个协会中，每个人的自由发展是所有人自由发展的条件。

III.

三．

SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE

社会主义和共产主义文学

1.

1.

REACTIONARY SOCIALISM

反动社会主义

_A.

_A。

Feudal Socialism_

封建社会主义_

Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against modern bourgeois society.

由于其历史地位，法国和英国的贵族们以撰写反对现代资产阶级社会的小册子为己任。

In the French revolution of July 1830, and in the English reform agitation, these aristocracies again succumbed to the hateful upstart.

在1830年7月的法国革命和英国的改革风潮中，这些贵族再次屈服于可恶的暴发户。

Thenceforth, a serious political contest was altogether out of the question.

从此，一场严肃的政治竞争就完全不可能了。

A literary battle alone remained possible.

仅文学之战仍然是可能的。

But even in the domain of literature the old cries of the restoration period had become impossible.

但即使在文学领域，复辟时期的旧呼声也已变得不可能。

In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy were obliged to lose sight, apparently, of their own interests, and to formulate their indictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploited working class alone.

为了博得同情，贵族们显然不得不忘记自己的利益，只为了被剥削的工人阶级的利益而对资产阶级提出控诉。

Thus the aristocracy took their revenge by singing lampoons on their new master, and whispering in his ears sinister prophecies of coming catastrophe.

因此，贵族们通过唱讽刺歌来讽刺他们的新主人，并在他耳边低语着即将到来的灾难的险恶预言来进行报复。

In this way arose Feudal Socialism: half lamentation, half lampoon; half echo of the past, half menace of the future; at times, by its bitter, witty and incisive criticism, striking the bourgeoisie to the very heart’s core; but always ludicrous in its effect, through total incapacity to comprehend the march of modern history.

封建社会主义就这样产生了：半是哀叹，半是讽刺；一半是过去的回声，一半是未来的威胁；时而尖刻、机智、尖锐的批判，直击资产阶级的内心深处；但由于完全无法理解现代历史的进程，其效果总是可笑的。

The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved the proletarian alms-bag in front for a banner.

贵族们为了团结人民，把无产阶级的施舍袋当做旗帜来挥舞。

But the people, so often as it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats of arms, and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter.

但人们常常在加入他们的时候，看到他们的后腿上有古老的封建徽章，然后带着大声和不敬的笑声离开。

One section of the French Legitimists and “Young England” exhibited this spectacle.

法国正统派和“青年英格兰”的一部分就展现了这一景象。

In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different to that of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they exploited under circumstances and conditions that were quite different, and that are now antiquated.

封建主义者在指出他们的剥削方式与资产阶级的剥削方式不同时，忘记了他们是在完全不同的、现在已经过时的环境和条件下进行剥削的。

In showing that, under their rule, the modern proletariat never existed, they forget that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary offspring of their own form of society.

在表明在他们的统治下现代无产阶级从未存在过的同时，他们忘记了现代资产阶级是他们自己的社会形式的必然产物。

For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary character of their criticism that their chief accusation against the bourgeoisie amounts to this, that under the bourgeois _regime_ a class is being developed, which is destined to cut up root and branch the old order of society.

至于其他人，他们毫不掩饰他们的批评的反动性质，以至于他们对资产阶级的主要指控就是这样的：在资产阶级政权下，一个阶级正在发展起来，它注定要斩断旧社会秩序的根基和分支。

What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it creates a proletariat, as that it creates a _revolutionary_ proletariat.

他们指责资产阶级，与其说是资产阶级创造了无产阶级，不如说是资产阶级创造了革命的无产阶级。

In political practice, therefore, they join in all coercive measures against the working class; and in ordinary life, despite their high falutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the golden apples dropped from the tree of industry, and to barter truth, love, and honour for traffic in wool, beetroot-sugar, and potato spirits.

因此，在政治实践中，他们加入了针对工人阶级的一切强制措施；在日常生活中，尽管他们的言辞冠冕堂皇，但他们却弯下腰去捡工业树上掉落的金苹果，用真理、爱情和荣誉来交换羊毛、甜菜糖和马铃薯烈酒。

As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord, so has Clerical Socialism with Feudal Socialism.

正如牧师曾经与地主携手共进一样，教权社会主义与封建社会主义也曾携手共进。

Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a Socialist tinge.

没有什么比给基督教禁欲主义赋予社会主义色彩更容易的了。

Has not Christianity declaimed against private property, against marriage, against the State?

基督教不是曾大声疾呼反对私有财产、反对婚姻、反对国家吗？

Has it not preached in the place of these, charity and poverty, celibacy and mortification of the flesh, monastic life and Mother Church?

难道它没有宣扬慈善与贫穷、禁欲与禁欲、修道院生活和母教会吗？

Christian Socialism is but the holy water with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of the aristocrat.

基督教社会主义只不过是神父用来圣化贵族的心火的圣水。

_B.

_B。

Petty-Bourgeois Socialism_

小资产阶级社会主义_

The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that was ruined by the bourgeoisie, not the only class whose conditions of existence pined and perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society.

封建贵族并不是唯一被资产阶级毁灭的阶级，也不是唯一在现代资产阶级社会的氛围中生存条件日渐衰弱和灭亡的阶级。

The mediaeval burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were the precursors of the modern bourgeoisie.

中世纪的自由民和小农是现代资产阶级的先驱。

In those countries which are but little developed, industrially and commercially, these two classes still vegetate side by side with the rising bourgeoisie.

在那些工业和商业不太发达的国家，这两个阶级仍然与新兴的资产阶级并存。

In countries where modern civilisation has become fully developed, a new class of petty bourgeois has been formed, fluctuating between proletariat and bourgeoisie and ever renewing itself as a supplementary part of bourgeois society.

在现代文明充分发展的国家，形成了一个新的小资产阶级，它在无产阶级和资产阶级之间波动，并不断更新，成为资产阶级社会的补充部分。

The individual members of this class, however, are being constantly hurled down into the proletariat by the action of competition, and, as modern industry develops, they even see the moment approaching when they will completely disappear as an independent section of modern society, to be replaced, in manufactures, agriculture and commerce, by overlookers, bailiffs and shopmen.

然而，这个阶级的个别成员却不断地因竞争而被抛入无产阶级，而且随着现代工业的发展，他们甚至看到自己作为现代社会的一个独立部分完全消失的时刻即将到来，而在制造业、农业和商业中将被工头、法警和店主所取代。

In countries like France, where the peasants constitute far more than half of the population, it was natural that writers who sided with the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, should use, in their criticism of the bourgeois _regime_, the standard of the peasant and petty bourgeois, and from the standpoint of these intermediate classes should take up the cudgels for the working class.

在法国这样的国家，农民占人口的一半以上，站在无产阶级一边反对资产阶级的作家，自然应该用农民和小资产阶级的标准来批判资产阶级政权，并站在这些中间阶级的立场上，拿起工人阶级的大棒。

Thus arose petty-bourgeois Socialism.

小资产阶级社会主义就这样产生了。

Sismondi was the head of this school, not only in France but also in England.

西斯蒙第是这所学校的校长，不仅在法国，而且在英国也是如此。

This school of Socialism dissected with great acuteness the contradictions in the conditions of modern production.

这个社会主义学派极其敏锐地剖析了现代生产条件中的矛盾。

It laid bare the hypocritical apologies of economists.

它暴露了经济学家虚伪的道歉。

It proved, incontrovertibly, the disastrous effects of machinery and division of labour; the concentration of capital and land in a few hands; overproduction and crises; it pointed out the inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and peasant, the misery of the proletariat, the anarchy in production, the crying inequalities in the distribution of wealth, the industrial war of extermination between nations, the dissolution of old moral bonds, of the old family relations, of the old nationalities.

无可争议地证明了机器和劳动分工的灾难性后果。资本和土地集中在少数人手中；生产过剩和危机；它指出了小资产阶级和农民不可避免的灭亡，无产阶级的苦难，生产的无政府状态，财富分配的严重不平等，民族之间的工业灭绝战争，旧的道德纽带、旧的家庭关系、旧的民族的瓦解。

In its positive aims, however, this form of Socialism aspires either to restoring the old means of production and of exchange, and with them the old property relations, and the old society, or to cramping the modern means of production and of exchange, within the framework of the old property relations that have been, and were bound to be, exploded by those means.

然而，在其积极的目标中，这种形式的社会主义要么渴望恢复旧的生产和交换手段，并随之恢复旧的财产关系和旧社会，要么将现代的生产和交换手段限制在旧的财产关系的框架内，而旧的财产关系已经并且必然被这些手段所摧毁。

In either case, it is both reactionary and Utopian.

无论哪种情况，它都是反动的和乌托邦的。

Its last words are: corporate guilds for manufacture, patriarchal relations in agriculture.

它的最后一句话是：制造业的企业行会，农业的父权关系。

Ultimately, when stubborn historical facts had dispersed all intoxicating effects of self-deception, this form of Socialism ended in a miserable fit of the blues.

最终，当顽固的历史事实驱散了自欺欺人的所有令人陶醉的影响时，这种形式的社会主义以悲惨的忧郁而告终。

_C.

_C。

German, or “True,” Socialism_

德国社会主义，或者说“真正的”社会主义_

The Socialist and Communist literature of France, a literature that originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power, and that was the expression of the struggle against this power, was introduced into Germany at a time when the bourgeoisie, in that country, had just begun its contest with feudal absolutism.

法国的社会主义和共产主义文学，是在资产阶级当权的压力下产生的文学，是反对这个政权的斗争的表现，是在德国资产阶级刚刚开始同封建专制主义的斗争时传入德国的。

German philosophers, would-be philosophers, and _beaux esprits_, eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting, that when these writings immigrated from France into Germany, French social conditions had not immigrated along with them.

德国哲学家、未来的哲学家和精英们热切地抓住这些文学作品，却忘记了当这些作品从法国传入德国时，法国的社会状况并没有随之迁移。

In contact with German social conditions, this French literature lost all its immediate practical significance, and assumed a purely literary aspect.

在与德国社会状况的接触中，这种法国文学失去了所有直接的现实意义，而呈现出纯粹的文学面貌。

Thus, to the German philosophers of the eighteenth century, the demands of the first French Revolution were nothing more than the demands of “Practical Reason” in general, and the utterance of the will of the revolutionary French bourgeoisie signified in their eyes the law of pure Will, of Will as it was bound to be, of true human Will generally.

因此，对于十八世纪的德国哲学家来说，第一次法国大革命的要求无非是一般“实践理性”的要求，法国革命资产阶级的意志的表达在他们眼中意味着纯粹意志的法则，必然是意志的法则，真正的人类意志的法则。

The world of the German _literati_ consisted solely in bringing the new French ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical conscience, or rather, in annexing the French ideas without deserting their own philosophic point of view.

德国文人的世界仅仅在于使新的法国思想与他们古老的哲学良心相协调，或者更确切地说，在于吞并法国思想而不放弃他们自己的哲学观点。

This annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign language is appropriated, namely, by translation.

这种吞并的方式与挪用外语的方式相同，即通过翻译。

It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholic Saints _over_ the manuscripts on which the classical works of ancient heathendom had been written.

众所周知，僧侣们如何在写有古代异教经典作品的手稿上写下天主教圣徒的愚蠢生活。

The German _literati_ reversed this process with the profane French literature.

德国文人用亵渎的法国文学扭转了这一过程。

They wrote their philosophical nonsense beneath the French original.

他们在法国原著的基础上写下了他们的哲学废话。

For instance, beneath the French criticism of the economic functions of money, they wrote “Alienation of Humanity,” and beneath the French criticism of the bourgeois State they wrote “dethronement of the Category of the General,” and so forth.

例如，在法国人对货币经济功能的批评之下，他们写下了“人性的异化”；在法国人对资产阶级国家的批评之下，他们写下了“将军范畴的废黜”，等等。

The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of the French historical criticisms they dubbed “Philosophy of Action,” “True Socialism,” “German Science of Socialism,” “Philosophical Foundation of Socialism,” and so on.

这些哲学短语出现在法国历史批评的后面，他们称之为“行动哲学”、“真正的社会主义”、“德国社会主义科学”、“社会主义的哲学基础”等等。

The French Socialist and Communist literature was thus completely emasculated.

法国社会主义和共产主义文学因此被彻底阉割。

And, since it ceased in the hands of the German to express the struggle of one class with the other, he felt conscious of having overcome “French one-sidedness” and of representing, not true requirements, but the requirements of truth; not the interests of the proletariat, but the interests of Human Nature, of Man in general, who belongs to no class, has no reality, who exists only in the misty realm of philosophical fantasy.

而且，由于它在德国人手中不再表达一个阶级与另一个阶级的斗争，他感到自己已经克服了“法国的片面性”，并且代表的不是真正的要求，而是真理的要求；不是无产阶级的利益，而是人性的利益，整个人的利益，不属于任何阶级，没有现实，只存在于哲学幻想的迷雾境界中。

This German Socialism, which took its schoolboy task so seriously and solemnly, and extolled its poor stock-in-trade in such mountebank fashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic innocence.

这个德国社会主义如此认真而庄严地对待自己的学生任务，并以江湖骗子的方式吹捧其可怜的行当，同时逐渐失去了迂腐的纯真。

The fight of the German, and especially, of the Prussian bourgeoisie, against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy, in other words, the liberal movement, became more earnest.

德国特别是普鲁士资产阶级反对封建贵族和君主专制即自由主义运动的斗争变得更加激烈。

By this, the long wished-for opportunity was offered to “True” Socialism of confronting the political movement with the Socialist demands, of hurling the traditional anathemas against liberalism, against representative government, against bourgeois competition, bourgeois freedom of the press, bourgeois legislation, bourgeois liberty and equality, and of preaching to the masses that they had nothing to gain, and everything to lose, by this bourgeois movement.

由此，为“真正的”社会主义提供了长久以来渴望的机会，用社会主义的要求来对抗政治运动，对自由主义、代议制政府、资产阶级竞争、资产阶级新闻自由、资产阶级立法、资产阶级自由和平等进行传统的咒骂，并向群众宣扬这场资产阶级运动不会给他们带来任何好处，反而会失去一切。

German Socialism forgot, in the nick of time, that the French criticism, whose silly echo it was, presupposed the existence of modern bourgeois society, with its corresponding economic conditions of existence, and the political constitution adapted thereto, the very things whose attainment was the object of the pending struggle in Germany.

德国社会主义在紧要关头忘记了法国的批评——其愚蠢的回应是——预设了现代资产阶级社会的存在及其相应的经济存在条件和与之相适应的政治宪法，而这些东西的实现正是德国悬而未决的斗争的目标。

To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons, professors, country squires and officials, it served as a welcome scarecrow against the threatening bourgeoisie.

对于拥有牧师、教授、乡村乡绅和官员追随者的专制政府来说，它是对抗资产阶级威胁的受欢迎的稻草人。

It was a sweet finish after the bitter pills of floggings and bullets with which these same governments, just at that time, dosed the German working-class risings.

就在当时，这些政府用鞭打和子弹给德国工人阶级起义注射了苦涩的药丸，这是一个甜蜜的结局。

While this “True” Socialism thus served the governments as a weapon for fighting the German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time, directly represented a reactionary interest, the interest of the German Philistines.

虽然这种“真正的”社会主义成为政府对抗德国资产阶级的武器，但它同时也直接代表了反动利益，即德国庸人的利益。

In Germany the _petty bourgeois_ class, a _relique_ of the sixteenth century, and since then constantly cropping up again under various forms, is the real social basis of the existing state of things.

在德国，小资产阶级是十六世纪的残余，此后以各种形式不断出现，是现有状况的真正社会基础。

To preserve this class is to preserve the existing state of things in Germany.

维护这个阶级就是维护德国现有的状况。

The industrial and political supremacy of the bourgeoisie threatens it with certain destruction; on the one hand, from the concentration of capital; on the other, from the rise of a revolutionary proletariat.

资产阶级的工业和政治霸权给它带来一定的毁灭威胁。一方面来自资本的集中；另一方面是革命无产阶级的崛起。

“True” Socialism appeared to kill these two birds with one stone.

“真正的”社会主义似乎是一石二鸟。

It spread like an epidemic.

它像流行病一样蔓延。

The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers of rhetoric, steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment, this transcendental robe in which the German Socialists wrapped their sorry “eternal truths,” all skin and bone, served to wonderfully increase the sale of their goods amongst such a public.

投机蜘蛛网的长袍，绣满了修辞的花朵，浸透着病态情感的露水，德国社会主义者用这件超凡的长袍包裹着他们令人遗憾的“永恒的真理”，全身皮包骨头，极大地增加了他们的商品在这样的公众中的销售。

And on its part, German Socialism recognised, more and more, its own calling as the bombastic representative of the petty-bourgeois Philistine.

而德国社会主义则越来越认识到自己作为小资产阶级市侩的夸张代表的使命。

It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation, and the German petty Philistine to be the typical man.

它宣称德意志民族是模范民族，德国小庸人是典型的男人。

To every villainous meanness of this model man it gave a hidden, higher, Socialistic interpretation, the exact contrary of its real character.

对于这个模范男人的每一个邪恶卑鄙行为，它都给予了一种隐藏的、更高的、社会主义的解释，与其真实性格完全相反。

It went to the extreme length of directly opposing the “brutally destructive” tendency of Communism, and of proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt of all class struggles.

它极端地直接反对共产主义的“残酷破坏”倾向，并宣称其对一切阶级斗争的最高和公正的蔑视。

With very few exceptions, all the so-called Socialist and Communist publications that now (1847) circulate in Germany belong to the domain of this foul and enervating literature.

除了极少数例外，现在（1847年）在德国流通的所有所谓社会主义和共产主义出版物都属于这种肮脏而令人衰弱的文学领域。

2.

2.

CONSERVATIVE, OR BOURGEOIS, SOCIALISM

保守主义或资产阶级社会主义

A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social grievances, in order to secure the continued existence of bourgeois society.

一部分资产阶级渴望平息社会冤屈，以确保资产阶级社会的继续存在。

To this section belong economists, philanthropists, humanitarians, improvers of the condition of the working class, organisers of charity, members of societies for the prevention of cruelty to animals, temperance fanatics, hole-and-corner reformers of every imaginable kind.

这部分人包括经济学家、慈善家、人道主义者、工人阶级状况的改善者、慈善组织者、防止虐待动物协会的成员、禁酒狂热分子、各种可以想象到的穷困潦倒的改革者。

This form of Socialism has, moreover, been worked out into complete systems.

而且，这种形式的社会主义已经形成了完整的体系。

We may cite Proudhon’s _Philosophie de la Misère_ as an example of this form.

我们可以引用蒲鲁东的《苦难的哲学》作为这种形式的一个例子。

The Socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern social conditions without the struggles and dangers necessarily resulting therefrom.

社会主义资产阶级希望享受现代社会条件的所有优势，而不希望因此而必然产生斗争和危险。

They desire the existing state of society minus its revolutionary and disintegrating elements.

他们渴望社会的现有状态减去其革命和分裂的因素。

They wish for a bourgeoisie without a proletariat.

他们希望有资产阶级而没有无产阶级。

The bourgeoisie naturally conceives the world in which it is supreme to be the best; and bourgeois Socialism develops this comfortable conception into various more or less complete systems.

资产阶级自然地构想了一个以最好为至高无上的世界。资产阶级社会主义将这种舒适的观念发展成各种或多或少完整的体系。

In requiring the proletariat to carry out such a system, and thereby to march straightway into the social New Jerusalem, it but requires in reality, that the proletariat should remain within the bounds of existing society, but should cast away all its hateful ideas concerning the bourgeoisie.

它要求无产阶级实行这样的制度，从而直接向社会的新耶路撒冷进军，实际上是要求无产阶级留在现有社会的范围内，而抛弃一切对资产阶级的仇恨思想。

A second and more practical, but less systematic, form of this Socialism sought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in the eyes of the working class, by showing that no mere political reform, but only a change in the material conditions of existence, in economic relations, could be of any advantage to them.

这种社会主义的第二种更实际但不太系统的形式试图贬低工人阶级眼中的每一次革命运动，通过表明单纯的政治改革，而只有物质生存条件和经济关系的改变，才可能对工人阶级有任何好处。

By changes in the material conditions of existence, this form of Socialism, however, by no means understands abolition of the bourgeois relations of production, an abolition that can be effected only by a revolution, but administrative reforms, based on the continued existence of these relations; reforms, therefore, that in no respect affect the relations between capital and labour, but, at the best, lessen the cost, and simplify the administrative work, of bourgeois government.

然而，这种形式的社会主义所说的改变物质生存条件，绝不是要废除资产阶级的生产关系，这种废除只能通过革命来实现，而是要在这些关系继续存在的基础上进行行政改革；因此，改革在任何方面都不会影响资本和劳动之间的关系，最多只能减少资产阶级政府的成本并简化其行政工作。

Bourgeois Socialism attains adequate expression, when, and only when, it becomes a mere figure of speech.

当且只有当资产阶级社会主义成为一种修辞手段时，它才能得到充分的表达。

Free trade: for the benefit of the working class.

自由贸易：为了工人阶级的利益。

Protective duties: for the benefit of the working class.

保护职责：为了工人阶级的利益。

Prison Reform: for the benefit of the working class.

监狱改革：为了工人阶级的利益。

This is the last word and the only seriously meant word of bourgeois Socialism.

这是资产阶级社会主义的最后一句话，也是唯一严肃的话语。

It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois is a bourgeois—for the benefit of the working class.

概括起来就是：资产阶级就是资产阶级——为了工人阶级的利益。

3.

3.

CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM

批判的乌托邦社会主义和共产主义

We do not here refer to that literature which, in every great modern revolution, has always given voice to the demands of the proletariat, such as the writings of Babeuf and others.

我们这里指的不是在每一次伟大的现代革命中总是表达无产阶级要求的文学，例如巴贝夫等人的著作。

The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own ends, made in times of universal excitement, when feudal society was being overthrown, these attempts necessarily failed, owing to the then undeveloped state of the proletariat, as well as to the absence of the economic conditions for its emancipation, conditions that had yet to be produced, and could be produced by the impending bourgeois epoch alone.

无产阶级在普遍兴奋的时期，当封建社会被推翻时，为达到自己的目的而进行的第一次直接尝试，由于当时无产阶级的不发达状态，以及由于缺乏其解放的经济条件，这些条件尚未产生，并且只能由即将到来的资产阶级时代产生，这些尝试必然会失败。

The revolutionary literature that accompanied these first movements of the proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character.

伴随无产阶级最初运动的革命文学必然具有反动性质。

It inculcated universal asceticism and social levelling in its crudest form.

它以最原始的形式灌输普遍的禁欲主义和社会平等。

The Socialist and Communist systems properly so called, those of Saint-Simon, Fourier, Owen and others, spring into existence in the early undeveloped period, described above, of the struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie (see Section 1.

确切地说，所谓的社会主义和共产主义制度，即圣西门、傅里叶、欧文等人的制度，是在如上所述的无产阶级和资产阶级斗争的早期未发展时期中出现的（见第一节）。

Bourgeois and Proletarians).

资产阶级和无产阶级）。

The founders of these systems see, indeed, the class antagonisms, as well as the action of the decomposing elements, in the prevailing form of society.

事实上，这些体系的创始人在社会的普遍形式中看到了阶级对抗以及分解因素的行动。

But the proletariat, as yet in its infancy, offers to them the spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or any independent political movement.

但无产阶级尚处于起步阶段，向他们展示的是一个没有任何历史主动性或任何独立政治运动的阶级景象。

Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with the development of industry, the economic situation, as they find it, does not as yet offer to them the material conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat.

由于阶级对抗的发展与工业的发展是同步的，他们发现经济形势还没有为他们提供无产阶级解放的物质条件。

They therefore search after a new social science, after new social laws, that are to create these conditions.

因此，他们寻求新的社会科学、新的社会法则来创造这些条件。

Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive action, historically created conditions of emancipation to fantastic ones, and the gradual, spontaneous class-organisation of the proletariat to the organisation of society specially contrived by these inventors.

历史行动是屈服于他们个人的发明行动，历史创造的解放条件是屈服于幻想的条件，无产阶级逐渐自发的阶级组织是这些发明家专门设计的社会组织。

Future history resolves itself, in their eyes, into the propaganda and the practical carrying out of their social plans.

在他们看来，未来的历史本身就在于宣传和实际执行他们的社会计划。

In the formation of their plans they are conscious of caring chiefly for the interests of the working class, as being the most suffering class.

在制定计划时，他们意识到主要关心工人阶级的利益，因为工人阶级是最受苦难的阶级。

Only from the point of view of being the most suffering class does the proletariat exist for them.

无产阶级只有从最受苦难的阶级的角度来看，才为他们而存在。

The undeveloped state of the class struggle, as well as their own surroundings, causes Socialists of this kind to consider themselves far superior to all class antagonisms.

阶级斗争的不发达状态以及他们自己的环境使这类社会主义者认为自己远远优于所有阶级对抗。

They want to improve the condition of every member of society, even that of the most favoured.

他们希望改善每个社会成员的状况，甚至是最受青睐的人的状况。

Hence, they habitually appeal to society at large, without distinction of class; nay, by preference, to the ruling class.

因此，他们习惯性地呼吁整个社会，不分阶级；不，更偏向于统治阶级。

For how can people, when once they understand their system, fail to see in it the best possible plan of the best possible state of society?

因为人们一旦了解了他们的制度，怎么会看不到其中对社会最佳状态的最佳计划呢？

Hence, they reject all political, and especially all revolutionary, action; they wish to attain their ends by peaceful means, and endeavour, by small experiments, necessarily doomed to failure, and by the force of example, to pave the way for the new social Gospel.

因此，他们拒绝一切政治行动，特别是一切革命行动；他们希望通过和平手段达到目的，并通过注定要失败的小实验来努力，并通过榜样的力量为新的社会福音铺平道路。

Such fantastic pictures of future society, painted at a time when the proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has but a fantastic conception of its own position correspond with the first instinctive yearnings of that class for a general reconstruction of society.

这种关于未来社会的奇妙图景，是在无产阶级还处于非常不发达的状态、对自己的地位还只有一种幻想的时候所描绘的，符合该阶级对社会总体重建的最初本能渴望。

But these Socialist and Communist publications contain also a critical element.

但这些社会主义和共产主义出版物也包含一个关键因素。

They attack every principle of existing society.

他们攻击现有社会的每一项原则。

Hence they are full of the most valuable materials for the enlightenment of the working class.

因此，它们充满了启蒙工人阶级最有价值的材料。

The practical measures proposed in them—such as the abolition of the distinction between town and country, of the family, of the carrying on of industries for the account of private individuals, and of the wage system, the proclamation of social harmony, the conversion of the functions of the State into a mere superintendence of production, all these proposals, point solely to the disappearance of class antagonisms which were, at that time, only just cropping up, and which, in these publications, are recognised in their earliest, indistinct and undefined forms only.

其中提出的实际措施，例如废除城乡区别、家庭、为私人经营工业、工资制度、宣布社会和谐、将国家职能转变为单纯的生产监督等，所有这些建议都指向阶级对立的消失，而阶级对立在当时才刚刚出现，而在这些出版物中，阶级对立最早就得到了承认。仅含糊不清和未定义的形式。

These proposals, therefore, are of a purely Utopian character.

因此，这些建议纯粹是乌托邦性质的。

The significance of Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism bears an inverse relation to historical development.

批判空想社会主义和共产主义的意义与历史发展成反比关系。

In proportion as the modern class struggle develops and takes definite shape, this fantastic standing apart from the contest, these fantastic attacks on it, lose all practical value and all theoretical justification.

随着现代阶级斗争的发展和形成，这种脱离竞争的荒诞的立场，以及对竞争的荒诞攻击，就失去了一切实践价值和一切理论依据。

Therefore, although the originators of these systems were, in many respects, revolutionary, their disciples have, in every case, formed mere reactionary sects.

因此，尽管这些体系的创始人在很多方面都是革命性的，但他们的追随者却无一例外地形成了反动派别。

They hold fast by the original views of their masters, in opposition to the progressive historical development of the proletariat.

他们坚持主人原来的观点，反对无产阶级进步的历史发展。

They, therefore, endeavour, and that consistently, to deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms.

因此，他们始终如一地努力平息阶级斗争并调和阶级对立。

They still dream of experimental realisation of their social Utopias, of founding isolated “phalansteres,” of establishing “Home Colonies,” of setting up a “Little Icaria”—duodecimo editions of the New Jerusalem—and to realise all these castles in the air, they are compelled to appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois.

他们仍然梦想着实验性地实现他们的社会乌托邦，建立孤立的“方阵”，建立“家乡殖民地”，建立“小伊卡利亚”——十二十二版的新耶路撒冷——为了实现所有这些空中楼阁，他们不得不诉诸资产阶级的感情和钱包。

By degrees they sink into the category of the reactionary conservative Socialists depicted above, differing from these only by more systematic pedantry, and by their fanatical and superstitious belief in the miraculous effects of their social science.

他们逐渐陷入了上述反动保守社会主义者的范畴，与这些人的不同之处仅在于他们更加系统化的迂腐，以及他们对社会科学的神奇效果的狂热和迷信信念。

They, therefore, violently oppose all political action on the part of the working class; such action, according to them, can only result from blind unbelief in the new Gospel.

因此，他们强烈反对工人阶级的一切政治行动；他们认为，这种行为只能是盲目不信新福音的结果。

The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists in France, respectively, oppose the Chartists and the “Réformistes.”

英国的欧文派和法国的傅立叶派分别反对宪章派和“改革派”。

IV.

四．

POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION TO THE VARIOUS EXISTING OPPOSITION PARTIES

共产党相对于现有各反对党的立场

Section II has made clear the relations of the Communists to the existing working-class parties, such as the Chartists in England and the Agrarian Reformers in America.

第二节阐明了共产党与现有工人阶级政党的关系，例如英国的宪章派和美国的土地改革派。

The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims, for the enforcement of the momentary interests of the working class; but in the movement of the present, they also represent and take care of the future of that movement.

共产党人是为了实现眼前的目标，为了实现工人阶级的暂时利益而奋斗；但在当前的运动中，他们也代表并照顾该运动的未来。

In France the Communists ally themselves with the Social-Democrats, against the conservative and radical bourgeoisie, reserving, however, the right to take up a critical position in regard to phrases and illusions traditionally handed down from the great Revolution.

在法国，共产党人与社会民主党结盟，反对保守的和激进的资产阶级，然而，他们保留对大革命传统上传承下来的言论和幻想采取批评立场的权利。

In Switzerland they support the Radicals, without losing sight of the fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements, partly of Democratic Socialists, in the French sense, partly of radical bourgeois.

在瑞士，他们支持激进党，但没有忽视这样一个事实：该党由敌对分子组成，部分是法国意义上的民主社会主义者，部分是激进资产阶级。

In Poland they support the party that insists on an agrarian revolution as the prime condition for national emancipation, that party which fomented the insurrection of Cracow in 1846.

在波兰，他们支持坚持以土地革命作为民族解放首要条件的政党，该政党在 1846 年煽动了克拉科夫起义。

In Germany they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a revolutionary way, against the absolute monarchy, the feudal squirearchy, and the petty bourgeoisie.

在德国，只要资产阶级进行革命，他们就与资产阶级进行斗争，反对君主专制、封建乡绅和小资产阶级。

But they never cease, for a single instant, to instil into the working class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonism between bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the German workers may straightaway use, as so many weapons against the bourgeoisie, the social and political conditions that the bourgeoisie must necessarily introduce along with its supremacy, and in order that, after the fall of the reactionary classes in Germany, the fight against the bourgeoisie itself may immediately begin.

但他们一刻也没有停止向工人阶级灌输对资产阶级和无产阶级之间敌对对抗的最清楚的认识，以便德国工人可以立即使用资产阶级在其至高无上的同时必然带来的社会和政治条件，就像反对资产阶级的许多武器一样，以便在德国反动阶级垮台后，可以立即进行反对资产阶级本身的斗争。开始。

The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because that country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to be carried out under more advanced conditions of European civilisation, and with a much more developed proletariat, than that of England was in the seventeenth, and of France in the eighteenth century, and because the bourgeois revolution in Germany will be but the prelude to an immediately following proletarian revolution.

共产党人主要把注意力转向德国，因为这个国家正处于资产阶级革命的前夜，这场革命必然是在比十七世纪的英国和十八世纪的法国更发达的欧洲文明条件和更发达的无产阶级条件下进行的，而且因为德国的资产阶级革命只不过是紧随其后的无产阶级革命的前奏。

In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things.

简而言之，各地的共产党人都支持一切反对现有社会和政治秩序的革命运动。

In all these movements they bring to the front, as the leading question in each, the property question, no matter what its degree of development at the time.

在所有这些运动中，他们都把财产问题作为每一次运动的首要问题提到了前台，无论它当时的发展程度如何。

Finally, they labour everywhere for the union and agreement of the democratic parties of all countries.

最后，他们到处为各国民主党派的联合和一致而劳动。

The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims.

共产党人不屑于隐瞒自己的观点和目的。

They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.

他们公开宣称，只有通过强行推翻一切现有的社会条件才能达到他们的目的。

Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution.

让统治阶级为共产主义革命而颤抖吧。

The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains.

无产阶级除了锁链之外什么也没有失去。

They have a world to win.

他们有一个要赢得的世界。

WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!

各国劳动人民联合起来！