The Rights of Man
Produced by Norman M.
诺曼·M.
Wolcott
沃尔科特
THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS PAINE, VOLUME II.
托马斯·潘恩的著作，第二卷。
By Thomas Paine
托马斯·潘恩
Collected And Edited By
收集及编辑者
Moncure Daniel Conway
蒙库尔·丹尼尔·康威
1779 - 1792
1779 - 1792
[Redactor's Note: Reprinted from the "The Writings of Thomas Paine Volume I" (1894 - 1896).
[编者注：转载自《托马斯·潘恩著作第一卷》（1894 - 1896）。
The author's notes are preceded by a "*".
作者的注释前面有一个“*”。
A Table of Contents has been added for each part for the convenience of the reader which is not included in the printed edition.
为了方便读者，每个部分都添加了目录，该目录未包含在印刷版中。
Notes are at the end of Part II.
注释位于第二部分的末尾。
]
]
TABLE OF CONTENTS
目录
XIII The Rights of Man
第十三条 人权
PART THE FIRST BEING AN ANSWER TO MR. BURKE'S ATTACK ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
第一部分是对先生的回答。伯克对法国大革命的攻击
* Editor's Introduction * Dedication to George Washington * Preface to the English Edition * Preface to the French Edition * Rights of Man * Miscellaneous Chapter * Conclusion
* 编者简介 * 献给乔治·华盛顿 * 英文版序言 * 法文版序言 * 人权 * 杂章 * 结论
XIV The Rights of Man
第十四条 人权
PART THE SECOND COMBINING PRINCIPLE AND PRACTICE
第二部分原理与实践相结合
* French Translator's Preface * Dedication to M.
* 法语译者序言 * 献给 M.
de la Fayette * Preface * Introduction * Chapter I Of Society and Civilisation * Chapter II Of the Origin of the Present Old Governments * Chapter III Of the Old and New Systems of Government * Chapter IV Of Constitutions * Chapter V Ways and Means of Improving the Condition of Europe, Interspersed with Miscellaneous Observations
德拉法耶特 * 序言 * 引言 * 第一章社会与文明 * 第二章现行旧政府的起源 * 第三章新旧政府制度 * 第四章宪法 * 第五章 改善欧洲状况的途径和方法，夹杂着各种观察
* Appendix * Notes
* 附录 * 注释
XIII.
十三．
RIGHTS OF MAN.
人权。
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION.
编者简介。
WHEN Thomas Paine sailed from America for France, in April, 1787, he was perhaps as happy a man as any in the world.
1787 年 4 月，当托马斯·潘恩 (Thomas Paine) 从美国乘船前往法国时，他也许是世界上最幸福的人。
His most intimate friend, Jefferson, was Minister at Paris, and his friend Lafayette was the idol of France.
他最亲密的朋友杰斐逊是巴黎的部长，他的朋友拉斐特是法国的偶像。
His fame had preceded him, and he at once became, in Paris, the centre of the same circle of savants and philosophers that had surrounded Franklin.
他的名气先于他，在巴黎，他立即成为富兰克林周围学者和哲学家圈子的中心。
His main reason for proceeding at once to Paris was that he might submit to the Academy of Sciences his invention of an iron bridge, and with its favorable verdict he came to England, in September.
他立即前往巴黎的主要原因是他可以向科学院提交他的铁桥发明，并得到了有利的裁决，他于九月来到了英国。
He at once went to his aged mother at Thetford, leaving with a publisher (Ridgway), his "Prospects on the Rubicon." He next made arrangements to patent his bridge, and to construct at Rotherham the large model of it exhibited on Paddington Green, London.
他立即前往塞特福德见年迈的母亲，并与出版商（李奇微）一起留下了他的《卢比孔河上的前景》。接下来，他安排为自己的桥梁申请专利，并在罗瑟勒姆建造了这座桥梁的大型模型，并在伦敦帕丁顿格林展出。
He was welcomed in England by leading statesmen, such as Lansdowne and Fox, and above all by Edmund Burke, who for some time had him as a guest at Beaconsfield, and drove him about in various parts of the country.
他在英国受到了兰斯当和福克斯等主要政治家的欢迎，尤其是埃德蒙·伯克，他曾一度在比肯斯菲尔德做客，并开车送他到全国各地。
He had not the slightest revolutionary purpose, either as regarded England or France.
无论是对于英国还是法国来说，他都没有丝毫的革命目的。
Towards Louis XVI.
走向路易十六。
he felt only gratitude for the services he had rendered America, and towards George III.
他只对自己为美国做出的贡献以及乔治三世表示感激。
he felt no animosity whatever.
他并没有感到任何敌意。
His four months' sojourn in Paris had convinced him that there was approaching a reform of that country after the American model, except that the Crown would be preserved, a compromise he approved, provided the throne should not be hereditary.
他在巴黎的四个月逗留使他相信，该国正在按照美国模式进行改革，但王权将被保留，这是他批准的妥协方案，前提是王位不应该是世袭的。
Events in France travelled more swiftly than he had anticipated, and Paine was summoned by Lafayette, Condorcet, and others, as an adviser in the formation of a new constitution.
法国的事态发展比他预想的要快，潘恩被拉斐特、孔多塞等人召集，担任制定新宪法的顾问。
Such was the situation immediately preceding the political and literary duel between Paine and Burke, which in the event turned out a tremendous war between Royalism and Republicanism in Europe.
这就是潘恩和伯克之间的政治和文学决斗之前的情况，这场决斗最终导致了欧洲保皇派和共和派之间的一场巨大战争。
Paine was, both in France and in England, the inspirer of moderate counsels.
无论是在法国还是在英国，潘恩都是温和劝告的启发者。
Samuel Rogers relates that in early life he dined at a friend's house in London with Thomas Paine, when one of the toasts given was the "memory of Joshua,"--in allusion to the Hebrew leader's conquest of the kings of Canaan, and execution of them.
塞缪尔·罗杰斯说，早年他在伦敦的一个朋友家中与托马斯·潘恩一起吃饭，当时祝酒词之一是“纪念约书亚”——暗指这位希伯来领袖征服了迦南国王并处决了他们。
Paine observed that he would not treat kings like Joshua.
潘恩观察到他不会像约书亚那样对待国王。
"I 'm of the Scotch parson's opinion," he said, "when he prayed against Louis XIV.--`Lord, shake him over the mouth of hell, but don't let him drop!'" Paine then gave as his toast, "The Republic of the World,"--which Samuel Rogers, aged twenty-nine, noted as a sublime idea.
“我同意苏格兰牧师的观点，”他说，“当他向路易十四祈祷时——‘主啊，把他摇到地狱之口，但不要让他跌倒！’”潘恩随后祝酒，“世界共和国”——二十九岁的塞缪尔·罗杰斯认为这是一个崇高的想法。
This was Paine's faith and hope, and with it he confronted the revolutionary storms which presently burst over France and England.
这就是潘恩的信念和希望，他以此来面对目前席卷法国和英国的革命风暴。
Until Burke's arraignment of France in his parliamentary speech (February 9, 1790), Paine had no doubt whatever that he would sympathize with the movement in France, and wrote to him from that country as if conveying glad tidings.
直到伯克在议会演讲中对法国进行提审（1790年2月9日），潘恩毫不怀疑他会同情法国的运动，并从法国给他写信，仿佛传达了喜讯。
Burke's "Reflections on the Revolution in France" appeared November 1, 1790, and Paine at once set himself to answer it.
伯克的《法国革命的反思》于 1790 年 11 月 1 日出版，潘恩立即做出回应。
He was then staying at the Angel Inn, Islington.
当时他住在伊斯灵顿的天使旅馆。
The inn has been twice rebuilt since that time, and from its contents there is preserved only a small image, which perhaps was meant to represent "Liberty,"--possibly brought from Paris by Paine as an ornament for his study.
从那时起，旅馆已经两次重建，从里面的内容来看，只保留了一个小图像，这可能是为了代表“自由”——可能是潘恩从巴黎带来的，作为他书房的装饰品。
From the Angel he removed to a house in Harding Street, Fetter Lane.
他从天使酒店搬到了费特巷哈丁街的一所房子。
Rickman says Part First of "Rights of Man" was finished at Versailles, but probably this has reference to the preface only, as I cannot find Paine in France that year until April 8.
里克曼说《人权》的第一部分是在凡尔赛完成的，但这可能只是参考了序言，因为那一年我直到 4 月 8 日才在法国找到潘恩。
The book had been printed by Johnson, in time for the opening of Parliament, in February; but this publisher became frightened after a few copies were out (there is one in the British Museum), and the work was transferred to J.
这本书是约翰逊在二月份议会开幕前印制的。但出版商在几本出版后（大英博物馆有一本）就被吓坏了，这本书被转让给了J.
S.
S。
Jordan, 166 Fleet Street, with a preface sent from Paris (not contained in Johnson's edition, nor in the American editions).
乔丹，舰队街 166 号，序言从巴黎寄来（约翰逊版和美国版均未包含）。
The pamphlet, though sold at the same price as Burke's, three shillings, had a vast circulation, and Paine gave the proceeds to the Constitutional Societies which sprang up under his teachings in various parts of the country.
这本小册子虽然售价与伯克的一样，都是三先令，但发行量很大，潘恩将收益捐给了在他的教导下在全国各地兴起的宪政协会。
Soon after appeared Burke's "Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs." In this Burke quoted a good deal from "Rights of Man," but replied to it only with exclamation points, saying that the only answer such ideas merited was "criminal justice." Paine's Part Second followed, published February 17, 1792.
不久之后，伯克的《新辉格党对老辉格党的呼吁》问世。在这篇文章中，伯克引用了《人权》中的大量内容，但只用感叹号进行了回答，并说这些想法唯一值得的答案是“刑事正义”。潘恩的第二部分紧随其后，于 1792 年 2 月 17 日出版。
In Part First Paine had mentioned a rumor that Burke was a masked pensioner (a charge that will be noticed in connection with its detailed statement in a further publication); and as Burke had been formerly arraigned in Parliament, while Paymaster, for a very questionable proceeding, this charge no doubt hurt a good deal.
在第一部分中，潘恩提到了一个谣言，称伯克是一位蒙面养老金领取者（这一指控将在进一步出版物中的详细声明中注意到）；由于伯克之前曾在议会受审，而Paymaster则因一项非常可疑的诉讼程序而受到提审，这一指控无疑造成了很大的伤害。
Although the government did not follow Burke's suggestion of a prosecution at that time, there is little doubt that it was he who induced the prosecution of Part Second.
虽然政府当时并没有采纳伯克提出的检控建议，但毫无疑问，是他诱导对第二部提出检控。
Before the trial came on, December 18, 1792, Paine was occupying his seat in the French Convention, and could only be outlawed.
1792 年 12 月 18 日审判开始之前，潘恩占据了法国国民公会的席位，只能被宣布为非法。
Burke humorously remarked to a friend of Paine and himself, "We hunt in pairs." The severally representative character and influence of these two men in the revolutionary era, in France and England, deserve more adequate study than they have received.
伯克幽默地对潘恩和他自己的一位朋友说：“我们成对狩猎。”这两个人在法国和英国革命时代各自的代表性人物和影响值得比他们所接受的更充分的研究。
While Paine maintained freedom of discussion, Burke first proposed criminal prosecution for sentiments by no means libellous (such as Paine's Part First).
虽然潘恩保持了讨论自由，但伯克首先提出对绝非诽谤性的情绪进行刑事起诉（例如潘恩的《第一部分》）。
While Paine was endeavoring to make the movement in France peaceful, Burke fomented the league of monarchs against France which maddened its people, and brought on the Reign of Terror.
当潘恩努力使法国的运动和平时，伯克煽动反对法国的君主联盟，这激怒了法国人民，并带来了恐怖统治。
While Paine was endeavoring to preserve the French throne ("phantom" though he believed it), to prevent bloodshed, Burke was secretly writing to the Queen of France, entreating her not to compromise, and to "trust to the support of foreign armies" ("Histoire de France depuis 1789." Henri Martin, i., 151).
当潘恩努力维护法国王位（尽管他相信它是“幻影”）、防止流血时，伯克则秘密写信给法国女王，恳求她不要妥协，并“相信外国军队的支持”（“Histoire de France depuis 1789.” Henri Martin, i., 151）。
While Burke thus helped to bring the King and Queen to the guillotine, Paine pleaded for their lives to the last moment.
当伯克帮助将国王和王后送上断头台时，潘恩直到最后一刻都恳求保全他们的生命。
While Paine maintained the right of mankind to improve their condition, Burke held that "the awful Author of our being is the author of our place in the order of existence; and that, having disposed and marshalled us by a divine tactick, not according to our will, but according to his, he has, in and by that disposition, virtually subjected us to act the part which belongs to the place assigned us." Paine was a religious believer in eternal principles; Burke held that "political problems do not primarily concern truth or falsehood.
潘恩主张人类有权改善他们的状况，而伯克则认为“我们存在的可怕创造者是我们在存在秩序中的地位的创造者；并且，他通过神圣的策略，不是按照我们的意志，而是按照他的意志来安排和编组我们，他实际上已经在这种安排中，让我们扮演了属于分配给我们的位置的角色。”潘恩是永恒原则的宗教信徒。伯克认为，“政治问题主要并不涉及真相或谎言。
They relate to good or evil.
它们与善或恶有关。
What in the result is likely to produce evil is politically false, that which is productive of good politically is true." Assuming thus the visionary's right to decide before the result what was "likely to produce evil," Burke vigorously sought to kindle war against the French Republic which might have developed itself peacefully, while Paine was striving for an international Congress in Europe in the interest of peace.
结果可能产生邪恶的东西在政治上是错误的，而在政治上产生好处的东西是真实的。”因此，假设有远见的人有权在结果之前决定什么“可能会产生邪恶”，伯克就积极寻求对本来可以和平发展的法兰西共和国发动战争，而潘恩则为了和平的利益而努力在欧洲召开国际会议。
Paine had faith in the people, and believed that, if allowed to choose representatives, they would select their best and wisest men; and that while reforming government the people would remain orderly, as they had generally remained in America during the transition from British rule to selfgovernment.
潘恩对人民充满信心，相信如果允许选择代表，他们会选出最优秀、最明智的人；在改革政府的同时，人民将保持秩序，就像在从英国统治向自治过渡期间他们通常留在美国一样。
Burke maintained that if the existing political order were broken up there would be no longer a people, but "a number of vague, loose individuals, and nothing more." "Alas!" he exclaims, "they little know how many a weary step is to be taken before they can form themselves into a mass, which has a true personality." For the sake of peace Paine wished the revolution to be peaceful as the advance of summer; he used every endeavor to reconcile English radicals to some modus vivendi with the existing order, as he was willing to retain Louis XVI.
伯克认为，如果现有的政治秩序被打破，那么就不再有一个民族，而是“一些模糊、松散的个人，仅此而已”。 “唉！”他感叹道：“他们几乎不知道要迈出多少疲惫的一步才能将自己形成一个具有真正个性的群体。”为了和平，潘恩希望革命能够在夏季到来时和平进行。他尽一切努力使英国激进分子与现有秩序达成某种妥协，因为他愿意保留路易十六。
as head of the executive in France: Burke resisted every tendency of English statesmanship to reform at home, or to negotiate with the French Republic, and was mainly responsible for the King's death and the war that followed between England and France in February, 1793.
作为法国行政首脑：伯克抵制英国政治家在国内进行改革或与法兰西共和国谈判的一切倾向，并对国王的去世和随后发生的 1793 年 2 月英法战争负有主要责任。
Burke became a royal favorite, Paine was outlawed by a prosecution originally proposed by Burke.
伯克成为皇室宠儿，潘恩因伯克最初提出的起诉而被宣布为非法。
While Paine was demanding religious liberty, Burke was opposing the removal of penal statutes from Unitarians, on the ground that but for those statutes Paine might some day set up a church in England.
当潘恩要求宗教自由时，伯克则反对废除一神论者的刑法，理由是如果没有这些法规，潘恩有一天可能会在英国建立一座教堂。
When Burke was retiring on a large royal pension, Paine was in prison, through the devices of Burke's confederate, the American Minister in Paris.
当伯克靠着一大笔皇家养老金退休时，潘恩在伯克的同伙、美国驻巴黎公使的安排下入狱。
So the two men, as Burke said, "hunted in pairs."
因此，正如伯克所说，这两个人“成对狩猎”。
So far as Burke attempts to affirm any principle he is fairly quoted in Paine's work, and nowhere misrepresented.
就伯克试图肯定的任何原则而言，他在潘恩的著作中被公平地引用，并且没有任何地方被歪曲。
As for Paine's own ideas, the reader should remember that "Rights of Man" was the earliest complete statement of republican principles.
至于潘恩自己的思想，读者应该记住，《人权》是最早完整的共和原则表述。
They were pronounced to be the fundamental principles of the American Republic by Jefferson, Madison, and Jackson,-the three Presidents who above all others represented the republican idea which Paine first allied with American Independence.
杰斐逊、麦迪逊和杰克逊这三位总统将它们宣布为美利坚共和国的基本原则，这三位总统首先代表了潘恩最初与美国独立结盟的共和理念。
Those who suppose that Paine did but reproduce the principles of Rousseau and Locke will find by careful study of his well-weighed language that such is not the case.
那些认为潘恩只是复制了卢梭和洛克原则的人，通过仔细研究他经过深思熟虑的语言，会发现事实并非如此。
Paine's political principles were evolved out of his early Quakerism.
潘恩的政治原则是从他早期的贵格会主义演变而来的。
He was potential in George Fox.
他在乔治福克斯中很有潜力。
The belief that every human soul was the child of God, and capable of direct inspiration from the Father of all, without mediator or priestly intervention, or sacramental instrumentality, was fatal to all privilege and rank.
每个人的灵魂都是上帝的孩子，并且能够直接从万有之父那里得到灵感，无需调解人或牧师的干预，也无需圣礼的工具，这种信念对所有特权和地位都是致命的。
The universal Fatherhood implied universal Brotherhood, or human equality.
普世父权意味着普世兄弟情谊，或人类平等。
But the fate of the Quakers proved the necessity of protecting the individual spirit from oppression by the majority as well as by privileged classes.
但贵格会的命运证明了保护个人精神免受多数人和特权阶级压迫的必要性。
For this purpose Paine insisted on surrounding the individual right with the security of the Declaration of Rights, not to be invaded by any government; and would reduce government to an association limited in its operations to the defence of those rights which the individual is unable, alone, to maintain.
为此，潘恩坚持以《权利宣言》为保障，保障个人权利不受任何政府侵犯；并将政府简化为一个其行动仅限于捍卫个人无法单独维护的权利的协会。
From the preceding chapter it will be seen that Part Second of "Rights of Man" was begun by Paine in the spring of 1791.
从前一章可以看出，《人权》第二部分是潘恩于1791年春开始的。
At the close of that year, or early in 1792, he took up his abode with his friend Thomas "Clio" Rickman, at No. 7 Upper Marylebone Street.
那年年底，即 1792 年初，他与朋友托马斯·“克里奥”·里克曼 (Thomas“Clio”Rickman) 在上马里波恩街 7 号定居。
Rickman was a radical publisher; the house remains still a book-binding establishment, and seems little changed since Paine therein revised the proofs of Part Second on a table which Rickman marked with a plate, and which is now in possession of Mr. Edward Truelove.
里克曼是一位激进的出版商。这所房子仍然是一个书籍装订机构，自从潘恩在一张桌子上修改了第二部分的校样以来，似乎没有什么变化，里克曼用盘子做了标记，现在这张桌子由爱德华·特鲁洛夫先生拥有。
As the plate states, Paine wrote on the same table other works which appeared in England in 1792.
正如铭牌上所写，潘恩在同一张桌子上写下了 1792 年在英国出现的其他作品。
In 1795 D.
1795 年 D.
I.
我。
Eaton published an edition of "Rights of Man," with a preface purporting to have been written by Paine while in Luxembourg prison.
伊顿出版了《人权》一书，其序言据称是潘恩在卢森堡监狱期间撰写的。
It is manifestly spurious.
这显然是虚假的。
The genuine English and French prefaces are given.
附有正版英文、法文序言。
RIGHTS OF MAN
人权
Being An Answer To Mr. Burke's Attack On The French Revoloution
对伯克先生攻击法国大革命的回应
By Thomas Paine
托马斯·潘恩
Secretary For Foreign Affairs To Congress In The American War, And Author Of The Works Entitled "Common Sense" And "A Letter To Abbé Raynal"
美国战争期间担任国会的外交部长，以及《常识》和《给雷纳尔神父的信》等著作的作者
DEDICATION
奉献精神
George Washington
乔治·华盛顿
President Of The United States Of America
美利坚合众国总统
Sir,
先生，
I present you a small treatise in defence of those principles of freedom which your exemplary virtue hath so eminently contributed to establish.
我向您介绍一篇小论文，以捍卫您的模范美德为建立这些自由原则做出的杰出贡献。
That the Rights of Man may become as universal as your benevolence can wish, and that you may enjoy the happiness of seeing the New World regenerate the Old, is the prayer of
愿人权能够像您的仁慈所希望的那样普遍，并且您可以享受看到新世界重生旧世界的幸福，这是人们的祈祷
Sir,
先生，
Your much obliged, and
非常感谢您，并且
Obedient humble Servant,
顺服谦卑的仆人，
Thomas Paine
托马斯·潘恩
PAINE'S PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION
潘恩英文版序言
From the part Mr. Burke took in the American Revolution, it was natural that I should consider him a friend to mankind; and as our acquaintance commenced on that ground, it would have been more agreeable to me to have had cause to continue in that opinion than to change it.
从伯克先生在美国革命中所扮演的角色来看，我很自然地认为他是人类的朋友。当我们从这个理由开始认识时，我更愿意有理由继续保持这一观点，而不是改变它。
At the time Mr. Burke made his violent speech last winter in the English Parliament against the French Revolution and the National Assembly, I was in Paris, and had written to him but a short time before to inform him how prosperously matters were going on.
去年冬天，伯克先生在英国议会发表反对法国大革命和国民议会的暴力演讲时，我正在巴黎，不久前我曾写信给他，告诉他事情进展得多么顺利。
Soon after this I saw his advertisement of the Pamphlet he intended to publish: As the attack was to be made in a language but little studied, and less understood in France, and as everything suffers by translation, I promised some of the friends of the Revolution in that country that whenever Mr. Burke's Pamphlet came forth, I would answer it.
此后不久，我看到了他打算出版的小册子的广告： 由于攻击是用一种在法国很少被研究和理解的语言进行的，而且由于所有内容都因翻译而受到影响，我向该国的一些革命朋友保证，每当伯克先生的小册子出版时，我都会予以答复。
This appeared to me the more necessary to be done, when I saw the flagrant misrepresentations which Mr. Burke's Pamphlet contains; and that while it is an outrageous abuse on the French Revolution, and the principles of Liberty, it is an imposition on the rest of the world.
当我看到伯克先生的小册子中明目张胆的歪曲事实时，我觉得这样做更有必要。虽然这是对法国大革命和自由原则的粗暴践踏，但它也是对世界其他国家的强加。
I am the more astonished and disappointed at this conduct in Mr. Burke, as (from the circumstances I am going to mention) I had formed other expectations.
我对伯克先生的这种行为感到更加惊讶和失望，因为（从我要提到的情况来看）我已经形成了其他期望。
I had seen enough of the miseries of war, to wish it might never more have existence in the world, and that some other mode might be found out to settle the differences that should occasionally arise in the neighbourhood of nations.
我已经看够了战争的苦难，希望世界上不再存在战争，希望能找到其他方式来解决邻国间偶尔出现的分歧。
This certainly might be done if Courts were disposed to set honesty about it, or if countries were enlightened enough not to be made the dupes of Courts.
如果法院愿意诚实地对待此事，或者如果各国足够开明，不会被法院愚弄，那么这当然是可以做到的。
The people of America had been bred up in the same prejudices against France, which at that time characterised the people of England; but experience and an acquaintance with the French Nation have most effectually shown to the Americans the falsehood of those prejudices; and I do not believe that a more cordial and confidential intercourse exists between any two countries than between America and France.
美国人民是在对法国同样的偏见中长大的，这也是当时英国人民的特点。但经验和对法国民族的了解最有效地向美国人表明了这些偏见的虚假性。我不认为任何两个国家之间的交往比美国和法国之间的交往更加真诚和保密。
When I came to France, in the spring of 1787, the Archbishop of Thoulouse was then Minister, and at that time highly esteemed.
当我1787年春天来到法国时，图卢兹大主教当时担任部长，当时德高望重。
I became much acquainted with the private Secretary of that Minister, a man of an enlarged benevolent heart; and found that his sentiments and my own perfectly agreed with respect to the madness of war, and the wretched impolicy of two nations, like England and France, continually worrying each other, to no other end than that of a mutual increase of burdens and taxes.
我与那位部长的私人秘书非常熟悉，他是一个心胸宽广的人。我发现他的观点和我的观点完全一致，对于战争的疯狂，以及像英国和法国这样的两个国家的可悲的不政策行为，他们不断地互相担忧，除了相互增加负担和税收之外没有其他目的。
That I might be assured I had not misunderstood him, nor he me, I put the substance of our opinions into writing and sent it to him; subjoining a request, that if I should see among the people of England, any disposition to cultivate a better understanding between the two nations than had hitherto prevailed, how far I might be authorised to say that the same disposition prevailed on the part of France?
为了确保我没有误解他，他也没有误解我，我把我们的意见的实质内容写下来寄给了他。附上一个请求，即如果我在英国人民中看到任何一种倾向，以促进两国之间比迄今为止普遍存在的更好的理解，那么我在多大程度上可以被授权说法国也存在同样的倾向？
He answered me by letter in the most unreserved manner, and that not for himself only, but for the Minister, with whose knowledge the letter was declared to be written.
他以最毫无保留的方式给我写了一封信，这不仅是为了他自己，也是为了部长，据说这封信是在他知情的情况下写的。
I put this letter into the hands of Mr. Burke almost three years ago, and left it with him, where it still remains; hoping, and at the same time naturally expecting, from the opinion I had conceived of him, that he would find some opportunity of making good use of it, for the purpose of removing those errors and prejudices which two neighbouring nations, from the want of knowing each other, had entertained, to the injury of both.
大约三年前，我把这封信交给了伯克先生，并把它留给了他，至今它还留在那里。希望，同时自然地期望，根据我对他的看法，他会找到一些充分利用这一点的机会，以消除两个邻国因缺乏了解而产生的错误和偏见，从而对双方造成伤害。
When the French Revolution broke out, it certainly afforded to Mr. Burke an opportunity of doing some good, had he been disposed to it; instead of which, no sooner did he see the old prejudices wearing away, than he immediately began sowing the seeds of a new inveteracy, as if he were afraid that England and France would cease to be enemies.
当法国大革命爆发时，如果伯克先生愿意的话，这无疑为他提供了一个做点好事的机会。相反，他一看到旧的偏见消失，就立即开始播下新的根深蒂固的种子，仿佛他担心英国和法国将不再是敌人。
That there are men in all countries who get their living by war, and by keeping up the quarrels of Nations, is as shocking as it is true; but when those who are concerned in the government of a country, make it their study to sow discord and cultivate prejudices between Nations, it becomes the more unpardonable.
所有国家都有人靠战争和持续国家间的争吵为生，这既令人震惊，又是事实。但当国家治理者以在国家间挑拨离间、培养偏见为己任时，那就更不可原谅了。
With respect to a paragraph in this work alluding to Mr. Burke's having a pension, the report has been some time in circulation, at least two months; and as a person is often the last to hear what concerns him the most to know, I have mentioned it, that Mr. Burke may have an opportunity of contradicting the rumour, if he thinks proper.
至于这篇文章中提到伯克先生有养老金的一段话，该报告已经流传了一段时间，至少两个月了；由于一个人往往是最后一个听到他最关心的事情的人，我已经提到过，如果伯克先生认为合适的话，他可能有机会反驳谣言。
Thomas Paine
托马斯·潘恩
PAINE'S PREFACE TO THE FRENCH EDITION
潘恩法语版序言
The astonishment which the French Revolution has caused throughout Europe should be considered from two different points of view: first as it affects foreign peoples, secondly as it affects their governments.
法国大革命在整个欧洲引起的震惊应该从两个不同的角度来考虑：首先是因为它影响了外国人民，其次是因为它影响了他们的政府。
The cause of the French people is that of all Europe, or rather of the whole world; but the governments of all those countries are by no means favorable to it.
法国人民的事业是整个欧洲的事业，或者说是全世界的事业。但所有这些国家的政府都对此并不赞成。
It is important that we should never lose sight of this distinction.
重要的是，我们永远不应该忽视这种区别。
We must not confuse the peoples with their governments; especially not the English people with its government.
我们决不能将人民与其政府混为一谈；尤其是英国人民及其政府。
The government of England is no friend of the revolution of France.
英国政府不是法国革命的朋友。
Of this we have sufficient proofs in the thanks given by that weak and witless person, the Elector of Hanover, sometimes called the King of England, to Mr. Burke for the insults heaped on it in his book, and in the malevolent comments of the English Minister, Pitt, in his speeches in Parliament.
汉诺威选帝侯（有时被称为英国国王）在书中对伯克先生的侮辱致以谢意，英国大臣皮特在议会演讲中的恶意评论也证明了这一点。
In spite of the professions of sincerest friendship found in the official correspondence of the English government with that of France, its conduct gives the lie to all its declarations, and shows us clearly that it is not a court to be trusted, but an insane court, plunging in all the quarrels and intrigues of Europe, in quest of a war to satisfy its folly and countenance its extravagance.
尽管英国政府与法国政府的官方信函中都宣称有最真诚的友谊，但它的行为却证明了它所有的声明都是谎言，并清楚地向我们表明，它不是一个值得信任的法庭，而是一个疯狂的法庭，它卷入了欧洲的所有争吵和阴谋，寻求一场战争来满足其愚蠢行为并纵容其奢侈行为。
The English nation, on the contrary, is very favorably disposed towards the French Revolution, and to the progress of liberty in the whole world; and this feeling will become more general in England as the intrigues and artifices of its government are better known, and the principles of the revolution better understood.
相反，英国民族非常赞成法国大革命和全世界自由的进步。随着英国政府的阴谋和诡计为人们所熟知，革命的原则也为人们所理解，这种感觉将在英国变得更加普遍。
The French should know that most English newspapers are directly in the pay of government, or, if indirectly connected with it, always under its orders; and that those papers constantly distort and attack the revolution in France in order to deceive the nation.
法国人应该知道，大多数英文报纸都是直接受政府资助的，或者，如果与政府有间接联系，则总是听从政府的命令；这些报纸不断歪曲和攻击法国革命，以欺骗全国人民。
But, as it is impossible long to prevent the prevalence of truth, the daily falsehoods of those papers no longer have the desired effect.
但是，由于不可能长期阻止真相的传播，这些报纸每天的谎言不再产生预期的效果。
To be convinced that the voice of truth has been stifled in England, the world needs only to be told that the government regards and prosecutes as a libel that which it should protect.*[1] This outrage on morality is called law, and judges are found wicked enough to inflict penalties on truth.
要确信真相的声音在英国已被压制，只需告诉全世界，政府将其应保护的内容视为诽谤并予以起诉。*[1] 这种对道德的侵犯被称为法律，而法官被发现邪恶到足以对真相施加惩罚。
The English government presents, just now, a curious phenomenon.
英国政府刚才提出了一个奇怪的现象。
Seeing that the French and English nations are getting rid of the prejudices and false notions formerly entertained against each other, and which have cost them so much money, that government seems to be placarding its need of a foe; for unless it finds one somewhere, no pretext exists for the enormous revenue and taxation now deemed necessary.
看到法国和英国两国正在摆脱以前彼此之间存在的偏见和错误观念，而这些偏见和错误观念使他们付出了巨大的代价，政府似乎在宣称需要一个敌人；因为除非它在某个地方找到了这样的地方，否则就不存在任何借口来征收现在认为必要的巨额收入和税收。
Therefore it seeks in Russia the enemy it has lost in France, and appears to say to the universe, or to say to itself.
因此，它在俄罗斯寻找在法国失去的敌人，似乎是对宇宙说，或者是对自己说。
"If nobody will be so kind as to become my foe, I shall need no more fleets nor armies, and shall be forced to reduce my taxes.
“如果没有人愿意成为我的敌人，我将不再需要舰队或军队，并且将被迫减少我的税收。
The American war enabled me to double the taxes; the Dutch business to add more; the Nootka humbug gave me a pretext for raising three millions sterling more; but unless I can make an enemy of Russia the harvest from wars will end.
美国战争使我的税收增加了一倍；荷兰企业增加更多；努特卡的骗局给了我一个借口，可以再筹集 300 万英镑；但除非我能与俄罗斯为敌，否则战争的收获就会结束。
I was the first to incite Turk against Russian, and now I hope to reap a fresh crop of taxes."
我是第一个煽动土耳其人对抗俄罗斯人的人，现在我希望收获新的税收。”
If the miseries of war, and the flood of evils it spreads over a country, did not check all inclination to mirth, and turn laughter into grief, the frantic conduct of the government of England would only excite ridicule.
如果战争的苦难和它在一个国家蔓延的罪恶泛滥，不能抑制所有欢乐的倾向，把欢笑变成悲痛，那么英国政府的疯狂行为只会引起嘲笑。
But it is impossible to banish from one's mind the images of suffering which the contemplation of such vicious policy presents.
但不可能从人们的脑海中消除对这种邪恶政策的思考所带来的痛苦形象。
To reason with governments, as they have existed for ages, is to argue with brutes.
与已经存在多年的政府讲道理，就等于与畜生争论。
It is only from the nations themselves that reforms can be expected.
只有各国本身才能进行改革。
There ought not now to exist any doubt that the peoples of France, England, and America, enlightened and enlightening each other, shall henceforth be able, not merely to give the world an example of good government, but by their united influence enforce its practice.
毫无疑问，法国、英国和美国人民相互启蒙，从此不仅能够为世界树立良好政府的榜样，而且能够通过他们联合的影响力来加强其实践。
(Translated from the French)
（译自法语）
RIGHTS OF MAN.
人权。
PART THE FIRST BEING AN ANSWER TO MR. BURKE'S ATTACK ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
第一部分是对先生的回答。伯克对法国大革命的攻击
Among the incivilities by which nations or individuals provoke and irritate each other, Mr. Burke's pamphlet on the French Revolution is an extraordinary instance.
在国家或个人相互挑衅和激怒的不文明行为中，伯克先生关于法国大革命的小册子是一个特别的例子。
Neither the People of France, nor the National Assembly, were troubling themselves about the affairs of England, or the English Parliament; and that Mr. Burke should commence an unprovoked attack upon them, both in Parliament and in public, is a conduct that cannot be pardoned on the score of manners, nor justified on that of policy.
法国人民和国民议会都没有为英国或英国议会的事务烦恼。伯克先生在议会和公开场合对他们进行无端攻击，这种行为在礼仪上是不能原谅的，在政策上也是不正当的。
There is scarcely an epithet of abuse to be found in the English language, with which Mr. Burke has not loaded the French Nation and the National Assembly.
伯克先生在英语中几乎找不到任何谩骂的绰号，而法国民族和国民议会却饱受谩骂。
Everything which rancour, prejudice, ignorance or knowledge could suggest, is poured forth in the copious fury of near four hundred pages.
一切可能暗示的怨恨、偏见、无知或知识，都在近四百页的丰富愤怒中倾诉出来。
In the strain and on the plan Mr. Burke was writing, he might have written on to as many thousands.
在伯克先生所写的压力和计划中，他可能已经给数千人写了信。
When the tongue or the pen is let loose in a frenzy of passion, it is the man, and not the subject, that becomes exhausted.
当舌头或笔在疯狂的激情中释放时，疲惫不堪的是人，而不是主体。
Hitherto Mr. Burke has been mistaken and disappointed in the opinions he had formed of the affairs of France; but such is the ingenuity of his hope, or the malignancy of his despair, that it furnishes him with new pretences to go on.
迄今为止，伯克先生对法国事务的看法一直是错误的，而且令人失望。但他的希望如此巧妙，或者他的绝望如此恶毒，这为他提供了继续前进的新借口。
There was a time when it was impossible to make Mr. Burke believe there would be any Revolution in France.
曾经有一段时间，伯克先生不可能相信法国会发生任何革命。
His opinion then was, that the French had neither spirit to undertake it nor fortitude to support it; and now that there is one, he seeks an escape by condemning it.
他当时的看法是，法国人既没有勇气承担这项任务，也没有毅力支持这项任务。现在既然有了这样的人，他就通过谴责它来寻求逃避。
Not sufficiently content with abusing the National Assembly, a great part of his work is taken up with abusing Dr. Price (one of the best-hearted men that lives) and the two societies in England known by the name of the Revolution Society and the Society for Constitutional Information.
他对辱骂国民议会还不够满意，他的大部分工作都在辱骂普莱斯博士（世上最心地善良的人之一）和英格兰的两个协会，即革命协会和宪法信息协会。
Dr. Price had preached a sermon on the 4th of November, 1789, being the anniversary of what is called in England the Revolution, which took place 1688.
普莱斯博士于 1789 年 11 月 4 日布道，这一天是 1688 年发生的英国革命的周年纪念日。
Mr. Burke, speaking of this sermon, says: "The political Divine proceeds dogmatically to assert, that by the principles of the Revolution, the people of England have acquired three fundamental rights:
伯克先生在谈到这次布道时说：“政治神武断地断言，根据革命的原则，英国人民已经获得了三项基本权利：
1.
1.
To choose our own governors.
选择我们自己的州长。
2.
2.
To cashier them for misconduct.
因不当行为而将他们开除。
3.
3.
To frame a government for ourselves."
为我们自己组建一个政府。”
Dr. Price does not say that the right to do these things exists in this or in that person, or in this or in that description of persons, but that it exists in the whole; that it is a right resident in the nation.
普赖斯博士并没有说做这些事情的权利存在于这个人或那个人中，或者存在于这个或那个人的描述中，而是说它存在于整体中；它是这个国家的合法居民。
Mr. Burke, on the contrary, denies that such a right exists in the nation, either in whole or in part, or that it exists anywhere; and, what is still more strange and marvellous, he says: "that the people of England utterly disclaim such a right, and that they will resist the practical assertion of it with their lives and fortunes." That men should take up arms and spend their lives and fortunes, not to maintain their rights, but to maintain they have not rights, is an entirely new species of discovery, and suited to the paradoxical genius of Mr. Burke.
相反，伯克先生否认这种权利在国家中存在，无论是全部还是部分，或者在任何地方都存在。而且，更奇怪和奇妙的是，他说：“英国人民完全否认这种权利，他们将用自己的生命和财产来抵制这种权利的实际主张。”人们应该拿起武器，花费生命和财富，不是为了维护他们的权利，而是为了维护他们没有权利，这是一个全新的发现，适合伯克先生的悖论天才。
The method which Mr. Burke takes to prove that the people of England have no such rights, and that such rights do not now exist in the nation, either in whole or in part, or anywhere at all, is of the same marvellous and monstrous kind with what he has already said; for his arguments are that the persons, or the generation of persons, in whom they did exist, are dead, and with them the right is dead also.
伯克先生所采用的方法，证明英格兰人民没有这样的权利，并且现在这个国家不存在这样的权利，无论是全部还是部分，或者根本不存在，与他已经说过的一样，是奇妙而可怕的。因为他的论点是，那些曾经存在过的人或一代人已经死了，权利也随着他们而死了。
To prove this, he quotes a declaration made by Parliament about a hundred years ago, to William and Mary, in these words: "The Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, do, in the name of the people aforesaid" (meaning the people of England then living) "most humbly and faithfully submit themselves, their heirs and posterities, for Ever." He quotes a clause of another Act of Parliament made in the same reign, the terms of which he says, "bind us" (meaning the people of their day), "our heirs and our posterity, to them, their heirs and posterity, to the end of time."
为了证明这一点，他引用了大约一百年前议会向威廉和玛丽发表的声明，其中写道：“精神上议院、世俗上议院和下议院上议院，以上述人民的名义”（指当时活着的英格兰人民）“最谦卑和忠实地服从他们自己，他们的继承人和后代，永远。”他引用了同一统治时期制定的另一项议会法案的一项条款，他说，其中的条款“约束我们”（指他们那个时代的人民），“我们的继承人和我们的子孙后代，对他们，他们的继承人和子孙后代，直到时间的终结。”
Mr. Burke conceives his point sufficiently established by producing those clauses, which he enforces by saying that they exclude the right of the nation for ever.
伯克先生认为他的观点通过提出这些条款而得到充分证实，他通过说这些条款永远排除了国家的权利来执行这些条款。
And not yet content with making such declarations, repeated over and over again, he farther says, "that if the people of England possessed such a right before the Revolution" (which he acknowledges to have been the case, not only in England, but throughout Europe, at an early period), "yet that the English Nation did, at the time of the Revolution, most solemnly renounce and abdicate it, for themselves, and for all their posterity, for ever."
他还不满足于一遍又一遍地重复这样的声明，他进一步说道，“如果英格兰人民在革命前就拥有这样的权利”（他承认，不仅在英格兰，而且在早期的整个欧洲都是如此），“但英国民族在革命时，为了他们自己，也为了他们的子孙后代，永远郑重地放弃并放弃了这一权利。”
As Mr. Burke occasionally applies the poison drawn from his horrid principles, not only to the English nation, but to the French Revolution and the National Assembly, and charges that august, illuminated and illuminating body of men with the epithet of usurpers, I shall, sans ceremonie, place another system of principles in opposition to his.
由于伯克先生偶尔会将其可怕原则中的毒药不仅施用于英国民族，而且施用于法国大革命和国民议会，并指责那些庄严、光明的人们，并用篡夺者的绰号来指责，我将不加仪式地提出另一种原则体系来反对他的原则。
The English Parliament of 1688 did a certain thing, which, for themselves and their constituents, they had a right to do, and which it appeared right should be done.
1688 年的英国议会做了某件事，对于他们自己和他们的选民来说，他们有权这样做，而且看起来应该这样做。
But, in addition to this right, which they possessed by delegation, they set up another right by assumption, that of binding and controlling posterity to the end of time.
但是，除了他们通过授权拥有的这项权利之外，他们还通过假定设立了另一项权利，即永远约束和控制后代的权利。
The case, therefore, divides itself into two parts; the right which they possessed by delegation, and the right which they set up by assumption.
因此，案件分为两部分：他们通过授权拥有的权利，以及他们通过承担而设立的权利。
The first is admitted; but with respect to the second, I reply: There never did, there never will, and there never can, exist a Parliament, or any description of men, or any generation of men, in any country, possessed of the right or the power of binding and controlling posterity to the "end of time," or of commanding for ever how the world shall be governed, or who shall govern it; and therefore all such clauses, acts or declarations by which the makers of them attempt to do what they have neither the right nor the power to do, nor the power to execute, are in themselves null and void.
第一个被录取；但关于第二点，我的回答是：从来没有、将来也不会、也不可能在任何国家存在一个议会，或者任何人的描述，或者任何一代人，拥有约束和控制子孙后代直到“时间的终结”的权利或权力，或者永远命令如何治理世界，或者谁来治理世界；因此，所有这些条款、行为或声明，如果其制定者试图做他们既没有权利也没有权力做、也没有权力执行的事情，它们本身就是无效的。
Every age and generation must be as free to act for itself in all cases as the age and generations which preceded it.
每个时代和一代人在任何情况下都必须像其之前的时代和世代一样自由地为自己采取行动。
The vanity and presumption of governing beyond the grave is the most ridiculous and insolent of all tyrannies.
死后统治的虚荣和狂妄是所有暴政中最荒谬和无礼的。
Man has no property in man; neither has any generation a property in the generations which are to follow.
人没有财产；任何一代人都没有为后代留下财产。
The Parliament or the people of 1688, or of any other period, had no more right to dispose of the people of the present day, or to bind or to control them in any shape whatever, than the parliament or the people of the present day have to dispose of, bind or control those who are to live a hundred or a thousand years hence.
1688年或任何其他时期的议会或人民无权处置当今的人民，或以任何形式约束或控制他们，就像当今的议会或人民无权处置、约束或控制那些将在一百年或一千年后生活的人一样。
Every generation is, and must be, competent to all the purposes which its occasions require.
每一代人都能够而且必须有能力实现其场合所需的所有目的。
It is the living, and not the dead, that are to be accommodated.
需要安置的是生者，而不是死者。
When man ceases to be, his power and his wants cease with him; and having no longer any participation in the concerns of this world, he has no longer any authority in directing who shall be its governors, or how its government shall be organised, or how administered.
当人不复存在时，他的力量和需要也随之消失。由于他不再参与这个世界的事务，因此他不再有任何权力来指导谁将成为这个世界的统治者，或者如何组织或如何管理政府。
I am not contending for nor against any form of government, nor for nor against any party, here or elsewhere.
我不支持或反对任何形式的政府，也不支持或反对任何政党，无论在这里还是其他地方。
That which a whole nation chooses to do it has a right to do.
整个国家选择做的事就有权做。
Mr. Burke says, No. Where, then, does the right exist?
伯克先生说：不。那么，权利存在于哪里呢？
I am contending for the rights of the living, and against their being willed away and controlled and contracted for by the manuscript assumed authority of the dead, and Mr. Burke is contending for the authority of the dead over the rights and freedom of the living.
我主张生者的权利，反对他们被死者的权威手稿所遗弃、控制和承包，而伯克先生则主张死者的权威高于生者的权利和自由。
There was a time when kings disposed of their crowns by will upon their death-beds, and consigned the people, like beasts of the field, to whatever successor they appointed.
曾经有一段时间，国王们在临终前随意处置自己的王冠，并把人民像田野里的野兽一样交给他们指定的继承人。
This is now so exploded as scarcely to be remembered, and so monstrous as hardly to be believed.
现在这件事已经爆炸得令人几乎不记得了，而且如此可怕得令人难以置信。
But the Parliamentary clauses upon which Mr. Burke builds his political church are of the same nature.
但伯克先生建立政治教会所依据的议会条款具有相同的性质。
The laws of every country must be analogous to some common principle.
每个国家的法律都必须类似于某些共同原则。
In England no parent or master, nor all the authority of Parliament, omnipotent as it has called itself, can bind or control the personal freedom even of an individual beyond the age of twenty-one years.
在英国，没有任何父母或主人，也没有自称无所不能的议会的所有权威，可以约束或控制甚至超过二十一岁的个人的个人自由。
On what ground of right, then, could the Parliament of 1688, or any other Parliament, bind all posterity for ever?
那么，1688 年议会或任何其他议会凭什么权利可以永远约束所有子孙后代呢？
Those who have quitted the world, and those who have not yet arrived at it, are as remote from each other as the utmost stretch of mortal imagination can conceive.
那些已经离开这个世界的人和那些还没有到达这个世界的人，彼此之间的距离是人类所能想象到的最遥远的距离。
What possible obligation, then, can exist between them--what rule or principle can be laid down that of two nonentities, the one out of existence and the other not in, and who never can meet in this world, the one should control the other to the end of time?
那么，他们之间可能存在什么义务呢？对于两个无实体，一个不存在，另一个不存在，并且在这个世界上永远无法相遇的两个无实体，可以制定什么规则或原则，一个应该控制另一个直到时间的尽头？
In England it is said that money cannot be taken out of the pockets of the people without their consent.
在英国，据说未经人民同意，钱不能从人民的口袋里取出。
But who authorised, or who could authorise, the Parliament of 1688 to control and take away the freedom of posterity (who were not in existence to give or to withhold their consent) and limit and confine their right of acting in certain cases for ever?
但谁授权，或者谁能够授权，1688 年的议会控制和剥夺子孙后代的自由（子孙后代并不存在给予或拒绝同意的权利），并永远限制和限制他们在某些情况下采取行动的权利？
A greater absurdity cannot present itself to the understanding of man than what Mr. Burke offers to his readers.
对于人类的理解来说，没有什么比伯克先生向他的读者所提供的更荒谬的了。
He tells them, and he tells the world to come, that a certain body of men who existed a hundred years ago made a law, and that there does not exist in the nation, nor ever will, nor ever can, a power to alter it.
他告诉他们，也告诉未来的世界，一百年前存在的某个团体制定了法律，而这个国家不存在、也永远不会、也永远不能改变它的权力。
Under how many subtilties or absurdities has the divine right to govern been imposed on the credulity of mankind?
神圣的统治权是在多少微妙或荒谬的情况下强加给人类的？
Mr. Burke has discovered a new one, and he has shortened his journey to Rome by appealing to the power of this infallible Parliament of former days, and he produces what it has done as of divine authority, for that power must certainly be more than human which no human power to the end of time can alter.
伯克先生发现了一个新的权力，他通过诉诸昔日绝对可靠的议会的权力，缩短了前往罗马的旅程，并且他创造了它作为神圣权威所做的事情，因为这种权力肯定超出了人类的权力，任何人类的权力都无法改变。
But Mr. Burke has done some service--not to his cause, but to his country--by bringing those clauses into public view.
但伯克先生通过将这些条款纳入公众视野，做出了一些贡献——不是为了他的事业，而是为了他的国家。
They serve to demonstrate how necessary it is at all times to watch against the attempted encroachment of power, and to prevent its running to excess.
它们表明，时刻警惕权力的侵犯并防止其过度运行是多么必要。
It is somewhat extraordinary that the offence for which James II.
詹姆斯二世的进攻有些不同寻常。
was expelled, that of setting up power by assumption, should be re-acted, under another shape and form, by the Parliament that expelled him.
被驱逐，通过假设建立权力，应该由驱逐他的议会以另一种形式重新采取行动。
It shows that the Rights of Man were but imperfectly understood at the Revolution, for certain it is that the right which that Parliament set up by assumption (for by the delegation it had not, and could not have it, because none could give it) over the persons and freedom of posterity for ever was of the same tyrannical unfounded kind which James attempted to set up over the Parliament and the nation, and for which he was expelled.
它表明，在革命期间，人们对人权的理解并不完全，可以肯定的是，议会通过假设（因为它没有、也不可能拥有它，因为没有人能够赋予它）对子孙后代和自由的永久权利，与詹姆斯试图在议会和国家上建立的同样毫无根据的暴虐权利一样，他也因此被驱逐。
The only difference is (for in principle they differ not) that the one was an usurper over living, and the other over the unborn; and as the one has no better authority to stand upon than the other, both of them must be equally null and void, and of no effect.
唯一的区别是（原则上它们没有不同），一个是对生命的篡夺，另一个是对未出生婴儿的篡夺。由于一方没有比另一方更好的权威，因此两者都必须同样无效且无效。
From what, or from whence, does Mr. Burke prove the right of any human power to bind posterity for ever?
伯克先生从什么或从哪里证明任何人类力量都有权永远约束子孙后代？
He has produced his clauses, but he must produce also his proofs that such a right existed, and show how it existed.
他已经提出了他的条款，但他还必须提供证明这种权利存在的证据，并表明它是如何存在的。
If it ever existed it must now exist, for whatever appertains to the nature of man cannot be annihilated by man.
如果它曾经存在过，那么现在也一定存在，因为任何属于人性的东西都不能被人消灭。
It is the nature of man to die, and he will continue to die as long as he continues to be born.
人的本性就是死，只要他继续出生，他就会继续死。
But Mr. Burke has set up a sort of political Adam, in whom all posterity are bound for ever.
但伯克先生建立了一种政治亚当，所有子孙后代都将永远受到他的约束。
He must, therefore, prove that his Adam possessed such a power, or such a right.
因此，他必须证明他的亚当拥有这样的能力，或者这样的权利。
The weaker any cord is, the less will it bear to be stretched, and the worse is the policy to stretch it, unless it is intended to break it.
任何绳索越脆弱，它就越难以承受拉伸，拉伸它的策略也就越糟糕，除非是故意折断它。
Had anyone proposed the overthrow of Mr. Burke's positions, he would have proceeded as Mr. Burke has done.
如果有人提议推翻伯克先生的立场，他就会像伯克先生那样行事。
He would have magnified the authorities, on purpose to have called the right of them into question; and the instant the question of right was started, the authorities must have been given up.
他会夸大当局，故意质疑他们的权利；一旦权利问题开始，当局就必须放弃。
It requires but a very small glance of thought to perceive that although laws made in one generation often continue in force through succeeding generations, yet they continue to derive their force from the consent of the living.
只需要稍加思索就可以看出，尽管一代人制定的法律往往在后代中继续有效，但它们的效力仍然来自于生者的同意。
A law not repealed continues in force, not because it cannot be repealed, but because it is not repealed; and the non-repealing passes for consent.
未被废除的法律继续有效，不是因为它不能被废除，而是因为它没有被废除；以及不可撤销的同意通行证。
But Mr. Burke's clauses have not even this qualification in their favour.
但伯克先生的条款甚至没有这个对他们有利的条件。
They become null, by attempting to become immortal.
他们通过试图变得不朽而变得虚无。
The nature of them precludes consent.
它们的性质排除了同意。
They destroy the right which they might have, by grounding it on a right which they cannot have.
他们将自己可能拥有的权利建立在他们无法拥有的权利之上，从而摧毁了这些权利。
Immortal power is not a human right, and therefore cannot be a right of Parliament.
不朽的权力不是一项人权，因此不能成为议会的权利。
The Parliament of 1688 might as well have passed an act to have authorised themselves to live for ever, as to make their authority live for ever.
1688年的议会不妨通过一项法案，授权自己永远存在，就像让他们的权威永远存在一样。
All, therefore, that can be said of those clauses is that they are a formality of words, of as much import as if those who used them had addressed a congratulation to themselves, and in the oriental style of antiquity had said: O Parliament, live for ever!
因此，这些条款只能说是一种形式性的言词，其重要性就好像那些使用这些条款的人向自己致以祝贺，并以古代的东方风格说：议会啊，万岁！
The circumstances of the world are continually changing, and the opinions of men change also; and as government is for the living, and not for the dead, it is the living only that has any right in it.
世界形势在不断变化，人们的观念也在不断变化。由于政府是为生者服务的，而不是为死者服务的，因此只有生者才享有政府的权利。
That which may be thought right and found convenient in one age may be thought wrong and found inconvenient in another.
在一个时代被认为是正确的、方便的事情，在另一个时代可能被认为是错误的、不方便的。
In such cases, who is to decide, the living or the dead?
在这种情况下，谁来决定，生者还是死者？
As almost one hundred pages of Mr. Burke's book are employed upon these clauses, it will consequently follow that if the clauses themselves, so far as they set up an assumed usurped dominion over posterity for ever, are unauthoritative, and in their nature null and void; that all his voluminous inferences, and declamation drawn therefrom, or founded thereon, are null and void also; and on this ground I rest the matter.
由于伯克先生的书用了近一百页的篇幅来讨论这些条款，因此可以得出结论，如果这些条款本身，就它们对子孙后代建立了一种假定的、被篡夺的永远统治权而言，是不具有权威性的，并且在本质上是无效的；他所有的大量推论以及从中得出或建立在其基础上的言论也都是无效的；我以此为基础来解决这个问题。
We now come more particularly to the affairs of France.
我们现在更具体地讨论法国事务。
Mr. Burke's book has the appearance of being written as instruction to the French nation; but if I may permit myself the use of an extravagant metaphor, suited to the extravagance of the case, it is darkness attempting to illuminate light.
伯克先生的书看起来像是对法国民族的指导。但如果我允许自己使用一个适合这种夸张的比喻的话，那就是黑暗试图照亮光明。
While I am writing this there are accidentally before me some proposals for a declaration of rights by the Marquis de la Fayette (I ask his pardon for using his former address, and do it only for distinction's sake) to the National Assembly, on the 11th of July, 1789, three days before the taking of the Bastille, and I cannot but remark with astonishment how opposite the sources are from which that gentleman and Mr. Burke draw their principles.
当我写这篇文章时，我无意中收到了拉法耶特侯爵（我请他原谅使用他以前的地址，这样做只是为了区别起见）于 1789 年 7 月 11 日，攻克巴士底狱前三天向国民议会提出的一些权利宣言的建议，我不得不惊讶地指出，那位先生和伯克先生得出原则的来源是多么相反。
Instead of referring to musty records and mouldy parchments to prove that the rights of the living are lost, "renounced and abdicated for ever," by those who are now no more, as Mr. Burke has done, M.
M. 没有像伯克先生那样，用发霉的记录和发霉的羊皮纸来证明生者的权利已经丧失，而是被那些现在不复存在的人“永远放弃和放弃”。
de la Fayette applies to the living world, and emphatically says: "Call to mind the sentiments which nature has engraved on the heart of every citizen, and which take a new force when they are solemnly recognised by all:--For a nation to love liberty, it is sufficient that she knows it; and to be free, it is sufficient that she wills it." How dry, barren, and obscure is the source from which Mr. Burke labors!
德拉法耶特适用于现实世界，并强调说：“回想一下自然铭刻在每个公民心中的情感，当它们得到所有人的庄严认可时，这些情感就会产生新的力量：——对于一个热爱自由的国家来说，只要她知道它就足够了；而要获得自由，只要她愿意它就足够了。”伯克先生工作的源泉是多么干燥、贫瘠和晦涩啊！
and how ineffectual, though gay with flowers, are all his declamation and his arguments compared with these clear, concise, and soul-animating sentiments!
尽管他的言论和论点虽然鲜花盛开，但与这些清晰、简洁、鼓舞人心的情感相比，是多么无效啊！
Few and short as they are, they lead on to a vast field of generous and manly thinking, and do not finish, like Mr. Burke's periods, with music in the ear, and nothing in the heart.
尽管它们很少而简短，但它们却引向了广阔的慷慨和男子气概的思想领域，并且不像伯克先生的时期那样，结束时耳朵里有音乐，心里却什么也没有。
As I have introduced M.
正如我所介绍的，M.
de la Fayette, I will take the liberty of adding an anecdote respecting his farewell address to the Congress of America in 1783, and which occurred fresh to my mind, when I saw Mr. Burke's thundering attack on the French Revolution.
德拉法耶特先生，我将冒昧地补充一件关于他 1783 年在美国国会的告别演说的轶事，当我看到伯克先生对法国大革命的猛烈攻击时，这件事让我记忆犹新。
M.
M。
de la Fayette went to America at the early period of the war, and continued a volunteer in her service to the end.
德拉斐特在战争初期前往美国，并继续作为志愿者服役至战争结束。
His conduct through the whole of that enterprise is one of the most extraordinary that is to be found in the history of a young man, scarcely twenty years of age.
他在整个这项事业中的表现是一个还不到二十岁的年轻人历史上最非凡的表现之一。
Situated in a country that was like the lap of sensual pleasure, and with the means of enjoying it, how few are there to be found who would exchange such a scene for the woods and wildernesses of America, and pass the flowery years of youth in unprofitable danger and hardship!
身处一个如同享乐之怀的国度，又拥有享受它的手段，能用美国的森林和荒野来交换这样的景色，在无利可图的危险和艰辛中度过青春年华的人是多么少啊！
but such is the fact.
但这就是事实。
When the war ended, and he was on the point of taking his final departure, he presented himself to Congress, and contemplating in his affectionate farewell the Revolution he had seen, expressed himself in these words: "May this great monument raised to liberty serve as a lesson to the oppressor, and an example to the oppressed!" When this address came to the hands of Dr. Franklin, who was then in France, he applied to Count Vergennes to have it inserted in the French Gazette, but never could obtain his consent.
当战争结束，他即将离开时，他向国会提出了自己的要求，并在深情的告别中思考了他所看到的革命，用这样的话表达了自己的观点：“愿这座为自由而建的伟大纪念碑成为压迫者的教训，成为被压迫者的榜样！”当这份地址传到当时身在法国的富兰克林博士手中时，他向韦尔根伯爵申请将其刊登在《法国公报》上，但始终未能获得他的同意。
The fact was that Count Vergennes was an aristocratical despot at home, and dreaded the example of the American Revolution in France, as certain other persons now dread the example of the French Revolution in England, and Mr. Burke's tribute of fear (for in this light his book must be considered) runs parallel with Count Vergennes' refusal.
事实上，维尔根伯爵在国内是一位贵族暴君，他害怕法国的美国革命，就像现在其他一些人害怕英国的法国革命一样，而伯克先生对恐惧的赞扬（从这个角度来看，必须考虑他的书）与维尔根伯爵的拒绝是并行的。
But to return more particularly to his work.
但更具体地回到他的工作上。
"We have seen," says Mr. Burke, "the French rebel against a mild and lawful monarch, with more fury, outrage, and insult, than any people has been known to rise against the most illegal usurper, or the most sanguinary tyrant." This is one among a thousand other instances, in which Mr. Burke shows that he is ignorant of the springs and principles of the French Revolution.
伯克先生说：“我们已经看到，法国人对温和合法的君主的反抗，比已知的任何人民反抗最非法的篡夺者或最血腥的暴君时所表现出的愤怒、愤慨和侮辱都要多。”这只是伯克先生其他一千个例子中的一个，表明他对法国大革命的根源和原则一无所知。
It was not against Louis XVI.
这并不是针对路易十六。
but against the despotic principles of the Government, that the nation revolted.
但反对政府的专制原则，导致全国起义。
These principles had not their origin in him, but in the original establishment, many centuries back: and they were become too deeply rooted to be removed, and the Augean stables of parasites and plunderers too abominably filthy to be cleansed by anything short of a complete and universal Revolution.
这些原则并非源于他，而是源于许多世纪前的最初建立：它们已经根深蒂固，无法消除，而寄生虫和掠夺者的奥吉亚马厩又肮脏得令人憎恶，除非进行一场彻底的、普遍的革命，否则无法清洗。
When it becomes necessary to do anything, the whole heart and soul should go into the measure, or not attempt it.
当有必要做任何事情时，应该全心全意地去做，或者不要尝试。
That crisis was then arrived, and there remained no choice but to act with determined vigor, or not to act at all.
危机到来了，我们别无选择，要么坚决采取行动，要么干脆不采取行动。
The king was known to be the friend of the nation, and this circumstance was favorable to the enterprise.
众所周知，国王是国家的朋友，这种情况对企业有利。
Perhaps no man bred up in the style of an absolute king, ever possessed a heart so little disposed to the exercise of that species of power as the present King of France.
也许没有一个在绝对国王风格中长大的人，像现任法国国王那样不愿意行使这种权力。
But the principles of the Government itself still remained the same.
但政府本身的原则仍然保持不变。
The Monarch and the Monarchy were distinct and separate things; and it was against the established despotism of the latter, and not against the person or principles of the former, that the revolt commenced, and the Revolution has been carried.
君主和君主政体是不同的、独立的事物。起义的开始和革命的进行，是为了反对后者既定的专制制度，而不是反对前者的个人或原则。
Mr. Burke does not attend to the distinction between men and principles, and, therefore, he does not see that a revolt may take place against the despotism of the latter, while there lies no charge of despotism against the former.
伯克先生并不关心人与原则之间的区别，因此，他认为不会发生针对后者专制主义的反抗，同时也没有针对前者的专制主义指控。
The natural moderation of Louis XVI.
路易十六的自然节制。
contributed nothing to alter the hereditary despotism of the monarchy.
没有为改变君主政体的世袭专制做出任何贡献。
All the tyrannies of former reigns, acted under that hereditary despotism, were still liable to be revived in the hands of a successor.
前任统治时期的所有暴政，在世袭专制统治下实施，仍然有可能在继任者手中复活。
It was not the respite of a reign that would satisfy France, enlightened as she was then become.
统治时期的喘息并不能令当时的开明法国感到满意。
A casual discontinuance of the practice of despotism, is not a discontinuance of its principles: the former depends on the virtue of the individual who is in immediate possession of the power; the latter, on the virtue and fortitude of the nation.
专制主义实践的偶然中止，并不意味着其原则的中止：前者取决于直接掌握权力的个人的美德；后者取决于直接掌握权力的个人的美德。后者，关于民族的美德和坚韧。
In the case of Charles I.
以查理一世为例。
and James II.
和詹姆斯二世。
of England, the revolt was against the personal despotism of the men; whereas in France, it was against the hereditary despotism of the established Government.
在英格兰，这场起义是针对男人的个人专制主义的。而在法国，它反对现有政府的世袭专制。
But men who can consign over the rights of posterity for ever on the authority of a mouldy parchment, like Mr. Burke, are not qualified to judge of this Revolution.
但是，像伯克先生这样能够以一张发霉的羊皮纸的权威将后代权利永远托付给后代的人，没有资格评判这场革命。
It takes in a field too vast for their views to explore, and proceeds with a mightiness of reason they cannot keep pace with.
它所涉及的领域过于广阔，他们的观点无法探索，并以他们无法跟上的步伐进行强大的理性。
But there are many points of view in which this Revolution may be considered.
但有很多观点可以考虑这场革命。
When despotism has established itself for ages in a country, as in France, it is not in the person of the king only that it resides.
当专制主义在一个国家（如法国）长期存在时，它就不仅仅存在于国王身上。
It has the appearance of being so in show, and in nominal authority; but it is not so in practice and in fact.
它看起来像是在炫耀，也有名义上的权威。但在实践和事实上却并非如此。
It has its standard everywhere.
到处都有它的标准。
Every office and department has its despotism, founded upon custom and usage.
每个办公室和部门都有其建立在习俗和惯例之上的专制主义。
Every place has its Bastille, and every Bastille its despot.
每个地方都有巴士底狱，每个巴士底狱都有暴君。
The original hereditary despotism resident in the person of the king, divides and sub-divides itself into a thousand shapes and forms, till at last the whole of it is acted by deputation.
最初以国王为主体的世袭专制制度，不断分裂成上千种形态和形式，直到最后全部由代表来执行。
This was the case in France; and against this species of despotism, proceeding on through an endless labyrinth of office till the source of it is scarcely perceptible, there is no mode of redress.
法国就是这种情况；面对这种专制主义，它在无休无止的办公室迷宫中前进，直到其根源几乎无法察觉，因此没有任何补救办法。
It strengthens itself by assuming the appearance of duty, and tyrannizes under the pretence of obeying.
它通过承担责任的外表来强化自己，并以服从的借口进行暴虐。
When a man reflects on the condition which France was in from the nature of her government, he will see other causes for revolt than those which immediately connect themselves with the person or character of Louis XVI.
当一个人从政府的性质来反思法国所处的状况时，他会看到除了那些与路易十六本人或性格直接相关的起义原因之外的其他起义原因。
There were, if I may so express it, a thousand despotisms to be reformed in France, which had grown up under the hereditary despotism of the monarchy, and became so rooted as to be in a great measure independent of it.
如果我可以这样表达的话，法国有上千种专制制度需要改革，它们是在君主制的世袭专制制度下成长起来的，而且根深蒂固，在很大程度上独立于君主制。
Between the Monarchy, the Parliament, and the Church there was a rivalship of despotism; besides the feudal despotism operating locally, and the ministerial despotism operating everywhere.
君主制、议会和教会之间存在着专制的竞争。除了地方上实行的封建专制之外，还有到处实行的大臣专制。
But Mr. Burke, by considering the king as the only possible object of a revolt, speaks as if France was a village, in which everything that passed must be known to its commanding officer, and no oppression could be acted but what he could immediately control.
但伯克先生认为国王是唯一可能的叛乱对象，他说得好像法国是一个村庄，其中发生的一切都必须为其指挥官所知，除了他可以立即控制的事情之外，不能采取任何压迫行动。
Mr. Burke might have been in the Bastille his whole life, as well under Louis XVI.
伯克先生可能一生都待在巴士底狱，路易十六时期也是如此。
as Louis XIV., and neither the one nor the other have known that such a man as Burke existed.
路易十四，而他们两人都不知道有伯克这样的人存在。
The despotic principles of the government were the same in both reigns, though the dispositions of the men were as remote as tyranny and benevolence.
两个朝代政府的专制原则是相同的，尽管人们的性情像暴政和仁慈一样遥远。
What Mr. Burke considers as a reproach to the French Revolution (that of bringing it forward under a reign more mild than the preceding ones) is one of its highest honors.
伯克先生认为，法国大革命的耻辱（即在比之前的统治更温和的统治下推进法国大革命）是法国大革命的最高荣誉之一。
The Revolutions that have taken place in other European countries, have been excited by personal hatred.
其他欧洲国家发生的革命都是由个人仇恨激发的。
The rage was against the man, and he became the victim.
愤怒针对的是这个人，他成了受害者。
But, in the instance of France we see a Revolution generated in the rational contemplation of the Rights of Man, and distinguishing from the beginning between persons and principles.
但是，以法国为例，我们看到一场革命是在对人权的理性思考中产生的，并且从一开始就区分了人和原则。
But Mr. Burke appears to have no idea of principles when he is contemplating Governments.
但伯克先生在考虑政府问题时似乎对原则一无所知。
"Ten years ago," says he, "I could have felicitated France on her having a Government, without inquiring what the nature of that Government was, or how it was administered." Is this the language of a rational man?
“十年前，”他说，“我本可以祝贺法国拥有一个政府，而无需询问该政府的性质是什么，或者它是如何管理的。”这是一个理性人的语言吗？
Is it the language of a heart feeling as it ought to feel for the rights and happiness of the human race?
这是一种表达人类权利和幸福的内心情感的语言吗？
On this ground, Mr. Burke must compliment all the Governments in the world, while the victims who suffer under them, whether sold into slavery, or tortured out of existence, are wholly forgotten.
有鉴于此，伯克先生必须赞扬世界各国政府，而在这些政府之下遭受苦难的受害者，无论是被卖为奴隶，还是被折磨得死去活来，都被完全遗忘了。
It is power, and not principles, that Mr. Burke venerates; and under this abominable depravity he is disqualified to judge between them.
伯克先生推崇的是权力，而不是原则。在这种令人憎恶的堕落下，他没有资格在他们之间做出判断。
Thus much for his opinion as to the occasions of the French Revolution.
他对法国大革命时期的看法就到此为止。
I now proceed to other considerations.
我现在继续考虑其他问题。
I know a place in America called Point-no-Point, because as you proceed along the shore, gay and flowery as Mr. Burke's language, it continually recedes and presents itself at a distance before you; but when you have got as far as you can go, there is no point at all.
我知道美国有一个地方叫“Point-no-Point”，因为当你沿着海岸前行时，就像伯克先生的语言一样欢快而华丽，它不断后退并出现在你面前的远处；但当你已经走到了你能走的最远的地方时，那就没有任何意义了。
Just thus it is with Mr. Burke's three hundred and sixty-six pages.
伯克先生的三百六十六页正是如此。
It is therefore difficult to reply to him.
因此很难回复他。
But as the points he wishes to establish may be inferred from what he abuses, it is in his paradoxes that we must look for his arguments.
但由于他希望确立的观点可以从他所滥用的内容中推断出来，因此我们必须在他的悖论中寻找他的论点。
As to the tragic paintings by which Mr. Burke has outraged his own imagination, and seeks to work upon that of his readers, they are very well calculated for theatrical representation, where facts are manufactured for the sake of show, and accommodated to produce, through the weakness of sympathy, a weeping effect.
至于伯克先生激怒了自己的想象力并试图影响读者的悲剧画作，它们是为了戏剧表现而精心设计的，为了展示而捏造事实，并通过同情的弱点来制造一种令人哭泣的效果。
But Mr. Burke should recollect that he is writing history, and not plays, and that his readers will expect truth, and not the spouting rant of high-toned exclamation.
但伯克先生应该记住，他正在写历史，而不是戏剧，他的读者会期待真相，而不是高调感叹的咆哮。
When we see a man dramatically lamenting in a publication intended to be believed that "The age of chivalry is gone!
当我们看到一个人在一本本应被相信的出版物上戏剧性地哀叹“骑士时代已经过去了！
that The glory of Europe is extinguished for ever!
欧洲的荣耀将永远熄灭！
that The unbought grace of life (if anyone knows what it is), the cheap defence of nations, the nurse of manly sentiment and heroic enterprise is gone!" and all this because the Quixot age of chivalry nonsense is gone, what opinion can we form of his judgment, or what regard can we pay to his facts?
那些无法买到的生命恩典（如果有人知道它是什么的话）、廉价的国家防御、男子气概的情感和英雄事业的滋养都消失了！”所有这一切都是因为骑士胡言乱语的堂吉诃德时代已经过去了，我们可以对他的判断形成什么意见，或者我们可以对他的事实给予什么尊重？
In the rhapsody of his imagination he has discovered a world of wind mills, and his sorrows are that there are no Quixots to attack them.
在他的狂想中，他发现了一个风车的世界，而他的悲伤是没有堂吉诃德来攻击它们。
But if the age of aristocracy, like that of chivalry, should fall (and they had originally some connection) Mr. Burke, the trumpeter of the Order, may continue his parody to the end, and finish with exclaiming: "Othello's occupation's gone!"
但如果贵族时代像骑士时代一样落幕（它们原本是有某种联系的），骑士团的鼓吹者伯克先生可能会继续他的戏仿直到最后，并以感叹结束：“奥赛罗的职业消失了！”
Notwithstanding Mr. Burke's horrid paintings, when the French Revolution is compared with the Revolutions of other countries, the astonishment will be that it is marked with so few sacrifices; but this astonishment will cease when we reflect that principles, and not persons, were the meditated objects of destruction.
尽管伯克先生的画作很可怕，但当法国大革命与其他国家的革命相比时，人们会惊讶地发现它的牺牲如此之少；但是，当我们想到原则，而不是个人，才是蓄意破坏的对象时，这种惊讶就会消失。
The mind of the nation was acted upon by a higher stimulus than what the consideration of persons could inspire, and sought a higher conquest than could be produced by the downfall of an enemy.
民族的思想受到比人的考虑所能激发的更高的刺激所作用，并且寻求比敌人的垮台所能产生的更高的征服。
Among the few who fell there do not appear to be any that were intentionally singled out.
倒在那里的少数人中，似乎没有一个是被故意挑出来的。
They all of them had their fate in the circumstances of the moment, and were not pursued with that long, cold-blooded unabated revenge which pursued the unfortunate Scotch in the affair of 1745.
他们所有人的命运都取决于当时的情况，并没有像 1745 年事件中不幸的苏格兰人那样，受到漫长、冷血、有增无减的报复。
Through the whole of Mr. Burke's book I do not observe that the Bastille is mentioned more than once, and that with a kind of implication as if he were sorry it was pulled down, and wished it were built up again.
在伯克先生的整本书中，我没有看到不止一次提到巴士底狱，而且他的言外之意就好像他对巴士底狱被拆毁感到遗憾，并希望它能再次被重建。
"We have rebuilt Newgate," says he, "and tenanted the mansion; and we have prisons almost as strong as the Bastille for those who dare to libel the queens of France."*[2] As to what a madman like the person called Lord George Gordon might say, and to whom Newgate is rather a bedlam than a prison, it is unworthy a rational consideration.
“我们重建了纽盖特，”他说，“并租下了这座宅邸；我们为那些胆敢诽谤法国女王的人设立了几乎与巴士底狱一样坚固的监狱。”*[2]至于一个像乔治·戈登勋爵这样的疯子可能会说什么，对他来说，纽盖特与其说是监狱，不如说是一片混乱，这是不值得理性考虑的。
It was a madman that libelled, and that is sufficient apology; and it afforded an opportunity for confining him, which was the thing that was wished for.
诽谤的是一个疯子，道歉就足够了；这给了他一个限制他的机会，这正是他所希望的。
But certain it is that Mr. Burke, who does not call himself a madman (whatever other people may do), has libelled in the most unprovoked manner, and in the grossest style of the most vulgar abuse, the whole representative authority of France, and yet Mr. Burke takes his seat in the British House of Commons!
但可以肯定的是，伯克先生并不称自己为疯子（不管其他人会怎么做），他以最无端的方式、最粗俗的谩骂方式诽谤了法国的整个代议权，而伯克先生却在英国下议院占据了席位！
From his violence and his grief, his silence on some points and his excess on others, it is difficult not to believe that Mr. Burke is sorry, extremely sorry, that arbitrary power, the power of the Pope and the Bastille, are pulled down.
从他的暴力和悲伤，他在某些问题上的沉默和在其他问题上的过度，很难不相信伯克先生对专制权力、教皇和巴士底狱的权力被推翻感到遗憾，非常遗憾。
Not one glance of compassion, not one commiserating reflection that I can find throughout his book, has he bestowed on those who lingered out the most wretched of lives, a life without hope in the most miserable of prisons.
我在他的整本书中找不到一丝同情的目光，没有一丝同情的反思，他没有给予那些在最悲惨的生活中徘徊、在最悲惨的监狱里过着没有希望的生活的人。
It is painful to behold a man employing his talents to corrupt himself.
看到一个人利用自己的才能来腐蚀自己是令人痛苦的。
Nature has been kinder to Mr. Burke than he is to her.
大自然对伯克先生比他对她更仁慈。
He is not affected by the reality of distress touching his heart, but by the showy resemblance of it striking his imagination.
影响他的不是现实的痛苦触动他的心，而是他的想象中的痛苦的相似之处。
He pities the plumage, but forgets the dying bird.
他怜悯这只羽毛，但却忘记了那只垂死的鸟。
Accustomed to kiss the aristocratical hand that hath purloined him from himself, he degenerates into a composition of art, and the genuine soul of nature forsakes him.
他习惯于亲吻那只将他从自己身边夺走的贵族之手，因此堕落为一件艺术品，自然的真正灵魂也抛弃了他。
His hero or his heroine must be a tragedy-victim expiring in show, and not the real prisoner of misery, sliding into death in the silence of a dungeon.
他的英雄或女英雄必须是一个在表演中死去的悲剧受害者，而不是真正的痛苦囚犯，在寂静的地牢中滑向死亡。
As Mr. Burke has passed over the whole transaction of the Bastille (and his silence is nothing in his favour), and has entertained his readers with refections on supposed facts distorted into real falsehoods, I will give, since he has not, some account of the circumstances which preceded that transaction.
由于伯克先生已经忽略了巴士底狱的整个交易（他的沉默对他没有任何好处），并通过对被歪曲为真实谎言的假设事实的反思来娱乐读者，因此我将对该交易之前的情况进行一些说明，因为他没有这样做。
They will serve to show that less mischief could scarcely have accompanied such an event when considered with the treacherous and hostile aggravations of the enemies of the Revolution.
它们将表明，考虑到革命敌人的奸诈和敌对的加剧，这样的事件几乎不可能发生更少的恶作剧。
The mind can hardly picture to itself a more tremendous scene than what the city of Paris exhibited at the time of taking the Bastille, and for two days before and after, nor perceive the possibility of its quieting so soon.
人的头脑很难想象出比占领巴士底狱时以及前后两天的巴黎市所呈现的景象更壮观的景象，也无法想象它有可能这么快平静下来。
At a distance this transaction has appeared only as an act of heroism standing on itself, and the close political connection it had with the Revolution is lost in the brilliancy of the achievement.
从远处看，这一交易仅表现为一种独立的英雄主义行为，它与革命的密切政治联系在其辉煌成就中消失了。
But we are to consider it as the strength of the parties brought man to man, and contending for the issue.
但我们应该将其视为各方力量的较量，并就这一问题进行争论。
The Bastille was to be either the prize or the prison of the assailants.
巴士底狱要么是袭击者的战利品，要么是他们的监狱。
The downfall of it included the idea of the downfall of despotism, and this compounded image was become as figuratively united as Bunyan's Doubting Castle and Giant Despair.
它的垮台包含了专制主义垮台的观念，而这个复合形象就像班扬的怀疑城堡和巨人绝望一样象征性地统一在一起。
The National Assembly, before and at the time of taking the Bastille, was sitting at Versailles, twelve miles distant from Paris.
在攻占巴士底狱之前和占领巴士底狱之时，国民议会都在距巴黎十二英里的凡尔赛宫举行。
About a week before the rising of the Partisans, and their taking the Bastille, it was discovered that a plot was forming, at the head of which was the Count D'Artois, the king's youngest brother, for demolishing the National Assembly, seizing its members, and thereby crushing, by a coup de main, all hopes and prospects of forming a free government.
在游击队起义并占领巴士底狱之前大约一周，人们发现，国王最小的弟弟阿图瓦伯爵领导的一个阴谋正在形成，其目的是摧毁国民议会，夺取其成员，从而通过一场政变粉碎组建自由政府的所有希望和前景。
For the sake of humanity, as well as freedom, it is well this plan did not succeed.
为了人类和自由，这个计划没有成功也是好事。
Examples are not wanting to show how dreadfully vindictive and cruel are all old governments, when they are successful against what they call a revolt.
这些例子并不是想表明，当旧政府成功地镇压了他们所谓的叛乱时，他们的报复心和残忍程度是多么可怕。
This plan must have been some time in contemplation; because, in order to carry it into execution, it was necessary to collect a large military force round Paris, and cut off the communication between that city and the National Assembly at Versailles.
这个计划一定是经过一番深思熟虑的。因为，为了将其付诸实施，必须在巴黎周围集结大量军队，并切断该城市与凡尔赛国民议会之间的联系。
The troops destined for this service were chiefly the foreign troops in the pay of France, and who, for this particular purpose, were drawn from the distant provinces where they were then stationed.
执行这项任务的部队主要是法国雇佣的外国军队，为了这一特殊目的，他们从当时驻扎的遥远省份抽调而来。
When they were collected to the amount of between twenty-five and thirty thousand, it was judged time to put the plan into execution.
当收集到的数量达到二十五到三万之间时，就判断是时候实施这个计划了。
The ministry who were then in office, and who were friendly to the Revolution, were instantly dismissed and a new ministry formed of those who had concerted the project, among whom was Count de Broglio, and to his share was given the command of those troops.
当时在任的、对革命友好的内阁立即被解职，由那些协调该计划的人组成了一个新的内阁，其中包括德布罗利奥伯爵，并由他负责指挥这些部队。
The character of this man as described to me in a letter which I communicated to Mr. Burke before he began to write his book, and from an authority which Mr. Burke well knows was good, was that of "a high-flying aristocrat, cool, and capable of every mischief."
在伯克先生开始写书之前，我在一封信中向我描述了这个人的性格，这封信来自伯克先生熟知的良好权威，是“一个雄心勃勃的贵族，冷静，并且能够做出各种恶作剧”。
While these matters were agitating, the National Assembly stood in the most perilous and critical situation that a body of men can be supposed to act in.
在这些事情令人不安的同时，国民议会正处于一个人应该采取行动的最危险和最危急的境地。
They were the devoted victims, and they knew it.
他们是忠实的受害者，他们知道这一点。
They had the hearts and wishes of their country on their side, but military authority they had none.
他们的国家的心和愿望站在他们一边，但他们没有军事权威。
The guards of Broglio surrounded the hall where the Assembly sat, ready, at the word of command, to seize their persons, as had been done the year before to the Parliament of Paris.
布罗利奥的卫兵包围了议会所在的大厅，随时准备根据命令逮捕他们，就像一年前对巴黎议会所做的那样。
Had the National Assembly deserted their trust, or had they exhibited signs of weakness or fear, their enemies had been encouraged and their country depressed.
如果国民议会背弃了他们的信任，或者他们表现出了软弱或恐惧的迹象，他们的敌人就会受到鼓舞，他们的国家就会受到沮丧。
When the situation they stood in, the cause they were engaged in, and the crisis then ready to burst, which should determine their personal and political fate and that of their country, and probably of Europe, are taken into one view, none but a heart callous with prejudice or corrupted by dependence can avoid interesting itself in their success.
当他们所处的处境、他们所从事的事业以及即将爆发的危机（这将决定他们的个人和政治命运以及他们的国家，可能还有欧洲的命运）被纳入一个视野时，除了一颗因偏见而冷酷无情或因依赖而腐化的心之外，没有人能避免对他们的成功感兴趣。
The Archbishop of Vienne was at this time President of the National Assembly--a person too old to undergo the scene that a few days or a few hours might bring forth.
维埃纳大主教此时担任国民议会议长——他年纪太大了，无法承受几天或几个小时可能出现的场景。
A man of more activity and bolder fortitude was necessary, and the National Assembly chose (under the form of a Vice-President, for the Presidency still resided in the Archbishop) M.
需要一个更有活力、更勇敢的人，国民议会选择了（以副主席的形式，因为总统职位仍然由大主教担任）M.
de la Fayette; and this is the only instance of a Vice-President being chosen.
德拉费耶特；这是选举副总统的唯一例子。
It was at the moment that this storm was pending (July 11th) that a declaration of rights was brought forward by M.
正是在这场风暴即将到来的时刻（7月11日），M. 提出了一份权利声明。
de la Fayette, and is the same which is alluded to earlier.
de la Fayette，与之前提到的相同。
It was hastily drawn up, and makes only a part of the more extensive declaration of rights agreed upon and adopted afterwards by the National Assembly.
它是仓促起草的，只是国民议会后来商定并通过的更广泛的权利宣言的一部分。
The particular reason for bringing it forward at this moment (M.
此时提出它的特殊原因（M.
de la Fayette has since informed me) was that, if the National Assembly should fall in the threatened destruction that then surrounded it, some trace of its principles might have the chance of surviving the wreck.
德拉法耶特此后告诉我），如果国民议会陷入当时周围的毁灭威胁中，其原则的某些痕迹可能有机会在这场灾难中幸存下来。
Everything now was drawing to a crisis.
现在一切都陷入了危机。
The event was freedom or slavery.
事件是自由还是奴役。
On one side, an army of nearly thirty thousand men; on the other, an unarmed body of citizens--for the citizens of Paris, on whom the National Assembly must then immediately depend, were as unarmed and as undisciplined as the citizens of London are now.
一边是近三万人的大军；另一方面，一个手无寸铁的公民团体——国民议会必须立即依赖的巴黎公民，就像现在的伦敦公民一样手无寸铁、缺乏纪律。
The French guards had given strong symptoms of their being attached to the national cause; but their numbers were small, not a tenth part of the force that Broglio commanded, and their officers were in the interest of Broglio.
法国卫兵表现出强烈的爱国主义精神。但他们的人数很少，还不到布罗利奥指挥的兵力的十分之一，而且他们的军官都是为布罗利奥的利益服务的。
Matters being now ripe for execution, the new ministry made their appearance in office.
现在事情已经成熟，可以执行了，新的部门上任了。
The reader will carry in his mind that the Bastille was taken the 14th July; the point of time I am now speaking of is the 12th.
读者会记得巴士底狱是在 7 月 14 日被占领的。我现在所说的时间点是12号。
Immediately on the news of the change of ministry reaching Paris, in the afternoon, all the playhouses and places of entertainment, shops and houses, were shut up.
内阁变动的消息一传到巴黎，下午，所有的剧院、娱乐场所、商店和住宅都被关闭。
The change of ministry was considered as the prelude of hostilities, and the opinion was rightly founded.
部门变动被认为是敌对行动的前奏，这一观点是有道理的。
The foreign troops began to advance towards the city.
外国军队开始向城市推进。
The Prince de Lambesc, who commanded a body of German cavalry, approached by the Place of Louis Xv., which connects itself with some of the streets.
指挥一支德国骑兵的兰贝斯克亲王逼近路易十五广场，该广场与一些街道相连。
In his march, he insulted and struck an old man with a sword.
在行进中，他用剑侮辱并殴打了一位老人。
The French are remarkable for their respect to old age; and the insolence with which it appeared to be done, uniting with the general fermentation they were in, produced a powerful effect, and a cry of "To arms!
法国人对老年的尊重是出了名的。其表现出的傲慢态度，与他们所处的普遍发酵状态相结合，产生了强大的影响，人们高喊“拿起武器！
to arms!" spread itself in a moment over the city.
拿起武器！”瞬间就传遍了整个城市。
Arms they had none, nor scarcely anyone who knew the use of them; but desperate resolution, when every hope is at stake, supplies, for a while, the want of arms.
他们没有武器，也几乎没有人知道如何使用武器。但当每一个希望都岌岌可危时，孤注一掷的决心会在一段时间内弥补武器的匮乏。
Near where the Prince de Lambesc was drawn up, were large piles of stones collected for building the new bridge, and with these the people attacked the cavalry.
在兰贝斯克亲王号驻扎的地方附近，有大堆的石头被收集来建造新桥，人们用这些石头攻击骑兵。
A party of French guards upon hearing the firing, rushed from their quarters and joined the people; and night coming on, the cavalry retreated.
一队法国卫兵听到枪声后，从自己的住处冲出，加入了人民的行列。夜幕降临，骑兵撤退。
The streets of Paris, being narrow, are favourable for defence, and the loftiness of the houses, consisting of many stories, from which great annoyance might be given, secured them against nocturnal enterprises; and the night was spent in providing themselves with every sort of weapon they could make or procure: guns, swords, blacksmiths' hammers, carpenters' axes, iron crows, pikes, halberts, pitchforks, spits, clubs, etc., etc. The incredible numbers in which they assembled the next morning, and the still more incredible resolution they exhibited, embarrassed and astonished their enemies.
巴黎的街道狭窄，有利于防御，而且房屋高耸，有许多楼层，可能会造成很大的烦恼，因此可以防止夜间活动；他们花了一整晚的时间为自己准备了各种可以制造或采购的武器：枪、剑、铁匠的锤子、木匠的斧子、铁乌鸦、长矛、戟、干草叉、烤叉、棍棒等等。第二天早上，他们聚集的人数令人难以置信，他们表现出的更加令人难以置信的决心，让他们的敌人感到尴尬和惊讶。
Little did the new ministry expect such a salute.
新内阁没想到会受到这样的欢迎。
Accustomed to slavery themselves, they had no idea that liberty was capable of such inspiration, or that a body of unarmed citizens would dare to face the military force of thirty thousand men.
他们自己已经习惯了奴隶制，不知道自由能够带来如此的鼓舞，也不知道一群手无寸铁的公民敢于面对三万人的军队。
Every moment of this day was employed in collecting arms, concerting plans, and arranging themselves into the best order which such an instantaneous movement could afford.
这一天的每一刻都被用来收集武器，协调计划，并把自己安排成这样一个瞬间行动所能承受的最佳秩序。
Broglio continued lying round the city, but made no further advances this day, and the succeeding night passed with as much tranquility as such a scene could possibly produce.
布罗利奥继续在城市周围躺着，但这一天没有进一步前进，接下来的夜晚就在这样的场景尽可能平静的情况下过去了。
But defence only was not the object of the citizens.
但仅仅防御并不是公民的目标。
They had a cause at stake, on which depended their freedom or their slavery.
他们的事业岌岌可危，这取决于他们的自由还是奴役。
They every moment expected an attack, or to hear of one made on the National Assembly; and in such a situation, the most prompt measures are sometimes the best.
他们每时每刻都期待着国民议会受到攻击，或者听到有人对他们进行攻击。在这种情况下，有时最迅速的措施就是最好的。
The object that now presented itself was the Bastille; and the eclat of carrying such a fortress in the face of such an army, could not fail to strike terror into the new ministry, who had scarcely yet had time to meet.
现在出现的物体是巴士底狱。面对这样一支军队，扛起这样一座堡垒的喜悦之情，不能不让刚刚还没有时间开会的新政府感到恐惧。
By some intercepted correspondence this morning, it was discovered that the Mayor of Paris, M.
今天早上截获的一些信件显示，巴黎市长 M.
Defflesselles, who appeared to be in the interest of the citizens, was betraying them; and from this discovery, there remained no doubt that Broglio would reinforce the Bastille the ensuing evening.
德夫莱塞勒表面上是为了公民的利益，但实际上却背叛了他们。从这一发现来看，毫无疑问布罗利奥将在随后的晚上增援巴士底狱。
It was therefore necessary to attack it that day; but before this could be done, it was first necessary to procure a better supply of arms than they were then possessed of.
因此，当天必须攻击它。但在此之前，首先必须获得比当时拥有的更好的武器供应。
There was, adjoining to the city a large magazine of arms deposited at the Hospital of the Invalids, which the citizens summoned to surrender; and as the place was neither defensible, nor attempted much defence, they soon succeeded.
靠近城市的荣军医院存放着一个大型武器库，市民们号召他们投降。由于这个地方既不具备防御能力，也没有进行太多防御，他们很快就成功了。
Thus supplied, they marched to attack the Bastille; a vast mixed multitude of all ages, and of all degrees, armed with all sorts of weapons.
有了这些补给，他们就出发进攻巴士底狱。一大群不同年龄、不同级别的人，装备着各种武器。
Imagination would fail in describing to itself the appearance of such a procession, and of the anxiety of the events which a few hours or a few minutes might produce.
想象力无法描述这样一个游行的外观，以及几个小时或几分钟可能产生的事件的焦虑。
What plans the ministry were forming, were as unknown to the people within the city, as what the citizens were doing was unknown to the ministry; and what movements Broglio might make for the support or relief of the place, were to the citizens equally as unknown.
城里的人们不知道该部门正在制定什么计划，就像该部门不知道市民在做什么一样。布罗利奥可能会采取什么行动来支持或救济这个地方，对于公民来说同样是未知的。
All was mystery and hazard.
一切都是神秘而危险的。
That the Bastille was attacked with an enthusiasm of heroism, such only as the highest animation of liberty could inspire, and carried in the space of a few hours, is an event which the world is fully possessed of.
巴士底狱遭到了英雄主义热情的袭击，只有最高的自由热情才能激发这种热情，并在几个小时内完成，这是全世界都完全拥有的事件。
I am not undertaking the detail of the attack, but bringing into view the conspiracy against the nation which provoked it, and which fell with the Bastille.
我不是在讲述这次袭击的细节，而是让我们看到引发这次袭击并随巴士底狱一起垮台的针对国家的阴谋。
The prison to which the new ministry were dooming the National Assembly, in addition to its being the high altar and castle of despotism, became the proper object to begin with.
新内阁注定要把国民议会关进监狱，除了它是专制主义的祭坛和城堡之外，它也成为了合适的目标。
This enterprise broke up the new ministry, who began now to fly from the ruin they had prepared for others.
这项事业解散了新的事工，新事工现在开始逃离他们为其他人准备的废墟。
The troops of Broglio dispersed, and himself fled also.
布罗廖的军队四散，他本人也逃走。
Mr. Burke has spoken a great deal about plots, but he has never once spoken of this plot against the National Assembly, and the liberties of the nation; and that he might not, he has passed over all the circumstances that might throw it in his way.
伯克先生已经谈了很多关于阴谋的事情，但他从来没有谈过这种针对国民议会和国家自由的阴谋；为了避免这种情况发生，他忽略了所有可能妨碍他的情况。
The exiles who have fled from France, whose case he so much interests himself in, and from whom he has had his lesson, fled in consequence of the miscarriage of this plot.
他对逃离法国的流亡者的案件非常感兴趣，并从他们那里得到了教训，但由于这一阴谋的流产，他们逃离了法国。
No plot was formed against them; they were plotting against others; and those who fell, met, not unjustly, the punishment they were preparing to execute.
没有人策划针对他们的阴谋；他们密谋反对他人；那些倒下的人，也受到了他们准备执行的惩罚，这并非不公正。
But will Mr. Burke say that if this plot, contrived with the subtilty of an ambuscade, had succeeded, the successful party would have restrained their wrath so soon?
但伯克先生会说，如果这个巧妙的伏击阴谋得逞，成功的一方会这么快就抑制住愤怒吗？
Let the history of all governments answer the question.
让所有政府的历史来回答这个问题吧。
Whom has the National Assembly brought to the scaffold?
国民议会把谁送上了断头台？
None.
没有任何。
They were themselves the devoted victims of this plot, and they have not retaliated; why, then, are they charged with revenge they have not acted?
他们本身就是这起阴谋的忠实受害者，但他们没有进行报复；那么，为什么他们被指控进行报复却没有采取行动呢？
In the tremendous breaking forth of a whole people, in which all degrees, tempers and characters are confounded, delivering themselves, by a miracle of exertion, from the destruction meditated against them, is it to be expected that nothing will happen?
在整个民族的巨大突破中，所有程度、脾气和性格都混杂在一起，通过努力的奇迹，将自己从针对他们的毁灭中解救出来，难道可以期望什么都不会发生吗？
When men are sore with the sense of oppressions, and menaced with the prospects of new ones, is the calmness of philosophy or the palsy of insensibility to be looked for?
当人们因压迫感而感到痛苦，并因新压迫的前景而受到威胁时，是需要寻求哲学的冷静还是麻木不仁？
Mr. Burke exclaims against outrage; yet the greatest is that which himself has committed.
伯克先生对愤怒表示强烈反对。然而，最伟大的是他自己所犯下的错误。
His book is a volume of outrage, not apologised for by the impulse of a moment, but cherished through a space of ten months; yet Mr. Burke had no provocation--no life, no interest, at stake.
他的书是一本愤怒的书，不是因为一时的冲动而道歉，而是在十个月的时间里被珍惜；然而伯克先生并没有受到任何挑衅——没有生命、没有利益受到威胁。
More of the citizens fell in this struggle than of their opponents: but four or five persons were seized by the populace, and instantly put to death; the Governor of the Bastille, and the Mayor of Paris, who was detected in the act of betraying them; and afterwards Foulon, one of the new ministry, and Berthier, his son-in-law, who had accepted the office of intendant of Paris.
在这场斗争中倒下的公民比他们的对手还多：但有四五个人被民众抓住并立即处死；巴士底狱总督和巴黎市长因背叛他们而被发现；随后是新内阁成员之一的福隆和他的女婿贝尔蒂埃，贝尔蒂埃已经接受了巴黎总督的职位。
Their heads were stuck upon spikes, and carried about the city; and it is upon this mode of punishment that Mr. Burke builds a great part of his tragic scene.
他们的头被钉在钉子上，在城市里被抬着走。伯克先生的悲剧场景的很大一部分就是建立在这种惩罚方式的基础上的。
Let us therefore examine how men came by the idea of punishing in this manner.
因此，让我们看看人们是如何想到以这种方式进行惩罚的。
They learn it from the governments they live under; and retaliate the punishments they have been accustomed to behold.
他们从他们所生活的政府那里学到了这一点；并对他们习以为常的惩罚进行报复。
The heads stuck upon spikes, which remained for years upon Temple Bar, differed nothing in the horror of the scene from those carried about upon spikes at Paris; yet this was done by the English Government.
这些被钉在钉子上的头颅在圣殿酒吧区保留了多年，其恐怖场景与巴黎那些被钉在钉子上的人头没有什么不同。但这是英国政府做的。
It may perhaps be said that it signifies nothing to a man what is done to him after he is dead; but it signifies much to the living; it either tortures their feelings or hardens their hearts, and in either case it instructs them how to punish when power falls into their hands.
也许有人会说，一个人死后所做的一切对他来说毫无意义。但它对活着的人意义重大；它要么折磨他们的感情，要么让他们的心变得刚硬，无论哪种情况，它都会指导他们当权力落入他们手中时如何惩罚。
Lay then the axe to the root, and teach governments humanity.
然后斩草除根，教导政府人性。
It is their sanguinary punishments which corrupt mankind.
正是他们的血腥惩罚败坏了人类。
In England the punishment in certain cases is by hanging, drawing and quartering; the heart of the sufferer is cut out and held up to the view of the populace.
在英格兰，某些情况下的惩罚是绞刑、抽签和分尸；受害者的心脏被挖出来并展示在公众面前。
In France, under the former Government, the punishments were not less barbarous.
在前政府统治下的法国，惩罚也同样野蛮。
Who does not remember the execution of Damien, torn to pieces by horses?
谁不记得达米安被马撕成碎片的处决？
The effect of those cruel spectacles exhibited to the populace is to destroy tenderness or excite revenge; and by the base and false idea of governing men by terror, instead of reason, they become precedents.
向民众展示的那些残酷景象的效果是摧毁温柔或激起报复；由于用恐怖而不是理性来统治人类的卑鄙和错误观念，它们成为了先例。
It is over the lowest class of mankind that government by terror is intended to operate, and it is on them that it operates to the worst effect.
恐怖政府的目的是针对人类的最低阶层，而恐怖政府对他们的影响却是最坏的。
They have sense enough to feel they are the objects aimed at; and they inflict in their turn the examples of terror they have been instructed to practise.
他们有足够的理智，感觉到自己是针对的对象；他们也按照指示实施恐怖行动。
There is in all European countries a large class of people of that description, which in England is called the "mob." Of this class were those who committed the burnings and devastations in London in 1780, and of this class were those who carried the heads on iron spikes in Paris.
所有欧洲国家都有一大群这样的人，在英国被称为“暴徒”。 1780 年在伦敦实施焚烧和破坏的人就属于这个阶层，而在巴黎用铁钉钉着人头的人也属于这个阶层。
Foulon and Berthier were taken up in the country, and sent to Paris, to undergo their examination at the Hotel de Ville; for the National Assembly, immediately on the new ministry coming into office, passed a decree, which they communicated to the King and Cabinet, that they (the National Assembly) would hold the ministry, of which Foulon was one, responsible for the measures they were advising and pursuing; but the mob, incensed at the appearance of Foulon and Berthier, tore them from their conductors before they were carried to the Hotel de Ville, and executed them on the spot.
富隆和贝尔蒂埃被带到乡下，并被送往巴黎，在市政厅接受检查。国民议会在新内阁上任后立即通过了一项法令，并将该法令传达给国王和内阁，规定他们（国民议会）将担任该内阁（富隆就是其中之一），负责他们所建议和推行的措施；但暴徒们对富隆和贝尔蒂埃的出现感到愤怒，在他们被带到市政厅之前将他们从指挥员手中夺走，并当场处决了他们。
Why then does Mr. Burke charge outrages of this kind on a whole people?
那么伯克先生为什么要对全体人民进行这种暴行呢？
As well may he charge the riots and outrages of 1780 on all the people of London, or those in Ireland on all his countrymen.
他也可能将 1780 年的骚乱和暴行归咎于全体伦敦人民，或者将爱尔兰的骚乱和暴行归咎于他的所有同胞。
But everything we see or hear offensive to our feelings and derogatory to the human character should lead to other reflections than those of reproach.
但是，我们看到或听到的一切冒犯我们感情和贬低人性的事情都应该引起其他反思，而不是责备。
Even the beings who commit them have some claim to our consideration.
即使是犯下这些罪行的人也需要我们的考虑。
How then is it that such vast classes of mankind as are distinguished by the appellation of the vulgar, or the ignorant mob, are so numerous in all old countries?
那么，为什么在所有古老的国家中，以粗俗或无知的暴民的称谓来区分的如此庞大的人类阶级如此之多呢？
The instant we ask ourselves this question, reflection feels an answer.
当我们问自己这个问题的那一刻，反思就感觉得到了答案。
They rise, as an unavoidable consequence, out of the ill construction of all old governments in Europe, England included with the rest.
它们的出现是欧洲所有旧政府（包括英国在内）糟糕建设的不可避免的结果。
It is by distortedly exalting some men, that others are distortedly debased, till the whole is out of nature.
正是通过扭曲地抬高一些人，扭曲地贬低另一些人，直到整体脱离自然。
A vast mass of mankind are degradedly thrown into the back-ground of the human picture, to bring forward, with greater glare, the puppet-show of state and aristocracy.
大量的人类被贬低到人类图景的背景中，以更加耀眼的方式呈现出国家和贵族的木偶戏。
In the commencement of a revolution, those men are rather the followers of the camp than of the standard of liberty, and have yet to be instructed how to reverence it.
在革命开始时，这些人与其说是自由标准的追随者，不如说是阵营的追随者，而且还没有被教导如何尊重自由。
I give to Mr. Burke all his theatrical exaggerations for facts, and I then ask him if they do not establish the certainty of what I here lay down?
我向伯克先生提供了他对事实的所有戏剧性夸大，然后我问他这些是否不能证实我在这里所提出的内容的确定性？
Admitting them to be true, they show the necessity of the French Revolution, as much as any one thing he could have asserted.
承认它们是真实的，它们就表明了法国大革命的必要性，就像他可以断言的任何一件事一样。
These outrages were not the effect of the principles of the Revolution, but of the degraded mind that existed before the Revolution, and which the Revolution is calculated to reform.
这些暴行并不是大革命原则造成的，而是大革命之前存在的堕落思想造成的，而大革命就是要改造这种思想。
Place them then to their proper cause, and take the reproach of them to your own side.
然后将他们归咎于他们的正当理由，并把他们的责备带到你自己的一边。
It is the honour of the National Assembly and the city of Paris that, during such a tremendous scene of arms and confusion, beyond the control of all authority, they have been able, by the influence of example and exhortation, to restrain so much.
国民议会和巴黎市感到荣幸的是，在如此巨大的武装和混乱场面中，超出了所有当局的控制，他们能够通过榜样和劝告的影响，做到如此克制。
Never were more pains taken to instruct and enlighten mankind, and to make them see that their interest consisted in their virtue, and not in their revenge, than have been displayed in the Revolution of France.
法国大革命中所表现出的最大的努力是为了指导和启发人类，让他们认识到他们的利益在于他们的美德，而不是他们的复仇。
I now proceed to make some remarks on Mr. Burke's account of the expedition to Versailles, October the 5th and 6th.
我现在就伯克先生关于 10 月 5 日和 6 日凡尔赛远征的记述发表一些评论。
I can consider Mr. Burke's book in scarcely any other light than a dramatic performance; and he must, I think, have considered it in the same light himself, by the poetical liberties he has taken of omitting some facts, distorting others, and making the whole machinery bend to produce a stage effect.
我只能从戏剧表演的角度来看待伯克先生的书。我认为，他本人也一定是从同样的角度来考虑这一问题的，因为他采取了诗意的自由，省略了一些事实，歪曲了另一些事实，并使整个机制弯曲以产生舞台效果。
Of this kind is his account of the expedition to Versailles.
他对凡尔赛宫探险的描述就是这样。
He begins this account by omitting the only facts which as causes are known to be true; everything beyond these is conjecture, even in Paris; and he then works up a tale accommodated to his own passions and prejudices.
他在开始叙述时省略了唯一已知为真实原因的事实。除此之外的一切都只是猜测，即使在巴黎也是如此。然后他根据自己的激情和偏见编造了一个故事。
It is to be observed throughout Mr. Burke's book that he never speaks of plots against the Revolution; and it is from those plots that all the mischiefs have arisen.
值得注意的是，伯克先生在整本书中从未谈到过反对革命的阴谋；他从未谈到过反对革命的阴谋。所有的恶作剧都是由这些阴谋引起的。
It suits his purpose to exhibit the consequences without their causes.
只展示结果而不展示其原因符合他的目的。
It is one of the arts of the drama to do so.
这样做是戏剧的艺术之一。
If the crimes of men were exhibited with their sufferings, stage effect would sometimes be lost, and the audience would be inclined to approve where it was intended they should commiserate.
如果把人的罪行和他们的痛苦一起表现出来，有时就会失去舞台效果，观众会倾向于赞同他们应该同情的地方。
After all the investigations that have been made into this intricate affair (the expedition to Versailles), it still remains enveloped in all that kind of mystery which ever accompanies events produced more from a concurrence of awkward circumstances than from fixed design.
在对这一错综复杂的事件（凡尔赛远征）进行了所有调查之后，它仍然笼罩在所有伴随事件产生的神秘之中，这些神秘更多地是由于尴尬环境的同时发生而不是固定的设计。
While the characters of men are forming, as is always the case in revolutions, there is a reciprocal suspicion, and a disposition to misinterpret each other; and even parties directly opposite in principle will sometimes concur in pushing forward the same movement with very different views, and with the hopes of its producing very different consequences.
当人们的性格正在形成时，正如革命中经常出现的情况一样，存在着相互怀疑和相互误解的倾向；甚至原则上直接对立的政党有时也会以截然不同的观点一致推动同一运动，并希望其产生截然不同的结果。
A great deal of this may be discovered in this embarrassed affair, and yet the issue of the whole was what nobody had in view.
在这件尴尬的事件中，我们可以发现很多这样的事情，但整个问题却无人关注。
The only things certainly known are that considerable uneasiness was at this time excited at Paris by the delay of the King in not sanctioning and forwarding the decrees of the National Assembly, particularly that of the Declaration of the Rights of Man, and the decrees of the fourth of August, which contained the foundation principles on which the constitution was to be erected.
唯一可以确定的是，此时巴黎引起了相当大的不安，因为国王迟迟没有批准和转发国民议会的法令，特别是《人权宣言》和八月四日的法令，其中包含了制定宪法的基本原则。
The kindest, and perhaps the fairest conjecture upon this matter is, that some of the ministers intended to make remarks and observations upon certain parts of them before they were finally sanctioned and sent to the provinces; but be this as it may, the enemies of the Revolution derived hope from the delay, and the friends of the Revolution uneasiness.
对此事最友善、或许也是最公正的推测是，一些大臣打算在最终批准并送往各省之前对其中的某些部分发表评论和意见；但无论如何，革命的敌人从拖延中获得了希望，而革命的朋友则感到不安。
During this state of suspense, the Garde du Corps, which was composed as such regiments generally are, of persons much connected with the Court, gave an entertainment at Versailles (October 1) to some foreign regiments then arrived; and when the entertainment was at the height, on a signal given, the Garde du Corps tore the national cockade from their hats, trampled it under foot, and replaced it with a counter-cockade prepared for the purpose.
在这种悬而未决的状态下，由与宫廷关系密切的人士组成的近卫军（Garde du Corps）在凡尔赛宫（10月1日）为随后抵达的一些外国军团举办了一场招待会。当娱乐活动达到高潮时，根据发出的信号，卫队将帽子上的国家徽章撕下来，用脚踩在脚下，然后换上为此目的准备的反徽章。
An indignity of this kind amounted to defiance.
这种侮辱就等于蔑视。
It was like declaring war; and if men will give challenges they must expect consequences.
这就像宣战一样；如果人们愿意提出挑战，他们就必须预料到后果。
But all this Mr. Burke has carefully kept out of sight.
但这一切伯克先生都小心翼翼地隐藏在人们的视线之外。
He begins his account by saying: "History will record that on the morning of the 6th October, 1789, the King and Queen of France, after a day of confusion, alarm, dismay, and slaughter, lay down under the pledged security of public faith to indulge nature in a few hours of respite, and troubled melancholy repose." This is neither the sober style of history, nor the intention of it.
他在叙述的开头写道：“历史将记录，1789 年 10 月 6 日早上，法国国王和王后在经历了一天的混乱、惊慌、沮丧和屠杀之后，在公众信仰的保证下躺下，让大自然享受几个小时的喘息和忧郁的休息。”这既不是历史的清醒风格，也不是历史的本意。
It leaves everything to be guessed at and mistaken.
它让一切都被猜测和错误。
One would at least think there had been a battle; and a battle there probably would have been had it not been for the moderating prudence of those whom Mr. Burke involves in his censures.
人们至少会认为发生了一场战斗；如果伯克先生参与谴责的人没有温和谨慎的话，那里可能会发生一场战斗。
By his keeping the Garde du Corps out of sight Mr. Burke has afforded himself the dramatic licence of putting the King and Queen in their places, as if the object of the expedition was against them.
通过让卫队远离人们的视线，伯克先生为自己提供了戏剧性的许可，让国王和王后各就各位，就好像这次远征的目的是针对他们的。
But to return to my account this conduct of the Garde du Corps, as might well be expected, alarmed and enraged the Partisans.
但回到我的叙述，卫队的这种行为，正如人们所预料的那样，引起了游击队的警惕和愤怒。
The colors of the cause, and the cause itself, were become too united to mistake the intention of the insult, and the Partisans were determined to call the Garde du Corps to an account.
这场事业的色彩和事业本身已经变得太团结了，不可能误解侮辱的意图，游击队决心向卫队追究责任。
There was certainly nothing of the cowardice of assassination in marching in the face of the day to demand satisfaction, if such a phrase may be used, of a body of armed men who had voluntarily given defiance.
面对这一天，游行去要求一群自愿反抗的武装人员满意（如果可以用这样的话），这当然不是什么胆怯的暗杀行为。
But the circumstance which serves to throw this affair into embarrassment is, that the enemies of the Revolution appear to have encouraged it as well as its friends.
但使这件事陷入尴尬的情况是，革命的敌人和它的朋友似乎都鼓励了它。
The one hoped to prevent a civil war by checking it in time, and the other to make one.
一个希望及时阻止内战，另一个则希望制造一场内战。
The hopes of those opposed to the Revolution rested in making the King of their party, and getting him from Versailles to Metz, where they expected to collect a force and set up a standard.
那些反对革命的人的希望在于让国王成为他们的政党，并把他从凡尔赛带到梅斯，他们希望在那里聚集一支力量并树立标准。
We have, therefore, two different objects presenting themselves at the same time, and to be accomplished by the same means: the one to chastise the Garde du Corps, which was the object of the Partisans; the other to render the confusion of such a scene an inducement to the King to set off for Metz.
因此，我们有两个不同的目标同时出现，并且要通过相同的方式来实现：一个是惩戒军团卫队，这是游击队的目标；另一个是惩罚卫队，这是游击队的目标；另一个是惩罚卫队，这是游击队的目标。另一个是让这种混乱的场景成为国王出发前往梅斯的诱因。
On the 5th of October a very numerous body of women, and men in the disguise of women, collected around the Hotel de Ville or town-hall at Paris, and set off for Versailles.
10 月 5 日，大批妇女和男扮女装的男子聚集在巴黎市政厅或市政厅周围，出发前往凡尔赛宫。
Their professed object was the Garde du Corps; but prudent men readily recollect that mischief is more easily begun than ended; and this impressed itself with the more force from the suspicions already stated, and the irregularity of such a cavalcade.
他们自称的目标是军团卫队。但谨慎的人很容易记住，恶作剧开始比结束容易。这给自己留下了深刻的印象，因为已经提出的怀疑和这种行列的不规则性带来了更大的力量。
As soon, therefore, as a sufficient force could be collected, M.
因此，一旦能够聚集足够的力量，M.
de la Fayette, by orders from the civil authority of Paris, set off after them at the head of twenty thousand of the Paris militia.
德拉法耶特奉巴黎民政当局的命令，率领两万名巴黎民兵追击他们。
The Revolution could derive no benefit from confusion, and its opposers might.
革命不可能从混乱中获得任何好处，而革命的反对者却可能。
By an amiable and spirited manner of address he had hitherto been fortunate in calming disquietudes, and in this he was extraordinarily successful; to frustrate, therefore, the hopes of those who might seek to improve this scene into a sort of justifiable necessity for the King's quitting Versailles and withdrawing to Metz, and to prevent at the same time the consequences that might ensue between the Garde du Corps and this phalanx of men and women, he forwarded expresses to the King, that he was on his march to Versailles, by the orders of the civil authority of Paris, for the purpose of peace and protection, expressing at the same time the necessity of restraining the Garde du Corps from firing upon the people.*[3]
到目前为止，他以一种和蔼可亲、充满活力的讲话方式，很幸运地平息了人们的不安，在这方面他取得了非凡的成功。因此，为了挫败那些可能试图将这一场景改善为国王离开凡尔赛并撤回梅斯的合理必要性的人的希望，同时为了防止近卫军和这支男女方阵之间可能发生的后果，他向国王转交了一份声明，表示他奉巴黎民事当局的命令前往凡尔赛，目的是为了和平与保护，表示同时有必要限制卫队向人民开火。*[3]
He arrived at Versailles between ten and eleven at night.
他在晚上十点到十一点之间到达凡尔赛宫。
The Garde du Corps was drawn up, and the people had arrived some time before, but everything had remained suspended.
军团卫队已经部署完毕，人们也早已抵达，但一切仍处于暂停状态。
Wisdom and policy now consisted in changing a scene of danger into a happy event.
现在的智慧和政策在于化危为机。
M.
M。
de la Fayette became the mediator between the enraged parties; and the King, to remove the uneasiness which had arisen from the delay already stated, sent for the President of the National Assembly, and signed the Declaration of the Rights of Man, and such other parts of the constitution as were in readiness.
德拉斐特成为愤怒各方之间的调解人。国王为了消除因上述拖延而产生的不安，派人召见国民议会议长，并签署了《人权宣言》以及已准备就绪的宪法其他部分。
It was now about one in the morning.
现在大约是凌晨一点。
Everything appeared to be composed, and a general congratulation took place.
一切似乎都很平静，人们普遍表示祝贺。
By the beat of a drum a proclamation was made that the citizens of Versailles would give the hospitality of their houses to their fellow-citizens of Paris.
随着鼓声的敲响，凡尔赛市民将用自己的房屋热情款待巴黎的同胞。
Those who could not be accommodated in this manner remained in the streets, or took up their quarters in the churches; and at two o'clock the King and Queen retired.
那些无法以这种方式得到安置的人只能留在街上，或者在教堂里居住。两点钟，国王和王后退席了。
In this state matters passed till the break of day, when a fresh disturbance arose from the censurable conduct of some of both parties, for such characters there will be in all such scenes.
在这种情况下，事情一直持续到天亮，双方中一些人的应受谴责的行为引起了新的骚乱，因为在所有这样的场景中都会出现这样的人物。
One of the Garde du Corps appeared at one of the windows of the palace, and the people who had remained during the night in the streets accosted him with reviling and provocative language.
一名卫队士兵出现在宫殿的一扇窗户前，夜间留在街上的人们用辱骂和挑衅性的语言与他搭话。
Instead of retiring, as in such a case prudence would have dictated, he presented his musket, fired, and killed one of the Paris militia.
他没有像在这种情况下谨慎行事那样退休，而是拿出了他的步枪，开火并杀死了一名巴黎民兵。
The peace being thus broken, the people rushed into the palace in quest of the offender.
平静被打破，人们纷纷涌入宫殿寻找罪犯。
They attacked the quarters of the Garde du Corps within the palace, and pursued them throughout the avenues of it, and to the apartments of the King.
他们袭击了宫殿内的卫队驻地，并沿着宫殿的大街追赶他们，一直追到国王的寓所。
On this tumult, not the Queen only, as Mr. Burke has represented it, but every person in the palace, was awakened and alarmed; and M.
在这场骚乱中，不仅是伯克先生所代表的女王，而且宫殿里的每个人都被惊醒和惊慌。和M。
de la Fayette had a second time to interpose between the parties, the event of which was that the Garde du Corps put on the national cockade, and the matter ended as by oblivion, after the loss of two or three lives.
德拉法耶特第二次介入双方之间，事件是近卫军佩戴了国家徽章，而在失去了两三个人之后，这件事就以被遗忘而结束了。
During the latter part of the time in which this confusion was acting, the King and Queen were in public at the balcony, and neither of them concealed for safety's sake, as Mr. Burke insinuates.
在这种混乱发生的后半段，国王和王后公开出现在阳台上，正如伯克先生所暗示的那样，为了安全起见，他们都没有隐藏起来。
Matters being thus appeased, and tranquility restored, a general acclamation broke forth of Le Roi a Paris--Le Roi a Paris--The King to Paris.
事情就这么平息了，平静又恢复了，人们普遍欢呼“勒罗伊a巴黎——勒罗伊a巴黎——国王到巴黎”。
It was the shout of peace, and immediately accepted on the part of the King.
这是和平的呼喊，国王立即接受了。
By this measure all future projects of trapanning the King to Metz, and setting up the standard of opposition to the constitution, were prevented, and the suspicions extinguished.
通过这一措施，未来所有将国王诱骗到梅斯并设立反对宪法标准的计划都被阻止，怀疑也被消除。
The King and his family reached Paris in the evening, and were congratulated on their arrival by M.
国王和他的家人于晚上抵达巴黎，并受到了米勒先生的祝贺。
Bailly, the Mayor of Paris, in the name of the citizens.
巴黎市长贝利以公民的名义。
Mr. Burke, who throughout his book confounds things, persons, and principles, as in his remarks on M.
伯克先生在他的书中混淆了事物、人物和原则，正如他对 M 的评论一样。
Bailly's address, confounded time also.
贝利之址，惑时也。
He censures M.
他谴责M。
Bailly for calling it "un bon jour," a good day.
拜利称其为“un bon jour”，美好的一天。
Mr. Burke should have informed himself that this scene took up the space of two days, the day on which it began with every appearance of danger and mischief, and the day on which it terminated without the mischiefs that threatened; and that it is to this peaceful termination that M.
伯克先生应该告诉自己，这个场景占用了两天的时间，这一天是在出现危险和恶作剧的情况下开始的，在这一天结束时没有威胁到恶作剧的。正是为了这一和平的结束，M.
Bailly alludes, and to the arrival of the King at Paris.
贝利提到了国王抵达巴黎。
Not less than three hundred thousand persons arranged themselves in the procession from Versailles to Paris, and not an act of molestation was committed during the whole march.
从凡尔赛到巴黎的游行队伍中，有不少于三十万人，整个游行过程中没有发生任何猥亵行为。
Mr. Burke on the authority of M.
伯克先生根据 M.
Lally Tollendal, a deserter from the National Assembly, says that on entering Paris, the people shouted "Tous les eveques a la lanterne." All Bishops to be hanged at the lanthorn or lamp-posts.
国民议会的逃兵拉利·托伦达尔 (Lally Tollendal) 说，进入巴黎后，人们高喊“Tous les eveques a la Lanterne”。所有主教都被绞死在灯笼或灯柱上。
It is surprising that nobody could hear this but Lally Tollendal, and that nobody should believe it but Mr. Burke.
令人惊讶的是，除了拉利·托伦达尔之外，没有人能听到这句话，而且除了伯克先生之外，没有人应该相信这一点。
It has not the least connection with any part of the transaction, and is totally foreign to every circumstance of it.
它与交易的任何部分都没有丝毫联系，并且与交易的所有情况都是完全陌生的。
The Bishops had never been introduced before into any scene of Mr. Burke's drama: why then are they, all at once, and altogether, tout a coup, et tous ensemble, introduced now?
伯克先生的戏剧中从来没有出现过主教们的场景：那么，为什么他们会同时、完全地鼓吹一场政变，而现在才出现呢？
Mr. Burke brings forward his Bishops and his lanthorn-like figures in a magic lanthorn, and raises his scenes by contrast instead of connection.
伯克先生提出了他的主教和他在魔法灯笼中的灯笼般的人物，并通过对比而不是联系来提升他的场景。
But it serves to show, with the rest of his book what little credit ought to be given where even probability is set at defiance, for the purpose of defaming; and with this reflection, instead of a soliloquy in praise of chivalry, as Mr. Burke has done, I close the account of the expedition to Versailles.*[4]
但它与他的书的其余部分一起表明，即使为了诽谤的目的，即使概率被设定为蔑视，也应该给予很少的信任；有了这样的反思，我不再像伯克先生那样进行赞扬骑士精神的独白，而是结束了对凡尔赛宫远征的叙述。*[4]
I have now to follow Mr. Burke through a pathless wilderness of rhapsodies, and a sort of descant upon governments, in which he asserts whatever he pleases, on the presumption of its being believed, without offering either evidence or reasons for so doing.
现在，我必须跟随伯克先生穿越狂想曲的无路荒野，以及对政府的某种下降，他在其中主张任何他喜欢的主张，前提是人们相信它，而不提供这样做的证据或理由。
Before anything can be reasoned upon to a conclusion, certain facts, principles, or data, to reason from, must be established, admitted, or denied.
在对任何事情进行推理得出结论之前，必须建立、承认或否认某些作为推理依据的事实、原则或数据。
Mr. Burke with his usual outrage, abused the Declaration of the Rights of Man, published by the National Assembly of France, as the basis on which the constitution of France is built.
伯克先生一如既往地愤怒地滥用了法国国民议会颁布的《人权宣言》作为法国宪法的基础。
This he calls "paltry and blurred sheets of paper about the rights of man." Does Mr. Burke mean to deny that man has any rights?
他称之为“关于人权的微不足道且模糊的纸张”。伯克先生的意思是否认人有任何权利吗？
If he does, then he must mean that there are no such things as rights anywhere, and that he has none himself; for who is there in the world but man?
如果他这样做，那么他一定意味着任何地方都不存在权利这种东西，而且他自己也没有；因为世界上除了人还有谁呢？
But if Mr. Burke means to admit that man has rights, the question then will be: What are those rights, and how man came by them originally?
但如果伯克先生打算承认人拥有权利，那么问题将是：这些权利是什么？人最初是如何获得这些权利的？
The error of those who reason by precedents drawn from antiquity, respecting the rights of man, is that they do not go far enough into antiquity.
那些根据古代先例进行推理并尊重人权的人的错误在于，他们对古代的了解不够深入。
They do not go the whole way.
他们并没有走完全程。
They stop in some of the intermediate stages of an hundred or a thousand years, and produce what was then done, as a rule for the present day.
它们停在一百年或一千年的某些中间阶段，并产生当时所做的事情，通常是当今的规则。
This is no authority at all.
这根本就不是权威。
If we travel still farther into antiquity, we shall find a direct contrary opinion and practice prevailing; and if antiquity is to be authority, a thousand such authorities may be produced, successively contradicting each other; but if we proceed on, we shall at last come out right; we shall come to the time when man came from the hand of his Maker.
如果我们进一步深入古代，我们就会发现直接相反的观点和做法盛行。如果要以古代为权威，那么可能会产生上千种这样的权威，并且相继相互矛盾。但如果我们继续前进，我们最终会得到正确的结果。我们将会来到人类从造物主手中诞生的时代。
What was he then?
那时的他是什么？
Man.
男人。
Man was his high and only title, and a higher cannot be given him.
人是他最高的、唯一的头衔，更高的头衔是不能给予他的。
But of titles I shall speak hereafter.
但关于头衔我将在下文中讨论。
We are now got at the origin of man, and at the origin of his rights.
我们现在已经了解了人的起源及其权利的起源。
As to the manner in which the world has been governed from that day to this, it is no farther any concern of ours than to make a proper use of the errors or the improvements which the history of it presents.
至于从那时到现在世界的治理方式，我们最关心的不是正确利用历史所呈现的错误或改进。
Those who lived an hundred or a thousand years ago, were then moderns, as we are now.
那些生活在一百年前或一千年前的人当时都是现代人，就像我们现在一样。
They had their ancients, and those ancients had others, and we also shall be ancients in our turn.
他们有他们的古人，那些古人也有其他人，而我们也将成为古人。
If the mere name of antiquity is to govern in the affairs of life, the people who are to live an hundred or a thousand years hence, may as well take us for a precedent, as we make a precedent of those who lived an hundred or a thousand years ago.
如果仅仅以古代的名义来统治生活事务，那么生活在一百年或一千年之后的人们不妨将我们视为先例，就像我们为生活在一百年或一千年前的人们树立先例一样。
The fact is, that portions of antiquity, by proving everything, establish nothing.
事实是，古代的某些部分通过证明一切，却什么也没有建立。
It is authority against authority all the way, till we come to the divine origin of the rights of man at the creation.
它始终是对抗权威的权威，直到我们认识到人类权利在创世时的神圣起源。
Here our enquiries find a resting-place, and our reason finds a home.
我们的探究在这里找到了休息的地方，我们的理性在这里找到了归宿。
If a dispute about the rights of man had arisen at the distance of an hundred years from the creation, it is to this source of authority they must have referred, and it is to this same source of authority that we must now refer.
如果关于人类权利的争论是在距创世一百年后发生的，那么他们一定提到了这个权威来源，而我们现在也必须提到这个权威来源。
Though I mean not to touch upon any sectarian principle of religion, yet it may be worth observing, that the genealogy of Christ is traced to Adam.
虽然我不想触及宗教的任何宗派原则，但值得注意的是，基督的家谱可以追溯到亚当。
Why then not trace the rights of man to the creation of man?
那么为什么不将人的权利追溯到人的创造呢？
I will answer the question.
我来回答这个问题。
Because there have been upstart governments, thrusting themselves between, and presumptuously working to un-make man.
因为曾经有一些暴发户政府插手其中，妄自尊大地致力于消灭人类。
If any generation of men ever possessed the right of dictating the mode by which the world should be governed for ever, it was the first generation that existed; and if that generation did it not, no succeeding generation can show any authority for doing it, nor can set any up.
如果说哪一代人曾经拥有决定永远统治世界的方式的权利，那一定是现存的第一代人。如果那一代人不这样做，那么后代就无法显示出任何权威去做这件事，也无法建立任何权威。
The illuminating and divine principle of the equal rights of man (for it has its origin from the Maker of man) relates, not only to the living individuals, but to generations of men succeeding each other.
人的平等权利这一富有启发性的神圣原则（因为它起源于人类的创造者）不仅与活着的个人有关，而且与一代又一代的人有关。
Every generation is equal in rights to generations which preceded it, by the same rule that every individual is born equal in rights with his contemporary.
每一代人都与前几代人享有平等的权利，同样的规则是，每个人生来都与他同时代的人享有平等的权利。
Every history of the creation, and every traditionary account, whether from the lettered or unlettered world, however they may vary in their opinion or belief of certain particulars, all agree in establishing one point, the unity of man; by which I mean that men are all of one degree, and consequently that all men are born equal, and with equal natural right, in the same manner as if posterity had been continued by creation instead of generation, the latter being the only mode by which the former is carried forward; and consequently every child born into the world must be considered as deriving its existence from God.
每一段创世历史，每一种传统记载，无论是来自有文字的世界还是无文字的世界，无论他们对某些细节的看法或信仰如何不同，都一致地确立了一个观点，即人类的统一性。我的意思是，人都是同一程度的，因此，所有人都生而平等，并具有平等的自然权利，就像后代是通过创造而不是通过一代来延续一样，后者是前者得以延续的唯一模式。因此，每一个出生在这个世界上的孩子都必须被认为是从上帝那里衍生出来的。
The world is as new to him as it was to the first man that existed, and his natural right in it is of the same kind.
这个世界对他来说就像对第一个存在的人一样陌生，他在其中的自然权利也是如此。
The Mosaic account of the creation, whether taken as divine authority or merely historical, is full to this point, the unity or equality of man.
马赛克对创造的描述，无论被视为神圣权威还是仅仅被视为历史，在这一点上都充分体现了人的统一或平等。
The expression admits of no controversy.
该表述不存在任何争议。
"And God said, Let us make man in our own image.
“上帝说，让我们按照自己的形象造人。
In the image of God created he him; male and female created he them." The distinction of sexes is pointed out, but no other distinction is even implied.
他按照上帝的形象创造了他；男性和女性创造了他们。”指出了性别的区别，但甚至没有暗示其他区别。
If this be not divine authority, it is at least historical authority, and shows that the equality of man, so far from being a modern doctrine, is the oldest upon record.
如果这不是神圣的权威，那么它至少是历史的权威，并且表明人的平等远非现代学说，而是有记录以来最古老的学说。
It is also to be observed that all the religions known in the world are founded, so far as they relate to man, on the unity of man, as being all of one degree.
还应该指出的是，世界上已知的所有宗教，就其与人的关系而言，都是建立在人的统一之上的，因为它们都是同一个程度的。
Whether in heaven or in hell, or in whatever state man may be supposed to exist hereafter, the good and the bad are the only distinctions.
无论是在天堂还是在地狱，或者人类今后可能存在的任何状态，好与坏是唯一的区别。
Nay, even the laws of governments are obliged to slide into this principle, by making degrees to consist in crimes and not in persons.
不仅如此，甚至政府的法律也必须遵循这一原则，将学位定为犯罪而不是个人。
It is one of the greatest of all truths, and of the highest advantage to cultivate.
它是最伟大的真理之一，也是最有利于培养的真理。
By considering man in this light, and by instructing him to consider himself in this light, it places him in a close connection with all his duties, whether to his Creator or to the creation, of which he is a part; and it is only when he forgets his origin, or, to use a more fashionable phrase, his birth and family, that he becomes dissolute.
通过从这个角度考虑人，并通过指导他从这个角度考虑自己，它使人与他的所有职责密切相关，无论是对他的创造者还是对他所属的创造物；只有当他忘记了自己的出身，或者用更流行的说法，忘记了自己的出身和家庭时，他才变得放荡。
It is not among the least of the evils of the present existing governments in all parts of Europe that man, considered as man, is thrown back to a vast distance from his Maker, and the artificial chasm filled up with a succession of barriers, or sort of turnpike gates, through which he has to pass.
欧洲各地现行政府所犯下的最严重的罪恶之一就是，被认为是人的人，被抛回到离他的创造者很远的地方，而人为的鸿沟填满了一系列障碍，或者类似收费公路的大门，他必须通过这些障碍。
I will quote Mr. Burke's catalogue of barriers that he has set up between man and his Maker.
我将引用伯克先生在人与造物主之间设置的一系列障碍。
Putting himself in the character of a herald, he says: "We fear God--we look with awe to kings--with affection to Parliaments with duty to magistrates--with reverence to priests, and with respect to nobility." Mr. Burke has forgotten to put in "'chivalry." He has also forgotten to put in Peter.
他以传令官的身份说道：“我们敬畏上帝——我们怀着敬畏之心看待国王——怀着对议会的感情，对地方法官的责任——对牧师的尊敬，以及对贵族的尊重。”伯克先生忘记加上“骑士精神”。他还忘记把彼得放进去。
The duty of man is not a wilderness of turnpike gates, through which he is to pass by tickets from one to the other.
人的职责不是一片荒野的收费公路大门，他必须凭票从一处通行到另一处。
It is plain and simple, and consists but of two points.
它简单明了，只包含两点。
His duty to God, which every man must feel; and with respect to his neighbor, to do as he would be done by.
每个人都必须感受到他对上帝的责任；对待邻居，己所不欲，勿施于人。
If those to whom power is delegated do well, they will be respected: if not, they will be despised; and with regard to those to whom no power is delegated, but who assume it, the rational world can know nothing of them.
受权者做得好，就会受到尊重；做得不好，就会受到轻视；对于那些没有被授予权力却承担了权力的人，理性世界对他们一无所知。
Hitherto we have spoken only (and that but in part) of the natural rights of man.
迄今为止，我们只（而且是部分地）谈到了人的自然权利。
We have now to consider the civil rights of man, and to show how the one originates from the other.
我们现在必须考虑人的公民权利，并表明其中一项权利是如何起源于另一项权利的。
Man did not enter into society to become worse than he was before, nor to have fewer rights than he had before, but to have those rights better secured.
人进入社会并不是为了变得比以前更糟糕，也不是为了拥有比以前更少的权利，而是为了让这些权利得到更好的保障。
His natural rights are the foundation of all his civil rights.
他的自然权利是他所有公民权利的基础。
But in order to pursue this distinction with more precision, it will be necessary to mark the different qualities of natural and civil rights.
但为了更精确地进行这种区分，有必要区分自然权利和公民权利的不同性质。
A few words will explain this.
几句话就能解释这一点。
Natural rights are those which appertain to man in right of his existence.
自然权利是属于人生存权利的权利。
Of this kind are all the intellectual rights, or rights of the mind, and also all those rights of acting as an individual for his own comfort and happiness, which are not injurious to the natural rights of others.
此类权利包括所有知识产权或心灵权利，以及所有作为个人为了自己的舒适和幸福而行事的权利，这些权利不损害他人的自然权利。
Civil rights are those which appertain to man in right of his being a member of society.
公民权利是人作为社会成员而享有的权利。
Every civil right has for its foundation some natural right pre-existing in the individual, but to the enjoyment of which his individual power is not, in all cases, sufficiently competent.
每一项公民权利都以个人预先存在的某种自然权利为基础，但在所有情况下，个人权力都不足以充分享有这些权利。
Of this kind are all those which relate to security and protection.
此类都是与安全和保护相关的。
From this short review it will be easy to distinguish between that class of natural rights which man retains after entering into society and those which he throws into the common stock as a member of society.
通过这个简短的回顾，我们很容易区分人类在进入社会后保留的自然权利和作为社会成员而投入普通股的自然权利。
The natural rights which he retains are all those in which the Power to execute is as perfect in the individual as the right itself.
他保留的自然权利是个人的执行权与权利本身一样完美的所有权利。
Among this class, as is before mentioned, are all the intellectual rights, or rights of the mind; consequently religion is one of those rights.
正如前面提到的，这一类包括所有知识产权或思想权利；因此，宗教是这些权利之一。
The natural rights which are not retained, are all those in which, though the right is perfect in the individual, the power to execute them is defective.
未被保留的自然权利是指虽然个人的权利是完美的，但执行这些权利的权力却有缺陷的所有权利。
They answer not his purpose.
他们没有回答他的目的。
A man, by natural right, has a right to judge in his own cause; and so far as the right of the mind is concerned, he never surrenders it.
一个人，根据自然权利，有权对自己的案件进行判断。就思想的权利而言，他从不放弃。
But what availeth it him to judge, if he has not power to redress?
但如果他没有权力纠正，他的判断又有什么用呢？
He therefore deposits this right in the common stock of society, and takes the ann of society, of which he is a part, in preference and in addition to his own.
因此，他将这一权利存入社会的共同股中，并优先并在他自己的权利之外获得他所属的社会的权利。
Society grants him nothing.
社会没有给予他任何东西。
Every man is a proprietor in society, and draws on the capital as a matter of right.
每个人都是社会的所有者，并有权利用资本。
From these premisses two or three certain conclusions will follow:
从这些前提出发，可以得出两三个确定的结论：
First, That every civil right grows out of a natural right; or, in other words, is a natural right exchanged.
首先，每一项公民权利都源于自然权利；或者，换句话说，是一种自然权利的交换。
Secondly, That civil power properly considered as such is made up of the aggregate of that class of the natural rights of man, which becomes defective in the individual in point of power, and answers not his purpose, but when collected to a focus becomes competent to the Purpose of every one.
其次，正确地认为，民事权力是由人类自然权利的总和组成的，这种权力在个人身上就权力而言是有缺陷的，并且不能满足他的目的，但是当集中到一个焦点时，它就能够满足每个人的目的。
Thirdly, That the power produced from the aggregate of natural rights, imperfect in power in the individual, cannot be applied to invade the natural rights which are retained in the individual, and in which the power to execute is as perfect as the right itself.
第三，由自然权利集合体产生的权力，虽然个人的权力不完善，但不能用来侵犯个人所保留的自然权利，而个人的执行权与权利本身一样完美。
We have now, in a few words, traced man from a natural individual to a member of society, and shown, or endeavoured to show, the quality of the natural rights retained, and of those which are exchanged for civil rights.
现在，我们已经用几句话将人从自然个体追溯到社会成员，并表明或努力表明所保留的自然权利的质量以及以公民权利交换的自然权利的质量。
Let us now apply these principles to governments.
现在让我们将这些原则应用于政府。
In casting our eyes over the world, it is extremely easy to distinguish the governments which have arisen out of society, or out of the social compact, from those which have not; but to place this in a clearer light than what a single glance may afford, it will be proper to take a review of the several sources from which governments have arisen and on which they have been founded.
当我们环顾世界时，我们很容易区分那些产生于社会或社会契约的政府与那些非社会产生的政府。但是，为了比一目了然地更清楚地了解这一点，有必要回顾一下政府产生和建立的几个来源。
They may be all comprehended under three heads.
它们可以从三个方面来理解。
First, Superstition.
第一，迷信。
Secondly, Power.
其次，权力。
Thirdly, The common interest of society and the common rights of man.
第三，社会共同利益和人类共同权利。
The first was a government of priestcraft, the second of conquerors, and the third of reason.
第一个是祭司的政府，第二个是征服者的政府，第三个是理性的政府。
When a set of artful men pretended, through the medium of oracles, to hold intercourse with the Deity, as familiarly as they now march up the back-stairs in European courts, the world was completely under the government of superstition.
当一群狡猾的人通过神谕的媒介假装与神灵进行交流时，就像他们现在在欧洲宫廷的后楼梯上行进一样，世界完全处于迷信的统治之下。
The oracles were consulted, and whatever they were made to say became the law; and this sort of government lasted as long as this sort of superstition lasted.
人们查阅了神谕，神谕所说的一切都成为了法律。只要这种迷信存在，这种政府就会持续存在。
After these a race of conquerors arose, whose government, like that of William the Conqueror, was founded in power, and the sword assumed the name of a sceptre.
在这些人之后，一个征服者种族出现了，他们的政府就像征服者威廉的政府一样，建立在权力之上，而剑也被称为权杖。
Governments thus established last as long as the power to support them lasts; but that they might avail themselves of every engine in their favor, they united fraud to force, and set up an idol which they called Divine Right, and which, in imitation of the Pope, who affects to be spiritual and temporal, and in contradiction to the Founder of the Christian religion, twisted itself afterwards into an idol of another shape, called Church and State.
只要支持政府的力量存在，这样建立的政府就会存在；但是，为了利用一切对自己有利的手段，他们将欺诈与武力结合起来，树立了一个他们称之为神权的偶像，而这个偶像模仿假装是精神上和世俗的教皇，与基督教的创始人相矛盾，后来又将自己扭曲成另一种形式的偶像，称为教会和国家。
The key of St. Peter and the key of the Treasury became quartered on one another, and the wondering cheated multitude worshipped the invention.
圣彼得的钥匙和金库的钥匙彼此分开，好奇的受骗群众崇拜这一发明。
When I contemplate the natural dignity of man, when I feel (for Nature has not been kind enough to me to blunt my feelings) for the honour and happiness of its character, I become irritated at the attempt to govern mankind by force and fraud, as if they were all knaves and fools, and can scarcely avoid disgust at those who are thus imposed upon.
当我思考人的自然尊严时，当我感受到（因为大自然对我并没有仁慈地麻木了我的感情）人的品格的荣耀和幸福时，我对试图用武力和欺诈来统治人类感到恼火，仿佛他们都是无赖和傻瓜，并且几乎无法避免对那些被如此强加的人感到厌恶。
We have now to review the governments which arise out of society, in contradistinction to those which arose out of superstition and conquest.
我们现在必须审视社会产生的政府，与迷信和征服产生的政府进行对比。
It has been thought a considerable advance towards establishing the principles of Freedom to say that Government is a compact between those who govern and those who are governed; but this cannot be true, because it is putting the effect before the cause; for as man must have existed before governments existed, there necessarily was a time when governments did not exist, and consequently there could originally exist no governors to form such a compact with.
人们认为，政府是统治者和被统治者之间的契约，这对于建立自由原则来说是一个相当大的进步。但这是不可能的，因为它把结果放在原因之前。因为人类必定在政府存在之前就已存在，因此必然有一段时间政府不存在，因此最初不可能存在可以与之缔结这种契约的统治者。
The fact therefore must be that the individuals themselves, each in his own personal and sovereign right, entered into a compact with each other to produce a government: and this is the only mode in which governments have a right to arise, and the only principle on which they have a right to exist.
因此，事实必然是，个人本身，每个人都以其个人和主权权利，彼此签订契约来产生政府：这是政府有权产生的唯一模式，也是政府有权存在的唯一原则。
To possess ourselves of a clear idea of what government is, or ought to be, we must trace it to its origin.
为了让我们对政府是什么或应该是什么有一个清晰的认识，我们必须追溯它的起源。
In doing this we shall easily discover that governments must have arisen either out of the people or over the people.
在这样做的过程中，我们很容易就会发现，政府一定是从人民中产生的，或者是凌驾于人民之上的。
Mr. Burke has made no distinction.
伯克先生没有做出区分。
He investigates nothing to its source, and therefore he confounds everything; but he has signified his intention of undertaking, at some future opportunity, a comparison between the constitution of England and France.
他没有探究其根源，因此他混淆了一切。但他表示打算在未来某个机会对英国和法国的宪法进行比较。
As he thus renders it a subject of controversy by throwing the gauntlet, I take him upon his own ground.
当他因此提出挑战而使其成为争议的主题时，我认为他有自己的立场。
It is in high challenges that high truths have the right of appearing; and I accept it with the more readiness because it affords me, at the same time, an opportunity of pursuing the subject with respect to governments arising out of society.
崇高的真理只有在崇高的挑战中才有显现的权利；我更愿意接受它，因为它同时为我提供了一个机会来探讨关于社会产生的政府的主题。
But it will be first necessary to define what is meant by a Constitution.
但首先有必要定义宪法的含义。
It is not sufficient that we adopt the word; we must fix also a standard signification to it.
我们仅仅采用这个词是不够的；我们还必须为其确定一个标准含义。
A constitution is not a thing in name only, but in fact.
宪法不是名义上的东西，而是事实上的东西。
It has not an ideal, but a real existence; and wherever it cannot be produced in a visible form, there is none.
它不是一个理想，而是一个真实的存在；凡是不能以可见形式生产的地方，就没有它。
A constitution is a thing antecedent to a government, and a government is only the creature of a constitution.
宪法是政府的先决物，而政府只是宪法的产物。
The constitution of a country is not the act of its government, but of the people constituting its government.
一个国家的宪法不是该国政府的行为，而是组成该国政府的人民的行为。
It is the body of elements, to which you can refer, and quote article by article; and which contains the principles on which the government shall be established, the manner in which it shall be organised, the powers it shall have, the mode of elections, the duration of Parliaments, or by what other name such bodies may be called; the powers which the executive part of the government shall have; and in fine, everything that relates to the complete organisation of a civil government, and the principles on which it shall act, and by which it shall be bound.
它是元素的主体，您可以参考它，并逐篇引用；其中包含建立政府所依据的原则、政府的组织方式、政府应拥有的权力、选举方式、议会的任期或此类机构的其他名称；政府行政部门拥有的权力；最后，与公民政府的完整组织有关的一切，以及政府行事所依据的原则和受其约束的原则。
A constitution, therefore, is to a government what the laws made afterwards by that government are to a court of judicature.
因此，宪法之于一个政府，就像该政府后来制定的法律之于法院一样。
The court of judicature does not make the laws, neither can it alter them; it only acts in conformity to the laws made: and the government is in like manner governed by the constitution.
法院不制定法律，也不能改变法律；它只按照制定的法律行事：政府同样受宪法管辖。
Can, then, Mr. Burke produce the English Constitution?
那么，伯克先生能制定英国宪法吗？
If he cannot, we may fairly conclude that though it has been so much talked about, no such thing as a constitution exists, or ever did exist, and consequently that the people have yet a constitution to form.
如果他不能，我们可以公平地得出结论，尽管人们已经谈论了这么多，但宪法这样的东西并不存在，或者曾经存在过，因此人民还没有制定宪法。
Mr. Burke will not, I presume, deny the position I have already advanced--namely, that governments arise either out of the people or over the people.
我想，伯克先生不会否认我已经提出的立场，即政府要么产生于人民，要么凌驾于人民之上。
The English Government is one of those which arose out of a conquest, and not out of society, and consequently it arose over the people; and though it has been much modified from the opportunity of circumstances since the time of William the Conqueror, the country has never yet regenerated itself, and is therefore without a constitution.
英国政府是在征服中产生的政府之一，而不是在社会中产生的，因此它是在人民之上产生的。尽管自征服者威廉时代以来，该国已因环境的变化而发生了很大的变化，但该国从未实现过自我复兴，因此还没有宪法。
I readily perceive the reason why Mr. Burke declined going into the comparison between the English and French constitutions, because he could not but perceive, when he sat down to the task, that no such a thing as a constitution existed on his side the question.
我很容易理解伯克先生拒绝对英国和法国宪法进行比较的原因，因为当他坐下来处理这项任务时，他不得不意识到，在这个问题上，他这边不存在宪法这样的东西。
His book is certainly bulky enough to have contained all he could say on this subject, and it would have been the best manner in which people could have judged of their separate merits.
他的书当然足够厚，足以包含他在这个主题上所能说的一切，这将是人们判断他们各自优点的最佳方式。
Why then has he declined the only thing that was worth while to write upon?
那么，为什么他拒绝了唯一值得写下的东西呢？
It was the strongest ground he could take, if the advantages were on his side, but the weakest if they were not; and his declining to take it is either a sign that he could not possess it or could not maintain it.
如果优势在他这边，那么这是他能占据的最坚固的阵地，但如果优势不在他这边，那么这就是最弱的阵地。他拒绝接受它要么表明他无法拥有它，要么无法维持它。
Mr. Burke said, in a speech last winter in Parliament, "that when the National Assembly first met in three Orders (the Tiers Etat, the Clergy, and the Noblesse), France had then a good constitution." This shows, among numerous other instances, that Mr. Burke does not understand what a constitution is.
伯克去年冬天在议会的一次演讲中表示，“当国民议会第一次以三个等级（三级、神职人员和贵族）召开会议时，法国就有了一部良好的宪法。”这表明，在许多其他例子中，伯克先生并不理解宪法是什么。
The persons so met were not a constitution, but a convention, to make a constitution.
这样开会的人不是制定宪法，而是召开会议，以制定宪法。
The present National Assembly of France is, strictly speaking, the personal social compact.
严格来说，目前的法国国民议会是个人的社会契约。
The members of it are the delegates of the nation in its original character; future assemblies will be the delegates of the nation in its organised character.
它的成员是其本来性质的国家代表；未来的集会将是国家组织性质的代表。
The authority of the present Assembly is different from what the authority of future Assemblies will be.
本届议会的权力与未来议会的权力不同。
The authority of the present one is to form a constitution; the authority of future assemblies will be to legislate according to the principles and forms prescribed in that constitution; and if experience should hereafter show that alterations, amendments, or additions are necessary, the constitution will point out the mode by which such things shall be done, and not leave it to the discretionary power of the future government.
现任者的权力是制定一部宪法；未来议会的权力将是根据该宪法规定的原则和形式进行立法；如果以后的经验表明有必要进行修改、修正或补充，宪法将指出进行这些事情的方式，而不是将其留给未来政府的自由裁量权。
A government on the principles on which constitutional governments arising out of society are established, cannot have the right of altering itself.
一个以社会产生的宪政政府为基础建立的政府，不能有改变自己的权利。
If it had, it would be arbitrary.
如果有的话，那就是任意的。
It might make itself what it pleased; and wherever such a right is set up, it shows there is no constitution.
它可以随心所欲地做自己；无论在哪里设立这样的权利，都表明没有宪法。
The act by which the English Parliament empowered itself to sit seven years, shows there is no constitution in England.
英国议会授权其任期七年的法案表明英国没有宪法。
It might, by the same self-authority, have sat any great number of years, or for life.
凭借同样的自我权威，它可能已经坐了很多年，或者终生。
The bill which the present Mr. Pitt brought into Parliament some years ago, to reform Parliament, was on the same erroneous principle.
现任皮特先生几年前向议会提出的改革议会的法案也是基于同样的错误原则。
The right of reform is in the nation in its original character, and the constitutional method would be by a general convention elected for the purpose.
改革的权利本来就属于国家，宪法的方法是通过为此目的选出的全国代表大会。
There is, moreover, a paradox in the idea of vitiated bodies reforming themselves.
此外，衰弱的身体自我改造的想法存在一个悖论。
From these preliminaries I proceed to draw some comparisons.
从这些预备工作中，我开始进行一些比较。
I have already spoken of the declaration of rights; and as I mean to be as concise as possible, I shall proceed to other parts of the French Constitution.
我已经谈到了权利宣言；由于我的意思是尽可能简洁，所以我将继续讨论法国宪法的其他部分。
The constitution of France says that every man who pays a tax of sixty sous per annum (2s.
法国宪法规定，每个人每年缴纳六十苏（2先令）的税。
6d.
6d.
English) is an elector.
英语）是一个选举人。
What article will Mr. Burke place against this?
伯克先生会发表什么文章来反对这一点？
Can anything be more limited, and at the same time more capricious, than the qualification of electors is in England?
还有什么比英国选举人的资格更受限制，同时也更反复无常的吗？
Limited--because not one man in an hundred (I speak much within compass) is admitted to vote.
有限——因为没有百分之一的人（我在范围内说得很多）被允许投票。
Capricious--because the lowest character that can be supposed to exist, and who has not so much as the visible means of an honest livelihood, is an elector in some places: while in other places, the man who pays very large taxes, and has a known fair character, and the farmer who rents to the amount of three or four hundred pounds a year, with a property on that farm to three or four times that amount, is not admitted to be an elector.
反复无常——因为在某些地方，那些连诚实谋生的可见手段都没有的最低等品格的人，也是选民；而在另一些地方，缴纳大量税款、品格公道的人，以及每年租金三四百英镑的农民，在该农场拥有三四倍的财产，则不被承认为选民。
Everything is out of nature, as Mr. Burke says on another occasion, in this strange chaos, and all sorts of follies are blended with all sorts of crimes.
正如伯克先生在另一个场合所说的那样，一切都是不自然的，在这种奇怪的混乱中，各种愚蠢行为与各种犯罪行为交织在一起。
William the Conqueror and his descendants parcelled out the country in this manner, and bribed some parts of it by what they call charters to hold the other parts of it the better subjected to their will.
征服者威廉和他的后代以这种方式瓜分了这个国家，并通过他们所谓的特许状贿赂了其中的一些部分，以使其他部分更好地服从他们的意志。
This is the reason why so many of those charters abound in Cornwall; the people were averse to the Government established at the Conquest, and the towns were garrisoned and bribed to enslave the country.
这就是为什么康沃尔郡有如此多的特许状。人民反对征服时建立的政府，在城镇驻军并贿赂以奴役国家。
All the old charters are the badges of this conquest, and it is from this source that the capriciousness of election arises.
所有的旧宪章都是这次征服的徽章，选举的反复无常正是从这个根源产生的。
The French Constitution says that the number of representatives for any place shall be in a ratio to the number of taxable inhabitants or electors.
法国宪法规定，任何地方的代表人数应与应税居民或选民人数成比例。
What article will Mr. Burke place against this?
伯克先生会发表什么文章来反对这一点？
The county of York, which contains nearly a million of souls, sends two county members; and so does the county of Rutland, which contains not an hundredth part of that number.
拥有近百万灵魂的约克郡派出了两名郡议员；拉特兰县也是如此，该县的人口还不到这个数字的百分之一。
The old town of Sarum, which contains not three houses, sends two members; and the town of Manchester, which contains upward of sixty thousand souls, is not admitted to send any.
塞勒姆老城区只有不到三栋房子，派出了两名成员；拥有六万以上灵魂的曼彻斯特镇不允许派遣任何人。
Is there any principle in these things?
这些事情有什么原则吗？
It is admitted that all this is altered, but there is much to be done yet, before we have a fair representation of the people.
诚然，这一切都发生了改变，但在我们公平地代表人民之前，还有很多工作要做。
Is there anything by which you can trace the marks of freedom, or discover those of wisdom?
有什么东西可以让你追寻自由的痕迹，或者发现智慧的痕迹？
No wonder then Mr. Burke has declined the comparison, and endeavored to lead his readers from the point by a wild, unsystematical display of paradoxical rhapsodies.
难怪伯克先生拒绝了这种比较，并试图通过狂野的、不系统的自相矛盾的狂想曲来引导他的读者离开主题。
The French Constitution says that the National Assembly shall be elected every two years.
法国宪法规定国民议会每两年选举一次。
What article will Mr. Burke place against this?
伯克先生会发表什么文章来反对这一点？
Why, that the nation has no right at all in the case; that the government is perfectly arbitrary with respect to this point; and he can quote for his authority the precedent of a former Parliament.
为什么，国家在这种情况下根本没有权利；政府在这一点上完全是任意的；他可以引用前议会的先例来证明自己的权威。
The French Constitution says there shall be no game laws, that the farmer on whose lands wild game shall be found (for it is by the produce of his lands they are fed) shall have a right to what he can take; that there shall be no monopolies of any kind--that all trades shall be free and every man free to follow any occupation by which he can procure an honest livelihood, and in any place, town, or city throughout the nation.
法国宪法规定，不得制定狩猎法，在其土地上发现野生动物的农民（因为他们是靠自己土地的出产来喂养的）应有权获得他可以拿走的东西；不存在任何形式的垄断——所有行业都应自由，每个人都可以在全国任何地方、城镇或城市自由从事任何能够获得诚实生计的职业。
What will Mr. Burke say to this?
伯克先生对此有何评论？
In England, game is made the property of those at whose expense it is not fed; and with respect to monopolies, the country is cut up into monopolies.
在英国，野味被视为那些不吃野味的人的财产。至于垄断，国家被分割成垄断。
Every chartered town is an aristocratical monopoly in itself, and the qualification of electors proceeds out of those chartered monopolies.
每个特许城镇本身都是贵族垄断，选举人的资格就是从这些特许垄断中产生的。
Is this freedom?
这就是自由吗？
Is this what Mr. Burke means by a constitution?
这就是伯克先生所说的宪法吗？
In these chartered monopolies, a man coming from another part of the country is hunted from them as if he were a foreign enemy.
在这些特许垄断企业中，来自该国其他地区的人被当作外敌一样遭到追捕。
An Englishman is not free of his own country; every one of those places presents a barrier in his way, and tells him he is not a freeman--that he has no rights.
英国人并没有摆脱自己的祖国；这些地方中的每一个都在他的道路上构成了障碍，并告诉他他不是自由人——他没有权利。
Within these monopolies are other monopolies.
这些垄断中还存在其他垄断。
In a city, such for instance as Bath, which contains between twenty and thirty thousand inhabitants, the right of electing representatives to Parliament is monopolised by about thirty-one persons.
在一个城市，例如巴斯，有两三万居民，选举议会代表的权利被大约三十一个人垄断。
And within these monopolies are still others.
在这些垄断企业中还有其他垄断企业。
A man even of the same town, whose parents were not in circumstances to give him an occupation, is debarred, in many cases, from the natural right of acquiring one, be his genius or industry what it may.
即使一个人来自同一个城镇，如果他的父母没有条件给他一份职业，在许多情况下，他就被禁止获得一份职业的自然权利，无论他的天赋或勤奋如何。
Are these things examples to hold out to a country regenerating itself from slavery, like France?
对于像法国这样摆脱奴隶制的国家来说，这些事情是值得借鉴的吗？
Certainly they are not, and certain am I, that when the people of England come to reflect upon them they will, like France, annihilate those badges of ancient oppression, those traces of a conquered nation.
当然，他们不会，而且我确信，当英国人民开始反思他们时，他们会像法国一样，消灭那些古老压迫的徽章，那些被征服国家的痕迹。
Had Mr. Burke possessed talents similar to the author of "On the Wealth of Nations." he would have comprehended all the parts which enter into, and, by assemblage, form a constitution.
伯克先生是否拥有与《国富论》作者类似的才能？他会理解构成宪法的所有部分，并通过组合形成宪法。
He would have reasoned from minutiae to magnitude.
他会从小事到大进行推理。
It is not from his prejudices only, but from the disorderly cast of his genius, that he is unfitted for the subject he writes upon.
他不适合他所写的主题，这不仅是因为他的偏见，还因为他的天才的混乱。
Even his genius is without a constitution.
就连他的天才也是没有体质的。
It is a genius at random, and not a genius constituted.
这是随机的天才，而不是人造的天才。
But he must say something.
但他必须说点什么。
He has therefore mounted in the air like a balloon, to draw the eyes of the multitude from the ground they stand upon.
因此，他像气球一样升在空中，以将群众的目光从他们站立的地面上吸引过来。
Much is to be learned from the French Constitution.
法国宪法有很多值得我们学习的地方。
Conquest and tyranny transplanted themselves with William the Conqueror from Normandy into England, and the country is yet disfigured with the marks.
征服者威廉将征服和暴政从诺曼底移植到英格兰，而这个国家却因这些痕迹而被毁容。
May, then, the example of all France contribute to regenerate the freedom which a province of it destroyed!
那么，愿全法国的榜样为重振被法国一个省所摧毁的自由做出贡献！
The French Constitution says that to preserve the national representation from being corrupt, no member of the National Assembly shall be an officer of the government, a placeman or a pensioner.
法国宪法规定，为了防止国民代表腐败，国民议会议员不得担任政府官员、临时工或养老金领取者。
What will Mr. Burke place against this?
伯克先生对此有何反对意见？
I will whisper his answer: Loaves and Fishes.
我会低声回答他：面包和鱼。
Ah!
啊!
this government of loaves and fishes has more mischief in it than people have yet reflected on.
这个鱼与饼的政府所造成的危害比人们所想象的还要多。
The National Assembly has made the discovery, and it holds out the example to the world.
国民议会做出了这一发现，并向世界树立了榜样。
Had governments agreed to quarrel on purpose to fleece their countries by taxes, they could not have succeeded better than they have done.
如果各国政府同意故意争吵，通过税收来敲诈国家，他们的成功不会比现在更好。
Everything in the English government appears to me the reverse of what it ought to be, and of what it is said to be.
在我看来，英国政府的一切都与它应有的样子和据说的相反。
The Parliament, imperfectly and capriciously elected as it is, is nevertheless supposed to hold the national purse in trust for the nation; but in the manner in which an English Parliament is constructed it is like a man being both mortgagor and mortgagee, and in the case of misapplication of trust it is the criminal sitting in judgment upon himself.
尽管议会是由不完美且反复无常选举产生的，但它仍然应该为国家保管国家资金。但就英国议会的构建方式而言，它就像一个人既是抵押人又是抵押权人，在滥用信托的情况下，罪犯就对自己进行了审判。
If those who vote the supplies are the same persons who receive the supplies when voted, and are to account for the expenditure of those supplies to those who voted them, it is themselves accountable to themselves, and the Comedy of Errors concludes with the pantomime of Hush.
如果那些投票支持物资的人就是投票时收到物资的同一个人，并且要向投票者负责这些物资的支出，那么他们自己就对自己负责，错误喜剧以“嘘”的哑剧结束。
Neither the Ministerial party nor the Opposition will touch upon this case.
部长党和反对党都不会触及此案。
The national purse is the common hack which each mounts upon.
国家钱包是每个人都依赖的共同黑客。
It is like what the country people call "Ride and tie--you ride a little way, and then I."*[5] They order these things better in France.
这就像乡下人所说的“骑行并打领带——你骑一段路，然后我。”*[5] 在法国，他们对这些东西的要求更好。
The French Constitution says that the right of war and peace is in the nation.
法国宪法规定，战争与和平的权利属于国家。
Where else should it reside but in those who are to pay the expense?
除了那些要支付费用的人之外，它还应该存在于哪里呢？
In England this right is said to reside in a metaphor shown at the Tower for sixpence or a shilling a piece: so are the lions; and it would be a step nearer to reason to say it resided in them, for any inanimate metaphor is no more than a hat or a cap.
在英格兰，据说这项权利存在于伦敦塔的一个隐喻中，每块六便士或一先令：狮子也是如此；狮子也是如此；狮子也是如此。如果说它存在于它们之中，那就更接近理性了，因为任何无生命的隐喻只不过是一顶帽子或一顶帽子。
We can all see the absurdity of worshipping Aaron's molten calf, or Nebuchadnezzar's golden image; but why do men continue to practise themselves the absurdities they despise in others?
我们都可以看到崇拜亚伦的熔牛犊或尼布甲尼撒的金像是多么荒谬；但为什么人们却继续在自己身上实践他们所鄙视的别人的荒谬行为呢？
It may with reason be said that in the manner the English nation is represented it signifies not where the right resides, whether in the Crown or in the Parliament.
可以有理由说，英国民族的代表方式并不代表权利所在，无论是在国王还是在议会。
War is the common harvest of all those who participate in the division and expenditure of public money, in all countries.
战争是所有国家所有参与公共资金分配和支出的人的共同收获。
It is the art of conquering at home; the object of it is an increase of revenue; and as revenue cannot be increased without taxes, a pretence must be made for expenditure.
这是征服国内的艺术；其目的是增加收入；由于没有税收就无法增加收入，因此必须借口支出。
In reviewing the history of the English Government, its wars and its taxes, a bystander, not blinded by prejudice nor warped by interest, would declare that taxes were not raised to carry on wars, but that wars were raised to carry on taxes.
在回顾英国政府、其战争和税收的历史时，一个不被偏见蒙蔽双眼、也不被利益扭曲的旁观者会宣称，征税不是为了进行战争，而是为了征税而发动战争。
Mr. Burke, as a member of the House of Commons, is a part of the English Government; and though he professes himself an enemy to war, he abuses the French Constitution, which seeks to explode it.
伯克先生作为下议院议员，是英国政府的一部分；尽管他自称是战争的敌人，但他滥用法国宪法，试图摧毁它。
He holds up the English Government as a model, in all its parts, to France; but he should first know the remarks which the French make upon it.
他将英国政府的各个部分视为法国的典范。但他首先应该了解法国人对此的评论。
They contend in favor of their own, that the portion of liberty enjoyed in England is just enough to enslave a country more productively than by despotism, and that as the real object of all despotism is revenue, a government so formed obtains more than it could do either by direct despotism, or in a full state of freedom, and is, therefore on the ground of interest, opposed to both.
他们主张自己的主张，认为英国所享有的自由部分足以比专制主义更有效地奴役一个国家，而且由于所有专制主义的真正目标都是收入，因此这样组建的政府所获得的利益比直接专制主义或完全自由状态下所能获得的要多，因此，基于利益的理由，反对两者。
They account also for the readiness which always appears in such governments for engaging in wars by remarking on the different motives which produced them.
他们还通过评论引发战争的不同动机来解释此类政府总是表现出的参与战争的意愿。
In despotic governments wars are the effect of pride; but in those governments in which they become the means of taxation, they acquire thereby a more permanent promptitude.
在专制政府中，战争是骄傲的结果。但在那些将它们作为征税手段的政府中，它们因此获得了更持久的敏捷性。
The French Constitution, therefore, to provide against both these evils, has taken away the power of declaring war from kings and ministers, and placed the right where the expense must fall.
因此，为了制止这两种罪恶，法国宪法剥夺了国王和大臣宣战的权力，并将这一权利置于必须承担费用的地方。
When the question of the right of war and peace was agitating in the National Assembly, the people of England appeared to be much interested in the event, and highly to applaud the decision.
当战争与和平的权利问题在国民议会中激荡时，英国人民似乎对这一事件很感兴趣，并对这一决定表示高度赞赏。
As a principle it applies as much to one country as another.
作为一项原则，它既适用于一个国家，也适用于另一个国家。
William the Conqueror, as a conqueror, held this power of war and peace in himself, and his descendants have ever since claimed it under him as a right.
征服者威廉作为一个征服者，拥有战争与和平的权力，他的子孙从此在他的统治下将其视为一项权利。
Although Mr. Burke has asserted the right of the Parliament at the Revolution to bind and control the nation and posterity for ever, he denies at the same time that the Parliament or the nation had any right to alter what he calls the succession of the crown in anything but in part, or by a sort of modification.
尽管伯克先生声称革命期间议会有权永远约束和控制国家和子孙后代，但他同时否认议会或国家有权以任何方式改变他所谓的王位继承，但只能部分地或通过某种修改。
By his taking this ground he throws the case back to the Norman Conquest, and by thus running a line of succession springing from William the Conqueror to the present day, he makes it necessary to enquire who and what William the Conqueror was, and where he came from, and into the origin, history and nature of what are called prerogatives.
通过采取这一立场，他把案件追溯到诺曼征服，并通过这样追溯从征服者威廉到今天的继承顺序，他有必要询问征服者威廉是谁、是什么、他来自哪里，以及所谓特权的起源、历史和本质。
Everything must have had a beginning, and the fog of time and antiquity should be penetrated to discover it.
一切事物必定有一个开始，必须穿透时间和古代的迷雾才能发现它。
Let, then, Mr. Burke bring forward his William of Normandy, for it is to this origin that his argument goes.
那么，让伯克先生提出他的诺曼底威廉，因为他的论点正是源于此。
It also unfortunately happens, in running this line of succession, that another line parallel thereto presents itself, which is that if the succession runs in the line of the conquest, the nation runs in the line of being conquered, and it ought to rescue itself from this reproach.
不幸的是，在继承这条路线的过程中，又出现了与之平行的另一条路线，那就是，如果继承是在征服的路线上进行的，那么这个国家就在被征服的路线上行驶，它应该从这种耻辱中拯救自己。
But it will perhaps be said that though the power of declaring war descends in the heritage of the conquest, it is held in check by the right of Parliament to withhold the supplies.
但也许有人会说，虽然宣战的权力是征服的遗产，但它受到议会扣留补给的权利的限制。
It will always happen when a thing is originally wrong that amendments do not make it right, and it often happens that they do as much mischief one way as good the other, and such is the case here, for if the one rashly declares war as a matter of right, and the other peremptorily withholds the supplies as a matter of right, the remedy becomes as bad, or worse, than the disease.
当一件事原本是错误的，修正并不能使其正确时，总会发生这样的情况，而且经常会发生这样的情况：它们一方面造成的危害与另一方面带来的好处一样多，这里的情况就是这样，因为如果一方作为一种权利而轻率地宣战，而另一方则作为一种权利而专断地拒绝供应，那么补救措施就变得和疾病一样糟糕，甚至更糟。
The one forces the nation to a combat, and the other ties its hands; but the more probable issue is that the contest will end in a collusion between the parties, and be made a screen to both.
一个是迫使国家去战斗，一个是束缚国家的手脚。但更可能的问题是，这场较量最终会以双方勾结而告终，并成为双方的掩护。
On this question of war, three things are to be considered.
在战争问题上，需要考虑三件事。
First, the right of declaring it: secondly, the expense of supporting it: thirdly, the mode of conducting it after it is declared.
一是申报的权利；二是支持的费用；三是申报后的实施方式。
The French Constitution places the right where the expense must fall, and this union can only be in the nation.
法国宪法将权利置于费用必须下降的地方，而这种结合只能在全国范围内进行。
The mode of conducting it after it is declared, it consigns to the executive department.
具体实施方式经申报后，委托执行部门实施。
Were this the case in all countries, we should hear but little more of wars.
如果所有国家都是这种情况，我们就不会再听到更多战争了。
Before I proceed to consider other parts of the French Constitution, and by way of relieving the fatigue of argument, I will introduce an anecdote which I had from Dr. Franklin.
在我开始考虑法国宪法的其他部分之前，为了缓解争论的疲劳，我将介绍我从富兰克林博士那里听到的一件轶事。
While the Doctor resided in France as Minister from America, during the war, he had numerous proposals made to him by projectors of every country and of every kind, who wished to go to the land that floweth with milk and honey, America; and among the rest, there was one who offered himself to be king.
当博士作为来自美国的公使居住在法国时，战争期间，各国各族的代表向他提出了无数的建议，他们希望前往美国这片流奶与蜜的土地；其余的人中，有一个人自告奋勇称王。
He introduced his proposal to the Doctor by letter, which is now in the hands of M.
他通过信函向博士介绍了他的建议，该信现在在 M.
Beaumarchais, of Paris--stating, first, that as the Americans had dismissed or sent away*[6] their King, that they would want another.
巴黎的博马舍（Beaumarchais）首先表示，由于美国人已经解雇或送走了*[6]他们的国王，他们会想要另一个国王。
Secondly, that himself was a Norman.
其次，他本人是诺曼人。
Thirdly, that he was of a more ancient family than the Dukes of Normandy, and of a more honorable descent, his line having never been bastardised.
第三，他的家族比诺曼底公爵更古老，血统更尊贵，他的血统从未被私生过。
Fourthly, that there was already a precedent in England of kings coming out of Normandy, and on these grounds he rested his offer, enjoining that the Doctor would forward it to America.
第四，英国已有国王从诺曼底出来的先例，基于这些理由，他搁置了他的提议，并要求博士将其转发给美国。
But as the Doctor neither did this, nor yet sent him an answer, the projector wrote a second letter, in which he did not, it is true, threaten to go over and conquer America, but only with great dignity proposed that if his offer was not accepted, an acknowledgment of about L30,000 might be made to him for his generosity!
但由于博士既没有这样做，也没有给他回复，投影仪又写了第二封信，在信中他确实没有威胁要征服美国，只是非常有尊严地提出，如果他的提议不被接受，可能会向他的慷慨表示感谢，大约是L30,000！
Now, as all arguments respecting succession must necessarily connect that succession with some beginning, Mr. Burke's arguments on this subject go to show that there is no English origin of kings, and that they are descendants of the Norman line in right of the Conquest.
现在，由于所有关于继承的论点都必须将继承与某个开始联系起来，伯克先生在这个问题上的论点表明，国王没有英国血统，他们是征服后诺曼血统的后裔。
It may, therefore, be of service to his doctrine to make this story known, and to inform him, that in case of that natural extinction to which all mortality is subject, Kings may again be had from Normandy, on more reasonable terms than William the Conqueror; and consequently, that the good people of England, at the revolution of 1688, might have done much better, had such a generous Norman as this known their wants, and they had known his.
因此，让这个故事广为人知，并告诉他，在所有死亡都遭受自然灭绝的情况下，国王可能会再次从诺曼底以比征服者威廉更合理的条件获得国王，这可能对他的学说有所帮助。因此，如果有这样一个慷慨的诺曼人知道他们的需要，而他们也知道他的需要，那么在 1688 年的革命中，英国的善良人民可能会做得更好。
The chivalric character which Mr. Burke so much admires, is certainly much easier to make a bargain with than a hard dealing Dutchman.
伯克先生非常钦佩的骑士精神肯定比一个强硬的荷兰人更容易讨价还价。
But to return to the matters of the constitution: The French Constitution says, There shall be no titles; and, of consequence, all that class of equivocal generation which in some countries is called "aristocracy" and in others "nobility," is done away, and the peer is exalted into the Man.
但回到宪法问题：法国宪法规定，不得有头衔；结果，所有那些在某些国家被称为“贵族”而在另一些国家被称为“贵族”的模棱两可的阶级都被消灭了，而同侪被提升为“男人”。
Titles are but nicknames, and every nickname is a title.
头衔只是昵称，每个昵称都是一个头衔。
The thing is perfectly harmless in itself, but it marks a sort of foppery in the human character, which degrades it.
这东西本身是完全无害的，但它标志着人类性格中的一种庸俗，从而降低了人类的品质。
It reduces man into the diminutive of man in things which are great, and the counterfeit of women in things which are little.
它在大事上把男人贬低为男人，在小事上贬低女人。
It talks about its fine blue ribbon like a girl, and shows its new garter like a child.
它像女孩一样谈论它精美的蓝色丝带，像孩子一样展示它的新吊袜带。
A certain writer, of some antiquity, says: "When I was a child, I thought as a child; but when I became a man, I put away childish things."
一位古代作家说：“小时候，我的思想像个孩子一样；当我长大了，我就把幼稚的东西收起来了。”
It is, properly, from the elevated mind of France that the folly of titles has fallen.
确实，由于法国人的高尚思想，头衔的愚蠢已经消失了。
It has outgrown the baby clothes of Count and Duke, and breeched itself in manhood.
它已经不再适合伯爵和公爵的婴儿衣服了，在成年时就穿了马裤。
France has not levelled, it has exalted.
法国并没有被拉平，而是上升了。
It has put down the dwarf, to set up the man.
它放下了矮人，树立了人。
The punyism of a senseless word like Duke, Count or Earl has ceased to please.
像公爵、伯爵或伯爵这样毫无意义的词的微弱含义已经不再令人愉悦。
Even those who possessed them have disowned the gibberish, and as they outgrew the rickets, have despised the rattle.
即使是那些拥有它们的人也不再承认这些胡言乱语，当他们不再患佝偻病时，他们也鄙视了嘎嘎声。
The genuine mind of man, thirsting for its native home, society, contemns the gewgaws that separate him from it.
人的真诚心灵，渴望其故乡、社会，蔑视那些将他与社会分开的华而不实的东西。
Titles are like circles drawn by the magician's wand, to contract the sphere of man's felicity.
头衔就像魔术师的魔杖画出的圆圈，缩小了人类幸福的范围。
He lives immured within the Bastille of a word, and surveys at a distance the envied life of man.
他生活在巴士底狱内，远远地观察着令人羡慕的人类生活。
Is it, then, any wonder that titles should fall in France?
那么，冠军头衔落在法国还有什么奇怪的吗？
Is it not a greater wonder that they should be kept up anywhere?
将它们放在任何地方，这难道不是一个更大的奇迹吗？
What are they?
这些是什么？
What is their worth, and "what is their amount?" When we think or speak of a Judge or a General, we associate with it the ideas of office and character; we think of gravity in one and bravery in the other; but when we use the word merely as a title, no ideas associate with it.
它们的价值是多少，以及“它们的数量是多少？”当我们想到或谈论法官或将军时，我们会将其与职位和品格的概念联系起来。我们认为，一方面是严肃，另一方面是勇敢。但当我们仅仅使用这个词作为标题时，就没有任何想法与之相关。
Through all the vocabulary of Adam there is not such an animal as a Duke or a Count; neither can we connect any certain ideas with the words.
在亚当的所有词汇中，没有公爵或伯爵这样的动物；只有这样的动物。我们也不能将任何特定的想法与文字联系起来。
Whether they mean strength or weakness, wisdom or folly, a child or a man, or the rider or the horse, is all equivocal.
无论它们意味着力量还是弱点，智慧还是愚蠢，孩子还是男人，骑手还是马，都是模棱两可的。
What respect then can be paid to that which describes nothing, and which means nothing?
那么，对于那些毫无描述、毫无意义的事物，还能给予什么尊重呢？
Imagination has given figure and character to centaurs, satyrs, and down to all the fairy tribe; but titles baffle even the powers of fancy, and are a chimerical nondescript.
想象力赋予半人马、半羊人乃至所有仙女部落的形象和性格。但标题甚至令人难以想象，并且是一种空想的、不伦不类的东西。
But this is not all.
但这还不是全部。
If a whole country is disposed to hold them in contempt, all their value is gone, and none will own them.
如果整个国家都蔑视它们，那么它们的所有价值都消失了，没有人会拥有它们。
It is common opinion only that makes them anything, or nothing, or worse than nothing.
只有普遍的观点才能使它们成为任何东西，或者什么都不是，或者比什么都没有更糟糕。
There is no occasion to take titles away, for they take themselves away when society concurs to ridicule them.
没有必要剥夺头衔，因为当社会一致嘲笑他们时，头衔就被剥夺了。
This species of imaginary consequence has visibly declined in every part of Europe, and it hastens to its exit as the world of reason continues to rise.
这种想象的后果在欧洲各地都明显衰落，而且随着理性世界的不断崛起，它也加速消失。
There was a time when the lowest class of what are called nobility was more thought of than the highest is now, and when a man in armour riding throughout Christendom in quest of adventures was more stared at than a modern Duke.
曾经有一段时间，所谓的贵族中的最低阶层比现在的最高阶层更受到人们的关注，而一个穿着盔甲在整个基督教世界中寻求冒险的人比现代的公爵更受关注。
The world has seen this folly fall, and it has fallen by being laughed at, and the farce of titles will follow its fate.
世界已经见证了这种愚蠢的堕落，它是因被嘲笑而堕落的，标题的闹剧将跟随它的命运。
The patriots of France have discovered in good time that rank and dignity in society must take a new ground.
法国的爱国者们及时发现，社会的地位和尊严必须取得新的突破。
The old one has fallen through.
旧的已经塌了。
It must now take the substantial ground of character, instead of the chimerical ground of titles; and they have brought their titles to the altar, and made of them a burnt-offering to Reason.
现在它必须以品格为基础，而不是空想的头衔为基础；他们把自己的头衔带到祭坛上，献给理性作为燔祭。
If no mischief had annexed itself to the folly of titles they would not have been worth a serious and formal destruction, such as the National Assembly have decreed them; and this makes it necessary to enquire farther into the nature and character of aristocracy.
如果头衔的愚蠢行为没有造成任何恶作剧，那么这些头衔就不值得像国民议会颁布的法令那样被严重而正式地摧毁；这就使得有必要进一步探究贵族制的本质和特征。
That, then, which is called aristocracy in some countries and nobility in others arose out of the governments founded upon conquest.
那么，在一些国家被称为贵族制，在另一些国家被称为贵族制，则产生于建立在征服基础上的政府。
It was originally a military order for the purpose of supporting military government (for such were all governments founded in conquest); and to keep up a succession of this order for the purpose for which it was established, all the younger branches of those families were disinherited and the law of primogenitureship set up.
它最初是一项军事命令，旨在支持军政府（因为所有政府都是在征服中建立的）；为了维持这种秩序的继承，为了实现其建立的目的，这些家庭的所有较年轻的分支都被剥夺了继承权，并制定了长子继承权法。
The nature and character of aristocracy shows itself to us in this law.
贵族制的本质和特征在这部法律中向我们展示了出来。
It is the law against every other law of nature, and Nature herself calls for its destruction.
它是违反所有其他自然法则的法则，而自然本身则要求毁灭它。
Establish family justice, and aristocracy falls.
建立家庭正义，贵族衰落。
By the aristocratical law of primogenitureship, in a family of six children five are exposed.
根据长子继承权的贵族法，一个有六个孩子的家庭中，有五个孩子是暴露的。
Aristocracy has never more than one child.
贵族的孩子从来不超过一个。
The rest are begotten to be devoured.
其余的则被吞噬。
They are thrown to the cannibal for prey, and the natural parent prepares the unnatural repast.
它们被扔给食人者作为猎物，亲生父母准备了不自然的食物。
As everything which is out of nature in man affects, more or less, the interest of society, so does this.
正如人身上一切非自然的事物都或多或少地影响着社会的利益一样，这也是如此。
All the children which the aristocracy disowns (which are all except the eldest) are, in general, cast like orphans on a parish, to be provided for by the public, but at a greater charge.
一般来说，所有被贵族抛弃的孩子（除了长子之外）都像教区的孤儿一样被抛弃，由公众抚养，但收费更高。
Unnecessary offices and places in governments and courts are created at the expense of the public to maintain them.
政府和法院中不必要的办公室和场所是以公众为代价来维持的。
With what kind of parental reflections can the father or mother contemplate their younger offspring?
父亲或母亲可以用什么样的父母反思来看待他们年幼的后代？
By nature they are children, and by marriage they are heirs; but by aristocracy they are bastards and orphans.
从本质上来说，他们是孩子，从婚姻上来说，他们是继承人；但对于贵族来说，他们是私生子和孤儿。
They are the flesh and blood of their parents in the one line, and nothing akin to them in the other.
一方面，他们是父母的骨肉，另一方面，他们与父母没有任何相似之处。
To restore, therefore, parents to their children, and children to their parents relations to each other, and man to society--and to exterminate the monster aristocracy, root and branch--the French Constitution has destroyed the law of Primogenitureship.
因此，为了恢复父母与子女、子女与父母之间的关系，以及人与社会之间的关系，并根除怪物贵族，法国宪法废除了长子继承权法。
Here then lies the monster; and Mr. Burke, if he pleases, may write its epitaph.
怪物就躺在这里；如果伯克先生愿意的话，他可以为它写下墓志铭。
Hitherto we have considered aristocracy chiefly in one point of view.
迄今为止，我们主要从一种观点来考虑贵族制。
We have now to consider it in another.
我们现在必须从另一个角度考虑它。
But whether we view it before or behind, or sideways, or any way else, domestically or publicly, it is still a monster.
但无论我们从前、后、侧面、还是其他方式，无论是在国内还是在公开场合看待它，它仍然是一个怪物。
In France aristocracy had one feature less in its countenance than what it has in some other countries.
与其他一些国家相比，法国贵族的面容上有一个特征较少。
It did not compose a body of hereditary legislators.
它没有组成一个由世袭立法者组成的机构。
It was not "a corporation of aristocracy," for such I have heard M.
它不是“贵族公司”，因为我听说M.
de la Fayette describe an English House of Peers.
德拉斐特描述了英国贵族院。
Let us then examine the grounds upon which the French Constitution has resolved against having such a House in France.
那么让我们来看看法国宪法决定反对在法国设立这样一个众议院的理由。
Because, in the first place, as is already mentioned, aristocracy is kept up by family tyranny and injustice.
因为，正如已经提到的，贵族制首先是靠家庭暴政和不公正来维持的。
Secondly.
第二。
Because there is an unnatural unfitness in an aristocracy to be legislators for a nation.
因为贵族有一种不自然的特质，不适合担任国家的立法者。
Their ideas of distributive justice are corrupted at the very source.
他们的分配正义观念从根源上就已经腐败了。
They begin life by trampling on all their younger brothers and sisters, and relations of every kind, and are taught and educated so to do.
他们从践踏所有弟弟妹妹和各种亲戚开始生活，并被教导和教育这样做。
With what ideas of justice or honour can that man enter a house of legislation, who absorbs in his own person the inheritance of a whole family of children or doles out to them some pitiful portion with the insolence of a gift?
一个人以什么正义或荣誉的观念进入立法机构，亲自吸收整个家庭孩子的遗产，或者以礼物的无礼方式向他们分发一些可怜的部分？
Thirdly.
第三。
Because the idea of hereditary legislators is as inconsistent as that of hereditary judges, or hereditary juries; and as absurd as an hereditary mathematician, or an hereditary wise man; and as ridiculous as an hereditary poet laureate.
因为世袭立法者的观念与世袭法官或世袭陪审团的观念一样不一致；就像一个世袭的数学家或一个世袭的智者一样荒谬；就像一个世袭的桂冠诗人一样可笑。
Fourthly.
第四。
Because a body of men, holding themselves accountable to nobody, ought not to be trusted by anybody.
因为一群人不对任何人负责，也不应该得到任何人的信任。
Fifthly.
第五。
Because it is continuing the uncivilised principle of governments founded in conquest, and the base idea of man having property in man, and governing him by personal right.
因为它延续了建立在征服之上的政府的不文明原则，以及人拥有财产并以个人权利统治人的基本理念。
Sixthly.
第六。
Because aristocracy has a tendency to deteriorate the human species.
因为贵族有败坏人类的倾向。
By the universal economy of nature it is known, and by the instance of the Jews it is proved, that the human species has a tendency to degenerate, in any small number of persons, when separated from the general stock of society, and inter-marrying constantly with each other.
通过自然的普遍经济，我们知道，并且犹太人的例子也证明了，当人类与社会大众分离并不断通婚时，任何少数人都有退化的趋势。
It defeats even its pretended end, and becomes in time the opposite of what is noble in man.
它甚至打败了它假装的目的，并最终成为人类高贵的反面。
Mr. Burke talks of nobility; let him show what it is.
伯克先生谈论的是贵族；让他展示它是什么。
The greatest characters the world have known have arisen on the democratic floor.
世界上最伟大的人物都出现在民主舞台上。
Aristocracy has not been able to keep a proportionate pace with democracy.
贵族制未能跟上民主制的步伐。
The artificial Noble shrinks into a dwarf before the Noble of Nature; and in the few instances of those (for there are some in all countries) in whom nature, as by a miracle, has survived in aristocracy, Those Men Despise It.--But it is time to proceed to a new subject.
人造贵族在自然贵族面前缩成侏儒；在少数几个例子中（所有国家都有一些人），自然奇迹般地在贵族中幸存下来，那些人鄙视它。——但是现在是时候开始一个新的主题了。
The French Constitution has reformed the condition of the clergy.
法国宪法改革了神职人员的状况。
It has raised the income of the lower and middle classes, and taken from the higher.
它提高了中下阶级的收入，并从上层阶级那里获取了收入。
None are now less than twelve hundred livres (fifty pounds sterling), nor any higher than two or three thousand pounds.
现在没有一个低于一千二百里弗（五十英镑），也没有一个高于两三千英镑。
What will Mr. Burke place against this?
伯克先生对此有何反对意见？
Hear what he says.
听听他怎么说。
He says: "That the people of England can see without pain or grudging, an archbishop precede a duke; they can see a Bishop of Durham, or a Bishop of Winchester in possession of L10,000 a-year; and cannot see why it is in worse hands than estates to a like amount, in the hands of this earl or that squire." And Mr. Burke offers this as an example to France.
他说：“英格兰人民可以毫无痛苦或怨恨地看到大主教在公爵之前；他们可以看到达勒姆主教或温彻斯特主教每年拥有一万英镑；并且不明白为什么这些财产掌握在比同等数额的庄园更糟糕的手中，比如这个伯爵或那个乡绅的手中。”伯克先生将此作为法国的一个例子。
As to the first part, whether the archbishop precedes the duke, or the duke the bishop, it is, I believe, to the people in general, somewhat like Sternhold and Hopkins, or Hopkins and Sternhold; you may put which you please first; and as I confess that I do not understand the merits of this case, I will not contest it with Mr. Burke.
至于第一部分，无论是大主教在公爵之前，还是公爵在主教之前，我想，对于一般人来说，有点像斯特恩霍尔德和霍普金斯，或者霍普金斯和斯特恩霍尔德；你可以把你喜欢的放在第一位；我承认我不明白这个案子的是非曲直，所以我不会与伯克先生争论。
But with respect to the latter, I have something to say.
但对于后者，我有话要说。
Mr. Burke has not put the case right.
伯克先生没有把这个案子摆正。
The comparison is out of order, by being put between the bishop and the earl or the squire.
这种比较是错误的，因为放在主教和伯爵或乡绅之间。
It ought to be put between the bishop and the curate, and then it will stand thus:--"The people of England can see without pain or grudging, a Bishop of Durham, or a Bishop of Winchester, in possession of ten thousand pounds a-year, and a curate on thirty or forty pounds a-year, or less." No, sir, they certainly do not see those things without great pain or grudging.
它应该放在主教和牧师之间，然后它就会这样：——“英国人民可以毫不痛苦或不情愿地看到达勒姆的主教或温彻斯特的主教每年拥有一万英镑，而牧师每年拥有三十或四十英镑，甚至更少。”不，先生，他们当然不会在没有巨大痛苦或不情愿的情况下看到这些事情。
It is a case that applies itself to every man's sense of justice, and is one among many that calls aloud for a constitution.
这是一个涉及每个人正义感的案例，也是大声呼吁制定宪法的众多案例之一。
In France the cry of "the church!
在法国，“教会！
the church!" was repeated as often as in Mr. Burke's book, and as loudly as when the Dissenters' Bill was before the English Parliament; but the generality of the French clergy were not to be deceived by this cry any longer.
教堂！”就像在伯克先生的书中一样频繁地重复，并且像《异议者法案》提交英国议会时一样响亮；但是，广大法国神职人员不会再被这种呼声所欺骗了。
They knew that whatever the pretence might be, it was they who were one of the principal objects of it.
他们知道，无论伪装是什么，他们才是主要目标之一。
It was the cry of the high beneficed clergy, to prevent any regulation of income taking place between those of ten thousand pounds a-year and the parish priest.
这是高阶神职人员的呼声，要求阻止年薪一万英镑的人与教区神父之间的任何收入管制。
They therefore joined their case to those of every other oppressed class of men, and by this union obtained redress.
因此，他们将自己的案件与其他受压迫阶级的案件结合起来，并通过这种联合获得了补救。
The French Constitution has abolished tythes, that source of perpetual discontent between the tythe-holder and the parishioner.
法国宪法废除了什一税，这是什一税持有者和教区居民之间永久不满的根源。
When land is held on tythe, it is in the condition of an estate held between two parties; the one receiving one-tenth, and the other nine-tenths of the produce: and consequently, on principles of equity, if the estate can be improved, and made to produce by that improvement double or treble what it did before, or in any other ratio, the expense of such improvement ought to be borne in like proportion between the parties who are to share the produce.
当土地以什一税持有时，它就处于两方持有的房地产状态；一方获得十分之一，其他则获得十分之九：因此，根据公平原则，如果庄园可以得到改善，并通过这种改善使生产量比以前增加一倍或三倍，或以任何其他比例，那么这种改善的费用应该在分享产品的各方之间按相同比例承担。
But this is not the case in tythes: the farmer bears the whole expense, and the tythe-holder takes a tenth of the improvement, in addition to the original tenth, and by this means gets the value of two-tenths instead of one.
但什一税的情况却并非如此：农民承担了全部费用，而什一税持有者除了原来的十分之一之外，还获得了十分之一的改良，这样就得到了十分之二的价值，而不是一分钱。
This is another case that calls for a constitution.
这是另一个需要制定宪法的案例。
The French Constitution hath abolished or renounced Toleration and Intolerance also, and hath established Universal Right Of Conscience.
法国宪法还废除或放弃了宽容和不宽容，并确立了普遍的良心权利。
Toleration is not the opposite of Intolerance, but is the counterfeit of it.
宽容并不是不宽容的对立面，而是它的赝品。
Both are despotisms.
两者都是专制主义。
The one assumes to itself the right of withholding Liberty of Conscience, and the other of granting it.
一个人认为自己有权拒绝良心自由，另一个人则赋予自己授予良心自由的权利。
The one is the Pope armed with fire and faggot, and the other is the Pope selling or granting indulgences.
一个是拿着火和柴火的教皇，另一个是出售或发放赎罪券的教皇。
The former is church and state, and the latter is church and traffic.
前者是教会与国家，后者是教会与交通。
But Toleration may be viewed in a much stronger light.
但可以从更强烈的角度来看待宽容。
Man worships not himself, but his Maker; and the liberty of conscience which he claims is not for the service of himself, but of his God.
人崇拜的不是他自己，而是他的创造者；他所声称的良心自由不是为了他自己，而是为了他的上帝。
In this case, therefore, we must necessarily have the associated idea of two things; the mortal who renders the worship, and the Immortal Being who is worshipped.
因此，在这种情况下，我们必须有两个事物的关联观念：进行崇拜的凡人，以及被崇拜的不朽者。
Toleration, therefore, places itself, not between man and man, nor between church and church, nor between one denomination of religion and another, but between God and man; between the being who worships, and the Being who is worshipped; and by the same act of assumed authority which it tolerates man to pay his worship, it presumptuously and blasphemously sets itself up to tolerate the Almighty to receive it.
因此，宽容不是置于人与人之间，也不是教会与教会之间，也不是一个宗教教派与另一个宗教教派之间，而是置于上帝与人之间。崇拜者与被崇拜者之间；它通过同样的假装权威的行为来容忍人们进行崇拜，它也冒昧地、亵渎地让自己容忍全能者接受它。
Were a bill brought into any Parliament, entitled, "An Act to tolerate or grant liberty to the Almighty to receive the worship of a Jew or Turk," or "to prohibit the Almighty from receiving it," all men would startle and call it blasphemy.
如果一项法案被提交到任何议会，标题为“容忍或授予全能者自由接受犹太人或土耳其人崇拜的法案”或“禁止全能者接受这种崇拜”，所有人都会感到震惊并称其为亵渎。
There would be an uproar.
将会引起轩然大波。
The presumption of toleration in religious matters would then present itself unmasked; but the presumption is not the less because the name of "Man" only appears to those laws, for the associated idea of the worshipper and the worshipped cannot be separated.
宗教事务上的宽容假定就会暴露无遗。但这种推定并没有因此而减少，因为“人”这个名字只出现在那些法律中，因为崇拜者和被崇拜者的相关观念是不可分割的。
Who then art thou, vain dust and ashes!
那你是谁，虚无的尘埃和灰烬！
by whatever name thou art called, whether a King, a Bishop, a Church, or a State, a Parliament, or anything else, that obtrudest thine insignificance between the soul of man and its Maker?
无论你叫什么名字，无论是国王、主教、教会、国家、议会还是其他什么名字，都突显了你在人类灵魂和造物主之间的微不足道吗？
Mind thine own concerns.
管好你自己的事吧。
If he believes not as thou believest, it is a proof that thou believest not as he believes, and there is no earthly power can determine between you.
如果他的信仰与你的信仰不同，那就证明你的信仰与他的信仰不同，并且世间的力量无法在你们之间做出决定。
With respect to what are called denominations of religion, if every one is left to judge of its own religion, there is no such thing as a religion that is wrong; but if they are to judge of each other's religion, there is no such thing as a religion that is right; and therefore all the world is right, or all the world is wrong.
就所谓的宗教派别而言，如果每个人都对自己的宗教做出判断，那么就没有所谓的宗教是错误的。但如果他们要评判彼此的宗教信仰，那么就不存在所谓正确的宗教信仰了。因此，全世界都是对的，或者全世界都是错的。
But with respect to religion itself, without regard to names, and as directing itself from the universal family of mankind to the Divine object of all adoration, it is man bringing to his Maker the fruits of his heart; and though those fruits may differ from each other like the fruits of the earth, the grateful tribute of every one is accepted.
但就宗教本身而言，不考虑名称，由于宗教本身是从人类的普遍家庭转向所有崇拜的神圣对象，所以它是人把他内心的果实带给他的创造者；尽管这些果实可能像大地的果实一样彼此不同，但每个人的感激之情都会被接受。
A Bishop of Durham, or a Bishop of Winchester, or the archbishop who heads the dukes, will not refuse a tythe-sheaf of wheat because it is not a cock of hay, nor a cock of hay because it is not a sheaf of wheat; nor a pig, because it is neither one nor the other; but these same persons, under the figure of an established church, will not permit their Maker to receive the varied tythes of man's devotion.
达勒姆的主教，或温彻斯特的主教，或领导公爵的大主教，不会因为一捆干草不是干草而拒绝一捆小麦，也不会因为它不是一捆麦子而拒绝一捆干草。也不是猪，因为它既不是一个也不是另一个；但是这些人，在一个已建立的教会的形象下，不会允许他们的创造者接受人类奉献的各种什一税。
One of the continual choruses of Mr. Burke's book is "Church and State." He does not mean some one particular church, or some one particular state, but any church and state; and he uses the term as a general figure to hold forth the political doctrine of always uniting the church with the state in every country, and he censures the National Assembly for not having done this in France.
伯克先生的著作中不断出现的主题之一是“教会与国家”。他指的不是某个特定的教会，也不是某个特定的国家，而是任何一个教会和国家。他用这个词作为一个笼统的比喻来宣扬每个国家始终将教会与国家结合起来的政治学说，他批评法国国民议会没有这样做。
Let us bestow a few thoughts on this subject.
让我们就这个话题谈谈一些想法。
All religions are in their nature kind and benign, and united with principles of morality.
所有宗教本质上都是善良和仁慈的，并与道德原则相结合。
They could not have made proselytes at first by professing anything that was vicious, cruel, persecuting, or immoral.
他们一开始不可能通过宣扬任何恶毒、残忍、迫害或不道德的行为而成为皈依者。
Like everything else, they had their beginning; and they proceeded by persuasion, exhortation, and example.
和其他事物一样，它们也有其开始；他们通过劝说、劝告和榜样来行事。
How then is it that they lose their native mildness, and become morose and intolerant?
那么，他们为何失去了天生的温和，变得阴郁、不宽容呢？
It proceeds from the connection which Mr. Burke recommends.
它源自伯克先生推荐的连接。
By engendering the church with the state, a sort of mule-animal, capable only of destroying, and not of breeding up, is produced, called the Church established by Law.
通过将教会与国家结合起来，就产生了一种只能毁灭而不能繁殖的骡子动物，称为依法建立的教会。
It is a stranger, even from its birth, to any parent mother, on whom it is begotten, and whom in time it kicks out and destroys.
即使从它诞生起，它对于任何父母来说都是一个陌生人，它是在母亲身上诞生的，并且最终会被它踢出并摧毁。
The inquisition in Spain does not proceed from the religion originally professed, but from this mule-animal, engendered between the church and the state.
西班牙的宗教裁判所并不是源于最初所信奉的宗教，而是源于这种在教会和国家之间产生的骡子动物。
The burnings in Smithfield proceeded from the same heterogeneous production; and it was the regeneration of this strange animal in England afterwards, that renewed rancour and irreligion among the inhabitants, and that drove the people called Quakers and Dissenters to America.
史密斯菲尔德的焚烧源自同一种异质产品；正是这种奇怪的动物后来在英国重生，居民之间重新燃起了仇恨和反宗教情绪，并驱使那些被称为贵格会和异议者的人们来到了美国。
Persecution is not an original feature in any religion; but it is alway the strongly-marked feature of all law-religions, or religions established by law.
迫害并不是任何宗教的固有特征；但这始终是所有法制宗教或依法建立的宗教的显着特征。
Take away the law-establishment, and every religion re-assumes its original benignity.
取消法律制度，每个宗教都会重新恢复其最初的仁慈。
In America, a catholic priest is a good citizen, a good character, and a good neighbour; an episcopalian minister is of the same description: and this proceeds independently of the men, from there being no law-establishment in America.
在美国，天主教神父是好公民、好品格、好邻居。圣公会牧师也有同样的描述：由于美国没有法律机构，这一切都是独立于男人进行的。
If also we view this matter in a temporal sense, we shall see the ill effects it has had on the prosperity of nations.
如果我们也从暂时的意义上来看待这个问题，我们就会看到它对国家繁荣造成的不良影响。
The union of church and state has impoverished Spain.
教会与国家的联合使西班牙陷入贫困。
The revoking the edict of Nantes drove the silk manufacture from that country into England; and church and state are now driving the cotton manufacture from England to America and France.
南特法令的撤销将丝绸制造业从该国转移到了英格兰。教会和国家正在将棉花生产从英国推向美国和法国。
Let then Mr. Burke continue to preach his antipolitical doctrine of Church and State.
那么就让伯克先生继续宣扬他的教会与国家的反政治学说吧。
It will do some good.
它会有一些好处。
The National Assembly will not follow his advice, but will benefit by his folly.
国民议会不会听从他的建议，反而会因他的愚蠢而受益。
It was by observing the ill effects of it in England, that America has been warned against it; and it is by experiencing them in France, that the National Assembly have abolished it, and, like America, have established Universal Right Of Conscience, And Universal Right Of Citizenship.*[7]
正是通过观察它在英国的不良影响，美国才被警告要警惕它。正是通过在法国经历这些，国民议会废除了它，并像美国一样建立了普遍的良心权利和普遍的公民权利。*[7]
I will here cease the comparison with respect to the principles of the French Constitution, and conclude this part of the subject with a few observations on the organisation of the formal parts of the French and English governments.
我将在这里停止与法国宪法原则的比较，并通过对法国和英国政府正式部分的组织的一些观察来结束这部分主题。
The executive power in each country is in the hands of a person styled the King; but the French Constitution distinguishes between the King and the Sovereign: It considers the station of King as official, and places Sovereignty in the nation.
每个国家的行政权都掌握在一个被称为国王的人手中；但法国宪法区分了国王和君主：它认为国王的地位是官方的，并将主权置于国家手中。
The representatives of the nation, who compose the National Assembly, and who are the legislative power, originate in and from the people by election, as an inherent right in the people.--In England it is otherwise; and this arises from the original establishment of what is called its monarchy; for, as by the conquest all the rights of the people or the nation were absorbed into the hands of the Conqueror, and who added the title of King to that of Conqueror, those same matters which in France are now held as rights in the people, or in the nation, are held in England as grants from what is called the crown.
组成国民议会并具有立法权的国家代表是通过选举产生并来自人民的，这是人民的一项固有权利。——在英国则不然。这源于所谓君主制的最初建立。因为，通过征服，人民或国家的所有权利都被吸收到征服者手中，而征服者又在征服者的头衔上加上了国王的头衔，那些在法国现在被视为人民或国家权利的事务，在英国却被视为来自所谓王室的授予。
The Parliament in England, in both its branches, was erected by patents from the descendants of the Conqueror.
英国议会的两个分支机构都是由征服者后裔的专利建立的。
The House of Commons did not originate as a matter of right in the people to delegate or elect, but as a grant or boon.
下议院的起源并不是人民的代表权或选举权，而是一种赠款或恩惠。
By the French Constitution the nation is always named before the king.
根据法国宪法，国家的命名总是在国王面前进行。
The third article of the declaration of rights says: "The nation is essentially the source (or fountain) of all sovereignty." Mr. Burke argues that in England a king is the fountain--that he is the fountain of all honour.
权利宣言第三条说：“民族本质上是一切主权的源泉（或泉源）。”伯克先生认为，在英国，国王是源泉——他是所有荣誉的源泉。
But as this idea is evidently descended from the conquest I shall make no other remark upon it, than that it is the nature of conquest to turn everything upside down; and as Mr. Burke will not be refused the privilege of speaking twice, and as there are but two parts in the figure, the fountain and the spout, he will be right the second time.
但由于这个想法显然是从征服中继承下来的，所以我对此不会做任何其他评论，只是征服的本质就是颠覆一切；因为征服的本质就是颠覆一切。由于伯克先生不会被拒绝发言两次的特权，而且图中只有喷泉和喷水两部分，所以他第二次是对的。
The French Constitution puts the legislative before the executive, the law before the king; la loi, le roi.
法国宪法将立法置于行政之上，将法律置于国王之上；拉利，勒罗伊。
This also is in the natural order of things, because laws must have existence before they can have execution.
这也是事物的自然规律，因为法律必须先存在，然后才能执行。
A king in France does not, in addressing himself to the National Assembly, say, "My Assembly," similar to the phrase used in England of my "Parliament"; neither can he use it consistently with the constitution, nor could it be admitted.
法国国王在向国民议会讲话时，不会说“我的议会”，类似于英国使用的“我的议会”这一短语；他既不能按照宪法使用它，也不能被承认。
There may be propriety in the use of it in England, because as is before mentioned, both Houses of Parliament originated from what is called the crown by patent or boon--and not from the inherent rights of the people, as the National Assembly does in France, and whose name designates its origin.
在英国使用它可能是适当的，因为如前所述，议会两院源于所谓的王权专利或恩惠，而不是像法国国民议会那样源于人民的固有权利，其名称表明了其起源。
The President of the National Assembly does not ask the King to grant to the Assembly liberty of speech, as is the case with the English House of Commons.
国民议会议长并不像英国下议院那样要求国王给予议会言论自由。
The constitutional dignity of the National Assembly cannot debase itself.
国民议会的宪法尊严不能自贬。
Speech is, in the first place, one of the natural rights of man always retained; and with respect to the National Assembly the use of it is their duty, and the nation is their authority.
首先，言论是人类始终保留的自然权利之一。对于国民议会来说，使用它是他们的职责，国家是他们的权威。
They were elected by the greatest body of men exercising the right of election the European world ever saw.
他们是由欧洲世界有史以来行使选举权的最伟大团体选出的。
They sprung not from the filth of rotten boroughs, nor are they the vassal representatives of aristocratical ones.
他们并非出身于腐败的行政区的污秽，也不是贵族的附庸代表。
Feeling the proper dignity of their character they support it.
他们感受到自己的品格应有的尊严，因此支持这一点。
Their Parliamentary language, whether for or against a question, is free, bold and manly, and extends to all the parts and circumstances of the case.
他们的议会语言，无论支持还是反对某个问题，都是自由、大胆和男子气概的，并延伸到案件的所有部分和情况。
If any matter or subject respecting the executive department or the person who presides in it (the king) comes before them it is debated on with the spirit of men, and in the language of gentlemen; and their answer or their address is returned in the same style.
如果涉及行政部门或行政部门主持者（国王）的任何事项或主题提交给他们，他们就会以男人的精神和绅士的语言进行辩论；他们的答案或地址以相同的方式返回。
They stand not aloof with the gaping vacuity of vulgar ignorance, nor bend with the cringe of sycophantic insignificance.
他们不会因庸俗无知而感到冷漠，也不会因阿谀奉承而屈服。
The graceful pride of truth knows no extremes, and preserves, in every latitude of life, the right-angled character of man.
对真理的优雅自豪不分极端，在生活的各个方面都保持着人的直角性格。
Let us now look to the other side of the question.
现在让我们看看问题的另一面。
In the addresses of the English Parliaments to their kings we see neither the intrepid spirit of the old Parliaments of France, nor the serene dignity of the present National Assembly; neither do we see in them anything of the style of English manners, which border somewhat on bluntness.
在英国议会致国王的演说中，我们既看不到旧法国议会的勇敢精神，也看不到现任国民议会的宁静尊严；我们看到的是法国议会的威严。我们在他们身上也看不到任何英国式的礼仪风格，甚至有点直率。
Since then they are neither of foreign extraction, nor naturally of English production, their origin must be sought for elsewhere, and that origin is the Norman Conquest.
从那时起，它们既不是外国血统，也不是英国自然产生的，它们的起源必须在其他地方寻找，而这个起源就是诺曼征服。
They are evidently of the vassalage class of manners, and emphatically mark the prostrate distance that exists in no other condition of men than between the conqueror and the conquered.
它们显然属于附庸阶层的礼仪，并强调了征服者与被征服者之间存在的卑劣距离。
That this vassalage idea and style of speaking was not got rid of even at the Revolution of 1688, is evident from the declaration of Parliament to William and Mary in these words: "We do most humbly and faithfully submit ourselves, our heirs and posterities, for ever." Submission is wholly a vassalage term, repugnant to the dignity of freedom, and an echo of the language used at the Conquest.
即使在 1688 年革命中，这种附庸观念和说话风格也没有被消除，这一点从议会向威廉和玛丽发表的声明中可以明显看出：“我们永远谦卑和忠实地服从我们自己，我们的继承人和子孙后代。”服从完全是一个附庸术语，与自由的尊严相抵触，也是征服时使用的语言的回声。
As the estimation of all things is given by comparison, the Revolution of 1688, however from circumstances it may have been exalted beyond its value, will find its level.
由于对所有事物的评价都是通过比较得出的，1688年的革命，无论从当时的情况来看，它可能被夸大到超出了它的价值，都会找到它的水平。
It is already on the wane, eclipsed by the enlarging orb of reason, and the luminous revolutions of America and France.
它已经在衰落，被不断扩大的理性球体以及美国和法国的光辉革命所掩盖。
In less than another century it will go, as well as Mr. Burke's labours, "to the family vault of all the Capulets." Mankind will then scarcely believe that a country calling itself free would send to Holland for a man, and clothe him with power on purpose to put themselves in fear of him, and give him almost a million sterling a year for leave to submit themselves and their posterity, like bondmen and bondwomen, for ever.
在不到一个世纪的时间里，它将与伯克先生的劳动一样，“进入所有凯普莱特家族的金库”。那时，人类几乎不会相信，一个自称自由的国家会派人去荷兰找一个男人，并故意赋予他权力，让他们对他产生恐惧，并每年给他近一百万英镑，让他像男奴和女奴一样，永远服从自己和子孙后代。
But there is a truth that ought to be made known; I have had the opportunity of seeing it; which is, that notwithstanding appearances, there is not any description of men that despise monarchy so much as courtiers.
但有一个事实应该被人知道：我曾有机会亲眼目睹过；也就是说，尽管有表面现象，但没有任何描述像朝臣那样鄙视君主制。
But they well know, that if it were seen by others, as it is seen by them, the juggle could not be kept up; they are in the condition of men who get their living by a show, and to whom the folly of that show is so familiar that they ridicule it; but were the audience to be made as wise in this respect as themselves, there would be an end to the show and the profits with it.
但他们很清楚，如果被其他人看到，就像他们自己看到的那样，戏法就无法继续下去；他们的处境就像靠表演谋生的人一样，他们对表演的愚蠢之处如此熟悉，以至于嘲笑它。但是，如果观众在这方面变得像他们自己一样明智，那么演出和随之而来的利润就会结束。
The difference between a republican and a courtier with respect to monarchy, is that the one opposes monarchy, believing it to be something; and the other laughs at it, knowing it to be nothing.
共和主义者和朝臣在君主制方面的区别在于，共和主义者反对君主制，相信君主制是某种东西；而朝臣则反对君主制。另一个则嘲笑它，知道这没什么。
As I used sometimes to correspond with Mr. Burke believing him then to be a man of sounder principles than his book shows him to be, I wrote to him last winter from Paris, and gave him an account how prosperously matters were going on.
由于我有时在与伯克先生通信时相信他当时是一个比他的书中所显示的更有原则的人，所以去年冬天我从巴黎给他写信，向他讲述了事情的进展如何顺利。
Among other subjects in that letter, I referred to the happy situation the National Assembly were placed in; that they had taken ground on which their moral duty and their political interest were united.
在这封信中，除其他主题外，我还提到了国民议会所处的美好局面；他们已经取得了将道德责任和政治利益结合起来的基础。
They have not to hold out a language which they do not themselves believe, for the fraudulent purpose of making others believe it.
他们不必出于欺骗目的而让别人相信他们自己不相信的语言。
Their station requires no artifice to support it, and can only be maintained by enlightening mankind.
他们的地位不需要任何技巧来支持，只能通过启蒙人类来维持。
It is not their interest to cherish ignorance, but to dispel it.
他们的兴趣不是珍惜无知，而是消除无知。
They are not in the case of a ministerial or an opposition party in England, who, though they are opposed, are still united to keep up the common mystery.
英格兰的内阁或反对党虽然反对，但仍然团结一致，以维持共同的神秘面纱。
The National Assembly must throw open a magazine of light.
国民议会必须打开一本光明的杂志。
It must show man the proper character of man; and the nearer it can bring him to that standard, the stronger the National Assembly becomes.
它必须向人展示人应有的品格；越接近这个标准，国民议会就越强大。
In contemplating the French Constitution, we see in it a rational order of things.
在思考法国宪法时，我们在其中看到了事物的理性秩序。
The principles harmonise with the forms, and both with their origin.
原则与形式相协调，也与其起源相协调。
It may perhaps be said as an excuse for bad forms, that they are nothing more than forms; but this is a mistake.
也许可以说，作为不良形式的借口，它们只不过是形式；它们只不过是形式而已。但这是一个错误。
Forms grow out of principles, and operate to continue the principles they grow from.
形式源于原则，并延续它们所源于的原则。
It is impossible to practise a bad form on anything but a bad principle.
除了错误的原则之外，不可能在任何事情上实践错误的形式。
It cannot be ingrafted on a good one; and wherever the forms in any government are bad, it is a certain indication that the principles are bad also.
它不能嫁接在好的人身上；任何政府的形式如果不好，就一定表明其原则也不好。
I will here finally close this subject.
我将在这里最后结束这个话题。
I began it by remarking that Mr. Burke had voluntarily declined going into a comparison of the English and French Constitutions.
我一开始就说伯克先生自愿拒绝对英国和法国宪法进行比较。
He apologises (in page 241) for not doing it, by saying that he had not time.
他为没有这样做而道歉（第 241 页），并说他没有时间。
Mr. Burke's book was upwards of eight months in hand, and is extended to a volume of three hundred and sixty-six pages.
伯克先生的书已出版了八个月多，现已扩展至三百六十六页。
As his omission does injury to his cause, his apology makes it worse; and men on the English side of the water will begin to consider, whether there is not some radical defect in what is called the English constitution, that made it necessary for Mr. Burke to suppress the comparison, to avoid bringing it into view.
由于他的疏忽损害了他的事业，他的道歉使情况变得更糟。英国这边的人们将开始考虑，所谓的英国宪法是否存在某种根本性的缺陷，使得伯克先生有必要压制这种比较，避免将其带入人们的视野。
As Mr. Burke has not written on constitutions so neither has he written on the French Revolution.
正如伯克先生没有写过关于宪法的文章一样，他也没有写过关于法国大革命的文章。
He gives no account of its commencement or its progress.
他没有说明其开始或进展情况。
He only expresses his wonder.
他只是表达了他的惊奇。
"It looks," says he, "to me, as if I were in a great crisis, not of the affairs of France alone, but of all Europe, perhaps of more than Europe.
他说：“在我看来，我似乎陷入了一场巨大的危机，这不仅仅是法国的事务，而且是整个欧洲的事务，也许不仅仅是欧洲。
All circumstances taken together, the French Revolution is the most astonishing that has hitherto happened in the world."
综合所有情况来看，法国大革命是迄今为止世界上发生的最令人震惊的事件。”
As wise men are astonished at foolish things, and other people at wise ones, I know not on which ground to account for Mr. Burke's astonishment; but certain it is, that he does not understand the French Revolution.
正如智者对愚蠢的事情感到惊讶，其他人对明智的事情感到惊讶一样，我不知道伯克先生的惊讶有什么根据；但可以肯定的是，他不了解法国大革命。
It has apparently burst forth like a creation from a chaos, but it is no more than the consequence of a mental revolution priorily existing in France.
它显然是从混乱中诞生的，但它只不过是法国先前存在的一场精神革命的结果。
The mind of the nation had changed beforehand, and the new order of things has naturally followed the new order of thoughts.
民族的思想早已改变，新的事物秩序自然也随之而来的新的思想秩序。
I will here, as concisely as I can, trace out the growth of the French Revolution, and mark the circumstances that have contributed to produce it.
在这里，我将尽可能简洁地勾勒出法国大革命的发展历程，并指出促成这场革命的环境。
The despotism of Louis XIV., united with the gaiety of his Court, and the gaudy ostentation of his character, had so humbled, and at the same time so fascinated the mind of France, that the people appeared to have lost all sense of their own dignity, in contemplating that of their Grand Monarch; and the whole reign of Louis XV., remarkable only for weakness and effeminacy, made no other alteration than that of spreading a sort of lethargy over the nation, from which it showed no disposition to rise.
路易十四的专制统治，加上他宫廷的欢乐和他性格的浮夸，使法国人如此谦卑，同时又如此着迷，以至于人民在思考他们的大君主的尊严时，似乎完全失去了自己的尊严感。路易十五的整个统治，仅因软弱和女性化而引人注目，除了在整个国家中散布一种昏昏欲睡的气氛之外，没有做出任何其他改变，而国家并没有表现出摆脱这种状态的倾向。
The only signs which appeared to the spirit of Liberty during those periods, are to be found in the writings of the French philosophers.
在那些时期，自由精神的唯一迹象可以在法国哲学家的著作中找到。
Montesquieu, President of the Parliament of Bordeaux, went as far as a writer under a despotic government could well proceed; and being obliged to divide himself between principle and prudence, his mind often appears under a veil, and we ought to give him credit for more than he has expressed.
波尔多议会议长孟德斯鸠的所作所为，是专制政府统治下的作家所能做到的最大程度。由于他必须区分原则和谨慎，他的思想常常隐藏在面纱之下，我们应该给予他比他所表达的更多的信任。
Voltaire, who was both the flatterer and the satirist of despotism, took another line.
伏尔泰既是专制主义的奉承者又是讽刺者，却采取了不同的路线。
His forte lay in exposing and ridiculing the superstitions which priest-craft, united with state-craft, had interwoven with governments.
他的长处在于揭露和嘲笑祭司的技艺与国家的技艺相结合，与政府交织在一起的迷信。
It was not from the purity of his principles, or his love of mankind (for satire and philanthropy are not naturally concordant), but from his strong capacity of seeing folly in its true shape, and his irresistible propensity to expose it, that he made those attacks.
他做出这些攻击，并不是出于他的原则的纯洁性，也不是出于他对人类的热爱（因为讽刺和慈善本来就不是和谐的），而是出于他洞察愚蠢真相的强大能力，以及他揭露愚蠢行为的不可抗拒的倾向。
They were, however, as formidable as if the motive had been virtuous; and he merits the thanks rather than the esteem of mankind.
然而，他们的动机却是令人敬畏的，就好像他们的动机是善良的一样。他值得人类的感谢而不是尊重。
On the contrary, we find in the writings of Rousseau, and the Abbe Raynal, a loveliness of sentiment in favour of liberty, that excites respect, and elevates the human faculties; but having raised this animation, they do not direct its operation, and leave the mind in love with an object, without describing the means of possessing it.
相反，我们在卢梭和雷纳尔神父的著作中发现了一种支持自由的可爱情感，这种情感激发了人们的尊重，提升了人类的才能；但在激发了这种动画之后，他们并没有指导它的运作，而是让心灵爱上了一个物体，而不描述拥有它的方法。
The writings of Quesnay, Turgot, and the friends of those authors, are of the serious kind; but they laboured under the same disadvantage with Montesquieu; their writings abound with moral maxims of government, but are rather directed to economise and reform the administration of the government, than the government itself.
魁奈、杜尔哥以及这些作家的朋友们的作品都是严肃的。但他们与孟德斯鸠同样处于不利地位。他们的著作充满了政府的道德准则，但更多的是针对节约和改革政府的行政管理，而不是政府本身。
But all those writings and many others had their weight; and by the different manner in which they treated the subject of government, Montesquieu by his judgment and knowledge of laws, Voltaire by his wit, Rousseau and Raynal by their animation, and Quesnay and Turgot by their moral maxims and systems of economy, readers of every class met with something to their taste, and a spirit of political inquiry began to diffuse itself through the nation at the time the dispute between England and the then colonies of America broke out.
但所有这些著作和许多其他著作都有其分量。由于他们对待政府主体的不同方式，孟德斯鸠以他的判断力和法律知识，伏尔泰以他的智慧，卢梭和雷纳尔以他们的活力，魁奈和杜尔哥以他们的道德格言和经济体系，各个阶级的读者都遇到了符合他们口味的东西，当英国和当时的美洲殖民地之间的争端爆发时，一种政治探究的精神开始在全国传播。
In the war which France afterwards engaged in, it is very well known that the nation appeared to be before-hand with the French ministry.
在法国随后卷入的战争中，众所周知，法国政府似乎是先于法国的。
Each of them had its view; but those views were directed to different objects; the one sought liberty, and the other retaliation on England.
他们每个人都有自己的观点；但这些观点针对的是不同的对象；一个人寻求自由，另一个人则对英国进行报复。
The French officers and soldiers who after this went to America, were eventually placed in the school of Freedom, and learned the practice as well as the principles of it by heart.
此后前往美国的法国军官和士兵最终被安置在自由学校，并熟记了这种做法及其原理。
As it was impossible to separate the military events which took place in America from the principles of the American Revolution, the publication of those events in France necessarily connected themselves with the principles which produced them.
由于不可能将在美国发生的军事事件与美国革命的原则分开，因此在法国发表这些事件必然与产生这些事件的原则联系在一起。
Many of the facts were in themselves principles; such as the declaration of American Independence, and the treaty of alliance between France and America, which recognised the natural rights of man, and justified resistance to oppression.
许多事实本身就是原则。例如《美国独立宣言》和《法国与美国之间的联盟条约》，该条约承认人类的自然权利，并为反抗压迫提供了正当理由。
The then Minister of France, Count Vergennes, was not the friend of America; and it is both justice and gratitude to say, that it was the Queen of France who gave the cause of America a fashion at the French Court.
时任法国部长韦尔根伯爵并不是美国的朋友；他是美国的朋友。可以说，正是法国女王在法国宫廷为美国事业赋予了时尚，这既是正义的，也是感激的。
Count Vergennes was the personal and social friend of Dr. Franklin; and the Doctor had obtained, by his sensible gracefulness, a sort of influence over him; but with respect to principles Count Vergennes was a despot.
维尔根尼斯伯爵是富兰克林博士的私人和社交朋友。博士凭借他明智的优雅，对他产生了某种影响。但就原则而言，韦尔根伯爵是一位暴君。
The situation of Dr. Franklin, as Minister from America to France, should be taken into the chain of circumstances.
富兰克林博士作为美国驻法国公使的情况应该考虑到这一连串的情况。
The diplomatic character is of itself the narrowest sphere of society that man can act in.
外交性质本身就是人类所能活动的最狭窄的社会范围。
It forbids intercourse by the reciprocity of suspicion; and a diplomatic is a sort of unconnected atom, continually repelling and repelled.
它禁止相互怀疑的交往；外交官就像是一种不相连的原子，不断地排斥和排斥。
But this was not the case with Dr. Franklin.
但富兰克林博士的情况并非如此。
He was not the diplomatic of a Court, but of Man.
他不是宫廷的外交官，而是人类的外交官。
His character as a philosopher had been long established, and his circle of society in France was universal.
他作为哲学家的性格早已确立，他在法国的社交圈子也具有普遍性。
Count Vergennes resisted for a considerable time the publication in France of American constitutions, translated into the French language: but even in this he was obliged to give way to public opinion, and a sort of propriety in admitting to appear what he had undertaken to defend.
维尔根尼斯伯爵在相当长的一段时间里一直抵制在法国出版被翻译成法语的美国宪法：但即便如此，他也不得不屈服于公众舆论，并且承认出现了他所承诺捍卫的东西，这是一种适当的做法。
The American constitutions were to liberty what a grammar is to language: they define its parts of speech, and practically construct them into syntax.
美国宪法之于自由就像语法之于语言：它们定义了词类，并实际上将它们构建为句法。
The peculiar situation of the then Marquis de la Fayette is another link in the great chain.
当时的拉斐特侯爵的特殊处境是这个大链条中的另一个环节。
He served in America as an American officer under a commission of Congress, and by the universality of his acquaintance was in close friendship with the civil government of America, as well as with the military line.
他在美国担任国会委托下的美国军官，由于他的广泛熟识，他与美国的民政政府以及军事路线保持着密切的友谊。
He spoke the language of the country, entered into the discussions on the principles of government, and was always a welcome friend at any election.
他讲该国的语言，参与有关政府原则的讨论，并且在任何选举中始终是受欢迎的朋友。
When the war closed, a vast reinforcement to the cause of Liberty spread itself over France, by the return of the French officers and soldiers.
战争结束后，法国军官和士兵的回归，对自由事业的巨大支持在法国蔓延开来。
A knowledge of the practice was then joined to the theory; and all that was wanting to give it real existence was opportunity.
然后将实践知识与理论结合起来。想要让它真正存在的只是机会。
Man cannot, properly speaking, make circumstances for his purpose, but he always has it in his power to improve them when they occur, and this was the case in France.
正确地说，人不能为自己的目的创造环境，但当环境发生时，他总是有能力改善环境，法国就是这种情况。
M.
M。
Neckar was displaced in May, 1781; and by the ill-management of the finances afterwards, and particularly during the extravagant administration of M.
1781 年 5 月，内卡流离失所。以及后来的财政管理不善，特别是在M.的奢侈管理期间。
Calonne, the revenue of France, which was nearly twenty-four millions sterling per year, was become unequal to the expenditure, not because the revenue had decreased, but because the expenses had increased; and this was a circumstance which the nation laid hold of to bring forward a Revolution.
卡洛纳说，法国每年近两千四百万英镑的收入变得与支出不相等，不是因为收入减少，而是因为支出增加；正是在这种情况下，国家抓住了发动革命的机会。
The English Minister, Mr. Pitt, has frequently alluded to the state of the French finances in his budgets, without understanding the subject.
英国大臣皮特先生经常在其预算中提及法国的财政状况，但他并不理解这个主题。
Had the French Parliaments been as ready to register edicts for new taxes as an English Parliament is to grant them, there had been no derangement in the finances, nor yet any Revolution; but this will better explain itself as I proceed.
如果法国议会像英国议会那样准备好登记新税的法令，那么就不会出现财政混乱，也不会发生任何革命。但随着我的继续，这会更好地解释自己。
It will be necessary here to show how taxes were formerly raised in France.
这里有必要说明法国以前是如何征税的。
The King, or rather the Court or Ministry acting under the use of that name, framed the edicts for taxes at their own discretion, and sent them to the Parliaments to be registered; for until they were registered by the Parliaments they were not operative.
国王，或者更确切地说，使用该名称行事的法院或部委，自行决定制定税收法令，并将其发送给议会进行登记；因为在议会注册之前，它们无法运作。
Disputes had long existed between the Court and the Parliaments with respect to the extent of the Parliament's authority on this head.
关于议会在这方面的权力范围，法院和议会之间长期以来存在争议。
The Court insisted that the authority of Parliaments went no farther than to remonstrate or show reasons against the tax, reserving to itself the right of determining whether the reasons were well or ill-founded; and in consequence thereof, either to withdraw the edict as a matter of choice, or to order it to be unregistered as a matter of authority.
法院坚持认为，议会的权力仅限于提出抗议或提出反对税收的理由，并保留确定理由是否充分的权利；因此，要么作为选择撤回该法令，要么作为权力下令取消该法令的登记。
The Parliaments on their part insisted that they had not only a right to remonstrate, but to reject; and on this ground they were always supported by the nation.
议会则坚持认为，他们不仅有权提出抗议，而且有权拒绝。正是在这个基础上，他们一直得到国家的支持。
But to return to the order of my narrative.
还是回到我的叙述顺序吧。
M.
M。
Calonne wanted money: and as he knew the sturdy disposition of the Parliaments with respect to new taxes, he ingeniously sought either to approach them by a more gentle means than that of direct authority, or to get over their heads by a manoeuvre; and for this purpose he revived the project of assembling a body of men from the several provinces, under the style of an "Assembly of the Notables," or men of note, who met in 1787, and who were either to recommend taxes to the Parliaments, or to act as a Parliament themselves.
卡洛纳想要钱：而且由于他知道议会在新税方面的强硬态度，他巧妙地寻求要么通过比直接权威更温和的方式接近他们，要么通过策略来超越他们的头脑；为此，他重新启动了一项计划，以“名人大会”或知名人士的形式，召集来自多个省份的人士，于 1787 年召开会议，他们要么向议会建议征税，要么自己充当议会。
An Assembly under this name had been called in 1617.
1617 年以这个名称召开了一次议会。
As we are to view this as the first practical step towards the Revolution, it will be proper to enter into some particulars respecting it.
由于我们将其视为迈向革命的第一步，因此有必要讨论一些有关革命的细节。
The Assembly of the Notables has in some places been mistaken for the States-General, but was wholly a different body, the States-General being always by election.
名人大会在某些地方被误认为是三级会议，但实际上是一个完全不同的机构，三级会议始终是通过选举产生的。
The persons who composed the Assembly of the Notables were all nominated by the king, and consisted of one hundred and forty members.
贵族会议的组成人员全部由国王提名，共有一百四十名成员。
But as M.
但正如 M.
Calonne could not depend upon a majority of this Assembly in his favour, he very ingeniously arranged them in such a manner as to make forty-four a majority of one hundred and forty; to effect this he disposed of them into seven separate committees, of twenty members each.
卡洛纳不能指望议会中的多数人对他有利，他非常巧妙地安排了这些人，使四十四人比一百四十人占多数。为了实现这一目标，他将他们分为七个独立的委员会，每个委员会有二十名成员。
Every general question was to be decided, not by a majority of persons, but by a majority of committee, and as eleven votes would make a majority in a committee, and four committees a majority of seven, M.
每个一般性问题都不是由多数人决定，而是由委员会的多数决定，因为十一张票将在一个委员会中获得多数票，而四个委员会将获得七票多数票，M.
Calonne had good reason to conclude that as forty-four would determine any general question he could not be outvoted.
卡洛纳有充分的理由得出这样的结论：由于四十四岁将决定任何一般性问题，因此他不能被击败。
But all his plans deceived him, and in the event became his overthrow.
但他的所有计划都欺骗了他，最终导致了他的失败。
The then Marquis de la Fayette was placed in the second committee, of which the Count D'Artois was president, and as money matters were the object, it naturally brought into view every circumstance connected with it.
当时的拉法耶特侯爵被安排在第二个委员会中，其中阿图瓦伯爵担任主席，由于金钱问题是目标，自然会考虑到与此相关的所有情况。
M.
M。
de la Fayette made a verbal charge against Calonne for selling crown lands to the amount of two millions of livres, in a manner that appeared to be unknown to the king.
德拉法耶特口头指控卡洛讷以 200 万里弗的价格出售王室土地，而国王似乎不知道这种方式。
The Count D'Artois (as if to intimidate, for the Bastille was then in being) asked the Marquis if he would render the charge in writing?
达图瓦伯爵（好像是为了恐吓，因为当时巴士底狱还存在）问侯爵是否愿意以书面形式提出指控？
He replied that he would.
他回答说他会的。
The Count D'Artois did not demand it, but brought a message from the king to that purport.
达图瓦伯爵并没有提出要求，而是带来了国王的口信。
M.
M。
de la Fayette then delivered in his charge in writing, to be given to the king, undertaking to support it.
德拉法耶特随后以书面形式向国王递交了他的委托书，并承诺支持该计划。
No farther proceedings were had upon this affair, but M.
此事没有进一步审理，但 M.
Calonne was soon after dismissed by the king and set off to England.
卡洛纳不久后就被国王解雇并前往英格兰。
As M.
作为M。
de la Fayette, from the experience of what he had seen in America, was better acquainted with the science of civil government than the generality of the members who composed the Assembly of the Notables could then be, the brunt of the business fell considerably to his share.
从他在美国所见所闻的经验来看，德拉法耶特对公民政府的科学的了解比组成名人议会的一般成员还要熟悉，因此事务的首当其冲就落在了他的份上。
The plan of those who had a constitution in view was to contend with the Court on the ground of taxes, and some of them openly professed their object.
那些考虑制定宪法的人的计划是以税收为由与法院抗衡，其中一些人公开宣称了他们的目标。
Disputes frequently arose between Count D'Artois and M.
达图瓦伯爵和M.之间经常发生争执。
de la Fayette upon various subjects.
德拉费耶特就各种主题进行了讨论。
With respect to the arrears already incurred the latter proposed to remedy them by accommodating the expenses to the revenue instead of the revenue to the expenses; and as objects of reform he proposed to abolish the Bastille and all the State prisons throughout the nation (the keeping of which was attended with great expense), and to suppress Lettres de Cachet; but those matters were not then much attended to, and with respect to Lettres de Cachet, a majority of the Nobles appeared to be in favour of them.
对于已经发生的欠款，后者建议通过将支出纳入收入而不是将收入纳入支出来弥补；作为改革的目标，他提议废除巴士底狱和全国所有的国家监狱（这些监狱的维护花费了巨大的费用），并镇压了《Lettres de Cachet》；但这些问题当时并没有受到太多关注，而且就《圣书信》而言，大多数贵族似乎都赞成它们。
On the subject of supplying the Treasury by new taxes the Assembly declined taking the matter on themselves, concurring in the opinion that they had not authority.
关于向国库征收新税的问题，议会拒绝自行处理此事，认为他们没有权力。
In a debate on this subject M.
在关于这个主题的辩论中，M.
de la Fayette said that raising money by taxes could only be done by a National Assembly, freely elected by the people, and acting as their representatives.
德拉法耶特表示，通过税收筹集资金只能由人民自由选举产生并作为人民代表的国民议会来完成。
Do you mean, said the Count D'Artois, the States-General?
你的意思是，三级会议阿图瓦伯爵说？
M.
M。
de la Fayette replied that he did.
德拉斐特回答说他做到了。
Will you, said the Count D'Artois, sign what you say to be given to the king?
达图瓦伯爵说，你愿意在你所说的交给国王的东西上签字吗？
The other replied that he would not only do this but that he would go farther, and say that the effectual mode would be for the king to agree to the establishment of a constitution.
对方回答说，他不仅会这样做，而且会走得更远，并说有效模式是国王同意制定宪法。
As one of the plans had thus failed, that of getting the Assembly to act as a Parliament, the other came into view, that of recommending.
由于其中一项计划（即让议会充当议会的计划）失败了，因此另一个计划（即建议计划）出现了。
On this subject the Assembly agreed to recommend two new taxes to be unregistered by the Parliament: the one a stamp-tax and the other a territorial tax, or sort of land-tax.
在这个问题上，议会同意建议议会取消登记两种新税：一种是印花税，另一种是领土税，或某种土地税。
The two have been estimated at about five millions sterling per annum.
据估计，两者每年的收入约为 500 万英镑。
We have now to turn our attention to the Parliaments, on whom the business was again devolving.
我们现在必须把注意力转向议会，事务再次移交给议会。
The Archbishop of Thoulouse (since Archbishop of Sens, and now a Cardinal), was appointed to the administration of the finances soon after the dismission of Calonne.
卡洛纳被解职后不久，图卢兹大主教（原桑斯大主教，现为红衣主教）被任命负责财政管理。
He was also made Prime Minister, an office that did not always exist in France.
他还被任命为总理，这一职位在法国并不总是存在。
When this office did not exist, the chief of each of the principal departments transacted business immediately with the King, but when a Prime Minister was appointed they did business only with him.
当这个办公室不存在时，各主要部门的负责人立即与国王处理事务，但当任命首相时，他们只与国王处理事务。
The Archbishop arrived to more state authority than any minister since the Duke de Choiseul, and the nation was strongly disposed in his favour; but by a line of conduct scarcely to be accounted for he perverted every opportunity, turned out a despot, and sunk into disgrace, and a Cardinal.
自舒瓦瑟尔公爵以来，大主教获得的国家权力比任何一位大臣都多，全国人民都强烈支持他。但由于他的行为几乎无法解释，他滥用了一切机会，变成了一个暴君，并陷入了耻辱，成为了一名红衣主教。
The Assembly of the Notables having broken up, the minister sent the edicts for the two new taxes recommended by the Assembly to the Parliaments to be unregistered.
贵族议会解散后，部长向议会发出了关于议会建议的两项新税不予登记的法令。
They of course came first before the Parliament of Paris, who returned for answer: "that with such a revenue as the nation then supported the name of taxes ought not to be mentioned but for the purpose of reducing them"; and threw both the edicts out.*[8] On this refusal the Parliament was ordered to Versailles, where, in the usual form, the King held what under the old government was called a Bed of justice; and the two edicts were unregistered in presence of the Parliament by an order of State, in the manner mentioned, earlier.
当然，他们首先向巴黎议会提出了要求，后者返回寻求答复：“以当时国家支持的税收名义，不应该提及税收的名称，而是为了减少税收”； *[8] 由于拒绝，议会被命令前往凡尔赛，按照通常的形式，国王在那里拥有旧政府下所谓的“正义之床”；这两项法令均未根据国家命令以前面提到的方式在议会进行登记。
On this the Parliament immediately returned to Paris, renewed their session in form, and ordered the enregistering to be struck out, declaring that everything done at Versailles was illegal.
对此，议会立即返回巴黎，重新举行会议，并下令取消登记，宣布凡尔赛宫所做的一切都是非法的。
All the members of the Parliament were then served with Lettres de Cachet, and exiled to Troyes; but as they continued as inflexible in exile as before, and as vengeance did not supply the place of taxes, they were after a short time recalled to Paris.
随后，所有议会成员都被授予了Lettres de Cachet，并被流放到特鲁瓦。但由于他们在流亡中一如既往地顽固不化，而且复仇并不能代替纳税，所以不久之后他们就被召回巴黎。
The edicts were again tendered to them, and the Count D'Artois undertook to act as representative of the King.
法令再次递交给他们，阿图瓦伯爵承诺担任国王的代表。
For this purpose he came from Versailles to Paris, in a train of procession; and the Parliament were assembled to receive him.
为此，他乘坐列队从凡尔赛来到巴黎。议会聚集起来迎接他。
But show and parade had lost their influence in France; and whatever ideas of importance he might set off with, he had to return with those of mortification and disappointment.
但表演和游行在法国已经失去了影响力。无论他带着什么重要的想法出发，他都必须带着羞辱和失望的想法回来。
On alighting from his carriage to ascend the steps of the Parliament House, the crowd (which was numerously collected) threw out trite expressions, saying: "This is Monsieur D'Artois, who wants more of our money to spend." The marked disapprobation which he saw impressed him with apprehensions, and the word Aux armes!
当他从马车上下来，登上国会大厦的台阶时，人群（聚集了很多人）抛出了一些陈词滥调，说道：“这是达图瓦先生，他想要我们花更多的钱。”他所看到的明显的不赞成让他心中充满了忧虑，“武装”这个词给他留下了深刻的印象。
(To arms!) was given out by the officer of the guard who attended him.
（拿起武器！） 是由侍候他的警卫军官发出的。
It was so loudly vociferated, that it echoed through the avenues of the house, and produced a temporary confusion.
声音如此之大，以至于在房子的大街上回响，造成了暂时的混乱。
I was then standing in one of the apartments through which he had to pass, and could not avoid reflecting how wretched was the condition of a disrespected man.
当时我正站在他必须经过的一间公寓里，不禁想到一个不受尊重的人的处境是多么悲惨。
He endeavoured to impress the Parliament by great words, and opened his authority by saying, "The King, our Lord and Master." The Parliament received him very coolly, and with their usual determination not to register the taxes: and in this manner the interview ended.
他努力用华丽的言辞给议会留下深刻的印象，并通过说“国王，我们的主和主人”来开启他的权威。议会非常冷淡地接待了他，并像往常一样决定不登记税收：采访就这样结束了。
After this a new subject took place: In the various debates and contests which arose between the Court and the Parliaments on the subject of taxes, the Parliament of Paris at last declared that although it had been customary for Parliaments to enregister edicts for taxes as a matter of convenience, the right belonged only to the States-General; and that, therefore, the Parliament could no longer with propriety continue to debate on what it had not authority to act.
此后出现了一个新的主题：在法院和议会之间就税收问题进行的各种辩论和争论中，巴黎议会最终宣布，尽管议会习惯上为了方便而登记税收法令，但这项权利只属于三级会议；因此，议会不能再继续就其无权采取行动的问题进行辩论。
The King after this came to Paris and held a meeting with the Parliament, in which he continued from ten in the morning till about six in the evening, and, in a manner that appeared to proceed from him as if unconsulted upon with the Cabinet or Ministry, gave his word to the Parliament that the States-General should be convened.
此后，国王来到巴黎，与议会举行会议，会议从早上十点一直持续到晚上六点左右，他以一种似乎没有与内阁或内阁协商的方式向议会承诺召开三级会议。
But after this another scene arose, on a ground different from all the former.
但此后又出现了另一幕，其背景与之前的所有都不同。
The Minister and the Cabinet were averse to calling the States-General.
部长和内阁不愿意召集三级会议。
They well knew that if the States-General were assembled, themselves must fall; and as the King had not mentioned any time, they hit on a project calculated to elude, without appearing to oppose.
他们深知，如果三级会议召开，他们自己就必须垮台；正如国王在任何时候都没有提到的那样，他们想到了一个旨在逃避的计划，但没有表现出反对。
For this purpose, the Court set about making a sort of constitution itself.
为此，法院着手制定一部宪法。
It was principally the work of M.
这主要是 M 的作品。
Lamoignon, the Keeper of the Seals, who afterwards shot himself.
海豹守护者拉穆瓦尼翁随后开枪自杀。
This new arrangement consisted in establishing a body under the name of a Cour Pleniere, or Full Court, in which were invested all the powers that the Government might have occasion to make use of.
这项新安排包括建立一个名为 Cour Pleniere（合议庭）的机构，赋予政府可能有机会使用的所有权力。
The persons composing this Court were to be nominated by the King; the contended right of taxation was given up on the part of the King, and a new criminal code of laws and law proceedings was substituted in the room of the former.
该法庭的组成人员由国王提名；国王放弃了所争议的征税权，并用新的刑法典和法律程序取代了前者。
The thing, in many points, contained better principles than those upon which the Government had hitherto been administered; but with respect to the Cour Pleniere, it was no other than a medium through which despotism was to pass, without appearing to act directly from itself.
在许多方面，该法案包含了比迄今为止政府管理所依据的原则更好的原则。但就普莱尼埃而言，它只不过是专制主义得以通过的媒介，而不是直接从其自身发挥作用。
The Cabinet had high expectations from their new contrivance.
内阁对他们的新发明寄予厚望。
The people who were to compose the Cour Pleniere were already nominated; and as it was necessary to carry a fair appearance, many of the best characters in the nation were appointed among the number.
普莱尼埃法院的组成人员已经被提名；由于必须拥有漂亮的外表，许多国家最优秀的人物都被任命为其中之一。
It was to commence on May 8, 1788; but an opposition arose to it on two grounds the one as to principle, the other as to form.
计划于 1788 年 5 月 8 日开始；但有人基于两个理由对此提出反对，一是原则上的，二是形式上的。
On the ground of Principle it was contended that Government had not a right to alter itself, and that if the practice was once admitted it would grow into a principle and be made a precedent for any future alterations the Government might wish to establish: that the right of altering the Government was a national right, and not a right of Government.
根据原则，有人认为政府没有权利改变自己，如果这种做法一旦被承认，它将成为一项原则，并成为政府未来可能希望建立的任何改变的先例：改变政府的权利是一项国家权利，而不是政府的权利。
And on the ground of form it was contended that the Cour Pleniere was nothing more than a larger Cabinet.
从形式上看，人们认为普莱尼埃只不过是一个更大的内阁。
The then Duke de la Rochefoucault, Luxembourg, De Noailles, and many others, refused to accept the nomination, and strenuously opposed the whole plan.
当时的拉罗什福柯公爵、卢森堡、德诺阿耶等人拒绝接受提名，并极力反对整个计划。
When the edict for establishing this new court was sent to the Parliaments to be unregistered and put into execution, they resisted also.
当建立这个新法院的法令被送交议会未经登记并付诸执行时，议会也进行了抵制。
The Parliament of Paris not only refused, but denied the authority; and the contest renewed itself between the Parliament and the Cabinet more strongly than ever.
巴黎议会不仅拒绝了，而且否认了这一权力；议会和内阁之间的竞争比以往任何时候都更加激烈。
While the Parliament were sitting in debate on this subject, the Ministry ordered a regiment of soldiers to surround the House and form a blockade.
当议会就这一问题进行辩论时，该部命令一团士兵包围议会并形成封锁。
The members sent out for beds and provisions, and lived as in a besieged citadel: and as this had no effect, the commanding officer was ordered to enter the Parliament House and seize them, which he did, and some of the principal members were shut up in different prisons.
成员们出去寻找床铺和食物，就像住在被围困的城堡里一样：由于这没有任何效果，指挥官被命令进入议会大厦并抓住他们，他照做了，一些主要成员被关在不同的监狱里。
About the same time a deputation of persons arrived from the province of Brittany to remonstrate against the establishment of the Cour Pleniere, and those the archbishop sent to the Bastille.
大约在同一时间，一个代表团从布列塔尼省抵达，抗议普莱尼埃法院的建立，并被大主教派往巴士底狱。
But the spirit of the nation was not to be overcome, and it was so fully sensible of the strong ground it had taken--that of withholding taxes--that it contented itself with keeping up a sort of quiet resistance, which effectually overthrew all the plans at that time formed against it.
但这个国家的精神是不可战胜的，它对自己所采取的强有力的立场——预扣税款——如此充分地认识到，它满足于保持一种安静的抵抗，这实际上推翻了当时针对它制定的所有计划。
The project of the Cour Pleniere was at last obliged to be given up, and the Prime Minister not long afterwards followed its fate, and M.
普莱尼埃尔中庭的计划最终被迫放弃，不久之后首相也跟随了它的命运，M.
Neckar was recalled into office.
内卡被召回任职。
The attempt to establish the Cour Pleniere had an effect upon the nation which itself did not perceive.
建立普莱尼埃法院的尝试对这个国家产生了自己没有意识到的影响。
It was a sort of new form of government that insensibly served to put the old one out of sight and to unhinge it from the superstitious authority of antiquity.
这是一种新的政府形式，不知不觉地使旧政府消失了，并使其摆脱了古代迷信权威的束缚。
It was Government dethroning Government; and the old one, by attempting to make a new one, made a chasm.
这是政府废黜政府；旧的试图制造新的，却造成了一道鸿沟。
The failure of this scheme renewed the subject of convening the State-General; and this gave rise to a new series of politics.
这一计划的失败再次引发了召开国务会议的主题；这引发了一系列新的政治。
There was no settled form for convening the States-General: all that it positively meant was a deputation from what was then called the Clergy, the Noblesse, and the Commons; but their numbers or their proportions had not been always the same.
召开三级会议并没有固定的形式：它的积极意义只是由当时所谓的神职人员、贵族和下议院组成的代表；但它们的数量或比例并不总是相同。
They had been convened only on extraordinary occasions, the last of which was in 1614; their numbers were then in equal proportions, and they voted by orders.
他们只在特殊场合才会召开，最后一次是在 1614 年。当时他们的人数比例相等，并按命令投票。
It could not well escape the sagacity of M.
这也逃不出M的聪明才智。
Neckar, that the mode of 1614 would answer neither the purpose of the then government nor of the nation.
内卡认为 1614 年的模式既不能满足当时政府的目的，也不能满足国家的目的。
As matters were at that time circumstanced it would have been too contentious to agree upon anything.
就当时的情况而言，争论太大，无法就任何事情达成一致。
The debates would have been endless upon privileges and exemptions, in which neither the wants of the Government nor the wishes of the nation for a Constitution would have been attended to.
关于特权和豁免的辩论将是无休止的，其中政府的需要和国家对宪法的愿望都不会得到关注。
But as he did not choose to take the decision upon himself, he summoned again the Assembly of the Notables and referred it to them.
但由于他没有选择亲自做出决定，因此他再次召集了贵族会议并将其转交给他们。
This body was in general interested in the decision, being chiefly of aristocracy and high-paid clergy, and they decided in favor of the mode of 1614.
该团体主要由贵族和高薪神职人员普遍对这一决定感兴趣，他们决定支持 1614 年的模式。
This decision was against the sense of the Nation, and also against the wishes of the Court; for the aristocracy opposed itself to both and contended for privileges independent of either.
这一决定违背了国家的意愿，也违背了法院的意愿；因为贵族阶层反对两者，并争夺独立于任何一方的特权。
The subject was then taken up by the Parliament, who recommended that the number of the Commons should be equal to the other two: and they should all sit in one house and vote in one body.
随后，议会讨论了这一问题，并建议下议院的人数应与其他两院相等：并且他们都应坐在一议院并在一个机构中投票。
The number finally determined on was 1,200; 600 to be chosen by the Commons (and this was less than their proportion ought to have been when their worth and consequence is considered on a national scale), 300 by the Clergy, and 300 by the Aristocracy; but with respect to the mode of assembling themselves, whether together or apart, or the manner in which they should vote, those matters were referred.*[9]
最终确定的数量是1200个； 600人由下议院选出（这低于在全国范围内考虑其价值和影响时应有的比例），300人由神职人员选出，300人由贵族选出；但关于他们的集会方式，无论是在一起还是分开，或者他们应该投票的方式，这些事项都得到了提及。*[9]
The election that followed was not a contested election, but an animated one.
接下来的选举不是一场有争议的选举，而是一场充满活力的选举。
The candidates were not men, but principles.
候选人不是男人，而是原则。
Societies were formed in Paris, and committees of correspondence and communication established throughout the nation, for the purpose of enlightening the people, and explaining to them the principles of civil government; and so orderly was the election conducted, that it did not give rise even to the rumour of tumult.
在巴黎成立了社团，并在全国各地建立了通信和通讯委员会，目的是启发人民，并向他们解释公民政府的原则；选举进行得很有秩序，甚至没有引起骚乱的谣言。
The States-General were to meet at Versailles in April 1789, but did not assemble till May.
各国议会原定于 1789 年 4 月在凡尔赛宫举行会议，但直到 5 月才召开。
They situated themselves in three separate chambers, or rather the Clergy and Aristocracy withdrew each into a separate chamber.
他们把自己安置在三个独立的房间里，或者更确切地说，神职人员和贵族各自退到一个单独的房间里。
The majority of the Aristocracy claimed what they called the privilege of voting as a separate body, and of giving their consent or their negative in that manner; and many of the bishops and the high-beneficed clergy claimed the same privilege on the part of their Order.
大多数贵族主张他们所谓的作为一个独立团体进行投票的特权，并以这种方式表示同意或反对。许多主教和高阶神职人员也要求他们的教团享有同样的特权。
The Tiers Etat (as they were then called) disowned any knowledge of artificial orders and artificial privileges; and they were not only resolute on this point, but somewhat disdainful.
三级国家（Tiers Etat）（当时的名称）否认任何关于人为秩序和人为特权的知识；而他们在这一点上不但态度坚决，还有些不屑。
They began to consider the Aristocracy as a kind of fungus growing out of the corruption of society, that could not be admitted even as a branch of it; and from the disposition the Aristocracy had shown by upholding Lettres de Cachet, and in sundry other instances, it was manifest that no constitution could be formed by admitting men in any other character than as National Men.
他们开始把贵族视为一种从腐败社会中生长出来的真菌，甚至不能被承认为社会的一个分支；从贵族阶级通过拥护《圣书》以及其他各种例子所表现出的倾向来看，很明显，任何宪法都不能通过接纳具有非国民身份的人来制定。
After various altercations on this head, the Tiers Etat or Commons (as they were then called) declared themselves (on a motion made for that purpose by the Abbe Sieyes) "The Representative Of The Nation; and that the two Orders could be considered but as deputies of corporations, and could only have a deliberate voice when they assembled in a national character with the national representatives." This proceeding extinguished the style of Etats Generaux, or States-General, and erected it into the style it now bears, that of L'Assemblee Nationale, or National Assembly.
在围绕这个问题进行了多次争论之后，三级国家或下议院（当时的称呼）宣布自己（根据西耶斯神父为此目的提出的动议）“国家的代表；这两个骑士团只能被视为公司的代表，只有当他们以国家性质与国家代表聚集在一起时，才能有深思熟虑的声音。”这一程序废除了国家议会（Etats Generaux）的风格，并将其建立为现在的风格，即国民议会（L'Assemblee Nationale）。
This motion was not made in a precipitate manner.
这项动议并不是仓促提出的。
It was the result of cool deliberation, and concerned between the national representatives and the patriotic members of the two chambers, who saw into the folly, mischief, and injustice of artificial privileged distinctions.
这是国民代表和两院爱国议员冷静审议和关心的结果，他们看到了人为特权区分的愚蠢、恶作剧和不公正。
It was become evident, that no constitution, worthy of being called by that name, could be established on anything less than a national ground.
很明显，任何宪法都不能建立在不以国家为基础的基础上。
The Aristocracy had hitherto opposed the despotism of the Court, and affected the language of patriotism; but it opposed it as its rival (as the English Barons opposed King John) and it now opposed the nation from the same motives.
迄今为止，贵族阶层一直反对宫廷专制，并影响了爱国主义的语言。但它反对它作为其竞争对手（就像英国男爵反对约翰国王一样），现在它出于同样的动机反对这个国家。
On carrying this motion, the national representatives, as had been concerted, sent an invitation to the two chambers, to unite with them in a national character, and proceed to business.
在提出这项动议时，全国代表按照一致意见，向参众两院发出邀请，以全国性的方式与他们团结起来，继续开展工作。
A majority of the clergy, chiefly of the parish priests, withdrew from the clerical chamber, and joined the nation; and forty-five from the other chamber joined in like manner.
大多数神职人员，主要是教区牧师，退出了牧师办公室，加入了国家。另一个房间的四十五人也以同样的方式加入。
There is a sort of secret history belonging to this last circumstance, which is necessary to its explanation; it was not judged prudent that all the patriotic members of the chamber styling itself the Nobles, should quit it at once; and in consequence of this arrangement, they drew off by degrees, always leaving some, as well to reason the case, as to watch the suspected.
对于这最后一种情况，有一段秘密的历史，这是解释它所必需的。议会中所有自称为贵族的爱国议员立即退出，这被认为是不明智的。由于这种安排，他们逐渐撤离，总是留下一些人，既可以推理案件，也可以监视嫌疑人。
In a little time the numbers increased from forty-five to eighty, and soon after to a greater number; which, with the majority of the clergy, and the whole of the national representatives, put the malcontents in a very diminutive condition.
很快，人数就从四十五人增加到八十人，不久之后又增加到更多。与大多数神职人员和全体国民代表一起，使不满者处于非常微弱的境地。
The King, who, very different from the general class called by that name, is a man of a good heart, showed himself disposed to recommend a union of the three chambers, on the ground the National Assembly had taken; but the malcontents exerted themselves to prevent it, and began now to have another project in view.
国王与一般阶层非常不同，他是一个心地善良的人，他表示愿意根据国民议会的立场建议三院联合。但不满者竭尽全力阻止它，现在开始考虑另一个项目。
Their numbers consisted of a majority of the aristocratical chamber, and the minority of the clerical chamber, chiefly of bishops and high-beneficed clergy; and these men were determined to put everything to issue, as well by strength as by stratagem.
他们的成员大部分来自贵族院，少数来自教士院，主要是主教和地位高的神职人员。这些人决心不惜一切代价，不仅依靠力量，而且依靠谋略。
They had no objection to a constitution; but it must be such a one as themselves should dictate, and suited to their own views and particular situations.
他们不反对宪法；但这必须是他们自己决定的，并且适合他们自己的观点和具体情况。
On the other hand, the Nation disowned knowing anything of them but as citizens, and was determined to shut out all such up-start pretensions.
另一方面，除了作为公民之外，国家不承认对他们有任何了解，并决心将所有这些自命不凡的人拒之门外。
The more aristocracy appeared, the more it was despised; there was a visible imbecility and want of intellects in the majority, a sort of je ne sais quoi, that while it affected to be more than citizen, was less than man.
越是出现贵族，就越是受到鄙视；越是贵族，就越是受到鄙视。大多数人都表现出明显的低能和缺乏智慧，这是一种“我不知道”的感觉，虽然它假装比公民更高，但比人还低。
It lost ground from contempt more than from hatred; and was rather jeered at as an ass, than dreaded as a lion.
它失去阵地更多是因为蔑视而不是仇恨。人们像驴一样被嘲笑，而不是像狮子一样令人畏惧。
This is the general character of aristocracy, or what are called Nobles or Nobility, or rather No-ability, in all countries.
这是各国贵族的普遍特征，或者说是贵族或者贵族，或者说是无能。
The plan of the malcontents consisted now of two things; either to deliberate and vote by chambers (or orders), more especially on all questions respecting a Constitution (by which the aristocratical chamber would have had a negative on any article of the Constitution); or, in case they could not accomplish this object, to overthrow the National Assembly entirely.
不满者的计划现在包括两件事：要么通过议院（或命令）进行审议和投票，特别是在有关宪法的所有问题上（贵族议院可以对宪法的任何条款表示反对）；或者，如果他们无法实现这一目标，则完全推翻国民议会。
To effect one or other of these objects they began to cultivate a friendship with the despotism they had hitherto attempted to rival, and the Count D'Artois became their chief.
为了实现这些目标中的一个或另一个目标，他们开始与他们迄今为止试图对抗的专制主义建立起友谊，而达图瓦伯爵成为了他们的首领。
The king (who has since declared himself deceived into their measures) held, according to the old form, a Bed of Justice, in which he accorded to the deliberation and vote par tete (by head) upon several subjects; but reserved the deliberation and vote upon all questions respecting a constitution to the three chambers separately.
国王（此后宣布自己在他们的措施中受到欺骗）按照旧的形式举行了司法会议，他在其中对几个主题进行审议和投票。但将有关宪法的所有问题的审议和表决权分别保留给三院。
This declaration of the king was made against the advice of M.
国王的这一声明是不顾M.的建议而做出的。
Neckar, who now began to perceive that he was growing out of fashion at Court, and that another minister was in contemplation.
内卡现在开始意识到，他在宫廷里已经不再流行，而另一位部长正在考虑之中。
As the form of sitting in separate chambers was yet apparently kept up, though essentially destroyed, the national representatives immediately after this declaration of the King resorted to their own chambers to consult on a protest against it; and the minority of the chamber (calling itself the Nobles), who had joined the national cause, retired to a private house to consult in like manner.
由于分院会议的形式虽然基本上被破坏了，但显然仍然保留下来，因此，在国王宣布这一声明后，各国代表立即诉诸自己的议院，就对此提出的抗议进行磋商；众议院中的少数人（自称贵族）加入了国家事业，也以同样的方式退休到私人住宅进行咨询。
The malcontents had by this time concerted their measures with the court, which the Count D'Artois undertook to conduct; and as they saw from the discontent which the declaration excited, and the opposition making against it, that they could not obtain a control over the intended constitution by a separate vote, they prepared themselves for their final object--that of conspiring against the National Assembly, and overthrowing it.
此时，不满者已经与法庭协调了他们的措施，由达图瓦伯爵负责执行。当他们从该宣言激起的不满和反对它的反对派中看到，他们无法通过单独投票获得对拟订宪法的控制权时，他们为自己的最终目标做好了准备——密谋反对国民议会并推翻它。
The next morning the door of the chamber of the National Assembly was shut against them, and guarded by troops; and the members were refused admittance.
第二天早上，国民议会会议厅的大门对他们关闭，并有军队把守。并且成员被拒绝入场。
On this they withdrew to a tennis-ground in the neighbourhood of Versailles, as the most convenient place they could find, and, after renewing their session, took an oath never to separate from each other, under any circumstance whatever, death excepted, until they had established a constitution.
在此之后，他们撤退到凡尔赛附近的一个网球场，这是他们能找到的最方便的地方，并且在重新开始会议后，宣誓在任何情况下都不会彼此分离，死亡除外，直到他们制定了宪法。
As the experiment of shutting up the house had no other effect than that of producing a closer connection in the members, it was opened again the next day, and the public business recommenced in the usual place.
由于关闭房屋的实验除了使会员之间的联系更加密切之外没有其他效果，因此第二天房屋再次开放，公共事务在老地方重新开始。
We are now to have in view the forming of the new ministry, which was to accomplish the overthrow of the National Assembly.
我们现在要考虑组建新的内阁，以完成推翻国民议会的任务。
But as force would be necessary, orders were issued to assemble thirty thousand troops, the command of which was given to Broglio, one of the intended new ministry, who was recalled from the country for this purpose.
但由于需要使用武力，因此下令集结三万名军队，指挥权交给了布罗格里奥，他是拟定的新内阁成员之一，为此目的从国内召回了他。
But as some management was necessary to keep this plan concealed till the moment it should be ready for execution, it is to this policy that a declaration made by Count D'Artois must be attributed, and which is here proper to be introduced.
但是，由于需要一些管理人员来将这一计划保密，直到它准备好执行为止，因此达图瓦伯爵的一项声明必须归功于这项政策，在这里适当地介绍一下。
It could not but occur while the malcontents continued to resort to their chambers separate from the National Assembly, more jealousy would be excited than if they were mixed with it, and that the plot might be suspected.
当不满者继续诉诸与国会分开的议院时，这种情况就不能不发生，比他们混在一起会引起更多的嫉妒，而阴谋可能会受到怀疑。
But as they had taken their ground, and now wanted a pretence for quitting it, it was necessary that one should be devised.
但既然他们已经坚持了自己的立场，现在又想找个借口退出，所以有必要设计一个借口。
This was effectually accomplished by a declaration made by the Count D'Artois: "That if they took not a Part in the National Assembly, the life of the king would be endangered": on which they quitted their chambers, and mixed with the Assembly, in one body.
达图瓦伯爵发表的一项声明有效地实现了这一目标：“如果他们不参加国民议会，国王的生命将受到威胁”：他们离开了自己的房间，与议会融为一体。
At the time this declaration was made, it was generally treated as a piece of absurdity in Count D'Artois calculated merely to relieve the outstanding members of the two chambers from the diminutive situation they were put in; and if nothing more had followed, this conclusion would have been good.
在发表这一声明时，达图瓦伯爵普遍将其视为荒谬之举，其目的只是为了使两院的杰出成员摆脱他们所处的微不足道的处境；如果没有发生更多的事情，这个结论本来就很好。
But as things best explain themselves by their events, this apparent union was only a cover to the machinations which were secretly going on; and the declaration accommodated itself to answer that purpose.
但正如事情本身所发生的事件最好地解释的那样，这种表面上的结合只是秘密进行的阴谋的掩护。该宣言本身就满足了这一目的。
In a little time the National Assembly found itself surrounded by troops, and thousands more were daily arriving.
不久之后，国民议会就发现自己被军队包围了，而且每天都有数千人抵达。
On this a very strong declaration was made by the National Assembly to the King, remonstrating on the impropriety of the measure, and demanding the reason.
对此，国民议会向国王发表了非常强烈的声明，对这一措施的不当之处提出抗议，并要求说明理由。
The King, who was not in the secret of this business, as himself afterwards declared, gave substantially for answer, that he had no other object in view than to preserve the public tranquility, which appeared to be much disturbed.
正如国王后来所宣称的那样，他并不知道这件事的秘密，他给出了实质性的答复，说他除了维护似乎受到严重干扰的公共安宁之外没有其他目的。
But in a few days from this time the plot unravelled itself M.
但几天后，阴谋就败露了，M。
Neckar and the ministry were displaced, and a new one formed of the enemies of the Revolution; and Broglio, with between twenty-five and thirty thousand foreign troops, was arrived to support them.
内卡和内阁被取代，革命的敌人组成了一个新的内阁。布罗利奥带着二十五到三万外国军队赶来支援他们。
The mask was now thrown off, and matters were come to a crisis.
现在面具被撕掉了，事情陷入了危机。
The event was that in a space of three days the new ministry and their abettors found it prudent to fly the nation; the Bastille was taken, and Broglio and his foreign troops dispersed, as is already related in the former part of this work.
事件是，三天之内，新政府及其煽动者发现，飞往全国各地是明智之举。巴士底狱被占领，布罗利奥和他的外国军队被驱散，正如本书前一部分已经提到的那样。
There are some curious circumstances in the history of this short-lived ministry, and this short-lived attempt at a counter-revolution.
在这个短暂的内阁和短暂的反革命企图的历史中，有一些奇怪的情况。
The Palace of Versailles, where the Court was sitting, was not more than four hundred yards distant from the hall where the National Assembly was sitting.
法院所在的凡尔赛宫距离国民议会所在的大厅不到四百码。
The two places were at this moment like the separate headquarters of two combatant armies; yet the Court was as perfectly ignorant of the information which had arrived from Paris to the National Assembly, as if it had resided at an hundred miles distance.
此时此刻，两地就像是两支交战军队的独立司令部一样。然而，法院对从巴黎传到国民议会的信息却一无所知，就好像它是在一百英里之外一样。
The then Marquis de la Fayette, who (as has been already mentioned) was chosen to preside in the National Assembly on this particular occasion, named by order of the Assembly three successive deputations to the king, on the day and up to the evening on which the Bastille was taken, to inform and confer with him on the state of affairs; but the ministry, who knew not so much as that it was attacked, precluded all communication, and were solacing themselves how dextrously they had succeeded; but in a few hours the accounts arrived so thick and fast that they had to start from their desks and run.
当时的拉法耶特侯爵（如前所述）被选为在这一特殊场合主持国民议会，根据议会的命令，在占领巴士底狱的当天和晚上，他连续任命了三名代表国王的代表，向国王通报并与他商讨事态；但该部并不知道自己遭到了攻击，因此封锁了一切通讯，并自我安慰说他们的成功是多么巧妙。但几个小时后，收到的账目又多又快，他们不得不从办公桌上开始奔跑。
Some set off in one disguise, and some in another, and none in their own character.
有些人以一种伪装出发，有些人以另一种伪装出发，但没有一个人以自己的身份出发。
Their anxiety now was to outride the news, lest they should be stopt, which, though it flew fast, flew not so fast as themselves.
他们现在的焦虑是压倒新闻，以免他们被阻止，虽然新闻飞得很快，但没有他们飞得那么快。
It is worth remarking that the National Assembly neither pursued those fugitive conspirators, nor took any notice of them, nor sought to retaliate in any shape whatever.
值得注意的是，国会既没有追捕那些在逃的阴谋分子，也没有注意到他们，也没有寻求任何形式的报复。
Occupied with establishing a constitution founded on the Rights of Man and the Authority of the People, the only authority on which Government has a right to exist in any country, the National Assembly felt none of those mean passions which mark the character of impertinent governments, founding themselves on their own authority, or on the absurdity of hereditary succession.
国民议会致力于制定一部以人权和人民权力为基础的宪法，这是政府在任何国家有权存在的唯一权威，国民议会没有感受到那些标志着无礼政府特征的卑鄙激情，这些政府建立在自己的权威或荒谬的世袭继承之上。
It is the faculty of the human mind to become what it contemplates, and to act in unison with its object.
它是人类心灵的能力，能够成为它所思考的事物，并与它的目标一致地行动。
The conspiracy being thus dispersed, one of the first works of the National Assembly, instead of vindictive proclamations, as has been the case with other governments, was to publish a declaration of the Rights of Man, as the basis on which the new constitution was to be built, and which is here subjoined:
阴谋就这样被驱散了，国民议会的首要工作之一，不是像其他政府那样发表报复性的公告，而是发布一份《人权宣言》，作为制定新宪法的基础，在此附上：
Declaration
声明
Of The
的
Rights Of Man And Of Citizens
人权和公民权利
By The National Assembly Of France
法国国民议会
The representatives of the people of France, formed into a National Assembly, considering that ignorance, neglect, or contempt of human rights, are the sole causes of public misfortunes and corruptions of Government, have resolved to set forth in a solemn declaration, these natural, imprescriptible, and inalienable rights: that this declaration being constantly present to the minds of the members of the body social, they may be forever kept attentive to their rights and their duties; that the acts of the legislative and executive powers of Government, being capable of being every moment compared with the end of political institutions, may be more respected; and also, that the future claims of the citizens, being directed by simple and incontestable principles, may always tend to the maintenance of the Constitution, and the general happiness.
组成国民议会的法国人民代表，认为对人权的无知、忽视或蔑视是公众不幸和政府腐败的唯一原因，决定在一项庄严的声明中阐明这些自然的、不可时效的和不可剥夺的权利：使这一声明不断地出现在社会团体成员的心中，使他们永远关注自己的权利和义务；与政治机构的终结相比，政府立法和行政权力的行为每时每刻都可能受到更多尊重；而且，公民未来的诉求，在简单和无可争议的原则的指导下，可能总是倾向于维护宪法和普遍幸福。
For these reasons the National Assembly doth recognize and declare, in the presence of the Supreme Being, and with the hope of his blessing and favour, the following sacred rights of men and of citizens:
出于这些原因，国民议会在至高无上的存在下，并希望得到他的祝福和青睐，承认并宣布人类和公民的以下神圣权利：
One: Men are born, and always continue, free and equal in respect of their Rights.
一：人生来并且永远在权利方面自由和平等。
Civil distinctions, therefore, can be founded only on Public Utility.
因此，民事区别只能建立在公共事业的基础上。
Two: The end of all Political associations is the Preservation of the Natural and Imprescriptible Rights of Man; and these rights are Liberty, Property, Security, and Resistance of Oppression.
第二：所有政治结社的目的是保护自然的和不受时效限制的人权；这些权利是自由、财产、安全和抵抗压迫。
Three: The Nation is essentially the source of all Sovereignty; nor can any individual, or any body of Men, be entitled to any authority which is not expressly derived from it.
三：国家本质上是一切主权的源泉；任何个人或任何团体都无权获得未明确源自其的任何权力。
Four: Political Liberty consists in the power of doing whatever does not Injure another.
第四：政治自由在于做任何不伤害他人的事情的权力。
The exercise of the Natural Rights of every Man, has no other limits than those which are necessary to secure to every other Man the Free exercise of the same Rights; and these limits are determinable only by the Law.
每个人行使自然权利时，除了确保其他人自由行使相同权利所必需的限制外，没有其他限制；这些限制只能由法律决定。
Five: The Law ought to Prohibit only actions hurtful to Society.
五：法律应该只禁止危害社会的行为。
What is not Prohibited by the Law should not be hindered; nor should anyone be compelled to that which the Law does not Require.
法律未禁止的，不应阻碍；也不应强迫任何人去做法律没有要求的事情。
Six: the Law is an expression of the Will of the Community.
第六：法律是社会意志的表达。
All Citizens have a right to concur, either personally or by their Representatives, in its formation.
所有公民均有权亲自或通过其代表同意其成立。
It Should be the same to all, whether it protects or punishes; and all being equal in its sight, are equally eligible to all Honours, Places, and employments, according to their different abilities, without any other distinction than that created by their Virtues and talents.
无论是保护还是惩罚，对所有人都应该是一样的；在它看来，所有人都是平等的，根据他们的不同能力，都有平等的资格获得所有荣誉、地位和就业，除了他们的美德和才能所造成的区别外，没有任何其他区别。
Seven: No Man should be accused, arrested, or held in confinement, except in cases determined by the Law, and according to the forms which it has prescribed.
第七：任何人不得被指控、逮捕或监禁，除非法律规定的情况并按照法律规定的形式进行。
All who promote, solicit, execute, or cause to be executed, arbitrary orders, ought to be punished, and every Citizen called upon, or apprehended by virtue of the Law, ought immediately to obey, and renders himself culpable by resistance.
凡是提倡、征求、执行或导致执行任意命令的人都应受到惩罚，每个公民根据法律被传唤或逮捕，都应立即服从，并因抵抗而承担责任。
Eight: The Law ought to impose no other penalties but such as are absolutely and evidently necessary; and no one ought to be punished, but in virtue of a Law promulgated before the offence, and Legally applied.
第八：除了绝对和明显必要的处罚外，法律不应施加其他处罚；除非根据犯罪前颁布并合法实施的法律，否则任何人都不应受到惩罚。
Nine: Every Man being presumed innocent till he has been convicted, whenever his detention becomes indispensable, all rigour to him, more than is necessary to secure his person, ought to be provided against by the Law.
九：每个人在被定罪之前都被推定为无罪，每当他的拘留变得必不可少时，法律应禁止对他采取超出保护其人身安全所需的严厉措施。
Ten: No Man ought to be molested on account of his opinions, not even on account of his Religious opinions, provided his avowal of them does not disturb the Public Order established by the Law.
十：任何人都不应该因为他的观点而受到骚扰，甚至不能因为他的宗教观点而受到骚扰，只要他的公开表达不会扰乱法律规定的公共秩序。
Eleven: The unrestrained communication of thoughts and opinions being one of the Most Precious Rights of Man, every Citizen may speak, write, and publish freely, provided he is responsible for the abuse of this Liberty, in cases determined by the Law.
十一：思想和意见的不受限制的交流是人类最宝贵的权利之一，每个公民都可以自由地言论、写作和出版，只要他在法律规定的情况下对滥用这种自由负责。
Twelve: A Public force being necessary to give security to the Rights of Men and of Citizens, that force is instituted for the benefit of the Community and not for the particular benefit of the persons to whom it is intrusted.
十二：公共力量对于保障人权和公民权利是必要的，该力量的设立是为了社会的利益，而不是为了受托人的特殊利益。
Thirteen: A common contribution being necessary for the support of the Public force, and for defraying the other expenses of Government, it ought to be divided equally among the Members of the Community, according to their abilities.
十三：支持公共力量和支付政府其他开支所需的共同捐款，应根据共同体成员的能力平均分配。
Fourteen: every Citizen has a Right, either by himself or his Representative, to a free voice in determining the necessity of Public Contributions, the appropriation of them, and their amount, mode of assessment, and duration.
第十四条：每个公民都有权由其本人或他的代表自由表达意见，决定公共捐款的必要性、公共捐款的拨款及其数额、评估方式和期限。
Fifteen: every Community has a Right to demand of all its agents an account of their conduct.
十五：每个共同体都有权要求其所有代理人对其行为做出解释。
Sixteen: every Community in which a Separation of Powers and a Security of Rights is not Provided for, wants a Constitution.
第十六条：每一个没有规定权力分立和权利保障的共同体都需要一部宪法。
Seventeen: The Right to Property being inviolable and sacred, no one ought to be deprived of it, except in cases of evident Public necessity, legally ascertained, and on condition of a previous just Indemnity.
第十七条：财产权是不可侵犯和神圣的，任何人都不应被剥夺它，除非有明显的公共必要性，经法律确定，并以先前的公正赔偿为条件。
OBSERVATIONS ON THE DECLARATION OF RIGHTS
关于《权利宣言》的意见
The first three articles comprehend in general terms the whole of a Declaration of Rights, all the succeeding articles either originate from them or follow as elucidations.
前三条概括地涵盖了整个《权利宣言》，所有后续条款要么源于它们，要么作为解释而遵循。
The 4th, 5th, and 6th define more particularly what is only generally expressed in the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd.
第四、第五和第六更具体地定义了仅在第一、第二和第三中一般表达的内容。
The 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, and 11th articles are declaratory of principles upon which laws shall be constructed, conformable to rights already declared.
第 7、8、9、10 和 11 条是法律制定原则的声明，与已声明的权利相一致。
But it is questioned by some very good people in France, as well as in other countries, whether the 10th article sufficiently guarantees the right it is intended to accord with; besides which it takes off from the divine dignity of religion, and weakens its operative force upon the mind, to make it a subject of human laws.
但法国以及其他国家的一些好人都质疑第十条是否充分保障了其所要遵守的权利；除此之外，它剥夺了宗教的神圣尊严，削弱了宗教对心灵的作用力，使其成为人类法律的主体。
It then presents itself to man like light intercepted by a cloudy medium, in which the source of it is obscured from his sight, and he sees nothing to reverence in the dusky ray.*[10]
然后，它呈现给人类，就像光被浑浊的介质截断一样，其中光源在他的视线中被遮挡，他在昏暗的光线中看不到任何值得尊敬的东西。*[10]
The remaining articles, beginning with the twelfth, are substantially contained in the principles of the preceding articles; but in the particular situation in which France then was, having to undo what was wrong, as well as to set up what was right, it was proper to be more particular than what in another condition of things would be necessary.
从第十二条开始的其余条款基本上包含在前述条款的原则中；但在法国当时所处的特殊情况下，既必须纠正错误，又必须建立正确的做法，因此比在其他情况下需要采取的措施更加具体是适当的。
While the Declaration of Rights was before the National Assembly some of its members remarked that if a declaration of rights were published it should be accompanied by a Declaration of Duties.
虽然《权利宣言》已提交国民议会，但一些议员表示，如果发表了《权利宣言》，则应附有《义务宣言》。
The observation discovered a mind that reflected, and it only erred by not reflecting far enough.
观察发现大脑会进行反思，但它的错误只是在于反思得不够远。
A Declaration of Rights is, by reciprocity, a Declaration of Duties also.
根据互惠原则，《权利宣言》也是《义务宣言》。
Whatever is my right as a man is also the right of another; and it becomes my duty to guarantee as well as to possess.
我作为一个人的权利也是他人的权利；保证和占有就成了我的责任。
The three first articles are the base of Liberty, as well individual as national; nor can any country be called free whose government does not take its beginning from the principles they contain, and continue to preserve them pure; and the whole of the Declaration of Rights is of more value to the world, and will do more good, than all the laws and statutes that have yet been promulgated.
前三条是自由的基础，也是个人和国家的基础；任何一个国家如果其政府不从其所包含的原则出发并继续保持它们的纯洁性，就不能被称为自由。与所有已颁布的法律和法规相比，整个《权利宣言》对世界更有价值，也更有益。
In the declaratory exordium which prefaces the Declaration of Rights we see the solemn and majestic spectacle of a nation opening its commission, under the auspices of its Creator, to establish a Government, a scene so new, and so transcendantly unequalled by anything in the European world, that the name of a Revolution is diminutive of its character, and it rises into a Regeneration of man.
在《权利宣言》序言中，我们看到了一个庄严而庄严的景象，一个国家在其造物主的主持下，开始委托建立一个政府，这是一个如此新颖的景象，是欧洲世界任何事物都无法比拟的，以至于革命的名称对其特征来说是微不足道的，它上升为人类的重生。
What are the present Governments of Europe but a scene of iniquity and oppression?
当今的欧洲政府除了充满罪恶和压迫之外，还能算什么呢？
What is that of England?
英格兰那是什么？
Do not its own inhabitants say it is a market where every man has his price, and where corruption is common traffic at the expense of a deluded people?
难道它自己的居民不说这是一个每个人都有自己的价格的市场，腐败是一种以牺牲受迷惑的人民为代价的普遍交易吗？
No wonder, then, that the French Revolution is traduced.
那么，法国大革命遭到诽谤也就不足为奇了。
Had it confined itself merely to the destruction of flagrant despotism perhaps Mr. Burke and some others had been silent.
如果它仅仅局限于摧毁公然的专制主义，伯克先生和其他一些人也许会保持沉默。
Their cry now is, "It has gone too far"--that is, it has gone too far for them.
他们现在的呼声是：“这已经太过分了”——也就是说，这对他们来说已经太过分了。
It stares corruption in the face, and the venal tribe are all alarmed.
它直面腐败，贪财的部落都惊慌失措。
Their fear discovers itself in their outrage, and they are but publishing the groans of a wounded vice.
他们的恐惧在他们的愤怒中显现出来，他们只是在发表受伤恶习的呻吟声。
But from such opposition the French Revolution, instead of suffering, receives an homage.
但在这种反对下，法国大革命非但没有遭受苦难，反而受到了致敬。
The more it is struck the more sparks it will emit; and the fear is it will not be struck enough.
敲击的次数越多，发出的火花就越多；令人担心的是它不会受到足够的打击。
It has nothing to dread from attacks; truth has given it an establishment, and time will record it with a name as lasting as his own.
它不惧怕攻击；真理已经赋予它一个根基，时间将会用一个和他自己一样持久的名字来记录它。
Having now traced the progress of the French Revolution through most of its principal stages, from its commencement to the taking of the Bastille, and its establishment by the Declaration of Rights, I will close the subject with the energetic apostrophe of M.
现在，我已经追溯了法国大革命的大部分主要阶段的进展，从它的开始到攻克巴士底狱，再到《权利宣言》的建立，我将以M. 充满活力的撇号结束这个主题。
de la Fayette, "May this great monument, raised to Liberty, serve as a lesson to the oppressor, and an example to the oppressed!"*[11]
德拉法耶特，“愿这座为自由而建的伟大纪念碑，成为压迫者的教训，成为被压迫者的榜样！”*[11]
MISCELLANEOUS CHAPTER
杂章
To prevent interrupting the argument in the preceding part of this work, or the narrative that follows it, I reserved some observations to be thrown together in a Miscellaneous Chapter; by which variety might not be censured for confusion.
为了防止打断本书前面部分的论证或后面的叙述，我保留了一些观察结果，将它们放在杂章中；通过这种方式，多样性可能不会因为混乱而受到谴责。
Mr. Burke's book is all Miscellany.
伯克先生的书全是杂项。
His intention was to make an attack on the French Revolution; but instead of proceeding with an orderly arrangement, he has stormed it with a mob of ideas tumbling over and destroying one another.
他的目的是攻击法国大革命。但他并没有进行有序的安排，而是用一大堆想法翻滚并互相摧毁来猛烈攻击。
But this confusion and contradiction in Mr. Burke's Book is easily accounted for.--When a man in a wrong cause attempts to steer his course by anything else than some polar truth or principle, he is sure to be lost.
但伯克先生书中的这种混乱和矛盾是很容易解释的。——当一个人出于错误的原因试图通过某些极端真理或原则之外的任何其他东西来引导自己的道路时，他肯定会迷失方向。
It is beyond the compass of his capacity to keep all the parts of an argument together, and make them unite in one issue, by any other means than having this guide always in view.
除了时刻关注本指南之外，他无法通过任何其他方式将论证的所有部分放在一起并统一在一个问题上。
Neither memory nor invention will supply the want of it.
记忆和发明都无法满足它的需要。
The former fails him, and the latter betrays him.
前者让他失望，后者背叛他。
Notwithstanding the nonsense, for it deserves no better name, that Mr. Burke has asserted about hereditary rights, and hereditary succession, and that a Nation has not a right to form a Government of itself; it happened to fall in his way to give some account of what Government is.
尽管伯克先生关于世袭权利和世袭继承的主张是无稽之谈，因为它不值得更好的名称，而且一个国家无权组建自己的政府；碰巧他无法解释什么是政府。
"Government," says he, "is a contrivance of human wisdom."
他说：“政府是人类智慧的发明。”
Admitting that government is a contrivance of human wisdom, it must necessarily follow, that hereditary succession, and hereditary rights (as they are called), can make no part of it, because it is impossible to make wisdom hereditary; and on the other hand, that cannot be a wise contrivance, which in its operation may commit the government of a nation to the wisdom of an idiot.
承认政府是人类智慧的发明，就必然得出这样的结论：世袭继承和世袭权利（正如它们所称的）不能成为政府的一部分，因为智慧不可能世袭；因此，政府是人类智慧的产物。另一方面，这不可能是一个明智的设计，因为它的运作可能会让一个国家的政府陷入白痴的智慧之中。
The ground which Mr. Burke now takes is fatal to every part of his cause.
伯克先生现在采取的立场对他事业的各个方面都是致命的。
The argument changes from hereditary rights to hereditary wisdom; and the question is, Who is the wisest man?
争论从遗传权利转向遗传智慧；问题是，谁是最聪明的人？
He must now show that every one in the line of hereditary succession was a Solomon, or his title is not good to be a king.
他现在必须证明世袭继承顺序中的每一个人都是所罗门王，否则他的头衔就不适合当国王。
What a stroke has Mr. Burke now made!
伯克先生现在犯下了多么大的一击啊！
To use a sailor's phrase, he has swabbed the deck, and scarcely left a name legible in the list of Kings; and he has mowed down and thinned the House of Peers, with a scythe as formidable as Death and Time.
用水手的话来说，他已经擦拭了甲板，在国王名单上几乎没有留下一个清晰的名字；他用一把像死亡和时间一样强大的镰刀砍倒了贵族院并削弱了它的实力。
But Mr. Burke appears to have been aware of this retort; and he has taken care to guard against it, by making government to be not only a contrivance of human wisdom, but a monopoly of wisdom.
但伯克先生似乎已经意识到了这种反驳。他小心翼翼地防范这种情况，使政府不仅成为人类智慧的发明，而且成为智慧的垄断。
He puts the nation as fools on one side, and places his government of wisdom, all wise men of Gotham, on the other side; and he then proclaims, and says that "Men have a Right that their Wants should be provided for by this wisdom." Having thus made proclamation, he next proceeds to explain to them what their wants are, and also what their rights are.
他把国家当作愚人放在一边，而把他的智慧政府，即哥谭所有的智者，放在另一边；然后他宣称，“人们有权利通过这种智慧来满足他们的需要。”宣布完毕后，他接下来向他们解释他们的需求是什么，以及他们的权利是什么。
In this he has succeeded dextrously, for he makes their wants to be a want of wisdom; but as this is cold comfort, he then informs them, that they have a right (not to any of the wisdom) but to be governed by it; and in order to impress them with a solemn reverence for this monopoly-government of wisdom, and of its vast capacity for all purposes, possible or impossible, right or wrong, he proceeds with astrological mysterious importance, to tell to them its powers in these words: "The rights of men in government are their advantages; and these are often in balance between differences of good; and in compromises sometimes between good and evil, and sometimes between evil and evil.
在这方面，他巧妙地取得了成功，因为他使他们的愿望变成了缺乏智慧。但由于这是冰冷的安慰，他随后告诉他们，他们有权利（不是任何智慧），但受其管辖；为了让他们对这个智慧的垄断政府及其对所有目的（可能或不可能、正确或错误）的巨大能力产生庄严的敬意，他继续以占星学的神秘重要性，用以下的话告诉他们它的力量：“人们在政府中的权利是他们的优势；这些权利往往在善的差异之间取得平衡；有时在善与恶之间，有时在恶与恶之间进行妥协。
Political reason is a computing principle; adding--subtracting--multiplying--and dividing, morally and not metaphysically or mathematically, true moral denominations."
政治理性是一种计算原理；加——减——乘——和划分，是道德上的，而不是形而上学或数学上的，真正的道德教派。”
As the wondering audience, whom Mr. Burke supposes himself talking to, may not understand all this learned jargon, I will undertake to be its interpreter.
由于伯克先生认为自己正在与之交谈的那些好奇的听众可能无法理解所有这些博学的术语，因此我将承担其翻译的职责。
The meaning, then, good people, of all this, is: That government is governed by no principle whatever; that it can make evil good, or good evil, just as it pleases.
那么，善良的人们，这一切的含义是：政府不受任何原则的约束；它是由政府主导的。它可以随心所欲地使恶变善，或使善变恶。
In short, that government is arbitrary power.
简而言之，该政府是任意权力。
But there are some things which Mr. Burke has forgotten.
但伯克先生忘记了一些事情。
First, he has not shown where the wisdom originally came from: and secondly, he has not shown by what authority it first began to act.
首先，他没有表明智慧最初来自哪里；其次，他没有表明智慧首先是根据什么权威开始发挥作用的。
In the manner he introduces the matter, it is either government stealing wisdom, or wisdom stealing government.
从他介绍此事的方式来看，要么是政府窃取智慧，要么是政府窃取智慧。
It is without an origin, and its powers without authority.
它没有起源，它的力量也没有权威。
In short, it is usurpation.
简而言之，就是篡夺。
Whether it be from a sense of shame, or from a consciousness of some radical defect in a government necessary to be kept out of sight, or from both, or from any other cause, I undertake not to determine, but so it is, that a monarchical reasoner never traces government to its source, or from its source.
无论是出于羞耻感，还是出于对政府中某些根本缺陷的认识，必须将其排除在外，或者两者兼而有之，或者出于任何其他原因，我不敢断定，但事实就是如此，君主制推理者永远不会追溯政府的根源，或从其根源。
It is one of the shibboleths by which he may be known.
这是他为人所知的口号之一。
A thousand years hence, those who shall live in America or France, will look back with contemplative pride on the origin of their government, and say, This was the work of our glorious ancestors!
一千年后，那些生活在美国或法国的人，将会怀着沉思的自豪感回顾他们政府的起源，并说：这是我们光荣祖先的杰作！
But what can a monarchical talker say?
但一个君主论者能说什么？
What has he to exult in?
他有什么值得庆幸的呢？
Alas he has nothing.
唉，他什么都没有。
A certain something forbids him to look back to a beginning, lest some robber, or some Robin Hood, should rise from the long obscurity of time and say, I am the origin.
某种东西禁止他回望起点，以免某个强盗，或者某个罗宾汉，从漫长的时间默默无闻中升起，说：“我就是起源”。
Hard as Mr. Burke laboured at the Regency Bill and Hereditary Succession two years ago, and much as he dived for precedents, he still had not boldness enough to bring up William of Normandy, and say, There is the head of the list!
尽管伯克先生两年前在《摄政法案》和《世袭继承法》中竭尽全力，尽管他竭力寻找先例，但他仍然没有足够的勇气提起诺曼底的威廉，并说：名单上的头号人物就是他！
there is the fountain of honour!
那里有荣誉之泉！
the son of a prostitute, and the plunderer of the English nation.
妓女的儿子，英国民族的掠夺者。
The opinions of men with respect to government are changing fast in all countries.
在所有国家，人们对政府的看法都在迅速变化。
The Revolutions of America and France have thrown a beam of light over the world, which reaches into man.
美国和法国的革命向世界投射了一束光，照射到人类身上。
The enormous expense of governments has provoked people to think, by making them feel; and when once the veil begins to rend, it admits not of repair.
政府的巨额开支引发了人们的思考，让他们感到；一旦面纱开始撕裂，就无法修复。
Ignorance is of a peculiar nature: once dispelled, it is impossible to re-establish it.
无知具有一种特殊的性质：一旦被消除，就不可能重新建立起来。
It is not originally a thing of itself, but is only the absence of knowledge; and though man may be kept ignorant, he cannot be made ignorant.
它原本并不是事物本身，而只是缺乏知识；尽管人可以保持无知，但他不能变得无知。
The mind, in discovering truth, acts in the same manner as it acts through the eye in discovering objects; when once any object has been seen, it is impossible to put the mind back to the same condition it was in before it saw it.
心灵发现真理的方式与通过眼睛发现物体的方式相同。一旦看到任何物体，就不可能将心恢复到看到它之前的状态。
Those who talk of a counter-revolution in France, show how little they understand of man.
那些谈论法国反革命的人表明他们对人的了解是多么的少。
There does not exist in the compass of language an arrangement of words to express so much as the means of effecting a counter-revolution.
在语言的范围内，不存在能够表达反革命手段的词语排列。
The means must be an obliteration of knowledge; and it has never yet been discovered how to make man unknow his knowledge, or unthink his thoughts.
手段必须是抹杀知识；目前还没有发现如何使人不知道他的知识，或不思考他的思想。
Mr. Burke is labouring in vain to stop the progress of knowledge; and it comes with the worse grace from him, as there is a certain transaction known in the city which renders him suspected of being a pensioner in a fictitious name.
伯克先生徒劳地试图阻止知识的进步；而且他的恩典也更糟糕，因为城里有一件众所周知的交易，使他被怀疑是一个虚构名字的养老金领取者。
This may account for some strange doctrine he has advanced in his book, which though he points it at the Revolution Society, is effectually directed against the whole nation.
这也许可以解释他在书中提出的一些奇怪的学说，尽管他将其指向革命协会，但实际上是针对整个国家的。
"The King of England," says he, "holds his crown (for it does not belong to the Nation, according to Mr. Burke) in contempt of the choice of the Revolution Society, who have not a single vote for a king among them either individually or collectively; and his Majesty's heirs each in their time and order, will come to the Crown with the same contempt of their choice, with which his Majesty has succeeded to that which he now wears."
他说：“英国国王持有他的王冠（根据伯克先生的说法，它不属于国家），蔑视革命协会的选择，而革命协会在其中无论是个人还是集体都没有一票支持国王；而国王陛下的继承人，按照他们的时间和顺序，将带着同样的蔑视他们选择的王冠，国王陛下继承了他现在所戴的王冠。”
As to who is King in England, or elsewhere, or whether there is any King at all, or whether the people choose a Cherokee chief, or a Hessian hussar for a King, it is not a matter that I trouble myself about--be that to themselves; but with respect to the doctrine, so far as it relates to the Rights of Men and Nations, it is as abominable as anything ever uttered in the most enslaved country under heaven.
至于谁是英格兰或其他地方的国王，或者到底有没有国王，或者人民是否选择切罗基酋长或黑森骠骑兵作为国王，这不是我烦恼的事情——这是他们自己的事；但就这一学说而言，就其涉及人类权利和民族权利而言，它与在天下最受奴役的国家中所说过的任何话一样令人憎恶。
Whether it sounds worse to my ear, by not being accustomed to hear such despotism, than what it does to another person, I am not so well a judge of; but of its abominable principle I am at no loss to judge.
由于不习惯听到这样的专制，这在我听来是否比在别人身上听起来更糟糕，我不太能判断；但我无法对其可恶的原则做出判断。
It is not the Revolution Society that Mr. Burke means; it is the Nation, as well in its original as in its representative character; and he has taken care to make himself understood, by saying that they have not a vote either collectively or individually.
伯克先生所说的并不是革命协会，而是革命协会。它是一个民族，无论是其原始特征还是其代表性特征；他小心翼翼地让自己被理解，说他们没有集体或个人投票权。
The Revolution Society is composed of citizens of all denominations, and of members of both the Houses of Parliament; and consequently, if there is not a right to a vote in any of the characters, there can be no right to any either in the nation or in its Parliament.
革命协会由各教派的公民和议会两院议员组成；因此，如果任何一个角色都没有投票权，那么在国家或议会中就没有任何投票权。
This ought to be a caution to every country how to import foreign families to be kings.
这对于各国如何引进外族当王应该是一个警示。
It is somewhat curious to observe, that although the people of England had been in the habit of talking about kings, it is always a Foreign House of Kings; hating Foreigners yet governed by them.--It is now the House of Brunswick, one of the petty tribes of Germany.
有点奇怪的是，尽管英国人一直有谈论国王的习惯，但它总是指“外国国王”；憎恨外国人却又受他们统治。——现在是不伦瑞克家族，德国的小部落之一。
It has hitherto been the practice of the English Parliaments to regulate what was called the succession (taking it for granted that the Nation then continued to accord to the form of annexing a monarchical branch of its government; for without this the Parliament could not have had authority to have sent either to Holland or to Hanover, or to impose a king upon the nation against its will).
迄今为止，英国议会的惯例是规范所谓的继承（理所当然地认为国家继续采用吞并其政府的君主制分支的形式；因为如果没有这一点，议会就无权派往荷兰或汉诺威，或违背国家的意愿将国王强加给国家）。
And this must be the utmost limit to which Parliament can go upon this case; but the right of the Nation goes to the whole case, because it has the right of changing its whole form of government.
这一定是议会可以处理此案的最大限度；但国家的权利涉及整个案件，因为它有权改变其整个政府形式。
The right of a Parliament is only a right in trust, a right by delegation, and that but from a very small part of the Nation; and one of its Houses has not even this.
议会的权利只是信托的权利，代表的权利，而且只是来自国家的极小部分；它的一所房子甚至没有这个。
But the right of the Nation is an original right, as universal as taxation.
但民族权利是一项原始权利，就像税收一样普遍。
The nation is the paymaster of everything, and everything must conform to its general will.
国家是一切事物的主人，一切事物都必须符合其普遍意志。
I remember taking notice of a speech in what is called the English House of Peers, by the then Earl of Shelburne, and I think it was at the time he was Minister, which is applicable to this case.
我记得注意到当时的谢尔本伯爵在所谓的英国贵族院的一次演讲，我想那是在他担任大臣时，这也适用于本案。
I do not directly charge my memory with every particular; but the words and the purport, as nearly as I remember, were these: "That the form of a Government was a matter wholly at the will of the Nation at all times, that if it chose a monarchical form, it had a right to have it so; and if it afterwards chose to be a Republic, it had a right to be a Republic, and to say to a King, 'We have no longer any occasion for you.'"
我不会直接记下每一个细节；但据我所知，其措辞和主旨是这样的：“政府的形式在任何时候都完全取决于国家的意愿，如果它选择君主制形式，它就有权这样做；如果它后来选择成为共和国，它就有权成为共和国，并有权对国王说，‘我们不再需要你了。’”
When Mr. Burke says that "His Majesty's heirs and successors, each in their time and order, will come to the crown with the same content of their choice with which His Majesty had succeeded to that he wears," it is saying too much even to the humblest individual in the country; part of whose daily labour goes towards making up the million sterling a-year, which the country gives the person it styles a king.
当伯克先生说“国王陛下的继承人和继承人，按照他们的时间和顺序，将带着他们选择的与国王陛下继承时所佩戴的相同的内容登上王位时，”即使对于这个国家最卑微的人来说，这也说得太过分了；他们日常劳动的一部分用于赚取每年一百万英镑，国家会向其封为国王的人提供这笔收入。
Government with insolence is despotism; but when contempt is added it becomes worse; and to pay for contempt is the excess of slavery.
政府无礼，就是专制；但如果再加上蔑视，情况就会变得更糟。而为蔑视付出代价的是过度的奴役。
This species of government comes from Germany; and reminds me of what one of the Brunswick soldiers told me, who was taken prisoner by, the Americans in the late war: "Ah!" said he, "America is a fine free country, it is worth the people's fighting for; I know the difference by knowing my own: in my country, if the prince says eat straw, we eat straw." God help that country, thought I, be it England or elsewhere, whose liberties are to be protected by German principles of government, and Princes of Brunswick!
这种政府来自德国；让我想起了一位在战争后期被美国人俘虏的不伦瑞克士兵告诉我的话：“啊！”他说：“美国是一个美好的自由国家，值得人民为之奋斗；我通过了解自己的国家来了解其中的区别：在我的国家，如果王子说吃稻草，我们就吃稻草。”我想，上帝保佑那个国家，无论是英国还是其他地方，其自由都受到德国政府原则和不伦瑞克王子的保护！
As Mr. Burke sometimes speaks of England, sometimes of France, and sometimes of the world, and of government in general, it is difficult to answer his book without apparently meeting him on the same ground.
由于伯克先生有时谈到英国，有时谈到法国，有时谈到世界，以及一般的政府，因此很难在不明显以同样的理由与他见面的情况下回答他的书。
Although principles of Government are general subjects, it is next to impossible, in many cases, to separate them from the idea of place and circumstance, and the more so when circumstances are put for arguments, which is frequently the case with Mr. Burke.
尽管政府原则是一般性主题，但在许多情况下，将它们与地点和环境的概念分开几乎是不可能的，尤其是在将环境置于争论中时更是如此，伯克先生经常遇到这种情况。
In the former part of his book, addressing himself to the people of France, he says: "No experience has taught us (meaning the English), that in any other course or method than that of a hereditary crown, can our liberties be regularly perpetuated and preserved sacred as our hereditary right." I ask Mr. Burke, who is to take them away?
在他向法国人民发表讲话的书的前一部分中，他说：“没有任何经验告诉我们（指英国人），除了世袭王位之外的任何其他途径或方法，我们的自由可以像我们的世袭权利一样得到定期永久和神圣保护。”我问伯克先生，谁来把它们带走？
M.
M。
de la Fayette, in speaking to France, says: "For a Nation to be free, it is sufficient that she wills it." But Mr. Burke represents England as wanting capacity to take care of itself, and that its liberties must be taken care of by a King holding it in "contempt." If England is sunk to this, it is preparing itself to eat straw, as in Hanover, or in Brunswick.
德拉斐特在对法国讲话时说道：“一个国家要获得自由，只要她愿意就足够了。”但伯克先生表示，英国需要有能力照顾自己，其自由必须由一位“蔑视”它的国王来照顾。如果英格兰陷入了这种境地，那么它就准备吃稻草，就像在汉诺威或不伦瑞克一样。
But besides the folly of the declaration, it happens that the facts are all against Mr. Burke.
但除了这个声明的愚蠢之外，事实上事实全都对伯克先生不利。
It was by the government being hereditary, that the liberties of the people were endangered.
由于政府是世袭的，人民的自由受到了威胁。
Charles I.
查尔斯一世
and James II.
和詹姆斯二世。
are instances of this truth; yet neither of them went so far as to hold the Nation in contempt.
是这个真理的实例；但他们都没有达到蔑视国家的程度。
As it is sometimes of advantage to the people of one country to hear what those of other countries have to say respecting it, it is possible that the people of France may learn something from Mr. Burke's book, and that the people of England may also learn something from the answers it will occasion.
由于有时听听其他国家的人民如何尊重它对一个国家的人民是有好处的，法国人民可能会从伯克先生的书中学到一些东西，而英国人民也可能会从它所提供的答案中学到一些东西。
When Nations fall out about freedom, a wide field of debate is opened.
当各国在自由问题上发生争执时，就会引发广泛的辩论。
The argument commences with the rights of war, without its evils, and as knowledge is the object contended for, the party that sustains the defeat obtains the prize.
争论从战争的权利开始，没有战争的罪恶，并且由于知识是争夺的目标，所以坚持失败的一方获得了奖品。
Mr. Burke talks about what he calls an hereditary crown, as if it were some production of Nature; or as if, like Time, it had a power to operate, not only independently, but in spite of man; or as if it were a thing or a subject universally consented to.
伯克先生谈到了他所说的世袭王冠，就好像它是大自然的产物一样。或者，就像时间一样，它不仅具有独立运作的能力，而且不受人类影响；或者就好像它是普遍同意的事物或主题。
Alas!
唉!
it has none of those properties, but is the reverse of them all.
它不具有这些属性，但却是所有这些属性的相反。
It is a thing in imagination, the propriety of which is more than doubted, and the legality of which in a few years will be denied.
这是想象中的事情，其合理性毋庸置疑，几年后其合法性就会被否认。
But, to arrange this matter in a clearer view than what general expression can heads under which (what is called) an hereditary crown, or more properly speaking, an hereditary succession to the Government of a Nation, can be considered; which are:
但是，为了比一般表述更清楚地安排这个问题，可以考虑（所谓的）世袭王位，或更准确地说，一个国家政府的世袭继承；其中：
First, The right of a particular Family to establish itself.
第一，特定家族的自立权。
Secondly, The right of a Nation to establish a particular Family.
其次，一个民族建立特定家庭的权利。
With respect to the first of these heads, that of a Family establishing itself with hereditary powers on its own authority, and independent of the consent of a Nation, all men will concur in calling it despotism; and it would be trespassing on their understanding to attempt to prove it.
对于这些元首中的第一个元首，即一个家庭以其自己的权威，以世袭权力建立自己，并且独立于一个国家的同意，所有人都会同意将其称为专制主义。试图证明这一点将侵犯他们的理解。
But the second head, that of a Nation establishing a particular Family with hereditary powers, does not present itself as despotism on the first reflection; but if men will permit it a second reflection to take place, and carry that reflection forward but one remove out of their own persons to that of their offspring, they will then see that hereditary succession becomes in its consequences the same despotism to others, which they reprobated for themselves.
但第二个头，即一个国家建立一个具有世袭权力的特定家庭的头，乍一看并不表现为专制主义；但是，如果人们允许第二次反思发生，并将这种反思从他们自己身上转移到他们的后代身上，那么他们就会看到世袭继承的后果变成了对他人的同样的专制主义，而他们自己也谴责这种专制主义。
It operates to preclude the consent of the succeeding generations; and the preclusion of consent is despotism.
它的作用是阻止子孙后代的同意；排除同意就是专制主义。
When the person who at any time shall be in possession of a Government, or those who stand in succession to him, shall say to a Nation, I hold this power in "contempt" of you, it signifies not on what authority he pretends to say it.
当一个人在任何时候拥有一个政府，或那些继承他的人，对一个国家说，我持有这个权力是因为“蔑视”你们，这并不意味着他假装凭什么权威说这句话。
It is no relief, but an aggravation to a person in slavery, to reflect that he was sold by his parent; and as that which heightens the criminality of an act cannot be produced to prove the legality of it, hereditary succession cannot be established as a legal thing.
对于一个身为奴隶的人来说，想到自己被父母卖掉了，这并不是一种解脱，而是一种恼怒。由于无法提出加剧某一行为的犯罪性的证据来证明该行为的合法性，因此世袭继承不能被确立为合法事物。
In order to arrive at a more perfect decision on this head, it will be proper to consider the generation which undertakes to establish a Family with hereditary powers, apart and separate from the generations which are to follow; and also to consider the character in which the first generation acts with respect to succeeding generations.
为了在这个问题上做出更完美的决定，应该考虑建立一个具有世袭权力的家庭的一代人，与后代分开；还要考虑第一代人相对于后代的行为特征。
The generation which first selects a person, and puts him at the head of its Government, either with the title of King, or any other distinction, acts on its own choice, be it wise or foolish, as a free agent for itself The person so set up is not hereditary, but selected and appointed; and the generation who sets him up, does not live under a hereditary government, but under a government of its own choice and establishment.
首先选出一个人并任命他为政府首脑的那一代人，无论是国王的头衔，还是任何其他荣誉，都是根据自己的选择行事，无论明智还是愚蠢，作为自己的自由代理人。如此设立的人不是世袭的，而是选择和任命的；建立他的那一代人并不生活在世袭政府之下，而是生活在他们自己选择和建立的政府之下。
Were the generation who sets him up, and the person so set up, to live for ever, it never could become hereditary succession; and of consequence hereditary succession can only follow on the death of the first parties.
如果立他的那一代人和被立他的人能够永远活下去，那么它永远不可能成为世袭的继承；因此，世袭继承只能在第一方死亡后进行。
As, therefore, hereditary succession is out of the question with respect to the first generation, we have now to consider the character in which that generation acts with respect to the commencing generation, and to all succeeding ones.
因此，对于第一代来说，世袭继承是不可能的，所以我们现在必须考虑这一代对于开始的一代以及所有后代的行为特征。
It assumes a character, to which it has neither right nor title.
它呈现出一种角色，但它既没有权利也没有头衔。
It changes itself from a Legislator to a Testator, and effects to make its Will, which is to have operation after the demise of the makers, to bequeath the Government; and it not only attempts to bequeath, but to establish on the succeeding generation, a new and different form of Government under which itself lived.
它从立法者转变为立遗嘱者，并制定遗嘱，遗赠政府，遗嘱在遗嘱制定者去世后生效；它不仅试图遗赠，而且还试图在下一代人身上建立一种新的、不同形式的政府，并在其统治下生存。
Itself, as already observed, lived not under a hereditary Government but under a Government of its own choice and establishment; and it now attempts, by virtue of a will and testament (and which it has not authority to make), to take from the commencing generation, and all future ones, the rights and free agency by which itself acted.
正如已经指出的，它本身不是生活在世袭政府的统治之下，而是生活在自己选择和建立的政府的统治之下；现在，它试图凭借遗嘱和遗嘱（它没有权力订立遗嘱），从一代人和所有未来的一代人那里夺走其自身行事的权利和自由机构。
But, exclusive of the right which any generation has to act collectively as a testator, the objects to which it applies itself in this case, are not within the compass of any law, or of any will or testament.
但是，除了任何一代人必须作为遗嘱人集体行事的权利之外，在这种情况下它所适用的对象并不在任何法律、任何遗嘱或遗嘱的范围内。
The rights of men in society, are neither devisable or transferable, nor annihilable, but are descendable only, and it is not in the power of any generation to intercept finally, and cut off the descent.
人类在社会中的权利既不可设计、不可转移，也不可消灭，而只能是可传承的，任何一代人都没有能力最终截断、切断传承。
If the present generation, or any other, are disposed to be slaves, it does not lessen the right of the succeeding generation to be free.
如果当代人或任何其他人愿意成为奴隶，这并不会减少下一代人获得自由的权利。
Wrongs cannot have a legal descent.
错误不能有法律渊源。
When Mr. Burke attempts to maintain that the English nation did at the Revolution of 1688, most solemnly renounce and abdicate their rights for themselves, and for all their posterity for ever, he speaks a language that merits not reply, and which can only excite contempt for his prostitute principles, or pity for his ignorance.
当伯克先生试图坚持英国民族在1688年革命时所做的那样，最庄严地放弃并放弃他们自己以及他们的子孙后代的权利时，他所说的语言不值得回应，而这只能激起人们对他的卖淫原则的蔑视，或对他的无知的怜悯。
In whatever light hereditary succession, as growing out of the will and testament of some former generation, presents itself, it is an absurdity.
从前一代人的遗嘱和遗嘱中产生的世袭继承，无论从何种角度来看，都是荒谬的。
A cannot make a will to take from B the property of B, and give it to C; yet this is the manner in which (what is called) hereditary succession by law operates.
A不能立遗嘱从B处夺取B的财产并将其交给C；然而，这就是（所谓的）法律世袭继承的运作方式。
A certain former generation made a will, to take away the rights of the commencing generation, and all future ones, and convey those rights to a third person, who afterwards comes forward, and tells them, in Mr. Burke's language, that they have no rights, that their rights are already bequeathed to him and that he will govern in contempt of them.
前一代人立下遗嘱，剥夺第一代人和所有未来一代人的权利，并将这些权利转让给第三人，然后第三人站出来，用伯克先生的语言告诉他们，他们没有权利，他们的权利已经遗赠给他，他将蔑视他们进行统治。
From such principles, and such ignorance, good Lord deliver the world!
愿上帝拯救世界脱离这样的原则和无知！
But, after all, what is this metaphor called a crown, or rather what is monarchy?
但是，毕竟，这个隐喻称为王冠，或者更确切地说，什么是君主制？
Is it a thing, or is it a name, or is it a fraud?
这是一个东西，还是一个名字，还是一个骗局？
Is it a "contrivance of human wisdom," or of human craft to obtain money from a nation under specious pretences?
它是“人类智慧的发明”，还是人类以华而不实的借口从一个国家获取金钱的手段？
Is it a thing necessary to a nation?
这是一个国家所必需的东西吗？
If it is, in what does that necessity consist, what service does it perform, what is its business, and what are its merits?
如果是，那么这种必要性包括什么，它提供什么服务，它的业务是什么，它的优点是什么？
Does the virtue consist in the metaphor, or in the man?
美德在于隐喻，还是在于人？
Doth the goldsmith that makes the crown, make the virtue also?
制造王冠的金匠也制造美德吗？
Doth it operate like Fortunatus's wishing-cap, or Harlequin's wooden sword?
它的运作方式是否像福尔图纳图斯的许愿帽或丑角的木剑？
Doth it make a man a conjurer?
它会让一个人成为魔术师吗？
In fine, what is it?
总之，它是什么？
It appears to be something going much out of fashion, falling into ridicule, and rejected in some countries, both as unnecessary and expensive.
它似乎已经过时了，受到嘲笑，并在一些国家被拒绝，因为既不必要又昂贵。
In America it is considered as an absurdity; and in France it has so far declined, that the goodness of the man, and the respect for his personal character, are the only things that preserve the appearance of its existence.
在美国，这被认为是荒谬的。在法国，这种观念迄今已经衰落，只有人的善良和对个人性格的尊重才能保持其存在的面貌。
If government be what Mr. Burke describes it, "a contrivance of human wisdom" I might ask him, if wisdom was at such a low ebb in England, that it was become necessary to import it from Holland and from Hanover?
如果政府如伯克先生所描述的那样，是“人类智慧的发明”，我可能会问他，英国的智慧是否处于低潮，以至于有必要从荷兰和汉诺威引进它？
But I will do the country the justice to say, that was not the case; and even if it was it mistook the cargo.
但我要公正地说，事实并非如此。即使是这样，它也弄错了货物。
The wisdom of every country, when properly exerted, is sufficient for all its purposes; and there could exist no more real occasion in England to have sent for a Dutch Stadtholder, or a German Elector, than there was in America to have done a similar thing.
每个国家的智慧如果运用得当，就足以实现其所有目的；在英国，不可能有比在美国做类似事情更真实的机会去请荷兰总督或德国选帝侯了。
If a country does not understand its own affairs, how is a foreigner to understand them, who knows neither its laws, its manners, nor its language?
如果一个国家不了解自己的事情，那么一个既不懂它的法律、它的礼仪、也不懂它的语言的外国人又如何了解它呢？
If there existed a man so transcendently wise above all others, that his wisdom was necessary to instruct a nation, some reason might be offered for monarchy; but when we cast our eyes about a country, and observe how every part understands its own affairs; and when we look around the world, and see that of all men in it, the race of kings are the most insignificant in capacity, our reason cannot fail to ask us--What are those men kept for?
如果存在一个人，其智慧超乎所有人之上，以至于他的智慧对于指导一个国家是必要的，那么君主制就有了理由；但当我们环顾一个国家，观察每个部分如何理解自己的事务时，就会发现：当我们环顾世界，发现在所有的人中，王族的能力是最微不足道的，我们的理性不能不问我们——留住这些人是为了什么？
If there is anything in monarchy which we people of America do not understand, I wish Mr. Burke would be so kind as to inform us.
如果君主制中有什么我们美国人不明白的地方，我希望伯克先生能好心地告诉我们。
I see in America, a government extending over a country ten times as large as England, and conducted with regularity, for a fortieth part of the expense which Government costs in England.
我在美国看到，一个政府覆盖了一个十倍于英国的国家，并且有规律地运作，其费用只有英国政府费用的四十分之一。
If I ask a man in America if he wants a King, he retorts, and asks me if I take him for an idiot?
如果我在美国问一个人是否想要一个国王，他会反驳，并问我是否把他视为白痴？
How is it that this difference happens?
怎么会出现这种差异呢？
are we more or less wise than others?
我们比别人更聪明还是更不聪明？
I see in America the generality of people living in a style of plenty unknown in monarchical countries; and I see that the principle of its government, which is that of the equal Rights of Man, is making a rapid progress in the world.
我在美国看到人们普遍过着君主制国家所不曾有过的富裕生活。我看到其政府的原则，即人权平等的原则，正在世界上取得迅速的进步。
If monarchy is a useless thing, why is it kept up anywhere?
如果君主制是无用的东西，为什么还要在任何地方保留它呢？
and if a necessary thing, how can it be dispensed with?
如果是必要的事情，又怎么能省略呢？
That civil government is necessary, all civilized nations will agree; but civil government is republican government.
所有文明国家都会同意，文官政府是必要的；但文官政府是共和政府。
All that part of the government of England which begins with the office of constable, and proceeds through the department of magistrate, quarter-sessions, and general assize, including trial by jury, is republican government.
英国政府的所有部分，从警察办公室开始，到地方法官部门、季度会议和总巡回审判，包括陪审团审判，都是共和政府。
Nothing of monarchy appears in any part of it, except in the name which William the Conqueror imposed upon the English, that of obliging them to call him "Their Sovereign Lord the King."
除了征服者威廉强加给英国人的名字（强迫他们称他为“他们的君主国王”）之外，它的任何部分都没有出现任何君主制的迹象。
It is easy to conceive that a band of interested men, such as Placemen, Pensioners, Lords of the bed-chamber, Lords of the kitchen, Lords of the necessary-house, and the Lord knows what besides, can find as many reasons for monarchy as their salaries, paid at the expense of the country, amount to; but if I ask the farmer, the manufacturer, the merchant, the tradesman, and down through all the occupations of life to the common labourer, what service monarchy is to him?
很容易想象，一群感兴趣的人，例如地方官员、养老金领取者、卧室的贵族、厨房的贵族、必需品的贵族，天知道除此之外，可以找到与他们以国家为代价支付的工资一样多的君主制理由；但如果我问农民、制造商、商人、商人，乃至生活中的所有职业，直至普通劳动者，君主制对他们来说有什么用处呢？
he can give me no answer.
他无法给我答案。
If I ask him what monarchy is, he believes it is something like a sinecure.
如果我问他君主制是什么，他认为这就像一种闲职。
Notwithstanding the taxes of England amount to almost seventeen millions a year, said to be for the expenses of Government, it is still evident that the sense of the Nation is left to govern itself, and does govern itself, by magistrates and juries, almost at its own charge, on republican principles, exclusive of the expense of taxes.
尽管英国每年的税收达到近一千七百万，据说是用于政府开支，但仍然明显的是，国家的意识是自我管理，并且确实由治安法官和陪审团进行自我管理，几乎由其自己负责，按照共和原则，不包括税收费用。
The salaries of the judges are almost the only charge that is paid out of the revenue.
法官的工资几乎是从收入中支付的唯一费用。
Considering that all the internal government is executed by the people, the taxes of England ought to be the lightest of any nation in Europe; instead of which, they are the contrary.
考虑到所有内部政府都是由人民执行的，英国的税收应该是欧洲国家中最轻的；相反，它们恰恰相反。
As this cannot be accounted for on the score of civil government, the subject necessarily extends itself to the monarchical part.
由于这不能从民事政府的角度来解释，因此这个主题必然延伸到君主政体部分。
When the people of England sent for George the First (and it would puzzle a wiser man than Mr. Burke to discover for what he could be wanted, or what service he could render), they ought at least to have conditioned for the abandonment of Hanover.
当英格兰人民派人去找乔治一世时（比伯克先生更聪明的人会困惑地发现他可能需要什么，或者他可以提供什么服务），他们至少应该已经做好了放弃汉诺威的条件。
Besides the endless German intrigues that must follow from a German Elector being King of England, there is a natural impossibility of uniting in the same person the principles of Freedom and the principles of Despotism, or as it is usually called in England Arbitrary Power.
除了德国选帝侯成为英格兰国王必然引发的德国阴谋之外，自然不可能将自由原则和专制主义原则（或者在英国通常称为任意权力）结合在同一个人身上。
A German Elector is in his electorate a despot; how then could it be expected that he should be attached to principles of liberty in one country, while his interest in another was to be supported by despotism?
德国选帝侯在他的选民中是一个暴君；那么，怎么能指望他在一国坚持自由原则，而在另一国却受到专制主义的支持呢？
The union cannot exist; and it might easily have been foreseen that German Electors would make German Kings, or in Mr. Burke's words, would assume government with "contempt." The English have been in the habit of considering a King of England only in the character in which he appears to them; whereas the same person, while the connection lasts, has a home-seat in another country, the interest of which is different to their own, and the principles of the governments in opposition to each other.
工会不可能存在；人们很容易预见到，德国选帝侯将成为德国国王，或者用伯克先生的话说，他们将“蔑视”地上台执政。英国人习惯于只根据英国国王在他们眼中的性格来看待他。而同一个人，在联系持续期间，却在另一个国家有自己的家乡，而这个国家的利益与自己不同，政府的原则也相互对立。
To such a person England will appear as a town-residence, and the Electorate as the estate.
对于这样的人来说，英格兰将表现为城镇住宅，而选侯国则表现为庄园。
The English may wish, as I believe they do, success to the principles of liberty in France, or in Germany; but a German Elector trembles for the fate of despotism in his electorate; and the Duchy of Mecklenburgh, where the present Queen's family governs, is under the same wretched state of arbitrary power, and the people in slavish vassalage.
英国人可能希望，正如我相信的那样，自由原则在法国或德国取得成功；但德国选帝侯却为他的选民中的专制主义命运而颤抖。现任女王家族统治的梅克伦堡公国也同样处于专制权力的悲惨状态，人民处于奴隶制的附庸状态。
There never was a time when it became the English to watch continental intrigues more circumspectly than at the present moment, and to distinguish the politics of the Electorate from the politics of the Nation.
英国人从未像现在这样更加谨慎地观察欧洲大陆的阴谋，并将选民的政治与国家的政治区分开来。
The Revolution of France has entirely changed the ground with respect to England and France, as nations; but the German despots, with Prussia at their head, are combining against liberty; and the fondness of Mr. Pitt for office, and the interest which all his family connections have obtained, do not give sufficient security against this intrigue.
法国大革命彻底改变了英国和法国作为两个国家的基础。但以普鲁士为首的德国暴君正在联合起来反对自由。皮特先生对公职的喜爱，以及他所有家庭关系所获得的利益，并不能提供足够的安全保障来防止这种阴谋。
As everything which passes in the world becomes matter for history, I will now quit this subject, and take a concise review of the state of parties and politics in England, as Mr. Burke has done in France.
由于世界上发生的一切都成为历史，我现在将退出这个话题，对英国的政党和政治状况进行简要回顾，就像伯克先生在法国所做的那样。
Whether the present reign commenced with contempt, I leave to Mr. Burke: certain, however, it is, that it had strongly that appearance.
目前的统治是否是从蔑视开始的，我让伯克先生来决定：但是，可以肯定的是，它具有强烈的那种外观。
The animosity of the English nation, it is very well remembered, ran high; and, had the true principles of Liberty been as well understood then as they now promise to be, it is probable the Nation would not have patiently submitted to so much.
人们都清楚地记得，英国民族的敌意非常高涨。而且，如果自由的真正原则当时像现在所承诺的那样得到充分理解，国家很可能不会耐心地屈服于这么多。
George the First and Second were sensible of a rival in the remains of the Stuarts; and as they could not but consider themselves as standing on their good behaviour, they had prudence to keep their German principles of government to themselves; but as the Stuart family wore away, the prudence became less necessary.
乔治一世和二世意识到斯图亚特王朝的残余势力是一个竞争对手。由于他们不得不认为自己行为良好，因此他们谨慎地保守了德国政府的原则。但随着斯图亚特家族的衰落，这种谨慎就变得不再那么必要了。
The contest between rights, and what were called prerogatives, continued to heat the nation till some time after the conclusion of the American War, when all at once it fell a calm--Execration exchanged itself for applause, and Court popularity sprung up like a mushroom in a night.
权利和所谓特权之间的斗争一直持续到美国战争结束后的一段时间，直到美国战争结束后的一段时间，全国才突然归于平静——咒骂换成了掌声，法庭上的人气如雨后春笋般涌现。
To account for this sudden transition, it is proper to observe that there are two distinct species of popularity; the one excited by merit, and the other by resentment.
为了解释这种突然的转变，有必要观察到流行有两种不同的类型：一个因功德而兴奋，另一个因怨恨而兴奋。
As the Nation had formed itself into two parties, and each was extolling the merits of its parliamentary champions for and against prerogative, nothing could operate to give a more general shock than an immediate coalition of the champions themselves.
由于国家已分成两个政党，每个政党都在赞扬其议会拥护者支持和反对特权的优点，因此没有什么比拥护者本身的直接联盟更能引起普遍震惊了。
The partisans of each being thus suddenly left in the lurch, and mutually heated with disgust at the measure, felt no other relief than uniting in a common execration against both.
双方的支持者突然陷入了困境，对这一措施感到厌恶，除了联合起来共同咒骂两者之外，没有其他的解脱。
A higher stimulus or resentment being thus excited than what the contest on prerogatives occasioned, the nation quitted all former objects of rights and wrongs, and sought only that of gratification.
比特权之争所引起的更高的刺激或怨恨由此而激起，国家放弃了所有以前的是非目标，只追求满足。
The indignation at the Coalition so effectually superseded the indignation against the Court as to extinguish it; and without any change of principles on the part of the Court, the same people who had reprobated its despotism united with it to revenge themselves on the Coalition Parliament.
对联盟的愤怒有效地取代了对法院的愤怒，以至于将其扑灭。法院的原则没有任何改变，那些谴责其专制主义的人民却与法院联合起来，向联合议会进行报复。
The case was not, which they liked best, but which they hated most; and the least hated passed for love.
情况不是他们最喜欢的，而是他们最讨厌的。最不讨厌的人也变成了爱。
The dissolution of the Coalition Parliament, as it afforded the means of gratifying the resentment of the Nation, could not fail to be popular; and from hence arose the popularity of the Court.
解散联合议会，因为它提供了满足国家怨恨的手段，因此不可能不受到欢迎。从此，法院就受到了欢迎。
Transitions of this kind exhibit a Nation under the government of temper, instead of a fixed and steady principle; and having once committed itself, however rashly, it feels itself urged along to justify by continuance its first proceeding.
这种转变表现出一个国家处于脾气暴躁的统治之下，而不是一个固定不变的原则；一旦做出承诺，无论多么鲁莽，它都会感到自己被迫继续其第一步行动，以证明其合理性。
Measures which at other times it would censure it now approves, and acts persuasion upon itself to suffocate its judgment.
以前它会谴责的措施现在却得到了批准，并说服自己窒息了自己的判断。
On the return of a new Parliament, the new Minister, Mr. Pitt, found himself in a secure majority; and the Nation gave him credit, not out of regard to himself, but because it had resolved to do it out of resentment to another.
新议会回归后，新任部长皮特先生发现自己处于绝对多数席位。国家给予他荣誉，不是出于对他自己的尊重，而是因为国家出于对他人的怨恨而决定这么做。
He introduced himself to public notice by a proposed Reform of Parliament, which in its operation would have amounted to a public justification of corruption.
他通过拟议的议会改革而引起了公众的注意，这项改革的实施相当于公开为腐败辩护。
The Nation was to be at the expense of buying up the rotten boroughs, whereas it ought to punish the persons who deal in the traffic.
国家应该以买下腐败行政区为代价，同时也应该惩罚那些从事交通交易的人。
Passing over the two bubbles of the Dutch business and the million a-year to sink the national debt, the matter which most presents itself, is the affair of the Regency.
抛开荷兰商业的两个泡沫和每年数以百万计的国债来偿还国家债务，最明显的问题是摄政王的事情。
Never, in the course of my observation, was delusion more successfully acted, nor a nation more completely deceived.
在我的观察过程中，从来没有哪个国家的欺骗行为比这更成功，也没有哪个国家被欺骗得更彻底。
But, to make this appear, it will be necessary to go over the circumstances.
但是，要使这一点显现出来，有必要回顾一下当时的情况。
Mr. Fox had stated in the House of Commons, that the Prince of Wales, as heir in succession, had a right in himself to assume the Government.
福克斯先生在下议院表示，威尔士亲王作为继承人，本身有权担任政府职务。
This was opposed by Mr. Pitt; and, so far as the opposition was confined to the doctrine, it was just.
这遭到了皮特先生的反对；而且，就反对仅限于这一学说而言，它是公正的。
But the principles which Mr. Pitt maintained on the contrary side were as bad, or worse in their extent, than those of Mr. Fox; because they went to establish an aristocracy over the nation, and over the small representation it has in the House of Commons.
但皮特先生所坚持的相反原则与福克斯先生的原则一样糟糕，甚至更糟。因为他们要在国家和下议院中建立一个贵族制。
Whether the English form of Government be good or bad, is not in this case the question; but, taking it as it stands, without regard to its merits or demerits, Mr. Pitt was farther from the point than Mr. Fox.
英国的政府形式是好是坏，在这种情况下不是问题；问题在于英国的政府形式是好是坏。但是，就目前情况而言，不考虑其优点或缺点，皮特先生比福克斯先生离题更远。
It is supposed to consist of three parts:--while therefore the Nation is disposed to continue this form, the parts have a national standing, independent of each other, and are not the creatures of each other.
它应该由三个部分组成：——因此，国家倾向于继续这种形式，但这些部分具有国家地位，彼此独立，并且不是彼此的创造物。
Had Mr. Fox passed through Parliament, and said that the person alluded to claimed on the ground of the Nation, Mr. Pitt must then have contended what he called the right of the Parliament against the right of the Nation.
如果福克斯先生通过了议会，并说那个人提到的是以国家为立场主张的，那么皮特先生一定会以他所谓的议会权利来对抗国家权利。
By the appearance which the contest made, Mr. Fox took the hereditary ground, and Mr. Pitt the Parliamentary ground; but the fact is, they both took hereditary ground, and Mr. Pitt took the worst of the two.
从这场竞赛的表现来看，福克斯先生占据了世袭席位，皮特先生占据了议会席位。但事实是，他们都采取了世袭立场，而皮特先生采取了两者中最糟糕的一个。
What is called the Parliament is made up of two Houses, one of which is more hereditary, and more beyond the control of the Nation than what the Crown (as it is called) is supposed to be.
所谓的议会由两院组成，其中一院更具世袭性，并且比王室（所谓的）更不受国家的控制。
It is an hereditary aristocracy, assuming and asserting indefeasible, irrevocable rights and authority, wholly independent of the Nation.
它是一个世袭贵族制，承担并维护不可废除、不可撤销的权利和权威，完全独立于国家。
Where, then, was the merited popularity of exalting this hereditary power over another hereditary power less independent of the Nation than what itself assumed to be, and of absorbing the rights of the Nation into a House over which it has neither election nor control?
那么，将这种世袭权力提升到另一种比其本身所想象的更不独立于国家的世袭权力，以及将国家的权利纳入一个既没有选举权也没有控制权的众议院，其受欢迎程度在哪里呢？
The general impulse of the Nation was right; but it acted without reflection.
国家的总体冲动是正确的；但它的行为却没有经过深思熟虑。
It approved the opposition made to the right set up by Mr. Fox, without perceiving that Mr. Pitt was supporting another indefeasible right more remote from the Nation, in opposition to it.
它批准了福克斯先生建立的右翼反对派，却没有意识到皮特先生正在支持另一个远离国家的不可动摇的右翼，以反对它。
With respect to the House of Commons, it is elected but by a small part of the Nation; but were the election as universal as taxation, which it ought to be, it would still be only the organ of the Nation, and cannot possess inherent rights.--When the National Assembly of France resolves a matter, the resolve is made in right of the Nation; but Mr. Pitt, on all national questions, so far as they refer to the House of Commons, absorbs the rights of the Nation into the organ, and makes the organ into a Nation, and the Nation itself into a cypher.
就下议院而言，它是由一小部分国民选举产生的；但是，即使选举像税收一样具有普遍性，它也应该只是国家的机关，而不能拥有固有的权利。但皮特先生在所有民族问题上，只要涉及下议院，就将民族的权利吸收到机关报中，使机关报成为一个国家，而使民族本身成为一个密码。
In a few words, the question on the Regency was a question of a million a-year, which is appropriated to the executive department: and Mr. Pitt could not possess himself of any management of this sum, without setting up the supremacy of Parliament; and when this was accomplished, it was indifferent who should be Regent, as he must be Regent at his own cost.
简而言之，摄政问题是每年一百万美元的问题，这笔钱划拨给行政部门：如果不建立议会的至高无上地位，皮特先生就无法拥有这笔款项的任何管理权；当这一切完成后，谁应该成为摄政王就变得无关紧要了，因为他必须付出自己的代价才能成为摄政王。
Among the curiosities which this contentious debate afforded, was that of making the Great Seal into a King, the affixing of which to an act was to be royal authority.
这场有争议的辩论引起了人们的好奇心，其中之一就是将国玺变成国王，将其附加到法案上就意味着王室的权威。
If, therefore, Royal Authority is a Great Seal, it consequently is in itself nothing; and a good Constitution would be of infinitely more value to the Nation than what the three Nominal Powers, as they now stand, are worth.
因此，如果王权是国玺，那么它本身就什么都不是。一部好的宪法对国家的价值将远远超过目前三个名义权力的价值。
The continual use of the word Constitution in the English Parliament shows there is none; and that the whole is merely a form of government without a Constitution, and constituting itself with what powers it pleases.
英国议会中不断使用宪法一词表明根本不存在宪法；整个政府只不过是一种没有宪法的政府形式，它可以随意行使权力。
If there were a Constitution, it certainly could be referred to; and the debate on any constitutional point would terminate by producing the Constitution.
如果有宪法，当然可以参考；关于任何宪法问题的辩论都将随着宪法的产生而结束。
One member says this is Constitution, and another says that is Constitution--To-day it is one thing; and to-morrow something else--while the maintaining of the debate proves there is none.
一个委员说这是宪法，另一个委员说那是宪法，今天是一回事，今天是一回事。明天还有别的事——而争论的持续证明没有什么。
Constitution is now the cant word of Parliament, tuning itself to the ear of the Nation.
宪法现在是议会的黑话，它自己调整到国家的耳朵。
Formerly it was the universal supremacy of Parliament--the omnipotence of Parliament: But since the progress of Liberty in France, those phrases have a despotic harshness in their note; and the English Parliament have catched the fashion from the National Assembly, but without the substance, of speaking of Constitution.
以前是议会的普遍至高无上——议会的无所不能；但自从自由在法国取得进展以来，这些话就带有一种专制的严厉意味；英国议会也追随国民议会的风潮，谈论宪法，但没有实质内容。
As the present generation of the people in England did not make the Government, they are not accountable for any of its defects; but, that sooner or later, it must come into their hands to undergo a constitutional reformation, is as certain as that the same thing has happened in France.
由于英国当代人民没有组建政府，因此他们不对政府的任何缺陷负责；但是，迟早，他们必须进行宪法改革，这一点是肯定的，就像法国也发生了同样的事情一样。
If France, with a revenue of nearly twenty-four millions sterling, with an extent of rich and fertile country above four times larger than England, with a population of twenty-four millions of inhabitants to support taxation, with upwards of ninety millions sterling of gold and silver circulating in the nation, and with a debt less than the present debt of England--still found it necessary, from whatever cause, to come to a settlement of its affairs, it solves the problem of funding for both countries.
如果法国的收入接近2400万英镑，其富裕肥沃的土地面积比英国大四倍以上，有2400万居民的人口来维持税收，国内流通的金银超过9000万英镑，债务低于英国目前的债务——无论出于何种原因，如果法国仍然认为有必要解决其事务，那么它就解决了两国的资金问题。
It is out of the question to say how long what is called the English constitution has lasted, and to argue from thence how long it is to last; the question is, how long can the funding system last?
根本不可能说所谓的英国宪法已经持续了多久，也无法据此论证它还能持续多久；问题是，这个资助体系还能维持多久？
It is a thing but of modern invention, and has not yet continued beyond the life of a man; yet in that short space it has so far accumulated, that, together with the current expenses, it requires an amount of taxes at least equal to the whole landed rental of the nation in acres to defray the annual expenditure.
它只是现代发明的东西，还没有延续到人类的生活之外。然而，在这么短的空间里，迄今为止积累的资金，加上当前的开支，需要至少相当于国家以英亩为单位的全部土地租金的税收才能支付年度支出。
That a government could not have always gone on by the same system which has been followed for the last seventy years, must be evident to every man; and for the same reason it cannot always go on.
每个人都清楚，政府不可能始终遵循过去七十年所遵循的相同制度。出于同样的原因，这种情况不可能一直持续下去。
The funding system is not money; neither is it, properly speaking, credit.
资助体系不是金钱，而是金钱。严格来说，它也不是信用。
It, in effect, creates upon paper the sum which it appears to borrow, and lays on a tax to keep the imaginary capital alive by the payment of interest and sends the annuity to market, to be sold for paper already in circulation.
实际上，它在纸上创造了它看似借入的金额，并征收税款，通过支付利息来保持假想资本的活力，并将年金发送到市场，以已流通的纸质出售。
If any credit is given, it is to the disposition of the people to pay the tax, and not to the government, which lays it on.
如果有任何抵免，那也是由人民缴税的，而不是由政府承担的。
When this disposition expires, what is supposed to be the credit of Government expires with it.
当这项处置到期时，政府的信用也随之到期。
The instance of France under the former Government shows that it is impossible to compel the payment of taxes by force, when a whole nation is determined to take its stand upon that ground.
前政府领导下的法国的例子表明，当整个国家都决心采取这一立场时，不可能通过武力强制纳税。
Mr. Burke, in his review of the finances of France, states the quantity of gold and silver in France, at about eighty-eight millions sterling.
伯克先生在对法国财政的回顾中指出，法国的黄金和白银数量约为八千八百万英镑。
In doing this, he has, I presume, divided by the difference of exchange, instead of the standard of twenty-four livres to a pound sterling; for M.
我认为，在这样做时，他用的是兑换差额，而不是二十四里弗兑换一英镑的标准；对于M。
Neckar's statement, from which Mr. Burke's is taken, is two thousand two hundred millions of livres, which is upwards of ninety-one millions and a half sterling.
伯克先生的声明取自内卡的声明，金额为两千二亿里弗，相当于九千一百万半英镑以上。
M.
M。
Neckar in France, and Mr. George Chalmers at the Office of Trade and Plantation in England, of which Lord Hawkesbury is president, published nearly about the same time (1786) an account of the quantity of money in each nation, from the returns of the Mint of each nation.
法国内卡和英国贸易和种植园办公室（霍克斯伯里勋爵担任主席）的乔治·查尔默斯先生几乎在同一时间（1786 年）根据各国造币厂的报表，公布了各国的货币数量。
Mr. Chalmers, from the returns of the English Mint at the Tower of London, states the quantity of money in England, including Scotland and Ireland, to be twenty millions sterling.*[12]
查默斯先生根据伦敦塔英国造币厂的申报表指出，英格兰（包括苏格兰和爱尔兰）的货币数量为两千万英镑。*[12]
M.
M。
Neckar*[13] says that the amount of money in France, recoined from the old coin which was called in, was two thousand five hundred millions of livres (upwards of one hundred and four millions sterling); and, after deducting for waste, and what may be in the West Indies and other possible circumstances, states the circulation quantity at home to be ninety-one millions and a half sterling; but, taking it as Mr. Burke has put it, it is sixty-eight millions more than the national quantity in England.
内卡*[13]说，法国用旧硬币重新铸造的货币数量为两千五亿里弗（超过一亿四百万英镑）；扣除浪费以及西印度群岛和其他可能的情况后，国内的流通量为九千一百万半英镑；但是，正如伯克先生所说，它比英国的全国数量多了六千八百万。
That the quantity of money in France cannot be under this sum, may at once be seen from the state of the French Revenue, without referring to the records of the French Mint for proofs.
法国的货币数量不可能低于这个数额，这一点从法国税务状况就可以立即看出，而无需参考法国造币厂的记录作为证明。
The revenue of France, prior to the Revolution, was nearly twenty-four millions sterling; and as paper had then no existence in France the whole revenue was collected upon gold and silver; and it would have been impossible to have collected such a quantity of revenue upon a less national quantity than M.
大革命之前，法国的收入接近两千四百万英镑；由于当时法国还没有纸币，所以所有的收入都是靠金银征收的。如果国家数量少于M，就不可能征收到如此数额的收入。
Neckar has stated.
内卡曾表示。
Before the establishment of paper in England, the revenue was about a fourth part of the national amount of gold and silver, as may be known by referring to the revenue prior to King William, and the quantity of money stated to be in the nation at that time, which was nearly as much as it is now.
在英格兰建立纸币之前，财政收入大约是全国金银总量的四分之一，这可以参考威廉国王之前的财政收入，以及当时国家的货币数量，几乎和现在一样多。
It can be of no real service to a nation, to impose upon itself, or to permit itself to be imposed upon; but the prejudices of some, and the imposition of others, have always represented France as a nation possessing but little money--whereas the quantity is not only more than four times what the quantity is in England, but is considerably greater on a proportion of numbers.
强加给自己或允许自己被强加于人，对一个国家来说并没有什么真正的帮助。但一些人的偏见和另一些人的强加，总是把法国描绘成一个拥有很少金钱的国家——而其数量不仅是英国的四倍多，而且就人数比例而言还要大得多。
To account for this deficiency on the part of England, some reference should be had to the English system of funding.
为了解释英国的这一缺陷，应该参考英国的资助制度。
It operates to multiply paper, and to substitute it in the room of money, in various shapes; and the more paper is multiplied, the more opportunities are offered to export the specie; and it admits of a possibility (by extending it to small notes) of increasing paper till there is no money left.
它的作用是增加纸张的数量，并以各种形状代替金钱。纸张数量越多，出口货币的机会就越多；并且它承认有可能（通过将其扩展到小纸币）增加纸币直到没有钱为止。
I know this is not a pleasant subject to English readers; but the matters I am going to mention, are so important in themselves, as to require the attention of men interested in money transactions of a public nature.
我知道这对英语读者来说不是一个令人愉快的话题；但我要提到的问题本身非常重要，需要对公共性质的货币交易感兴趣的人们的关注。
There is a circumstance stated by M.
M说的有一个情况。
Neckar, in his treatise on the administration of the finances, which has never been attended to in England, but which forms the only basis whereon to estimate the quantity of money (gold and silver) which ought to be in every nation in Europe, to preserve a relative proportion with other nations.
内卡在他关于财政管理的论文中，英国从未关注过该论文，但它构成了估计欧洲每个国家应该拥有的货币（黄金和白银）数量的唯一基础，以保持与其他国家的相对比例。
Lisbon and Cadiz are the two ports into which (money) gold and silver from South America are imported, and which afterwards divide and spread themselves over Europe by means of commerce, and increase the quantity of money in all parts of Europe.
里斯本和加的斯是从南美洲进口金银的两个港口，然后通过商业的方式在欧洲分裂和传播，增加了欧洲各地的货币数量。
If, therefore, the amount of the annual importation into Europe can be known, and the relative proportion of the foreign commerce of the several nations by which it can be distributed can be ascertained, they give a rule sufficiently true, to ascertain the quantity of money which ought to be found in any nation, at any given time.
因此，如果能够知道欧洲每年的进口量，并且能够确定分配这些货币的几个国家的对外贸易的相对比例，那么它们就给出了一个足够正确的规则，可以确定任何国家在任何给定时间应该找到的货币数量。
M.
M。
Neckar shows from the registers of Lisbon and Cadiz, that the importation of gold and silver into Europe, is five millions sterling annually.
内卡从里斯本和加的斯的登记册显示，欧洲每年进口的黄金和白银达五百万英镑。
He has not taken it on a single year, but on an average of fifteen succeeding years, from 1763 to 1777, both inclusive; in which time, the amount was one thousand eight hundred million livres, which is seventy-five millions sterling.*[14]
他并不是在某一年就获得此殊荣，而是从 1763 年到 1777 年（包括这两个年份）在内的连续 15 年中平均获得该荣誉。当时的金额为一千八亿里弗，即七千五百万英镑。*[14]
From the commencement of the Hanover succession in 1714 to the time Mr. Chalmers published, is seventy-two years; and the quantity imported into Europe, in that time, would be three hundred and sixty millions sterling.
从1714年汉诺威王位继承开始到查尔默斯先生发表这本书的时间，已经有七十二年了；届时，进口到欧洲的数量将达到三亿六千万英镑。
If the foreign commerce of Great Britain be stated at a sixth part of what the whole foreign commerce of Europe amounts to (which is probably an inferior estimation to what the gentlemen at the Exchange would allow) the proportion which Britain should draw by commerce of this sum, to keep herself on a proportion with the rest of Europe, would be also a sixth part which is sixty millions sterling; and if the same allowance for waste and accident be made for England which M.
如果英国的对外贸易占整个欧洲对外贸易总额的六分之一（这可能是低于交易所先生们允许的估计），那么为了保持与欧洲其他国家的比例，英国应该从这一数额的贸易中提取的比例也将是六千万英镑的六分之一；如果英格兰对浪费和事故给予同样的补贴，M.
Neckar makes for France, the quantity remaining after these deductions would be fifty-two millions; and this sum ought to have been in the nation (at the time Mr. Chalmers published), in addition to the sum which was in the nation at the commencement of the Hanover succession, and to have made in the whole at least sixty-six millions sterling; instead of which there were but twenty millions, which is forty-six millions below its proportionate quantity.
内卡运往法国，扣除这些费用后，剩余数量为五千二百万；除了汉诺威王位继承开始时国家的总金额之外，这笔金额还应该归国家所有（查尔默斯先生出版时），总共至少有六千六百万英镑；相反，只有两千万，比其相应数量少了四千六百万。
As the quantity of gold and silver imported into Lisbon and Cadiz is more exactly ascertained than that of any commodity imported into England, and as the quantity of money coined at the Tower of London is still more positively known, the leading facts do not admit of controversy.
由于进口到里斯本和加的斯的金银数量比进口到英国的任何商品的数量更能准确确定，而且伦敦塔铸造的货币数量仍然更为明确，因此主要事实不容争议。
Either, therefore, the commerce of England is unproductive of profit, or the gold and silver which it brings in leak continually away by unseen means at the average rate of about three-quarters of a million a year, which, in the course of seventy-two years, accounts for the deficiency; and its absence is supplied by paper.*[15]
因此，要么英格兰的商业没有产生利润，要么它带来的金银以每年平均约四分之三百万的速度不断地以看不见的方式流失，这在七十二年的时间里造成了短缺；其缺失由论文提供。*[15]
The Revolution of France is attended with many novel circumstances, not only in the political sphere, but in the circle of money transactions.
法国大革命伴随着许多新奇的情况，不仅在政治领域，而且在货币交易领域。
Among others, it shows that a government may be in a state of insolvency and a nation rich.
除其他外，它表明政府可能处于破产状态，而国家可能处于富裕状态。
So far as the fact is confined to the late Government of France, it was insolvent; because the nation would no longer support its extravagance, and therefore it could no longer support itself--but with respect to the nation all the means existed.
就事实而言，法国已故政府已无力偿债。因为这个国家将不再支持其奢侈浪费，因此它也无法再支持自己——但对于国家而言，一切手段都存在。
A government may be said to be insolvent every time it applies to the nation to discharge its arrears.
每当一个政府向国家申请清偿其欠款时，就可以说它已经无力偿债。
The insolvency of the late Government of France and the present of England differed in no other respect than as the dispositions of the people differ.
法国前任政府的破产与英国现在的政府破产的情况无异，只不过是人民的性格不同而已。
The people of France refused their aid to the old Government; and the people of England submit to taxation without inquiry.
法国人民拒绝向旧政府提供援助；英国人民不加询问地纳税。
What is called the Crown in England has been insolvent several times; the last of which, publicly known, was in May, 1777, when it applied to the nation to discharge upwards of L600,000 private debts, which otherwise it could not pay.
英国所谓的王室已经多次破产。最后一次众所周知的是 1777 年 5 月，当时它向国家申请免除超过 60 万英镑的私人债务，否则它就无法偿还这些债务。
It was the error of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Burke, and all those who were unacquainted with the affairs of France to confound the French nation with the French Government.
皮特先生、伯克先生以及所有不熟悉法国事务的人的错误是把法国民族与法国政府混为一谈。
The French nation, in effect, endeavoured to render the late Government insolvent for the purpose of taking government into its own hands: and it reserved its means for the support of the new Government.
事实上，法国民族竭力使已故政府破产，以便将政府掌握在自己手中：并保留了支持新政府的手段。
In a country of such vast extent and population as France the natural means cannot be wanting, and the political means appear the instant the nation is disposed to permit them.
在法国这样一个幅员辽阔、人口众多的国家，自然手段是不可能缺少的，一旦国家愿意，政治手段就会出现。
When Mr. Burke, in a speech last winter in the British Parliament, "cast his eyes over the map of Europe, and saw a chasm that once was France," he talked like a dreamer of dreams.
去年冬天，伯克先生在英国议会发表演讲时，“将目光投向欧洲地图，看到了曾经是法国的鸿沟”，他的讲话就像一位梦想家。
The same natural France existed as before, and all the natural means existed with it.
自然法国依然存在，一切自然手段也随之存在。
The only chasm was that the extinction of despotism had left, and which was to be filled up with the Constitution more formidable in resources than the power which had expired.
唯一的鸿沟是专制主义已经灭绝，而这一鸿沟需要用宪法来填补，宪法的资源比已经到期的权力更强大。
Although the French Nation rendered the late Government insolvent, it did not permit the insolvency to act towards the creditors; and the creditors, considering the Nation as the real pay-master, and the Government only as the agent, rested themselves on the nation, in preference to the Government.
尽管法兰西民族使已故政府破产，但它并不允许破产对债权人采取行动；债权人认为国家是真正的支付者，而政府只是代理人，因此他们的利益依赖于国家，而不是政府。
This appears greatly to disturb Mr. Burke, as the precedent is fatal to the policy by which governments have supposed themselves secure.
这似乎让伯克先生感到非常不安，因为这个先例对于政府自认为安全的政策来说是致命的。
They have contracted debts, with a view of attaching what is called the monied interest of a Nation to their support; but the example in France shows that the permanent security of the creditor is in the Nation, and not in the Government; and that in all possible revolutions that may happen in Governments, the means are always with the Nation, and the Nation always in existence.
他们签订了债务合同，目的是将所谓的国家货币利息附加到他们的支持上；但法国的例子表明，债权人的永久安全权在国家，而不是政府；在政府可能发生的所有可能的革命中，手段总是在国家手中，而国家总是存在的。
Mr. Burke argues that the creditors ought to have abided the fate of the Government which they trusted; but the National Assembly considered them as the creditors of the Nation, and not of the Government--of the master, and not of the steward.
伯克先生认为，债权人应该遵守他们所信任的政府的命运；但国民议会认为他们是国家的债权人，而不是政府的债权人，是主人的债权人，而不是管家的债权人。
Notwithstanding the late government could not discharge the current expenses, the present government has paid off a great part of the capital.
尽管前政府无力清偿当前开支，但现政府已偿还了很大一部分资金。
This has been accomplished by two means; the one by lessening the expenses of government, and the other by the sale of the monastic and ecclesiastical landed estates.
这是通过两种方式实现的：其一是减少政府开支，其二是出售修道院和教会的地产。
The devotees and penitent debauchees, extortioners and misers of former days, to ensure themselves a better world than that they were about to leave, had bequeathed immense property in trust to the priesthood for pious uses; and the priesthood kept it for themselves.
昔日的奉献者和悔罪的放荡者、勒索者和守财奴，为了确保自己拥有一个比他们即将离开的世界更美好的世界，他们将大量财产遗赠给神职人员用于虔诚的用途；祭司们把它据为己有。
The National Assembly has ordered it to be sold for the good of the whole nation, and the priesthood to be decently provided for.
国民议会已下令将其出售，以造福整个国家，并为神职人员提供体面的服务。
In consequence of the revolution, the annual interest of the debt of France will be reduced at least six millions sterling, by paying off upwards of one hundred millions of the capital; which, with lessening the former expenses of government at least three millions, will place France in a situation worthy the imitation of Europe.
革命的结果是，通过偿还一亿多的资本，法国债务的年利息将减少至少六百万英镑；这样一来，以前的政府开支至少减少了三百万，将使法国处于值得效仿欧洲的境地。
Upon a whole review of the subject, how vast is the contrast!
纵观整个主题，对比是多么巨大啊！
While Mr. Burke has been talking of a general bankruptcy in France, the National Assembly has been paying off the capital of its debt; and while taxes have increased near a million a year in England, they have lowered several millions a year in France.
当伯克先生一直在谈论法国的全面破产时，国民议会一直在偿还其债务资本；尽管英国的税收每年增加近百万美元，但法国的税收却每年减少数百万美元。
Not a word has either Mr. Burke or Mr. Pitt said about the French affairs, or the state of the French finances, in the present Session of Parliament.
在本届议会会议上，伯克先生和皮特先生都没有谈到法国事务或法国财政状况。
The subject begins to be too well understood, and imposition serves no longer.
这个主题开始变得太容易理解了，强加于人已不再有用。
There is a general enigma running through the whole of Mr. Burke's book.
伯克先生的整本书都有一个普遍的谜团。
He writes in a rage against the National Assembly; but what is he enraged about?
他愤怒地写信反对国民议会；但他到底在生气什么？
If his assertions were as true as they are groundless, and that France by her Revolution, had annihilated her power, and become what he calls a chasm, it might excite the grief of a Frenchman (considering himself as a national man), and provoke his rage against the National Assembly; but why should it excite the rage of Mr. Burke?
如果他的断言既真实又毫无根据，并且法国通过革命消灭了她的权力，并成为他所谓的鸿沟，那么这可能会激起一个法国人（自认为是一个民族人）的悲伤，并激起他对国民议会的愤怒；但为什么它会激起伯克先生的愤怒呢？
Alas!
唉!
it is not the nation of France that Mr. Burke means, but the Court; and every Court in Europe, dreading the same fate, is in mourning.
伯克先生所指的并不是法国国家，而是法院。欧洲的每一个法院都担心同样的命运，都在哀悼。
He writes neither in the character of a Frenchman nor an Englishman, but in the fawning character of that creature known in all countries, and a friend to none--a courtier.
他的写作既不是法国人也不是英国人的性格，而是以那种在所有国家都广为人知的生物的阿谀奉承的性格来写作，而且是一个没有朋友的朝臣。
Whether it be the Court of Versailles, or the Court of St. James, or Carlton-House, or the Court in expectation, signifies not; for the caterpillar principle of all Courts and Courtiers are alike.
无论是凡尔赛宫、圣詹姆斯宫、卡尔顿宫、还是期待中的宫廷，都表示“不”；因为所有宫廷和廷臣的毛毛虫原则都是相似的。
They form a common policy throughout Europe, detached and separate from the interest of Nations: and while they appear to quarrel, they agree to plunder.
他们在整个欧洲制定了共同政策，与各国的利益无关：虽然他们表面上在争吵，但他们却同意进行掠夺。
Nothing can be more terrible to a Court or Courtier than the Revolution of France.
对于宫廷或廷臣来说，没有什么比法国大革命更可怕的了。
That which is a blessing to Nations is bitterness to them: and as their existence depends on the duplicity of a country, they tremble at the approach of principles, and dread the precedent that threatens their overthrow.
对国家来说是福气，对他们来说却是痛苦：由于国家的存在依赖于一个国家的口是心非，因此他们对原则的临近感到颤抖，并害怕可能被推翻的先例。
CONCLUSION
结论
Reason and Ignorance, the opposites of each other, influence the great bulk of mankind.
理性与无知，彼此对立，影响着绝大多数人类。
If either of these can be rendered sufficiently extensive in a country, the machinery of Government goes easily on.
如果其中任何一个能够在一个国家得到足够广泛的应用，政府机构就会顺利运转。
Reason obeys itself; and Ignorance submits to whatever is dictated to it.
理性服从它自己；无知就会屈服于它所规定的一切。
The two modes of the Government which prevail in the world, are:
世界上流行的两种政府模式是：
First, Government by election and representation.
第一，选举和代表制政府。
Secondly, Government by hereditary succession.
其次，政府实行世袭继承制。
The former is generally known by the name of republic; the latter by that of monarchy and aristocracy.
前者通常被称为共和国；后者由君主制和贵族制组成。
Those two distinct and opposite forms erect themselves on the two distinct and opposite bases of Reason and Ignorance.--As the exercise of Government requires talents and abilities, and as talents and abilities cannot have hereditary descent, it is evident that hereditary succession requires a belief from man to which his reason cannot subscribe, and which can only be established upon his ignorance; and the more ignorant any country is, the better it is fitted for this species of Government.
这两种截然不同且对立的形式建立在理性与无知这两个截然不同且对立的基础上。——由于政府的行使需要天赋和能力，而天赋和能力不能具有世袭血统，因此，世袭继承显然需要人的一种信仰，而他的理性无法认同这种信仰，而这种信仰只能建立在他的无知之上；任何国家越无知，就越适合这种政府。
On the contrary, Government, in a well-constituted republic, requires no belief from man beyond what his reason can give.
相反，在一个组织良好的共和国中，政府不要求人们相信超出其理性所能给予的信仰。
He sees the rationale of the whole system, its origin and its operation; and as it is best supported when best understood, the human faculties act with boldness, and acquire, under this form of government, a gigantic manliness.
他看到了整个系统的基本原理、起源和运作；正如只有得到最好的理解才能得到最好的支持一样，人类的才能会大胆行动，并在这种政府形式下获得巨大的男子气概。
As, therefore, each of those forms acts on a different base, the one moving freely by the aid of reason, the other by ignorance; we have next to consider, what it is that gives motion to that species of Government which is called mixed Government, or, as it is sometimes ludicrously styled, a Government of this, that and t' other.
因此，每一种形式都在不同的基础上起作用，一种在理性的帮助下自由移动，另一种则在无知的帮助下自由移动。接下来我们要考虑的是，是什么推动了那种被称为混合政府的政府，或者有时被可笑地称为这样、那样或那样的政府。
The moving power in this species of Government is, of necessity, Corruption.
这种政府的推动力必然是腐败。
However imperfect election and representation may be in mixed Governments, they still give exercise to a greater portion of reason than is convenient to the hereditary Part; and therefore it becomes necessary to buy the reason up.
无论混合政府中的选举和代表权多么不完善，它们仍然比世袭政府更能发挥理性；因此，有必要购买理由。
A mixed Government is an imperfect everything, cementing and soldering the discordant parts together by corruption, to act as a whole.
混合政府是一个不完美的一切，它通过腐败将不和谐的部分粘合在一起，作为一个整体来行动。
Mr. Burke appears highly disgusted that France, since she had resolved on a revolution, did not adopt what he calls "A British Constitution"; and the regretful manner in which he expresses himself on this occasion implies a suspicion that the British Constitution needed something to keep its defects in countenance.
伯克先生似乎对法国既然决心进行革命却没有采用他所说的“英国宪法”感到非常反感。他这次表达自己的遗憾态度暗示着他怀疑英国宪法需要某种东西来掩盖其缺陷。
In mixed Governments there is no responsibility: the parts cover each other till responsibility is lost; and the corruption which moves the machine, contrives at the same time its own escape.
在混合政府中，没有责任：各部分相互覆盖，直到责任消失；推动机器运转的腐败，同时也设法逃脱。
When it is laid down as a maxim, that a King can do no wrong, it places him in a state of similar security with that of idiots and persons insane, and responsibility is out of the question with respect to himself.
当国王不能做错事这一格言被定为格言时，他就处于与白痴和疯子相似的安全状态，而对他自己来说，责任是不可能的。
It then descends upon the Minister, who shelters himself under a majority in Parliament, which, by places, pensions, and corruption, he can always command; and that majority justifies itself by the same authority with which it protects the Minister.
然后，它就降临到部长身上，部长将自己庇护在议会的多数席位之下，他总是可以在议会的席位、养老金和腐败方面发号施令。多数派以保护部长的同样权威来证明自己的正当性。
In this rotatory motion, responsibility is thrown off from the parts, and from the whole.
在这种旋转运动中，责任从各个部分和整体中被甩掉了。
When there is a Part in a Government which can do no wrong, it implies that it does nothing; and is only the machine of another power, by whose advice and direction it acts.
当政府中的某个部分不会做错事时，就意味着它什么也不做；它只是另一种力量的机器，它按照另一种力量的建议和指导行事。
What is supposed to be the King in the mixed Governments, is the Cabinet; and as the Cabinet is always a part of the Parliament, and the members justifying in one character what they advise and act in another, a mixed Government becomes a continual enigma; entailing upon a country by the quantity of corruption necessary to solder the parts, the expense of supporting all the forms of government at once, and finally resolving itself into a Government by Committee; in which the advisers, the actors, the approvers, the justifiers, the persons responsible, and the persons not responsible, are the same persons.
混合政府中的国王应该是内阁；由于内阁始终是议会的一部分，而成员们以一种性格为自己的建议和以另一种性格行事的行为辩护，因此混合政府成为一个持续的谜；给一个国家带来焊接零件所需的大量腐败、同时支持所有形式政府的费用，并最终将其变成一个委员会制政府；其中顾问、行动者、批准者、辩护者、责任者和非责任者是同一个人。
By this pantomimical contrivance, and change of scene and character, the parts help each other out in matters which neither of them singly would assume to act.
通过这种哑剧般的设计，以及场景和人物的改变，这些角色在他们都不会单独承担的事情上互相帮助。
When money is to be obtained, the mass of variety apparently dissolves, and a profusion of parliamentary praises passes between the parts.
当要获得金钱时，大量的多样性显然就消失了，大量的议会赞扬在各部分之间传递。
Each admires with astonishment, the wisdom, the liberality, the disinterestedness of the other: and all of them breathe a pitying sigh at the burthens of the Nation.
每个人都惊讶地钦佩对方的智慧、慷慨和无私：他们所有人都对国家的负担发出怜悯的叹息。
But in a well-constituted republic, nothing of this soldering, praising, and pitying, can take place; the representation being equal throughout the country, and complete in itself, however it may be arranged into legislative and executive, they have all one and the same natural source.
但在一个组织良好的共和国里，这种焊接、赞美和怜悯是不可能发生的；全国范围内的代表权是平等的，而且其本身是完整的，无论它如何安排在立法和行政部门，它们都有同一个自然来源。
The parts are not foreigners to each other, like democracy, aristocracy, and monarchy.
这些部分并不像民主制、贵族制和君主制那样彼此陌生。
As there are no discordant distinctions, there is nothing to corrupt by compromise, nor confound by contrivance.
由于没有不和谐的区别，因此没有什么可以通过妥协而腐败，也不会通过诡计而混淆。
Public measures appeal of themselves to the understanding of the Nation, and, resting on their own merits, disown any flattering applications to vanity.
公共措施诉诸国家的理解，并以其自身的优点为基础，拒绝任何为了虚荣心而奉承的应用。
The continual whine of lamenting the burden of taxes, however successfully it may be practised in mixed Governments, is inconsistent with the sense and spirit of a republic.
不断抱怨税收负担，无论在混合政府中实行得多么成功，都是不符合共和政体的意识和精神的。
If taxes are necessary, they are of course advantageous; but if they require an apology, the apology itself implies an impeachment.
如果需要缴税，当然是有利的；但如果他们要求道歉，道歉本身就意味着弹劾。
Why, then, is man thus imposed upon, or why does he impose upon himself?
那么，为什么人要这样被强加，或者为什么人要这样强加给自己呢？
When men are spoken of as kings and subjects, or when Government is mentioned under the distinct and combined heads of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, what is it that reasoning man is to understand by the terms?
当人们被称为国王和臣民时，或者当政府在君主制、贵族制和民主制等不同且组合的标题下提到时，理性的人应该通过这些术语来理解什么？
If there really existed in the world two or more distinct and separate elements of human power, we should then see the several origins to which those terms would descriptively apply; but as there is but one species of man, there can be but one element of human power; and that element is man himself.
如果世界上确实存在两个或多个不同且独立的人类力量要素，那么我们应该看到这些术语描述性适用的几个起源；但由于人类只有一种，人类力量也只能有一种要素。这个元素就是人本身。
Monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, are but creatures of imagination; and a thousand such may be contrived as well as three.
君主制、贵族制和民主制，都只是想象的产物。可以设计一千个这样的东西，也可以设计三个。
From the Revolutions of America and France, and the symptoms that have appeared in other countries, it is evident that the opinion of the world is changing with respect to systems of Government, and that revolutions are not within the compass of political calculations.
从美国和法国的革命以及其他国家出现的症状可以看出，世界对政府制度的看法正在发生变化，革命并不在政治算计的范围之内。
The progress of time and circumstances, which men assign to the accomplishment of great changes, is too mechanical to measure the force of the mind, and the rapidity of reflection, by which revolutions are generated: All the old governments have received a shock from those that already appear, and which were once more improbable, and are a greater subject of wonder, than a general revolution in Europe would be now.
人们认为要实现伟大变革的时间和环境的进步太过机械，无法衡量引发革命的思想力量和反思的速度：所有旧政府都受到了那些已经出现的革命的冲击，这些革命曾经比欧洲现在的全面革命更不可能，也更令人惊奇。
When we survey the wretched condition of man, under the monarchical and hereditary systems of Government, dragged from his home by one power, or driven by another, and impoverished by taxes more than by enemies, it becomes evident that those systems are bad, and that a general revolution in the principle and construction of Governments is necessary.
当我们考察在君主制和世袭政府制度下的人的悲惨境况时，他们被一种权力从家乡拖走，或被另一种权力驱使，并因税收而不是敌人而陷入贫困，很明显，这些制度是糟糕的，政府原则和建设的全面革命是必要的。
What is government more than the management of the affairs of a Nation?
政府除了管理国家事务之外还有什么意义？
It is not, and from its nature cannot be, the property of any particular man or family, but of the whole community, at whose expense it is supported; and though by force and contrivance it has been usurped into an inheritance, the usurpation cannot alter the right of things.
它不是、而且从其性质来看也不可能是任何特定个人或家庭的财产，而是整个社会的财产，并由整个社会的费用来维持；尽管通过武力和诡计，它已被篡夺为遗产，但这种篡夺并不能改变事物的权利。
Sovereignty, as a matter of right, appertains to the Nation only, and not to any individual; and a Nation has at all times an inherent indefeasible right to abolish any form of Government it finds inconvenient, and to establish such as accords with its interest, disposition and happiness.
主权作为一种权利，仅属于国家，而不属于任何个人；一个国家在任何时候都拥有固有的不可剥夺的权利，可以废除它认为不方便的任何形式的政府，并建立符合其利益、性格和幸福的政府。
The romantic and barbarous distinction of men into Kings and subjects, though it may suit the condition of courtiers, cannot that of citizens; and is exploded by the principle upon which Governments are now founded.
浪漫而野蛮地将人分为国王和臣民，尽管它可能适合朝臣的条件，但不适合公民的条件；并被现在政府赖以建立的原则所震惊。
Every citizen is a member of the Sovereignty, and, as such, can acknowledge no personal subjection; and his obedience can be only to the laws.
每个公民都是主权国家的一员，因此不能承认任何个人服从；他只能服从法律。
When men think of what Government is, they must necessarily suppose it to possess a knowledge of all the objects and matters upon which its authority is to be exercised.
当人们思考政府是什么时，他们必然会认为政府拥有对其权力行使的所有目标和事务的了解。
In this view of Government, the republican system, as established by America and France, operates to embrace the whole of a Nation; and the knowledge necessary to the interest of all the parts, is to be found in the center, which the parts by representation form: But the old Governments are on a construction that excludes knowledge as well as happiness; government by Monks, who knew nothing of the world beyond the walls of a Convent, is as consistent as government by Kings.
按照这种政府观点，美国和法国建立的共和制度涵盖了整个国家；各部分利益所必需的知识都可以在由各部分代表组成的中心中找到：但是旧政府的结构既排除了知识，也排除了幸福；僧侣们对修道院围墙之外的世界一无所知，他们的政府与国王的政府一样一致。
What were formerly called Revolutions, were little more than a change of persons, or an alteration of local circumstances.
以前所谓的革命只不过是人的改变，或者当地环境的改变。
They rose and fell like things of course, and had nothing in their existence or their fate that could influence beyond the spot that produced them.
当然，它们的兴衰就像事物一样，它们的存在或它们的命运没有任何东西可以影响它们产生的地方。
But what we now see in the world, from the Revolutions of America and France, are a renovation of the natural order of things, a system of principles as universal as truth and the existence of man, and combining moral with political happiness and national prosperity.
但是，从美国和法国的革命中，我们现在在世界上看到的是事物自然秩序的革新，是与真理和人类存在一样普遍的原则体系，并将道德与政治幸福和国家繁荣结合起来。
"I.
“我。
Men are born, and always continue, free and equal in respect of their rights.
人生来并且永远在权利方面自由和平等。
Civil distinctions, therefore, can be founded only on public utility.
因此，民事区别只能建立在公共效用的基础上。
"II.
“二。
The end of all political associations is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man; and these rights are liberty, property, security, and resistance of oppression.
所有政治结社的目的都是维护人类自然的和不可侵犯的权利；这些权利是自由、财产、安全和反抗压迫。
"III.
“三.
The nation is essentially the source of all sovereignty; nor can any Individual, or Any Body Of Men, be entitled to any authority which is not expressly derived from it."
国家本质上是一切主权的源泉；任何个人或任何团体都无权获得未明确源自其的任何权力。”
In these principles, there is nothing to throw a Nation into confusion by inflaming ambition.
在这些原则中，没有任何理由可以通过煽动野心来使一个国家陷入混乱。
They are calculated to call forth wisdom and abilities, and to exercise them for the public good, and not for the emolument or aggrandisement of particular descriptions of men or families.
它们的目的是激发智慧和能力，并为了公共利益而运用它们，而不是为了报酬或强化特定的个人或家庭。
Monarchical sovereignty, the enemy of mankind, and the source of misery, is abolished; and the sovereignty itself is restored to its natural and original place, the Nation.
君主主权——人类的敌人和痛苦的根源——被废除了；主权本身又恢复到其自然和原始的地方，即国家。
Were this the case throughout Europe, the cause of wars would be taken away.
如果整个欧洲都是这种情况，战争的根源就会消失。
It is attributed to Henry the Fourth of France, a man of enlarged and benevolent heart, that he proposed, about the year 1610, a plan for abolishing war in Europe.
法国的亨利四世是一位心地宽广、仁慈的人，他在 1610 年左右提出了一项废除欧洲战争的计划。
The plan consisted in constituting an European Congress, or as the French authors style it, a Pacific Republic; by appointing delegates from the several Nations who were to act as a Court of arbitration in any disputes that might arise between nation and nation.
该计划包括组建欧洲议会，或者用法国作家的话说，组建一个太平洋共和国；任命来自多个国家的代表，作为仲裁法院，解决国家与国家之间可能出现的任何争端。
Had such a plan been adopted at the time it was proposed, the taxes of England and France, as two of the parties, would have been at least ten millions sterling annually to each Nation less than they were at the commencement of the French Revolution.
如果这样的计划在提出时就被通过，那么英国和法国作为两个政党，每年向每个国家缴纳的税收将比法国大革命开始时至少少一千万英镑。
To conceive a cause why such a plan has not been adopted (and that instead of a Congress for the purpose of preventing war, it has been called only to terminate a war, after a fruitless expense of several years) it will be necessary to consider the interest of Governments as a distinct interest to that of Nations.
要找出这样一个计划没有被通过的原因（国会的目的不是为了防止战争，而只是为了结束战争而召开，在花费了几年毫无结果之后），有必要将政府的利益视为与国家利益不同的利益。
Whatever is the cause of taxes to a Nation, becomes also the means of revenue to Government.
无论一个国家税收的原因是什么，它也成为政府收入的手段。
Every war terminates with an addition of taxes, and consequently with an addition of revenue; and in any event of war, in the manner they are now commenced and concluded, the power and interest of Governments are increased.
每场战争都会以税收的增加而结束，从而导致收入的增加。在任何战争情况下，按照现在战争开始和结束的方式，政府的权力和利益都会增加。
War, therefore, from its productiveness, as it easily furnishes the pretence of necessity for taxes and appointments to places and offices, becomes a principal part of the system of old Governments; and to establish any mode to abolish war, however advantageous it might be to Nations, would be to take from such Government the most lucrative of its branches.
因此，战争因其生产力而成为旧政府体系的一个主要部分，因为它很容易为税收和地方和职位的任命提供必要性的借口。建立任何废除战争的模式，无论对国家有多么有利，都将剥夺此类政府最有利可图的部门。
The frivolous matters upon which war is made, show the disposition and avidity of Governments to uphold the system of war, and betray the motives upon which they act.
发动战争的琐碎问题表明了各国政府维护战争制度的倾向和热情，并暴露了它们采取行动的动机。
Why are not Republics plunged into war, but because the nature of their Government does not admit of an interest distinct from that of the Nation?
为什么共和国没有陷入战争，而是因为其政府的性质不允许有不同于民族的利益？
Even Holland, though an ill-constructed Republic, and with a commerce extending over the world, existed nearly a century without war: and the instant the form of Government was changed in France, the republican principles of peace and domestic prosperity and economy arose with the new Government; and the same consequences would follow the cause in other Nations.
即使是荷兰，尽管是一个结构不良的共和国，商业遍及世界各地，但也有近一个世纪没有发生战争：法国政府形式一发生变化，和平、国内繁荣和经济的共和原则就随着新政府而出现；在其他国家，同样的后果也会随之而来。
As war is the system of Government on the old construction, the animosity which Nations reciprocally entertain, is nothing more than what the policy of their Governments excites to keep up the spirit of the system.
由于战争是旧有的政府制度，各国相互之间的敌意只不过是各国政府为了维持该制度的精神而采取的政策所激发的。
Each Government accuses the other of perfidy, intrigue, and ambition, as a means of heating the imagination of their respective Nations, and incensing them to hostilities.
两国政府都指责对方背信弃义、阴谋诡计和野心勃勃，以此作为激发各自国家想象力、煽动敌对行动的手段。
Man is not the enemy of man, but through the medium of a false system of Government.
人不是人的敌人，而是通过错误的政府制度为媒介。
Instead, therefore, of exclaiming against the ambition of Kings, the exclamation should be directed against the principle of such Governments; and instead of seeking to reform the individual, the wisdom of a Nation should apply itself to reform the system.
因此，我们不应大声疾呼反对国王的野心，而应针对此类政府的原则。一个国家的智慧不应致力于改革个人，而应致力于改革制度。
Whether the forms and maxims of Governments which are still in practice, were adapted to the condition of the world at the period they were established, is not in this case the question.
在这种情况下，问题不在于仍在实践中的政府的形式和准则是否适应它们成立时的世界状况。
The older they are, the less correspondence can they have with the present state of things.
他们年纪越大，与现状的对应就越少。
Time, and change of circumstances and opinions, have the same progressive effect in rendering modes of Government obsolete as they have upon customs and manners.--Agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and the tranquil arts, by which the prosperity of Nations is best promoted, require a different system of Government, and a different species of knowledge to direct its operations, than what might have been required in the former condition of the world.
时间以及环境和观点的变化，对于使政府模式过时具有同样的渐进效应，正如它们对习俗和礼仪的影响一样。——农业、商业、制造业和宁静的艺术，它们最能促进国家的繁荣，需要不同的政府体系和不同种类的知识来指导其运作，这与世界以前的状况可能需要的不同。
As it is not difficult to perceive, from the enlightened state of mankind, that hereditary Governments are verging to their decline, and that Revolutions on the broad basis of national sovereignty and Government by representation, are making their way in Europe, it would be an act of wisdom to anticipate their approach, and produce Revolutions by reason and accommodation, rather than commit them to the issue of convulsions.
从人类的开明状态来看，不难看出，世袭政府正在走向衰落，而建立在国家主权和代议制政府的广泛基础上的革命正在欧洲展开，因此，预见到它们的到来，并通过理性和妥协来引发革命，而不是让革命陷入动乱问题，这将是明智之举。
From what we now see, nothing of reform in the political world ought to be held improbable.
从我们现在看来，政治世界的任何改革都不应该被认为是不可能的。
It is an age of Revolutions, in which everything may be looked for.
这是一个革命的时代，一切都可以寻找。
The intrigue of Courts, by which the system of war is kept up, may provoke a confederation of Nations to abolish it: and an European Congress to patronise the progress of free Government, and promote the civilisation of Nations with each other, is an event nearer in probability, than once were the revolutions and alliance of France and America.
维持战争制度的法院阴谋可能会激起各国联合起来废除战争制度：而欧洲议会支持自由政府的进步，并相互促进各国文明，这比法国和美国的革命和联盟更有可能发生。
END OF PART I.
第一部分结束。
RIGHTS OF MAN.
人权。
PART SECOND, COMBINING PRINCIPLE AND PRACTICE.
第二部分，原理与实践相结合。
By Thomas Paine.
作者：托马斯·潘恩。
FRENCH TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
法语翻译家的序言。
(1792)
(1792)
THE work of which we offer a translation to the public has created the greatest sensation in England.
我们向公众翻译的这部作品在英国引起了极大的轰动。
Paine, that man of freedom, who seems born to preach "Common Sense" to the whole world with the same success as in America, explains in it to the people of England the theory of the practice of the Rights of Man.
潘恩，这位自由之人，似乎生来就是为了向全世界宣讲“常识”而取得与美国一样的成功，他在其中向英国人民解释了人权实践的理论。
Owing to the prejudices that still govern that nation, the author has been obliged to condescend to answer Mr. Burke.
由于该国仍然存在偏见，作者不得不屈尊回答伯克先生。
He has done so more especially in an extended preface which is nothing but a piece of very tedious controversy, in which he shows himself very sensitive to criticisms that do not really affect him.
他尤其是在一篇冗长的序言中这样做了，这只不过是一段非常乏味的争论，其中他表现出自己对那些并不真正影响他的批评非常敏感。
To translate it seemed an insult to the free French people, and similar reasons have led the editors to suppress also a dedicatory epistle addressed by Paine to Lafayette.
翻译它似乎是对自由法国人民的侮辱，同样的原因导致编辑们也压制了潘恩写给拉斐特的一封献词。
The French can no longer endure dedicatory epistles.
法国人再也无法忍受献礼书信了。
A man should write privately to those he esteems: when he publishes a book his thoughts should be offered to the public alone.
一个人应该私下写信给他所尊敬的人：当他出版一本书时，他的想法应该只向公众提供。
Paine, that uncorrupted friend of freedom, believed too in the sincerity of Lafayette.
潘恩，这位纯洁的自由之友，也相信拉斐特的诚意。
So easy is it to deceive men of single-minded purpose!
欺骗一心一意的人是多么容易啊！
Bred at a distance from courts, that austere American does not seem any more on his guard against the artful ways and speech of courtiers than some Frenchmen who resemble him.
这位在远离宫廷的环境中长大的严肃的美国人似乎并不比一些与他相似的法国人更警惕朝臣的诡计和言论。
M.
M。
DE LA FAYETTE
德拉斐特
After an acquaintance of nearly fifteen years in difficult situations in America, and various consultations in Europe, I feel a pleasure in presenting to you this small treatise, in gratitude for your services to my beloved America, and as a testimony of my esteem for the virtues, public and private, which I know you to possess.
在美国的困难处境中相识了近十五年，并在欧洲进行了各种协商之后，我很高兴向您介绍这篇小论文，感谢您对我心爱的美国的服务，并证明我对您所拥有的公共和私人美德的尊重。
The only point upon which I could ever discover that we differed was not as to principles of government, but as to time.
我发现我们唯一的分歧不是政府原则，而是时间。
For my own part I think it equally as injurious to good principles to permit them to linger, as to push them on too fast.
就我个人而言，我认为让良好的原则继续存在与推动它们过快同样有害。
That which you suppose accomplishable in fourteen or fifteen years, I may believe practicable in a much shorter period.
你认为在十四或十五年内可以完成的事情，我可能相信在更短的时间内是可行的。
Mankind, as it appears to me, are always ripe enough to understand their true interest, provided it be presented clearly to their understanding, and that in a manner not to create suspicion by anything like self-design, nor offend by assuming too much.
在我看来，人类总是足够成熟，能够理解他们真正的兴趣，只要将其清楚地呈现给他们的理解，并且以一种不会通过自我设计之类的东西引起怀疑的方式，也不会因假设太多而冒犯。
Where we would wish to reform we must not reproach.
凡是我们希望改革的地方，我们都不能责备。
When the American revolution was established I felt a disposition to sit serenely down and enjoy the calm.
当美国革命爆发时，我有一种想要平静地坐下来享受平静的感觉。
It did not appear to me that any object could afterwards arise great enough to make me quit tranquility and feel as I had felt before.
在我看来，没有任何物体可以在事后升起，足以让我放弃平静，感受我以前的感受。
But when principle, and not place, is the energetic cause of action, a man, I find, is everywhere the same.
但是，当原则，而不是地点，成为行动的有力原因时，我发现，一个人在任何地方都是一样的。
I am now once more in the public world; and as I have not a right to contemplate on so many years of remaining life as you have, I have resolved to labour as fast as I can; and as I am anxious for your aid and your company, I wish you to hasten your principles and overtake me.
我现在再次进入公共世界；由于我没有权利像你一样考虑这么多年的剩余生命，所以我决定尽快努力工作。由于我渴望得到你的帮助和陪伴，所以我希望你加快你的原则并赶上我。
If you make a campaign the ensuing spring, which it is most probable there will be no occasion for, I will come and join you.
如果你在接下来的春天发起竞选活动（很可能没有机会），我会来参加你的活动。
Should the campaign commence, I hope it will terminate in the extinction of German despotism, and in establishing the freedom of all Germany.
如果这场运动开始，我希望它将以消灭德国专制主义和建立全德国的自由而告终。
When France shall be surrounded with revolutions she will be in peace and safety, and her taxes, as well as those of Germany, will consequently become less.
当法国被革命包围时，她将处于和平与安全之中，她的税收以及德国的税收将因此而减少。
Your sincere,
你的真诚，
Affectionate Friend,
深情的朋友，
Thomas Paine
托马斯·潘恩
London, Feb.
伦敦，二月。
9, 1792
1792 年 9 月
PREFACE
前言
When I began the chapter entitled the "Conclusion" in the former part of the RIGHTS OF MAN, published last year, it was my intention to have extended it to a greater length; but in casting the whole matter in my mind, which I wish to add, I found that it must either make the work too bulky, or contract my plan too much.
当我在去年出版的《人的权利》前半部分开始题为“结论”的章节时，我的目的是把它延长到更长的篇幅。但当我把整个事情记在心里时，我想补充一下，我发现它要么使工作变得过于庞大，要么使我的计划过于紧凑。
I therefore brought it to a close as soon as the subject would admit, and reserved what I had further to say to another opportunity.
因此，一旦主题承认，我就结束了，并保留了我要进一步说的其他机会。
Several other reasons contributed to produce this determination.
其他几个原因促成了这一决定。
I wished to know the manner in which a work, written in a style of thinking and expression different to what had been customary in England, would be received before I proceeded farther.
在我继续前进之前，我想知道一部以不同于英国习惯的思维和表达方式写成的作品会受到怎样的欢迎。
A great field was opening to the view of mankind by means of the French Revolution.
法国大革命为人类打开了一片广阔的视野。
Mr. Burke's outrageous opposition thereto brought the controversy into England.
伯克先生对此的无耻反对将争议带入了英国。
He attacked principles which he knew (from information) I would contest with him, because they are principles I believe to be good, and which I have contributed to establish, and conceive myself bound to defend.
他攻击了他（从信息中）知道我会与他争论的原则，因为我认为这些原则是好的，并且我为建立这些原则做出了贡献，并且认为自己有义务捍卫这些原则。
Had he not urged the controversy, I had most probably been a silent man.
如果他没有煽动这场争论，我很可能会成为一个沉默的人。
Another reason for deferring the remainder of the work was, that Mr. Burke promised in his first publication to renew the subject at another opportunity, and to make a comparison of what he called the English and French Constitutions.
推迟剩余工作的另一个原因是，伯克先生在他的第一篇出版物中承诺，将在下次有机会时更新这个主题，并对他所谓的英国和法国宪法进行比较。
I therefore held myself in reserve for him.
因此，我为他保留了自己。
He has published two works since, without doing this: which he certainly would not have omitted, had the comparison been in his favour.
此后他出版了两部作品，但没有这样做：如果比较对他有利的话，他当然不会省略这两部作品。
In his last work, his "Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs," he has quoted about ten pages from the RIGHTS OF MAN, and having given himself the trouble of doing this, says he "shall not attempt in the smallest degree to refute them," meaning the principles therein contained.
在他的最后一部著作《新辉格党对老辉格党的呼吁》中，他引用了《人权》中大约十页的内容，并且在不辞辛劳地这样做之后，他说他“不会试图在最小程度上反驳它们”，意思是其中包含的原则。
I am enough acquainted with Mr. Burke to know that he would if he could.
我很了解伯克先生，知道如果可以的话他会这么做。
But instead of contesting them, he immediately after consoles himself with saying that "he has done his part."--He has not done his part.
但他没有与他们争论，而是立即安慰自己说：“他已经完成了他的部分。”——他还没有完成他的部分。
He has not performed his promise of a comparison of constitutions.
他没有履行他对宪法进行比较的承诺。
He started the controversy, he gave the challenge, and has fled from it; and he is now a case in point with his own opinion that "the age of chivalry is gone!"
他发起了争论，他提出了挑战，然后又逃避了；他现在就是一个例子，他自己的观点是“骑士时代已经过去了！”
The title, as well as the substance of his last work, his "Appeal," is his condemnation.
他最后一部作品《呼吁》的标题和实质内容就是他的谴责。
Principles must stand on their own merits, and if they are good they certainly will.
原则必须立足于自身的优点，如果它们是好的，那么它们肯定会站得住脚。
To put them under the shelter of other men's authority, as Mr. Burke has done, serves to bring them into suspicion.
正如伯克先生所做的那样，将他们置于其他人权威的庇护之下，只会让他们受到怀疑。
Mr. Burke is not very fond of dividing his honours, but in this case he is artfully dividing the disgrace.
伯克先生不太喜欢分配他的荣誉，但在这种情况下，他巧妙地分配了耻辱。
But who are those to whom Mr. Burke has made his appeal?
但伯克先生向谁发出了呼吁呢？
A set of childish thinkers, and half-way politicians born in the last century, men who went no farther with any principle than as it suited their purposes as a party; the nation was always left out of the question; and this has been the character of every party from that day to this.
一群幼稚的思想家和上个世纪出生的半途而废的政治家，他们只遵循符合其政党目的的原则；国家总是被排除在外。从那天起到现在，这一直是每个政党的性格。
The nation sees nothing of such works, or such politics, worthy its attention.
国家认为此类作品或此类政治没有任何值得关注的地方。
A little matter will move a party, but it must be something great that moves a nation.
小事可以感动一个党，但一定是大事才能感动一个民族。
Though I see nothing in Mr. Burke's "Appeal" worth taking much notice of, there is, however, one expression upon which I shall offer a few remarks.
虽然我在伯克先生的“呼吁”中没有看到什么值得特别注意的地方，但是，有一个表达我要谈几句。
After quoting largely from the RIGHTS OF MAN, and declining to contest the principles contained in that work, he says: "This will most probably be done (if such writings shall be thought to deserve any other refutation than that of criminal justice) by others, who may think with Mr. Burke and with the same zeal."
在大量引用《人权》并拒绝质疑该著作中包含的原则之后，他说：“这很可能会由其他人完成（如果这些著作被认为值得除刑事司法之外的任何其他反驳），他们可能会与伯克先生一起思考并以同样的热情思考。”
In the first place, it has not yet been done by anybody.
首先，还没有任何人做到这一点。
Not less, I believe, than eight or ten pamphlets intended as answers to the former part of the RIGHTS OF MAN have been published by different persons, and not one of them to my knowledge, has extended to a second edition, nor are even the titles of them so much as generally remembered.
我相信，不少于八到十本旨在回答《人权》前一部分的小册子已经由不同的人出版了，据我所知，没有一本已经出版到第二版，甚至它们的标题也没有被普遍记住。
As I am averse to unnecessary multiplying publications, I have answered none of them.
由于我反对不必要的大量出版物，所以我没有回复任何一个。
And as I believe that a man may write himself out of reputation when nobody else can do it, I am careful to avoid that rock.
因为我相信一个人可以在其他人无法做到的情况下将自己写出声誉，所以我小心翼翼地避开那块石头。
But as I would decline unnecessary publications on the one hand, so would I avoid everything that might appear like sullen pride on the other.
但正如我一方面会拒绝不必要的出版物一样，另一方面我也会避免一切可能显得闷闷不乐的骄傲。
If Mr. Burke, or any person on his side the question, will produce an answer to the RIGHTS OF MAN that shall extend to a half, or even to a fourth part of the number of copies to which the Rights Of Man extended, I will reply to his work.
如果伯克先生，或他这一方的任何人，对人权问题的答案将延伸到人权所延伸的副本数量的一半，甚至四分之一，我将答复他的工作。
But until this be done, I shall so far take the sense of the public for my guide (and the world knows I am not a flatterer) that what they do not think worth while to read, is not worth mine to answer.
但在此之前，我将把公众的感觉作为我的指导（全世界都知道我不是一个奉承者），他们认为不值得阅读的东西，也不值得我去回答。
I suppose the number of copies to which the first part of the RIGHTS OF MAN extended, taking England, Scotland, and Ireland, is not less than between forty and fifty thousand.
我认为《人权》第一部分所涉及的英格兰、苏格兰和爱尔兰的副本数量不少于四万到五万份。
I now come to remark on the remaining part of the quotation I have made from Mr. Burke.
我现在来谈谈我从伯克先生那里引述的其余部分。
"If," says he, "such writings shall be thought to deserve any other refutation than that of criminal justice."
“如果，”他说，“这样的著作应该被认为值得除刑事司法之外的任何其他反驳。”
Pardoning the pun, it must be criminal justice indeed that should condemn a work as a substitute for not being able to refute it.
恕我直言，刑事司法确实应该谴责一部作品，而不是无法反驳它。
The greatest condemnation that could be passed upon it would be a refutation.
对它最大的谴责就是反驳。
But in proceeding by the method Mr. Burke alludes to, the condemnation would, in the final event, pass upon the criminality of the process and not upon the work, and in this case, I had rather be the author, than be either the judge or the jury that should condemn it.
但按照伯克先生提到的方法进行处理，最终的谴责将转移到整个过程的犯罪性，而不是作品，在这种情况下，我宁愿成为作者，也不愿成为谴责它的法官或陪审团。
But to come at once to the point.
但马上进入正题。
I have differed from some professional gentlemen on the subject of prosecutions, and I since find they are falling into my opinion, which I will here state as fully, but as concisely as I can.
在起诉问题上，我与一些职业绅士的观点不同，而且我发现他们也同意我的观点，我将在这里尽可能全面但简洁地阐述这一点。
I will first put a case with respect to any law, and then compare it with a government, or with what in England is, or has been, called a constitution.
我将首先针对任何法律提出一个案例，然后将其与政府或英国现在或曾经被称为宪法的东西进行比较。
It would be an act of despotism, or what in England is called arbitrary power, to make a law to prohibit investigating the principles, good or bad, on which such a law, or any other is founded.
制定一项法律来禁止调查此类法律或任何其他法律所依据的原则，无论好坏，都是一种专制行为，或者在英国被称为任意权力。
If a law be bad it is one thing to oppose the practice of it, but it is quite a different thing to expose its errors, to reason on its defects, and to show cause why it should be repealed, or why another ought to be substituted in its place.
如果一项法律不好，那么反对它的实行是一回事，但揭露它的错误，推理它的缺陷，并说明为什么它应该被废除，或者为什么应该用另一项法律来取代它，那就是完全不同的事情了。
I have always held it an opinion (making it also my practice) that it is better to obey a bad law, making use at the same time of every argument to show its errors and procure its repeal, than forcibly to violate it; because the precedent of breaking a bad law might weaken the force, and lead to a discretionary violation, of those which are good.
我一直认为（这也是我的做法），最好是遵守一项坏法律，同时利用每一个论点来表明它的错误并促使其废除，而不是强行违反它。因为违反恶法的先例可能会削弱善法的力量，并导致随意违反善法。
The case is the same with respect to principles and forms of government, or to what are called constitutions and the parts of which they are, composed.
对于政府的原则和形式，或者所谓的宪法及其组成部分来说，情况也是如此。
It is for the good of nations and not for the emolument or aggrandisement of particular individuals, that government ought to be established, and that mankind are at the expense of supporting it.
政府的建立应该是为了国家的利益，而不是为了特定个人的报酬或权力，而人类却要以牺牲支持它为代价。
The defects of every government and constitution both as to principle and form, must, on a parity of reasoning, be as open to discussion as the defects of a law, and it is a duty which every man owes to society to point them out.
每个政府和宪法在原则和形式上的缺陷，都必须像法律的缺陷一样，在平等的推理基础上进行讨论，指出这些缺陷是每个人对社会的责任。
When those defects, and the means of remedying them, are generally seen by a nation, that nation will reform its government or its constitution in the one case, as the government repealed or reformed the law in the other.
当一个国家普遍认识到这些缺陷以及补救措施时，该国家将在一种情况下改革其政府或宪法，就像政府在另一种情况下废除或改革法律一样。
The operation of government is restricted to the making and the administering of laws; but it is to a nation that the right of forming or reforming, generating or regenerating constitutions and governments belong; and consequently those subjects, as subjects of investigation, are always before a country as a matter of right, and cannot, without invading the general rights of that country, be made subjects for prosecution.
政府的运作仅限于制定和执行法律；但组建或改革、制定或更新宪法和政府的权利属于国家；因此，这些主体作为调查对象，始终作为一个国家的权利问题存在，并且在不侵犯该国一般权利的情况下不能成为起诉对象。
On this ground I will meet Mr. Burke whenever he please.
基于此，我将随时会见伯克先生。
It is better that the whole argument should come out than to seek to stifle it.
最好将整个争论都说出来，而不是试图压制它。
It was himself that opened the controversy, and he ought not to desert it.
这场争论是他自己挑起的，他不应该放弃这场争论。
I do not believe that monarchy and aristocracy will continue seven years longer in any of the enlightened countries in Europe.
我不相信欧洲任何一个开明国家的君主制和贵族制还能再持续七年。
If better reasons can be shown for them than against them, they will stand; if the contrary, they will not.
如果能为他们提供比反对他们更好的理由，他们就会站稳脚跟；如果相反，他们就不会。
Mankind are not now to be told they shall not think, or they shall not read; and publications that go no farther than to investigate principles of government, to invite men to reason and to reflect, and to show the errors and excellences of different systems, have a right to appear.
现在人们不会被告知他们不能思考，或者他们不能阅读；那些只不过是为了调查政府原则、邀请人们推理和反思、展示不同制度的错误和优点的出版物，有权出现。
If they do not excite attention, they are not worth the trouble of a prosecution; and if they do, the prosecution will amount to nothing, since it cannot amount to a prohibition of reading.
如果它们不引起人们的注意，就不值得起诉；如果他们这样做了，起诉就毫无意义，因为它不能等于禁止阅读。
This would be a sentence on the public, instead of the author, and would also be the most effectual mode of making or hastening revolution.
这将是对公众而非作者的判决，也是最有效的制造或加速革命的方式。
On all cases that apply universally to a nation, with respect to systems of government, a jury of twelve men is not competent to decide.
对于所有普遍适用于一个国家的案件，就政府制度而言，十二人组成的陪审团没有能力做出裁决。
Where there are no witnesses to be examined, no facts to be proved, and where the whole matter is before the whole public, and the merits or demerits of it resting on their opinion; and where there is nothing to be known in a court, but what every body knows out of it, every twelve men is equally as good a jury as the other, and would most probably reverse each other's verdict; or, from the variety of their opinions, not be able to form one.
没有证人可供询问，没有事实可供证明，整个事件都摆在全体公众面前，是非曲直取决于公众的意见；在法庭上除了每个人都知道的事情之外，法庭上没有什么可知道的，每十二个人都是与其他人一样好的陪审团，并且很可能会推翻彼此的裁决；或者，由于他们的意见多种多样，无法形成一个统一的意见。
It is one case, whether a nation approve a work, or a plan; but it is quite another case, whether it will commit to any such jury the power of determining whether that nation have a right to, or shall reform its government or not.
无论一个国家是否批准一项工作或一项计划，都是一种情况；但它是否会委托任何此类陪审团决定该国家是否有权或应改革其政府的权力，则是另一回事了。
I mention those cases that Mr. Burke may see I have not written on Government without reflecting on what is Law, as well as on what are Rights.--The only effectual jury in such cases would be a convention of the whole nation fairly elected; for in all such cases the whole nation is the vicinage.
我提到伯克先生可能会看到的那些案例，我在写政府时没有思考什么是法律，什么是权利。——在这种情况下，唯一有效的陪审团将是公平选举产生的全国代表大会；因为在所有这些情况下，整个国家都是邻近地区。
If Mr. Burke will propose such a jury, I will waive all privileges of being the citizen of another country, and, defending its principles, abide the issue, provided he will do the same; for my opinion is, that his work and his principles would be condemned instead of mine.
如果伯克先生提出这样一个陪审团，我将放弃作为另一个国家公民的所有特权，并捍卫其原则，遵守这个问题，只要他也这样做；因为我的观点是，他的工作和他的原则会受到谴责，而不是我的。
As to the prejudices which men have from education and habit, in favour of any particular form or system of government, those prejudices have yet to stand the test of reason and reflection.
至于人们因教育和习惯而产生的偏爱任何特定政府形式或制度的偏见，这些偏见尚未经受住理性和反思的考验。
In fact, such prejudices are nothing.
其实这样的偏见并没有什么。
No man is prejudiced in favour of a thing, knowing it to be wrong.
没有人会在明知某件事是错误的情况下仍偏爱它。
He is attached to it on the belief of its being right; and when he sees it is not so, the prejudice will be gone.
他之所以执着于它，是因为他相信它是正确的。当他发现事实并非如此时，偏见就会消失。
We have but a defective idea of what prejudice is.
我们对于什么是偏见只有一个有缺陷的认识。
It might be said, that until men think for themselves the whole is prejudice, and not opinion; for that only is opinion which is the result of reason and reflection.
或许有人会说，在人们独立思考之前，一切都是偏见，而不是意见；因为这只是意见，是理性和反思的结果。
I offer this remark, that Mr. Burke may not confide too much in what have been the customary prejudices of the country.
我想说的是，伯克先生不要过多地相信这个国家的习惯偏见。
I do not believe that the people of England have ever been fairly and candidly dealt by.
我不相信英国人民曾经受到过公平和坦诚的对待。
They have been imposed upon by parties, and by men assuming the character of leaders.
它们是由政党和具有领导人特征的人强加的。
It is time that the nation should rise above those trifles.
现在是国家应该超越这些琐事的时候了。
It is time to dismiss that inattention which has so long been the encouraging cause of stretching taxation to excess.
现在是时候消除这种疏忽了，这种疏忽长期以来一直是导致过度征税的令人鼓舞的原因。
It is time to dismiss all those songs and toasts which are calculated to enslave, and operate to suffocate reflection.
是时候抛弃所有那些旨在奴役和窒息反思的歌曲和祝酒词了。
On all such subjects men have but to think, and they will neither act wrong nor be misled.
在所有这些问题上，人们只要思考，就不会做出错误的行为，也不会被误导。
To say that any people are not fit for freedom, is to make poverty their choice, and to say they had rather be loaded with taxes than not.
说任何人不适合自由，就是选择贫穷，说他们宁可负税也不愿不负税。
If such a case could be proved, it would equally prove that those who govern are not fit to govern them, for they are a part of the same national mass.
如果这种情况能够得到证实，也就等于证明统治者不适合统治他们，因为他们是同一民族的一部分。
But admitting governments to be changed all over Europe; it certainly may be done without convulsion or revenge.
但承认整个欧洲的政府都将发生变化；当然，这可以在不引起震动或报复的情况下完成。
It is not worth making changes or revolutions, unless it be for some great national benefit: and when this shall appear to a nation, the danger will be, as in America and France, to those who oppose; and with this reflection I close my Preface.
除非是为了某种伟大的国家利益，否则不值得进行变革或革命：当一个国家出现这种情况时，反对者就会面临危险，就像在美国和法国一样；以此思考，我结束了我的序言。
THOMAS PAINE
托马斯·潘恩
London, Feb.
伦敦，二月。
9, 1792
1792 年 9 月
RIGHTS OF MAN PART II.
人权第二部分。
INTRODUCTION.
介绍。
What Archimedes said of the mechanical powers, may be applied to Reason and Liberty.
阿基米德所说的机械力，可以适用于理性和自由。
"Had we," said he, "a place to stand upon, we might raise the world."
“如果我们，”他说，“有一个立足之地，我们就能举起整个世界。”
The revolution of America presented in politics what was only theory in mechanics.
美国的革命将力学中的理论呈现给了政治。
So deeply rooted were all the governments of the old world, and so effectually had the tyranny and the antiquity of habit established itself over the mind, that no beginning could be made in Asia, Africa, or Europe, to reform the political condition of man.
旧世界的所有政府都如此根深蒂固，暴政和古老的习惯如此有效地在人们的思想中确立起来，以至于在亚洲、非洲或欧洲都无法开始改革人类的政治状况。
Freedom had been hunted round the globe; reason was considered as rebellion; and the slavery of fear had made men afraid to think.
世界各地都在追寻自由；理性被认为是叛逆；恐惧的奴役使人们不敢思考。
But such is the irresistible nature of truth, that all it asks,--and all it wants,--is the liberty of appearing.
但这就是真理不可抗拒的本质，它所要求的——也是它想要的——就是出现的自由。
The sun needs no inscription to distinguish him from darkness; and no sooner did the American governments display themselves to the world, than despotism felt a shock and man began to contemplate redress.
太阳不需要任何铭文来区分他和黑暗；美国政府一向世界展示自己，专制主义就感到震惊，人们开始考虑补救措施。
The independence of America, considered merely as a separation from England, would have been a matter but of little importance, had it not been accompanied by a revolution in the principles and practice of governments.
美国的独立，仅仅被视为与英国的分离，如果没有伴随着政府原则和实践的革命，它本来只是一件小事，但并不重要。
She made a stand, not for herself only, but for the world, and looked beyond the advantages herself could receive.
她的立场不仅是为了自己，也是为了世界，她的目光超越了自己所能获得的优势。
Even the Hessian, though hired to fight against her, may live to bless his defeat; and England, condemning the viciousness of its government, rejoice in its miscarriage.
即使是黑森人，虽然被雇来对抗她，但也可能会活着祝福他的失败。英国则谴责其政府的邪恶，并对其流产感到高兴。
As America was the only spot in the political world where the principle of universal reformation could begin, so also was it the best in the natural world.
正如美国是政治世界中唯一可以开始普世改革原则的地方一样，它也是自然世界中最好的地方。
An assemblage of circumstances conspired, not only to give birth, but to add gigantic maturity to its principles.
各种环境的结合不仅催生了它的诞生，而且还使其原则更加成熟。
The scene which that country presents to the eye of a spectator, has something in it which generates and encourages great ideas.
那个国家呈现在观众眼前的景象，其中蕴藏着产生和鼓励伟大想法的东西。
Nature appears to him in magnitude.
在他看来，自然是巨大的。
The mighty objects he beholds, act upon his mind by enlarging it, and he partakes of the greatness he contemplates.--Its first settlers were emigrants from different European nations, and of diversified professions of religion, retiring from the governmental persecutions of the old world, and meeting in the new, not as enemies, but as brothers.
他所看到的伟大物体通过扩大它而作用于他的思想，他分享了他所沉思的伟大。——它的第一批定居者是来自不同欧洲国家的移民，具有多种宗教信仰，从旧世界的政府迫害中退休，在新世界中相遇，不是作为敌人，而是作为兄弟。
The wants which necessarily accompany the cultivation of a wilderness produced among them a state of society, which countries long harassed by the quarrels and intrigues of governments, had neglected to cherish.
开垦荒野必然带来的需求在他们中间产生了一种社会状态，而长期受到政府争吵和阴谋困扰的国家却忽视了珍惜。
In such a situation man becomes what he ought.
在这种情况下，人就会成为他应该成为的人。
He sees his species, not with the inhuman idea of a natural enemy, but as kindred; and the example shows to the artificial world, that man must go back to Nature for information.
他并不以非人的天敌观念来看待自己的物种，而是将其视为亲属。这个例子向人造世界表明，人类必须回到大自然中获取信息。
From the rapid progress which America makes in every species of improvement, it is rational to conclude that, if the governments of Asia, Africa, and Europe had begun on a principle similar to that of America, or had not been very early corrupted therefrom, those countries must by this time have been in a far superior condition to what they are.
从美国在每一项改进中取得的快速进展来看，我们有理由得出这样的结论：如果亚洲、非洲和欧洲的政府一开始就遵循与美国相似的原则，或者没有很早就因此而腐败，那么这些国家此时的状况一定比它们现在的状况要优越得多。
Age after age has passed away, for no other purpose than to behold their wretchedness.
一代又一代的逝去，没有别的目的，只是为了目睹他们的悲惨。
Could we suppose a spectator who knew nothing of the world, and who was put into it merely to make his observations, he would take a great part of the old world to be new, just struggling with the difficulties and hardships of an infant settlement.
我们是否可以想象一个对世界一无所知、只是为了进行观察而被放入其中的旁观者，他会将旧世界的很大一部分视为新世界，只是在与婴儿定居点的困难和艰辛作斗争。
He could not suppose that the hordes of miserable poor with which old countries abound could be any other than those who had not yet had time to provide for themselves.
他无法想象，旧国家中大量的悲惨穷人可能不是那些还没有时间养活自己的人。
Little would he think they were the consequence of what in such countries they call government.
他几乎不会认为这是这些国家所谓政府的结果。
If, from the more wretched parts of the old world, we look at those which are in an advanced stage of improvement we still find the greedy hand of government thrusting itself into every corner and crevice of industry, and grasping the spoil of the multitude.
如果我们从旧世界的更悲惨的地方看那些处于进步的高级阶段的地方，我们仍然会发现政府贪婪的手伸入工业的每一个角落和缝隙，攫取大众的战利品。
Invention is continually exercised to furnish new pretences for revenue and taxation.
发明不断地被运用来为收入和税收提供新的借口。
It watches prosperity as its prey, and permits none to escape without a tribute.
它视繁荣为猎物，不允许任何人在没有贡品的情况下逃脱。
As revolutions have begun (and as the probability is always greater against a thing beginning, than of proceeding after it has begun), it is natural to expect that other revolutions will follow.
当革命已经开始时（并且由于一件事开始时反对的可能性总是比开始后继续进行的可能性更大），很自然地预期其他革命将会随之而来。
The amazing and still increasing expenses with which old governments are conducted, the numerous wars they engage in or provoke, the embarrassments they throw in the way of universal civilisation and commerce, and the oppression and usurpation acted at home, have wearied out the patience, and exhausted the property of the world.
旧政府所花费的惊人且仍在不断增加的开支，它们参与或挑起的无数战争，它们给普遍文明和商业带来的尴尬，以及对国内的压迫和掠夺，已经耗尽了世界的耐心，耗尽了世界的财产。
In such a situation, and with such examples already existing, revolutions are to be looked for.
在这种情况下，并且已经存在这样的例子，我们需要寻求革命。
They are become subjects of universal conversation, and may be considered as the Order of the day.
它们已成为普遍谈论的话题，并可能被视为当今的秩序。
If systems of government can be introduced less expensive and more productive of general happiness than those which have existed, all attempts to oppose their progress will in the end be fruitless.
如果政府体系能够比现有的政府体系成本更低、更能带来普遍幸福，那么所有反对其进步的尝试最终都将是徒劳的。
Reason, like time, will make its own way, and prejudice will fall in a combat with interest.
理性就像时间一样，会走自己的路，而偏见会在与利益的斗争中倒下。
If universal peace, civilisation, and commerce are ever to be the happy lot of man, it cannot be accomplished but by a revolution in the system of governments.
如果世界和平、文明和商业永远成为人类的幸福命运，那么只有通过政府体系的革命才能实现这一目标。
All the monarchical governments are military.
所有君主政体都是军事政府。
War is their trade, plunder and revenue their objects.
战争是他们的贸易，掠夺和收入是他们的目标。
While such governments continue, peace has not the absolute security of a day.
尽管这样的政府继续存在，但和平并没有带来绝对的安全。
What is the history of all monarchical governments but a disgustful picture of human wretchedness, and the accidental respite of a few years' repose?
所有君主制政府的历史，除了一幅令人厌恶的人类悲惨景象和几年安宁的意外喘息之外，还有什么意义呢？
Wearied with war, and tired with human butchery, they sat down to rest, and called it peace.
厌倦了战争，厌倦了人类的屠杀，他们坐下来休息，并称之为和平。
This certainly is not the condition that heaven intended for man; and if this be monarchy, well might monarchy be reckoned among the sins of the Jews.
这当然不是天为人安排的条件，而是人的命运。如果这就是君主制，那么君主制很可能被视为犹太人的罪恶之一。
The revolutions which formerly took place in the world had nothing in them that interested the bulk of mankind.
世界上以前发生的革命并没有引起大多数人类的兴趣。
They extended only to a change of persons and measures, but not of principles, and rose or fell among the common transactions of the moment.
它们仅涉及人员和措施的变化，而不是原则的变化，并在当时的共同事务中起起落落。
What we now behold may not improperly be called a "counter-revolution." Conquest and tyranny, at some earlier period, dispossessed man of his rights, and he is now recovering them.
我们现在所看到的可能被称为“反革命”并不恰当。征服和暴政在早期剥夺了人的权利，而现在人们正在恢复这些权利。
And as the tide of all human affairs has its ebb and flow in directions contrary to each other, so also is it in this.
正如所有人类事务的潮流都有其相反方向的潮起潮落一样，这也是如此。
Government founded on a moral theory, on a system of universal peace, on the indefeasible hereditary Rights of Man, is now revolving from west to east by a stronger impulse than the government of the sword revolved from east to west.
建立在道德理论、普遍和平制度、不可废除的世袭人权之上的政府，现在正在以比从东到西旋转的刀剑政府更强烈的推动力从西向东旋转。
It interests not particular individuals, but nations in its progress, and promises a new era to the human race.
它的进步不是针对特定个人，而是针对国家，并为人类带来了一个新时代的希望。
The danger to which the success of revolutions is most exposed is that of attempting them before the principles on which they proceed, and the advantages to result from them, are sufficiently seen and understood.
革命成功所面临的最大危险是，在革命所依据的原则以及革命所带来的好处未被充分认识和理解之前就尝试革命。
Almost everything appertaining to the circumstances of a nation, has been absorbed and confounded under the general and mysterious word government.
几乎所有与一个国家的情况有关的事情，都被笼统而神秘的“政府”一词所吸收和混淆。
Though it avoids taking to its account the errors it commits, and the mischiefs it occasions, it fails not to arrogate to itself whatever has the appearance of prosperity.
尽管它避免考虑自己犯下的错误和造成的危害，但它并没有把任何看似繁荣的事物据为己有。
It robs industry of its honours, by pedantically making itself the cause of its effects; and purloins from the general character of man, the merits that appertain to him as a social being.
它迂腐地使自己成为其影响的原因，从而剥夺了工业的荣誉。并从人的一般性格中窃取属于他作为社会存在的优点。
It may therefore be of use in this day of revolutions to discriminate between those things which are the effect of government, and those which are not.
因此，在当今革命的时代，区分那些是政府影响的事物和那些不是政府影响的事物可能是有用的。
This will best be done by taking a review of society and civilisation, and the consequences resulting therefrom, as things distinct from what are called governments.
最好的方法是对社会和文明以及由此产生的后果进行审查，将其视为与所谓政府不同的事物。
By beginning with this investigation, we shall be able to assign effects to their proper causes and analyse the mass of common errors.
通过这项调查，我们将能够将影响归咎于其正确原因，并分析大量常见错误。
CHAPTER I.
第一章
OF SOCIETY AND CIVILISATION
社会与文明
Great part of that order which reigns among mankind is not the effect of government.
人类统治的秩序很大一部分不是政府造成的。
It has its origin in the principles of society and the natural constitution of man.
它起源于社会原则和人的自然构成。
It existed prior to government, and would exist if the formality of government was abolished.
它先于政府而存在，并且如果政府的形式被废除，它也会存在。
The mutual dependence and reciprocal interest which man has upon man, and all the parts of civilised community upon each other, create that great chain of connection which holds it together.
人与人之间的相互依赖和互惠利益，以及文明社会各部分之间的相互依赖，创造了将其联系在一起的巨大联系链。
The landholder, the farmer, the manufacturer, the merchant, the tradesman, and every occupation, prospers by the aid which each receives from the other, and from the whole.
土地所有者、农民、制造商、商人、商人以及各种职业，都通过彼此和整体的援助而繁荣。
Common interest regulates their concerns, and forms their law; and the laws which common usage ordains, have a greater influence than the laws of government.
共同利益调节他们的关切，并形成他们的法律；普遍惯例规定的法律比政府法律具有更大的影响力。
In fine, society performs for itself almost everything which is ascribed to government.
总之，社会几乎为自己完成了所有属于政府的事情。
To understand the nature and quantity of government proper for man, it is necessary to attend to his character.
要了解适合人的政府的性质和数量，就必须关注人的性格。
As Nature created him for social life, she fitted him for the station she intended.
当大自然为社交生活创造了他时，她也让他适应了她想要的位置。
In all cases she made his natural wants greater than his individual powers.
在所有情况下，她都让他的自然需求大于他的个人力量。
No one man is capable, without the aid of society, of supplying his own wants, and those wants, acting upon every individual, impel the whole of them into society, as naturally as gravitation acts to a centre.
没有社会的帮助，没有人能够满足自己的需求，而这些需求作用于每个人，将他们整体推入社会，就像万有引力作用于一个中心一样自然。
But she has gone further.
但她走得更远。
She has not only forced man into society by a diversity of wants which the reciprocal aid of each other can supply, but she has implanted in him a system of social affections, which, though not necessary to his existence, are essential to his happiness.
她不仅迫使人类通过相互援助可以满足的多种需求进入社会，而且还向他植入了一套社会情感体系，虽然这对于他的存在不是必需的，但却是他幸福的必要条件。
There is no period in life when this love for society ceases to act.
在人生的任何阶段，这种对社会的热爱都会发挥作用。
It begins and ends with our being.
它以我们的存在开始并结束。
If we examine with attention into the composition and constitution of man, the diversity of his wants, and the diversity of talents in different men for reciprocally accommodating the wants of each other, his propensity to society, and consequently to preserve the advantages resulting from it, we shall easily discover, that a great part of what is called government is mere imposition.
如果我们仔细考察人的构成和构成、人的需要的多样性以及不同人相互迁就对方的需要和社会倾向的才能的多样性，我们就会很容易地发现，所谓的政府在很大程度上只是强加。
Government is no farther necessary than to supply the few cases to which society and civilisation are not conveniently competent; and instances are not wanting to show, that everything which government can usefully add thereto, has been performed by the common consent of society, without government.
政府只需提供社会和文明无法轻易胜任的少数情况即可；实例并不想表明，政府可以有效添加的一切都是在没有政府的情况下得到社会的共同同意而进行的。
For upwards of two years from the commencement of the American War, and to a longer period in several of the American States, there were no established forms of government.
自美国战争爆发以来的两年多的时间里，以及美洲几个州更长的一段时间内，都没有建立任何政府形式。
The old governments had been abolished, and the country was too much occupied in defence to employ its attention in establishing new governments; yet during this interval order and harmony were preserved as inviolate as in any country in Europe.
旧政府已被废除，国家忙于国防，无暇顾及建立新政府。然而，在此期间，秩序与和谐与欧洲任何国家一样完好无损。
There is a natural aptness in man, and more so in society, because it embraces a greater variety of abilities and resource, to accommodate itself to whatever situation it is in.
人有一种天生的适应性，社会更是如此，因为它拥有更多样的能力和资源，能够适应所处的任何情况。
The instant formal government is abolished, society begins to act: a general association takes place, and common interest produces common security.
正式政府一被废除，社会就开始行动：普遍的联合体就产生了，共同的利益产生了共同的安全。
So far is it from being true, as has been pretended, that the abolition of any formal government is the dissolution of society, that it acts by a contrary impulse, and brings the latter the closer together.
任何正式政府的废除都是社会的解体，它是通过相反的冲动行事，并使社会更加紧密地结合在一起，这一点远非事实，正如人们所假装的那样。
All that part of its organisation which it had committed to its government, devolves again upon itself, and acts through its medium.
它所委托给政府的所有组织部分，再次移交给它自己，并通过它的媒介发挥作用。
When men, as well from natural instinct as from reciprocal benefits, have habituated themselves to social and civilised life, there is always enough of its principles in practice to carry them through any changes they may find necessary or convenient to make in their government.
当人们出于自然本能和互惠互利而习惯了社会和文明生活时，实践中总是有足够的社会和文明原则来指导他们进行他们认为必要或方便的政府变革。
In short, man is so naturally a creature of society that it is almost impossible to put him out of it.
简而言之，人是社会的自然生物，几乎不可能将他排除在社会之外。
Formal government makes but a small part of civilised life; and when even the best that human wisdom can devise is established, it is a thing more in name and idea than in fact.
正式政府只构成文明生活的一小部分；即使人类智慧能够设计出最好的东西，当它被确立时，它也只是停留在名义和想法上，而不是事实上。
It is to the great and fundamental principles of society and civilisation--to the common usage universally consented to, and mutually and reciprocally maintained--to the unceasing circulation of interest, which, passing through its million channels, invigorates the whole mass of civilised man--it is to these things, infinitely more than to anything which even the best instituted government can perform, that the safety and prosperity of the individual and of the whole depends.
社会和文明的伟大而基本的原则——普遍同意的、相互维持的共同惯例——利益的不断循环，通过其数以百万计的渠道，激励了整个文明人——正是这些事情，比即使是最好的政府所能执行的任何事情都更重要，个人和整体的安全和繁荣取决于这些事情。
The more perfect civilisation is, the less occasion has it for government, because the more does it regulate its own affairs, and govern itself; but so contrary is the practice of old governments to the reason of the case, that the expenses of them increase in the proportion they ought to diminish.
文明越完善，就越不需要政府，因为它越是管理自己的事务、管理自己；但旧政府的做法与事实恰恰相反，它们的开支增加了，而它们本应减少的比例却增加了。
It is but few general laws that civilised life requires, and those of such common usefulness, that whether they are enforced by the forms of government or not, the effect will be nearly the same.
文明生活所需要的一般法律很少，而且这些法律具有如此普遍的用处，无论它们是否由政府形式强制执行，其效果几乎是相同的。
If we consider what the principles are that first condense men into society, and what are the motives that regulate their mutual intercourse afterwards, we shall find, by the time we arrive at what is called government, that nearly the whole of the business is performed by the natural operation of the parts upon each other.
如果我们考虑一下首先将人们凝聚成社会的原则是什么，以及随后规范他们相互交往的动机是什么，我们就会发现，当我们到达所谓的政府时，几乎所有的事情都是通过各个部分彼此之间的自然运作来完成的。
Man, with respect to all those matters, is more a creature of consistency than he is aware, or than governments would wish him to believe.
就所有这些问题而言，人类比他自己意识到的、或者比政府希望他相信的更具有一致性。
All the great laws of society are laws of nature.
社会的一切伟大法则都是自然法则。
Those of trade and commerce, whether with respect to the intercourse of individuals or of nations, are laws of mutual and reciprocal interest.
贸易和商业的法则，无论是个人还是国家之间的交往，都是相互利益和互惠利益的法则。
They are followed and obeyed, because it is the interest of the parties so to do, and not on account of any formal laws their governments may impose or interpose.
它们被遵循和服从，因为这样做符合各方的利益，而不是考虑到政府可能强加或干预的任何正式法律。
But how often is the natural propensity to society disturbed or destroyed by the operations of government!
但社会的自然倾向经常被政府的运作所扰乱或破坏！
When the latter, instead of being ingrafted on the principles of the former, assumes to exist for itself, and acts by partialities of favour and oppression, it becomes the cause of the mischiefs it ought to prevent.
当后者不是植根于前者的原则之上，而是自以为存在，并以偏袒和压迫的方式行事时，它就成为了它应该防止的祸害的根源。
If we look back to the riots and tumults which at various times have happened in England, we shall find that they did not proceed from the want of a government, but that government was itself the generating cause; instead of consolidating society it divided it; it deprived it of its natural cohesion, and engendered discontents and disorders which otherwise would not have existed.
如果我们回顾一下英格兰不同时期发生的骚乱和动乱，我们就会发现，这些骚乱和动乱并不是因为缺乏政府而产生的，而是政府本身就是其发生的原因。它非但没有巩固社会，反而分裂了社会；它剥夺了它的自然凝聚力，并引发了本来不会存在的不满和混乱。
In those associations which men promiscuously form for the purpose of trade, or of any concern in which government is totally out of the question, and in which they act merely on the principles of society, we see how naturally the various parties unite; and this shows, by comparison, that governments, so far from being always the cause or means of order, are often the destruction of it.
在人们出于贸易目的或出于任何事务而随意组成的协会中，在这些协会中政府是完全不可能的，并且他们仅仅按照社会原则行事，我们看到各方是多么自然地联合起来；相比之下，这表明政府远非总是秩序的原因或手段，而是往往是秩序的破坏者。
The riots of 1780 had no other source than the remains of those prejudices which the government itself had encouraged.
1780 年的骚乱除了政府本身鼓励的那些偏见的残余之外没有其他根源。
But with respect to England there are also other causes.
但就英格兰而言，还有其他原因。
Excess and inequality of taxation, however disguised in the means, never fail to appear in their effects.
税收的过度和不平等，无论在手段上如何伪装，都必然会在其后果中显现出来。
As a great mass of the community are thrown thereby into poverty and discontent, they are constantly on the brink of commotion; and deprived, as they unfortunately are, of the means of information, are easily heated to outrage.
由于社会上的大部分人因此陷入贫困和不满，他们经常处于骚乱的边缘。不幸的是，他们被剥夺了信息手段，很容易激怒。
Whatever the apparent cause of any riots may be, the real one is always want of happiness.
无论任何骚乱的表面原因是什么，真正的原因总是缺乏幸福。
It shows that something is wrong in the system of government that injures the felicity by which society is to be preserved.
它表明政府制度存在问题，损害了社会赖以维持的幸福。
But as a fact is superior to reasoning, the instance of America presents itself to confirm these observations.
但事实胜于推理，美国的例子证实了这些观察结果。
If there is a country in the world where concord, according to common calculation, would be least expected, it is America.
如果说世界上有一个国家，按照一般的计算，最不可能实现和谐的话，那就是美国。
Made up as it is of people from different nations,*[16] accustomed to different forms and habits of government, speaking different languages, and more different in their modes of worship, it would appear that the union of such a people was impracticable; but by the simple operation of constructing government on the principles of society and the rights of man, every difficulty retires, and all the parts are brought into cordial unison.
由于它是由来自不同国家*[16]的人民组成，他们习惯于不同的政府形式和习惯，说着不同的语言，而且他们的崇拜方式也不同，因此这样一个人民的联合似乎是不切实际的；但是，通过在社会原则和人权原则上建设政府的简单运作，一切困难都会消失，所有部分都会和谐一致。
There the poor are not oppressed, the rich are not privileged.
在那里，穷人没有受到压迫，富人没有特权。
Industry is not mortified by the splendid extravagance of a court rioting at its expense.
工业界并没有因为以工业为代价的宫廷骚乱的铺张浪费而感到羞愧。
Their taxes are few, because their government is just: and as there is nothing to render them wretched, there is nothing to engender riots and tumults.
他们的税收很少，因为他们的政府是公正的；由于没有什么可以使他们陷入困境，因此也就没有什么可以引起骚乱和骚乱。
A metaphysical man, like Mr. Burke, would have tortured his invention to discover how such a people could be governed.
一个形而上学的人，比如伯克先生，会折磨他的发明来发现如何统治这样一个民族。
He would have supposed that some must be managed by fraud, others by force, and all by some contrivance; that genius must be hired to impose upon ignorance, and show and parade to fascinate the vulgar.
他本以为有些必须通过欺诈来管理，另一些则必须通过武力来管理，而所有这些都必须通过某种手段来管理。必须雇用天才来强加于无知，并通过展示和炫耀来迷惑庸俗的人。
Lost in the abundance of his researches, he would have resolved and re-resolved, and finally overlooked the plain and easy road that lay directly before him.
他迷失在大量的研究中，一次又一次地下定决心，最终忽视了摆在他面前的那条平坦而容易的道路。
One of the great advantages of the American Revolution has been, that it led to a discovery of the principles, and laid open the imposition, of governments.
美国革命的巨大优势之一是，它导致了原则的发现，并开启了政府的强加。
All the revolutions till then had been worked within the atmosphere of a court, and never on the grand floor of a nation.
迄今为止的所有革命都是在宫廷气氛中进行的，而不是在国家的大殿上进行的。
The parties were always of the class of courtiers; and whatever was their rage for reformation, they carefully preserved the fraud of the profession.
当事人总是朝臣阶层。无论他们多么热衷于改革，他们都小心翼翼地保留着这个行业的欺诈行为。
In all cases they took care to represent government as a thing made up of mysteries, which only themselves understood; and they hid from the understanding of the nation the only thing that was beneficial to know, namely, That government is nothing more than a national association adding on the principles of society.
在所有情况下，他们都小心翼翼地将政府描绘成一个由神秘组成的东西，只有他们自己才明白。他们对国家的理解隐藏了唯一有益的事情，那就是，政府只不过是一个在社会原则上加上的国家协会。
Having thus endeavoured to show that the social and civilised state of man is capable of performing within itself almost everything necessary to its protection and government, it will be proper, on the other hand, to take a review of the present old governments, and examine whether their principles and practice are correspondent thereto.
因此，在努力表明人类的社会和文明状态能够在其自身内部履行几乎所有必要的保护和管理措施之后，另一方面，对当前的旧政府进行审查，并检查它们的原则和实践是否与之相对应，将是适当的。
CHAPTER II.
第二章。
OF THE ORIGIN OF THE PRESENT OLD GOVERNMENTS
当今旧政府的起源
It is impossible that such governments as have hitherto existed in the world, could have commenced by any other means than a total violation of every principle sacred and moral.
迄今为止世界上存在的政府不可能以任何其他方式开始，除非完全违反每一项神圣和道德原则。
The obscurity in which the origin of all the present old governments is buried, implies the iniquity and disgrace with which they began.
当今所有旧政府的起源都被掩盖在默默无闻之中，这意味着它们开始时的罪恶和耻辱。
The origin of the present government of America and France will ever be remembered, because it is honourable to record it; but with respect to the rest, even Flattery has consigned them to the tomb of time, without an inscription.
美国和法国现政府的起源将永远被人们铭记，因为记录它是光荣的；但至于其余的，就连阿谀奉承也将它们送入了时间的坟墓，没有留下任何铭文。
It could have been no difficult thing in the early and solitary ages of the world, while the chief employment of men was that of attending flocks and herds, for a banditti of ruffians to overrun a country, and lay it under contributions.
在世界的早期和孤独的时代，当人们的主要工作是照管羊群和牛群时，对于一群流氓强盗来说，占领一个国家并把它置于贡品之下，这可能不是一件困难的事情。
Their power being thus established, the chief of the band contrived to lose the name of Robber in that of Monarch; and hence the origin of Monarchy and Kings.
他们的权力就这样建立起来了，乐队的首领想方设法将强盗的名字改成君主的名字。这就是君主制和国王的起源。
The origin of the Government of England, so far as relates to what is called its line of monarchy, being one of the latest, is perhaps the best recorded.
英格兰政府的起源，就其所谓的君主政体而言，是最新的政府之一，也许是记录最好的。
The hatred which the Norman invasion and tyranny begat, must have been deeply rooted in the nation, to have outlived the contrivance to obliterate it.
诺曼人的入侵和暴政所产生的仇恨必定在这个国家根深蒂固，甚至比消灭它的手段还要长久。
Though not a courtier will talk of the curfew-bell, not a village in England has forgotten it.
尽管没有朝臣会谈论宵禁钟声，但英格兰没有一个村庄忘记了它。
Those bands of robbers having parcelled out the world, and divided it into dominions, began, as is naturally the case, to quarrel with each other.
那些强盗团伙瓜分了世界，瓜分了领地，自然而然地开始互相争吵。
What at first was obtained by violence was considered by others as lawful to be taken, and a second plunderer succeeded the first.
最初通过暴力获得的东西被其他人认为是合法的，第二个掠夺者接替了第一个掠夺者。
They alternately invaded the dominions which each had assigned to himself, and the brutality with which they treated each other explains the original character of monarchy.
他们轮流入侵各自分配给自己的领地，他们对待彼此的残酷态度解释了君主政体的原始特征。
It was ruffian torturing ruffian.
这是痞子折磨痞子。
The conqueror considered the conquered, not as his prisoner, but his property.
征服者并不将被征服者视为他的囚犯，而是他的财产。
He led him in triumph rattling in chains, and doomed him, at pleasure, to slavery or death.
他带领他在胜利中被锁链嘎嘎作响，并随意地注定他要么成为奴隶，要么死亡。
As time obliterated the history of their beginning, their successors assumed new appearances, to cut off the entail of their disgrace, but their principles and objects remained the same.
随着时间抹去了他们起源的历史，他们的继任者以新的面貌来消除他们的耻辱，但他们的原则和目标仍然是一样的。
What at first was plunder, assumed the softer name of revenue; and the power originally usurped, they affected to inherit.
最初的掠夺，后来被冠以更温和的名称“收入”。而原本篡夺的权力，他们却装作继承。
From such beginning of governments, what could be expected but a continued system of war and extortion?
从这样的政府开始，除了持续的战争和勒索制度之外还能期待什么呢？
It has established itself into a trade.
它已经成为一种贸易。
The vice is not peculiar to one more than to another, but is the common principle of all.
这种恶行并不是一个人所特有的，而是一个人所共有的原则。
There does not exist within such governments sufficient stamina whereon to engraft reformation; and the shortest and most effectual remedy is to begin anew on the ground of the nation.
这些政府内部不存在足够的耐力来进行改革；最短、最有效的补救办法就是在国家的土地上重新开始。
What scenes of horror, what perfection of iniquity, present themselves in contemplating the character and reviewing the history of such governments!
当我们思考这些政府的性格并回顾它们的历史时，就会看到何等恐怖的场景，何等完美的罪恶！
If we would delineate human nature with a baseness of heart and hypocrisy of countenance that reflection would shudder at and humanity disown, it is kings, courts and cabinets that must sit for the portrait.
如果我们用内心的卑鄙和面容的虚伪来描绘人性，反思就会颤抖，人性就会否认，那么国王、宫廷和内阁就必须成为肖像。
Man, naturally as he is, with all his faults about him, is not up to the character.
人，尽管他本来就是这样，尽管他有种种缺点，但他并不符合他的性格。
Can we possibly suppose that if governments had originated in a right principle, and had not an interest in pursuing a wrong one, the world could have been in the wretched and quarrelsome condition we have seen it?
我们是否可以假设，如果政府起源于正确的原则，并且没有兴趣追求错误的原则，世界可能会处于我们所看到的悲惨和争吵的境地？
What inducement has the farmer, while following the plough, to lay aside his peaceful pursuit, and go to war with the farmer of another country?
是什么诱因让农民一边追随犁，一边放下和平的追求，去与别国的农民开战呢？
or what inducement has the manufacturer?
或者说厂家有什么诱因？
What is dominion to them, or to any class of men in a nation?
对于他们或一个国家中的任何阶级来说，统治是什么？
Does it add an acre to any man's estate, or raise its value?
它是否会为任何人的财产增加一英亩，或提高其价值？
Are not conquest and defeat each of the same price, and taxes the never-failing consequence?--Though this reasoning may be good to a nation, it is not so to a government.
难道征服和失败不是都付出同样的代价吗？而且对永无休止的后果征税不是吗？——尽管这种推理可能对一个国家有利，但对一个政府则不然。
War is the Pharo-table of governments, and nations the dupes of the game.
战争是政府的法罗桌，而国家则是游戏的受骗者。
If there is anything to wonder at in this miserable scene of governments more than might be expected, it is the progress which the peaceful arts of agriculture, manufacture and commerce have made beneath such a long accumulating load of discouragement and oppression.
如果说在政府的悲惨景象中还有什么比预想的更令人惊奇的话，那就是农业、制造业和商业的和平艺术在如此长期积累的沮丧和压迫下所取得的进步。
It serves to show that instinct in animals does not act with stronger impulse than the principles of society and civilisation operate in man.
它表明，动物的本能并不比人类的社会和文明原则以更强烈的冲动行事。
Under all discouragements, he pursues his object, and yields to nothing but impossibilities.
在所有的挫折下，他都会追求自己的目标，除了不可能的事情之外，他不会屈服。
CHAPTER III.
第三章。
OF THE OLD AND NEW SYSTEMS OF GOVERNMENT
新旧政府制度
Nothing can appear more contradictory than the principles on which the old governments began, and the condition to which society, civilisation and commerce are capable of carrying mankind.
没有什么比旧政府建立的原则和社会、文明和商业能够承载人类的条件更矛盾的了。
Government, on the old system, is an assumption of power, for the aggrandisement of itself; on the new, a delegation of power for the common benefit of society.
在旧制度下，政府是一种权力的承担，是为了强化自己；论新，放权，为了社会的共同利益。
The former supports itself by keeping up a system of war; the latter promotes a system of peace, as the true means of enriching a nation.
前者通过维持战争制度来维持自身；后者促进和平制度，作为使国家富裕的真正手段。
The one encourages national prejudices; the other promotes universal society, as the means of universal commerce.
其一助长民族偏见；其二则助长民族偏见。另一个推动普遍社会，作为普遍商业的手段。
The one measures its prosperity, by the quantity of revenue it extorts; the other proves its excellence, by the small quantity of taxes it requires.
一个国家通过其勒索的收入数量来衡量其繁荣程度；另一个则通过所需的少量税收证明了其卓越性。
Mr. Burke has talked of old and new whigs.
伯克先生谈到了新老辉格党。
If he can amuse himself with childish names and distinctions, I shall not interrupt his pleasure.
如果他能用幼稚的名字和区别来取乐，我就不会打扰他的乐趣。
It is not to him, but to the Abbe Sieyes, that I address this chapter.
我在本章中不是向他讲话，而是向西耶斯神父讲话。
I am already engaged to the latter gentleman to discuss the subject of monarchical government; and as it naturally occurs in comparing the old and new systems, I make this the opportunity of presenting to him my observations.
我已经与这位先生订婚，讨论君主政体的话题。正如在比较新旧系统时自然发生的那样，我借此机会向他展示我的观察结果。
I shall occasionally take Mr. Burke in my way.
我偶尔会妨碍伯克先生。
Though it might be proved that the system of government now called the New, is the most ancient in principle of all that have existed, being founded on the original, inherent Rights of Man: yet, as tyranny and the sword have suspended the exercise of those rights for many centuries past, it serves better the purpose of distinction to call it the new, than to claim the right of calling it the old.
尽管可以证明，现在被称为“新”的政府制度在原则上是最古老的，它建立在原始的、固有的人权之上：然而，由于暴政和刀剑在过去的许多世纪里中止了这些权利的行使，因此将其称为新的政府制度比主张将其称为旧的政府制度更能达到区分的目的。
The first general distinction between those two systems, is, that the one now called the old is hereditary, either in whole or in part; and the new is entirely representative.
这两个系统之间的第一个一般区别是，现在称为旧系统的系统是全部或部分遗传的。而新款则完全具有代表性。
It rejects all hereditary government:
它拒绝所有世袭政府：
First, As being an imposition on mankind.
首先，作为对人类的强加。
Secondly, As inadequate to the purposes for which government is necessary.
其次，不足以实现政府所必需的目的。
With respect to the first of these heads--It cannot be proved by what right hereditary government could begin; neither does there exist within the compass of mortal power a right to establish it.
关于这些头中的第一个——无法证明世袭政府可以开始什么权利；在凡人的权力范围内也不存在建立它的权利。
Man has no authority over posterity in matters of personal right; and, therefore, no man, or body of men, had, or can have, a right to set up hereditary government.
在个人权利问题上，人对子孙后代没有任何权威；因此，任何人或团体都没有、也不可能有权利建立世袭政府。
Were even ourselves to come again into existence, instead of being succeeded by posterity, we have not now the right of taking from ourselves the rights which would then be ours.
即使我们自己再次存在，而不是由后代继承，我们现在也没有权利从我们自己手中夺走那时属于我们的权利。
On what ground, then, do we pretend to take them from others?
那么，我们凭什么假装从别人那里拿走它们呢？
All hereditary government is in its nature tyranny.
所有世袭政府本质上都是暴政。
An heritable crown, or an heritable throne, or by what other fanciful name such things may be called, have no other significant explanation than that mankind are heritable property.
可遗传的王冠、可遗传的王位，或者诸如此类的其他奇特名称，除了人类是可遗传的财产之外，没有其他重要的解释。
To inherit a government, is to inherit the people, as if they were flocks and herds.
继承政权，就是继承人民，就像继承牛羊一样。
With respect to the second head, that of being inadequate to the purposes for which government is necessary, we have only to consider what government essentially is, and compare it with the circumstances to which hereditary succession is subject.
关于第二个方面，即政府不足以实现政府所必需的目的，我们只需考虑政府的本质是什么，并将其与世袭继承所面临的情况进行比较。
Government ought to be a thing always in full maturity.
政府应该是一个永远完全成熟的事物。
It ought to be so constructed as to be superior to all the accidents to which individual man is subject; and, therefore, hereditary succession, by being subject to them all, is the most irregular and imperfect of all the systems of government.
它的构造应该优于个人所遭受的所有意外事件。因此，世袭继承由于受到所有这些制度的制约，是所有政府制度中最不规则和最不完善的。
We have heard the Rights of Man called a levelling system; but the only system to which the word levelling is truly applicable, is the hereditary monarchical system.
我们听说人权被称为平等制度；但“平等”一词真正适用的唯一制度是世袭君主制。
It is a system of mental levelling.
这是一个心理平衡系统。
It indiscriminately admits every species of character to the same authority.
它不加区别地承认每一种性格都具有相同的权威。
Vice and virtue, ignorance and wisdom, in short, every quality good or bad, is put on the same level.
罪恶与美德，无知与智慧，简而言之，每一种品质的好坏，都被放在同一水平上。
Kings succeed each other, not as rationals, but as animals.
国王们相互继承，不是作为理性，而是作为动物。
It signifies not what their mental or moral characters are.
它并不代表他们的精神或道德品质。
Can we then be surprised at the abject state of the human mind in monarchical countries, when the government itself is formed on such an abject levelling system?--It has no fixed character.
当政府本身是建立在如此卑鄙的平等制度之上时，我们还能对君主制国家的人类思想的卑鄙状态感到惊讶吗？——它没有固定的特征。
To-day it is one thing; to-morrow it is something else.
今天是一回事；今天是一回事。明天又是另外一件事了。
It changes with the temper of every succeeding individual, and is subject to all the varieties of each.
它随着每个继任者的脾气而变化，并且受到每个人的所有变化的影响。
It is government through the medium of passions and accidents.
它是通过激情和意外作为媒介的政府。
It appears under all the various characters of childhood, decrepitude, dotage, a thing at nurse, in leading-strings, or in crutches.
它出现在童年的各种特征下，衰老的、年老的、看护的、牵着绳子的、拄着拐杖的。
It reverses the wholesome order of nature.
它颠倒了自然的健康秩序。
It occasionally puts children over men, and the conceits of nonage over wisdom and experience.
有时，它会把孩子置于男人之上，将未成年人的自负置于智慧和经验之上。
In short, we cannot conceive a more ridiculous figure of government, than hereditary succession, in all its cases, presents.
简而言之，在所有情况下，我们无法想象出比世袭继承更荒谬的政府形象。
Could it be made a decree in nature, or an edict registered in heaven, and man could know it, that virtue and wisdom should invariably appertain to hereditary succession, the objection to it would be removed; but when we see that nature acts as if she disowned and sported with the hereditary system; that the mental character of successors, in all countries, is below the average of human understanding; that one is a tyrant, another an idiot, a third insane, and some all three together, it is impossible to attach confidence to it, when reason in man has power to act.
如果能在自然界中制定一条法令，或者在天上登记一条法令，并且人们可以知道这一点，即美德和智慧应该始终属于世袭继承，那么对它的反对就会被消除；但当我们看到大自然的行为就好像她否认并玩弄世袭制度时；所有国家的继任者的精神品质都低于人类理解的平均水平；一个人是暴君，另一个人是白痴，第三个人是疯子，还有一些人三者兼而有之，当人的理性有能力采取行动时，就不可能对其抱有信心。
It is not to the Abbe Sieyes that I need apply this reasoning; he has already saved me that trouble by giving his own opinion upon the case.
我不需要将这个推理应用到西耶斯神父身上。他对这个案子发表了自己的看法，已经帮我省去了这个麻烦。
"If it be asked," says he, "what is my opinion with respect to hereditary right, I answer without hesitation, That in good theory, an hereditary transmission of any power of office, can never accord with the laws of a true representation.
“如果有人问我，”他说，“我对世袭权的看法是什么，我会毫不犹豫地回答，从好的理论上来说，任何职位权力的世袭传递永远都不符合真实代表权的法律。
Hereditaryship is, in this sense, as much an attaint upon principle, as an outrage upon society.
从这个意义上说，世袭制既是对原则的践踏，也是对社会的侮辱。
But let us," continues he, "refer to the history of all elective monarchies and principalities: is there one in which the elective mode is not worse than the hereditary succession?"
但让我们，”他继续说，“参考所有选举制君主国和公国的历史：是否存在选举制模式不比世袭继承方式更糟糕的国家？”
As to debating on which is the worst of the two, it is admitting both to be bad; and herein we are agreed.
至于争论两者哪个最差，那就是承认两者都不好；我们对此达成一致。
The preference which the Abbe has given, is a condemnation of the thing that he prefers.
神父所给予的偏好，是对他所偏好的事物的谴责。
Such a mode of reasoning on such a subject is inadmissible, because it finally amounts to an accusation upon Providence, as if she had left to man no other choice with respect to government than between two evils, the best of which he admits to be "an attaint upon principle, and an outrage upon society."
在这样一个问题上的这种推理方式是不可接受的，因为它最终等于对上帝的指控，就好像她在政府方面没有给人类留下除了两种罪恶之外的其他选择，他承认其中最好的一种是“对原则的亵渎和对社会的侮辱”。
Passing over, for the present, all the evils and mischiefs which monarchy has occasioned in the world, nothing can more effectually prove its uselessness in a state of civil government, than making it hereditary.
暂时不考虑君主制在世界上造成的所有罪恶和危害，没有什么比实行世袭制更能有效地证明君主制在公民政府中毫无用处了。
Would we make any office hereditary that required wisdom and abilities to fill it?
我们会让任何需要智慧和能力来担任的职位世袭吗？
And where wisdom and abilities are not necessary, such an office, whatever it may be, is superfluous or insignificant.
在不需要智慧和能力的地方，这样的办公室，无论它是什么，都是多余的或微不足道的。
Hereditary succession is a burlesque upon monarchy.
世袭继承是对君主制的滑稽表演。
It puts it in the most ridiculous light, by presenting it as an office which any child or idiot may fill.
它将它呈现为一个任何孩子或白痴都可以填补的办公室，从而将其置于最荒谬的角度。
It requires some talents to be a common mechanic; but to be a king requires only the animal figure of man--a sort of breathing automaton.
成为一名普通机械师需要一定的天赋；但要成为国王只需要人的动物形象——一种会呼吸的机器人。
This sort of superstition may last a few years more, but it cannot long resist the awakened reason and interest of man.
这种迷信也许还能持续几年，但它无法长久阻挡人类觉醒的理性和兴趣。
As to Mr. Burke, he is a stickler for monarchy, not altogether as a pensioner, if he is one, which I believe, but as a political man.
至于伯克先生，他是君主制的坚定拥护者，但并不完全是作为一名养老金领取者（如果他是养老金领取者的话），我相信这一点，而是作为一名政治家。
He has taken up a contemptible opinion of mankind, who, in their turn, are taking up the same of him.
他对人类抱有卑鄙的看法，而人类也对他抱有同样的看法。
He considers them as a herd of beings that must be governed by fraud, effigy, and show; and an idol would be as good a figure of monarchy with him, as a man.
他认为他们是一群必须受到欺诈、肖像和表演的统治的生物。对他来说，偶像就像一个人一样，是君主的象征。
I will, however, do him the justice to say that, with respect to America, he has been very complimentary.
然而，我要公正地说，对于美国，他一直非常赞赏。
He always contended, at least in my hearing, that the people of America were more enlightened than those of England, or of any country in Europe; and that therefore the imposition of show was not necessary in their governments.
他总是声称，至少在我看来，美国人民比英国人民或欧洲任何国家的人民更加开明。因此，他们的政府没有必要强加表演。
Though the comparison between hereditary and elective monarchy, which the Abbe has made, is unnecessary to the case, because the representative system rejects both: yet, were I to make the comparison, I should decide contrary to what he has done.
尽管神甫对世袭君主制和选举君主制进行比较对于本案来说是不必要的，因为代议制拒绝两者；然而，如果我进行比较，我应该做出与他所做的相反的决定。
The civil wars which have originated from contested hereditary claims, are more numerous, and have been more dreadful, and of longer continuance, than those which have been occasioned by election.
与选举引起的内战相比，因世袭继承权争夺而引发的内战数量更多、更为可怕、持续时间更长。
All the civil wars in France arose from the hereditary system; they were either produced by hereditary claims, or by the imperfection of the hereditary form, which admits of regencies or monarchy at nurse.
法国的所有内战都源于世袭制度；它们要么是由世袭要求产生的，要么是由世袭形式的不完善产生的，这种形式允许摄政或君主制。
With respect to England, its history is full of the same misfortunes.
对于英国来说，它的历史也充满了同样的不幸。
The contests for succession between the houses of York and Lancaster lasted a whole century; and others of a similar nature have renewed themselves since that period.
约克家族和兰开斯特家族之间的王位争夺持续了整整一个世纪。自那个时期以来，其他具有类似性质的人也不断更新自己。
Those of 1715 and 1745 were of the same kind.
1715年和1745年的作品属于同一类型。
The succession war for the crown of Spain embroiled almost half Europe.
西班牙王位继承战争几乎卷入了半个欧洲。
The disturbances of Holland are generated from the hereditaryship of the Stadtholder.
荷兰的骚乱源于总督的世袭制。
A government calling itself free, with an hereditary office, is like a thorn in the flesh, that produces a fermentation which endeavours to discharge it.
一个自称自由、职位世袭的政府就像肉中的一根刺，会产生发酵，并试图将其排出。
But I might go further, and place also foreign wars, of whatever kind, to the same cause.
但我可能会更进一步，将任何类型的对外战争也归咎于同样的原因。
It is by adding the evil of hereditary succession to that of monarchy, that a permanent family interest is created, whose constant objects are dominion and revenue.
正是在君主制的罪恶之外加上世袭继承的罪恶，才创造了永久的家庭利益，其永恒的目标是统治和收入。
Poland, though an elective monarchy, has had fewer wars than those which are hereditary; and it is the only government that has made a voluntary essay, though but a small one, to reform the condition of the country.
波兰虽然是一个选举君主制国家，但其发生的战争却比世袭君主制国家少。它是唯一一个自愿发表论文来改革国家状况的政府，尽管论文规模很小。
Having thus glanced at a few of the defects of the old, or hereditary systems of government, let us compare it with the new, or representative system.
在审视了旧的政府制度或世袭制度的一些缺陷之后，让我们将其与新的政府制度或代议制度进行比较。
The representative system takes society and civilisation for its basis; nature, reason, and experience, for its guide.
代议制以社会和文明为基础；自然、理性和经验为其指导。
Experience, in all ages, and in all countries, has demonstrated that it is impossible to control Nature in her distribution of mental powers.
各个时代、各个国家的经验都证明，控制自然的精神力量分配是不可能的。
She gives them as she pleases.
她随心所欲地给予它们。
Whatever is the rule by which she, apparently to us, scatters them among mankind, that rule remains a secret to man.
无论她（在我们看来）将它们分散在人类中的规则是什么，该规则对人类来说仍然是一个秘密。
It would be as ridiculous to attempt to fix the hereditaryship of human beauty, as of wisdom.
试图固定人类美貌和智慧的遗传性是荒谬的。
Whatever wisdom constituently is, it is like a seedless plant; it may be reared when it appears, but it cannot be voluntarily produced.
无论智慧的构成是什么，它都像无籽植物一样；它可能在出现时被饲养，但不能自愿产生。
There is always a sufficiency somewhere in the general mass of society for all purposes; but with respect to the parts of society, it is continually changing its place.
社会大众中的某个地方总是有足够的资源来满足所有目的；但就社会各部分而言，它的地位却在不断地改变。
It rises in one to-day, in another to-morrow, and has most probably visited in rotation every family of the earth, and again withdrawn.
它今天升起，明天又升起，很可能轮流造访过地球上的每一个家庭，然后又撤回。
As this is in the order of nature, the order of government must necessarily follow it, or government will, as we see it does, degenerate into ignorance.
由于这是自然秩序，政府的秩序也必须遵循它，否则政府将如我们所见，堕落为无知。
The hereditary system, therefore, is as repugnant to human wisdom as to human rights; and is as absurd as it is unjust.
因此，世袭制度既违背人类智慧，也违背人权。这是荒谬的，也是不公正的。
As the republic of letters brings forward the best literary productions, by giving to genius a fair and universal chance; so the representative system of government is calculated to produce the wisest laws, by collecting wisdom from where it can be found.
正如文学共和国通过给予天才一个公平和普遍的机会来推出最好的文学作品一样；因此，政府的代议制旨在通过收集可以找到的智慧来制定最明智的法律。
I smile to myself when I contemplate the ridiculous insignificance into which literature and all the sciences would sink, were they made hereditary; and I carry the same idea into governments.
当我想到如果文学和所有的科学都是世袭的话，它们将会陷入多么可笑的微不足道的境地时，我暗自微笑。我将同样的想法带入政府。
An hereditary governor is as inconsistent as an hereditary author.
世袭总督就像世袭作家一样反复无常。
I know not whether Homer or Euclid had sons; but I will venture an opinion that if they had, and had left their works unfinished, those sons could not have completed them.
我不知道荷马或欧几里得是否有儿子；但我敢说，如果他们已经完成了他们的工作，并且没有完成他们的工作，那么那些儿子就不可能完成它们。
Do we need a stronger evidence of the absurdity of hereditary government than is seen in the descendants of those men, in any line of life, who once were famous?
我们是否需要比那些曾经著名的人的后裔更强有力的证据来证明世袭政府的荒谬性？
Is there scarcely an instance in which there is not a total reverse of the character?
几乎没有一个例子不存在完全相反的性格吗？
It appears as if the tide of mental faculties flowed as far as it could in certain channels, and then forsook its course, and arose in others.
似乎心智的潮流在某些渠道中尽可能地流动，然后放弃了它的路线，并在其他渠道中出现。
How irrational then is the hereditary system, which establishes channels of power, in company with which wisdom refuses to flow!
那么，建立权力渠道的世袭制度是多么不合理，而智慧却拒绝与之相伴！
By continuing this absurdity, man is perpetually in contradiction with himself; he accepts, for a king, or a chief magistrate, or a legislator, a person whom he would not elect for a constable.
如果继续这种荒谬的行为，人就会永远与自己相矛盾。他接受一个他不会选为警察的人担任国王、首席法官或立法者。
It appears to general observation, that revolutions create genius and talents; but those events do no more than bring them forward.
一般观察认为，革命创造了天才和才干；但这些事件只不过是推动他们前进而已。
There is existing in man, a mass of sense lying in a dormant state, and which, unless something excites it to action, will descend with him, in that condition, to the grave.
人体内存在着大量处于休眠状态的感觉，除非有什么东西刺激它采取行动，否则在这种情况下，这种感觉将与人一起沉入坟墓。
As it is to the advantage of society that the whole of its faculties should be employed, the construction of government ought to be such as to bring forward, by a quiet and regular operation, all that extent of capacity which never fails to appear in revolutions.
由于社会的全部能力都应该得到运用，因此政府的建设应该能够通过安静而有规律的运作，发挥出在革命中永远不会出现的所有能力。
This cannot take place in the insipid state of hereditary government, not only because it prevents, but because it operates to benumb.
在世袭政府的平淡状态下，这种情况不可能发生，不仅因为它会阻碍，而且因为它的作用是麻木的。
When the mind of a nation is bowed down by any political superstition in its government, such as hereditary succession is, it loses a considerable portion of its powers on all other subjects and objects.
当一个国家的思想被其政府中的任何政治迷信所压倒时，例如世袭继承，它就会在所有其他主题和对象上失去相当一部分权力。
Hereditary succession requires the same obedience to ignorance, as to wisdom; and when once the mind can bring itself to pay this indiscriminate reverence, it descends below the stature of mental manhood.
世袭继承要求对无知和智慧同样服从。一旦心灵能够接受这种不分青红皂白的崇敬，它就会下降到精神男子气概以下。
It is fit to be great only in little things.
只在小事上表现出色才合适。
It acts a treachery upon itself, and suffocates the sensations that urge the detection.
它对自己进行了背叛，并窒息了促使检测的感觉。
Though the ancient governments present to us a miserable picture of the condition of man, there is one which above all others exempts itself from the general description.
尽管古代政府向我们展示了一幅人类处境的悲惨景象，但有一个最重要的方面是不属于一般描述的。
I mean the democracy of the Athenians.
我指的是雅典人的民主。
We see more to admire, and less to condemn, in that great, extraordinary people, than in anything which history affords.
与历史上的任何事物相比，我们在这位伟大而非凡的人民身上看到的更多的是值得钦佩的，而不是更多的谴责。
Mr. Burke is so little acquainted with constituent principles of government, that he confounds democracy and representation together.
伯克先生对政府的构成原则知之甚少，以至于他将民主和代表制混为一谈。
Representation was a thing unknown in the ancient democracies.
在古代民主国家，代表权是一种未知的事物。
In those the mass of the people met and enacted laws (grammatically speaking) in the first person.
在这些活动中，人民群众以第一人称会面并颁布了法律（从语法上来说）。
Simple democracy was no other than the common hall of the ancients.
简单的民主就是古人的公共大厅。
It signifies the form, as well as the public principle of the government.
它象征着政府的形式，也象征着政府的公共原则。
As those democracies increased in population, and the territory extended, the simple democratical form became unwieldy and impracticable; and as the system of representation was not known, the consequence was, they either degenerated convulsively into monarchies, or became absorbed into such as then existed.
随着这些民主国家人口的增加和领土的扩大，简单的民主形式变得笨拙和不切实际。由于不知道代表制度，结果是，他们要么急剧退化为君主制，要么被吸收到当时存在的君主制中。
Had the system of representation been then understood, as it now is, there is no reason to believe that those forms of government, now called monarchical or aristocratical, would ever have taken place.
如果当时像现在这样理解代表制度，就没有理由相信那些现在被称为君主制或贵族制的政府形式会出现。
It was the want of some method to consolidate the parts of society, after it became too populous, and too extensive for the simple democratical form, and also the lax and solitary condition of shepherds and herdsmen in other parts of the world, that afforded opportunities to those unnatural modes of government to begin.
正是在社会人口过多、范围过于广泛、不适合简单的民主形式之后，需要某种方法来巩固社会各部分，而且世界其他地区的牧羊人和牧民的松散和孤独的状况，才为那些不自然的政府模式的出现提供了机会。
As it is necessary to clear away the rubbish of errors, into which the subject of government has been thrown, I will proceed to remark on some others.
由于有必要清除政府主题中的错误垃圾，我将继续评论其他一些错误。
It has always been the political craft of courtiers and court-governments, to abuse something which they called republicanism; but what republicanism was, or is, they never attempt to explain.
滥用他们所谓的共和主义一直是朝臣和朝廷政府的政治伎俩。但共和主义过去或现在是什么，他们从未试图解释。
Let us examine a little into this case.
让我们稍微研究一下这个案例。
The only forms of government are the democratical, the aristocratical, the monarchical, and what is now called the representative.
唯一的政府形式是民主制、贵族制、君主制和现在所谓的代议制。
What is called a republic is not any particular form of government.
所谓的共和国并不是任何特定形式的政府。
It is wholly characteristical of the purport, matter or object for which government ought to be instituted, and on which it is to be employed, Res-Publica, the public affairs, or the public good; or, literally translated, the public thing.
它完全体现了政府应该成立和运用的宗旨、事项或目标，即公共事务、公共事务或公共利益；或者，按字面翻译，公共事物。
It is a word of a good original, referring to what ought to be the character and business of government; and in this sense it is naturally opposed to the word monarchy, which has a base original signification.
这是一个原汁原味的词，指的是政府的特征和职责。从这个意义上讲，它自然是与君主制这个词相对立的，因为后者有一个基本的原始含义。
It means arbitrary power in an individual person; in the exercise of which, himself, and not the res-publica, is the object.
它意味着个人的任意权力；在行使这一权利时，目标是他自己，而不是共和国。
Every government that does not act on the principle of a Republic, or in other words, that does not make the res-publica its whole and sole object, is not a good government.
任何一个不按照共和原则行事的政府，或者换句话说，不把共和作为其全部和唯一目标的政府，都不是一个好政府。
Republican government is no other than government established and conducted for the interest of the public, as well individually as collectively.
共和政府只不过是为了公众利益（无论是个人利益还是集体利益）而建立和运作的政府。
It is not necessarily connected with any particular form, but it most naturally associates with the representative form, as being best calculated to secure the end for which a nation is at the expense of supporting it.
它不一定与任何特定的形式有关，但它最自然地与代表形式联系在一起，因为它最好地计算以确保一个国家以牺牲支持它为代价的目的。
Various forms of government have affected to style themselves a republic.
各种形式的政府都力图把自己塑造成共和国。
Poland calls itself a republic, which is an hereditary aristocracy, with what is called an elective monarchy.
波兰自称为共和国，是一个世袭贵族制国家，具有所谓的选举君主制。
Holland calls itself a republic, which is chiefly aristocratical, with an hereditary stadtholdership.
荷兰自称是一个共和国，主要是贵族制，具有世袭的总督地位。
But the government of America, which is wholly on the system of representation, is the only real Republic, in character and in practice, that now exists.
但完全建立在代议制之上的美国政府，无论在性质上还是在实践上，都是目前存在的唯一真正的共和国。
Its government has no other object than the public business of the nation, and therefore it is properly a republic; and the Americans have taken care that This, and no other, shall always be the object of their government, by their rejecting everything hereditary, and establishing governments on the system of representation only.
它的政府除了国家的公共事务外没有其他目标，因此它是一个适当的共和国。美国人拒绝一切世袭制，仅以代议制为基础建立政府，以此确保这一目标永远成为他们政府的目标。
Those who have said that a republic is not a form of government calculated for countries of great extent, mistook, in the first place, the business of a government, for a form of government; for the res-publica equally appertains to every extent of territory and population.
那些说共和政体不是一种适用于大范围国家的政府形式的人，首先将政府的事务误认为是一种政府形式；对于共和国来说，它同样适用于各个范围的领土和人口。
And, in the second place, if they meant anything with respect to form, it was the simple democratical form, such as was the mode of government in the ancient democracies, in which there was no representation.
其次，如果它们在形式方面有任何意义的话，那就是简单的民主形式，就像古代民主国家的政府模式一样，其中没有代表权。
The case, therefore, is not, that a republic cannot be extensive, but that it cannot be extensive on the simple democratical form; and the question naturally presents itself, What is the best form of government for conducting the Res-Publica, or the Public Business of a nation, after it becomes too extensive and populous for the simple democratical form?
因此，问题并不是共和政体不能扩张，而是它不能以简单的民主形式扩张。这个问题自然而然地出现了：当一个国家的范围变得过于广泛和人口众多，不适合简单的民主形式时，执行公共事务（Res-Publica）或国家公共事务的最佳政府形式是什么？
It cannot be monarchy, because monarchy is subject to an objection of the same amount to which the simple democratical form was subject.
它不可能是君主制，因为君主制受到与简单民主形式同样多的反对。
It is possible that an individual may lay down a system of principles, on which government shall be constitutionally established to any extent of territory.
个人有可能制定一套原则体系，在该体系上，任何领土范围内的政府都应根据宪法建立。
This is no more than an operation of the mind, acting by its own powers.
这只不过是心灵的一种运作，依靠自己的力量行事。
But the practice upon those principles, as applying to the various and numerous circumstances of a nation, its agriculture, manufacture, trade, commerce, etc., etc., a knowledge of a different kind, and which can be had only from the various parts of society.
但是，这些原则的实践，适用于一个国家的农业、制造业、贸易、商业等各种不同的情况，是一种不同类型的知识，只能从社会的各个部分获得。
It is an assemblage of practical knowledge, which no individual can possess; and therefore the monarchical form is as much limited, in useful practice, from the incompetency of knowledge, as was the democratical form, from the multiplicity of population.
它是实践知识的集合，任何个人都无法拥有；因此，在实践中，君主制形式由于知识的无能而受到限制，正如民主形式由于人口的多样性而受到限制一样。
The one degenerates, by extension, into confusion; the other, into ignorance and incapacity, of which all the great monarchies are an evidence.
推而广之，一个人就会堕落到混乱之中。另一个是陷入无知和无能，所有伟大的君主国都是这一点的证明。
The monarchical form, therefore, could not be a substitute for the democratical, because it has equal inconveniences.
因此，君主制不能代替民主制，因为它也有同样的不便。
Much less could it when made hereditary.
如果是世袭的话，就更不可能了。
This is the most effectual of all forms to preclude knowledge.
这是排除知识的所有形式中最有效的。
Neither could the high democratical mind have voluntarily yielded itself to be governed by children and idiots, and all the motley insignificance of character, which attends such a mere animal system, the disgrace and the reproach of reason and of man.
高度民主的思想也不可能自愿屈服于孩子和白痴以及所有杂乱无足的性格的统治，这些性格伴随着这样一个纯粹的动物系统，是理性和人类的耻辱和责备。
As to the aristocratical form, it has the same vices and defects with the monarchical, except that the chance of abilities is better from the proportion of numbers, but there is still no security for the right use and application of them.*[17]
就贵族制而言，它与君主制有着同样的弊端和缺陷，只是从人数比例上看能力的机会更好，但正确使用和运用能力仍然没有保障。*[17]
Referring them to the original simple democracy, it affords the true data from which government on a large scale can begin.
让他们参考最初的简单民主，它提供了大规模政府可以开始的真实数据。
It is incapable of extension, not from its principle, but from the inconvenience of its form; and monarchy and aristocracy, from their incapacity.
它无法扩展，不是因为它的原理，而是因为它的形式不方便。以及君主制和贵族制，因为他们无能。
Retaining, then, democracy as the ground, and rejecting the corrupt systems of monarchy and aristocracy, the representative system naturally presents itself; remedying at once the defects of the simple democracy as to form, and the incapacity of the other two with respect to knowledge.
那么，以民主为基础，摒弃君主制和贵族制的腐败制度，代议制就自然而然地出现了。立即弥补简单民主在形式上的缺陷以及其他两种民主在知识方面的无能。
Simple democracy was society governing itself without the aid of secondary means.
简单民主是社会在不借助辅助手段的情况下进行自我管理。
By ingrafting representation upon democracy, we arrive at a system of government capable of embracing and confederating all the various interests and every extent of territory and population; and that also with advantages as much superior to hereditary government, as the republic of letters is to hereditary literature.
通过将代表制嫁接在民主之上，我们建立了一个能够包容和联合所有不同利益、各种领土和人口的政府体系；这也具有比世袭政府优越得多的优势，正如文学共和国之于世袭文学一样。
It is on this system that the American government is founded.
美国政府正是建立在这一制度之上的。
It is representation ingrafted upon democracy.
这是植根于民主的代表制。
It has fixed the form by a scale parallel in all cases to the extent of the principle.
它通过在所有情况下与原则范围平行的比例固定了形式。
What Athens was in miniature America will be in magnitude.
雅典是美国的缩影，其规模将更加巨大。
The one was the wonder of the ancient world; the other is becoming the admiration of the present.
其一是古代世界的奇迹；其二是古代世界的奇迹。另一个正在成为现在的钦佩。
It is the easiest of all the forms of government to be understood and the most eligible in practice; and excludes at once the ignorance and insecurity of the hereditary mode, and the inconvenience of the simple democracy.
它是所有政府形式中最容易理解、最适合实践的；并立即排除了世袭模式的无知和不安全感以及简单民主的不便。
It is impossible to conceive a system of government capable of acting over such an extent of territory, and such a circle of interests, as is immediately produced by the operation of representation.
不可能想象有一个政府体系能够在代表制运作立即产生的如此大的领土和如此大的利益圈内采取行动。
France, great and populous as it is, is but a spot in the capaciousness of the system.
法国虽然幅员辽阔、人口众多，但在这个广阔的体系中却只是一个小地方。
It is preferable to simple democracy even in small territories.
即使在小领土上，它也比简单民主更可取。
Athens, by representation, would have outrivalled her own democracy.
就代表权而言，雅典将超越她自己的民主制度。
That which is called government, or rather that which we ought to conceive government to be, is no more than some common center in which all the parts of society unite.
所谓的政府，或者更确切地说，我们应该设想的政府，只不过是社会各部分联合起来的某个共同中心。
This cannot be accomplished by any method so conducive to the various interests of the community, as by the representative system.
这是任何有利于社会各种利益的方法（例如代议制）都无法做到的。
It concentrates the knowledge necessary to the interest of the parts, and of the whole.
它集中了部分和整体利益所必需的知识。
It places government in a state of constant maturity.
它使政府处于不断成熟的状态。
It is, as has already been observed, never young, never old.
正如我们已经观察到的那样，它既不年轻，也不衰老。
It is subject neither to nonage, nor dotage.
它既不受年龄限制，也不受年龄限制。
It is never in the cradle, nor on crutches.
它从来不在摇篮里，也不在拐杖上。
It admits not of a separation between knowledge and power, and is superior, as government always ought to be, to all the accidents of individual man, and is therefore superior to what is called monarchy.
它不承认知识和权力之间的分离，并且正如政府始终应有的那样，它优于个人的所有意外事件，因此优于所谓的君主制。
A nation is not a body, the figure of which is to be represented by the human body; but is like a body contained within a circle, having a common center, in which every radius meets; and that center is formed by representation.
民族不是一个身体，其形象是由人体来表现的；但就像一个包含在圆内的物体，有一个共同的中心，每个半径都在其中相交；这个中心是由代表形成的。
To connect representation with what is called monarchy, is eccentric government.
将代表制与所谓的君主制联系起来，就是古怪的政府。
Representation is of itself the delegated monarchy of a nation, and cannot debase itself by dividing it with another.
代表权本身就是一个国家的委托君主制，不能通过将其与另一个国家分裂来贬低自己。
Mr. Burke has two or three times, in his parliamentary speeches, and in his publications, made use of a jingle of words that convey no ideas.
伯克先生在议会演讲和出版物中曾有两三次使用了毫无意义的顺口溜。
Speaking of government, he says, "It is better to have monarchy for its basis, and republicanism for its corrective, than republicanism for its basis, and monarchy for its corrective."--If he means that it is better to correct folly with wisdom, than wisdom with folly, I will no otherwise contend with him, than that it would be much better to reject the folly entirely.
谈到政府时，他说：“以君主制为基础，以共和主义为矫正，比以共和主义为基础，以君主制为矫正要好。”——如果他的意思是用智慧纠正愚蠢比用愚蠢纠正智慧更好，那么我不会与他争论，也不会比完全拒绝愚蠢要好得多。
But what is this thing which Mr. Burke calls monarchy?
但伯克先生所说的君主制到底是什么？
Will he explain it?
他会解释吗？
All men can understand what representation is; and that it must necessarily include a variety of knowledge and talents.
所有人都能理解什么是代表；并且它必须包括各种知识和才能。
But what security is there for the same qualities on the part of monarchy?
但对于君主制来说，同样的品质有什么保障呢？
or, when the monarchy is a child, where then is the wisdom?
或者说，当君主政体还是个孩子的时候，智慧在哪里呢？
What does it know about government?
它对政府了解多少？
Who then is the monarch, or where is the monarchy?
那么谁是君主，或者说君主制在哪里？
If it is to be performed by regency, it proves to be a farce.
如果要由摄政来上演，那就证明是一场闹剧。
A regency is a mock species of republic, and the whole of monarchy deserves no better description.
摄政是共和政体的模仿，整个君主政体不值得更好的描述。
It is a thing as various as imagination can paint.
这是一个想象力所能描绘出的多种多样的事物。
It has none of the stable character that government ought to possess.
它不具备政府应有的稳定特征。
Every succession is a revolution, and every regency a counter-revolution.
每一次继承都是一场革命，每一次摄政都是反革命。
The whole of it is a scene of perpetual court cabal and intrigue, of which Mr. Burke is himself an instance.
整个事件充满了宫廷阴谋和阴谋，伯克先生本人就是一个例子。
To render monarchy consistent with government, the next in succession should not be born a child, but a man at once, and that man a Solomon.
为了使君主政体与政府保持一致，下一任继承人不应该出生为一个孩子，而应该立即成为一个男人，而那个男人就是所罗门。
It is ridiculous that nations are to wait and government be interrupted till boys grow to be men.
可笑的是，国家要等待，政府要被打断，直到男孩长大成人。
Whether I have too little sense to see, or too much to be imposed upon; whether I have too much or too little pride, or of anything else, I leave out of the question; but certain it is, that what is called monarchy, always appears to me a silly, contemptible thing.
是我的理智太少而无法看到，还是我的理智太多而无法被强加；我是否有太多或太少的骄傲，或者其他什么，我不考虑这个问题；但可以肯定的是，所谓的君主制在我看来总是愚蠢而可鄙的。
I compare it to something kept behind a curtain, about which there is a great deal of bustle and fuss, and a wonderful air of seeming solemnity; but when, by any accident, the curtain happens to be open--and the company see what it is, they burst into laughter.
我把它比作隐藏在幕布后面的东西，里面充满了喧嚣和大惊小怪，还有一种看似庄严的美妙气氛。但当幕布碰巧打开时，大家看到了幕布，他们突然大笑起来。
In the representative system of government, nothing of this can happen.
在代议制政府中，这一切都不会发生。
Like the nation itself, it possesses a perpetual stamina, as well of body as of mind, and presents itself on the open theatre of the world in a fair and manly manner.
就像这个民族本身一样，它拥有持久的体力和精神耐力，并以公平而有男子气概的方式在世界的开放舞台上展示自己。
Whatever are its excellences or defects, they are visible to all.
无论其优点或缺点，都是有目共睹的。
It exists not by fraud and mystery; it deals not in cant and sophistry; but inspires a language that, passing from heart to heart, is felt and understood.
它的存在并非出于欺诈和神秘，而是出于某种原因。它不涉及虚伪和诡辩；但却激发了一种可以从心传到心、被感受和理解的语言。
We must shut our eyes against reason, we must basely degrade our understanding, not to see the folly of what is called monarchy.
我们必须对理性视而不见，我们必须卑鄙地降低我们的理解力，而不是看到所谓君主制的愚蠢。
Nature is orderly in all her works; but this is a mode of government that counteracts nature.
大自然的一切作品都是井然有序的；但这是一种违背自然的政府模式。
It turns the progress of the human faculties upside down.
它颠覆了人类能力的进步。
It subjects age to be governed by children, and wisdom by folly.
它使年龄受儿童支配，使智慧受愚昧支配。
On the contrary, the representative system is always parallel with the order and immutable laws of nature, and meets the reason of man in every part.
相反，代议制始终与自然秩序和永恒规律并行，处处符合人的理性。
For example:
例如：
In the American Federal Government, more power is delegated to the President of the United States than to any other individual member of Congress.
在美国联邦政府中，授予美国总统的权力比授予任何其他国会议员的权力都多。
He cannot, therefore, be elected to this office under the age of thirty-five years.
因此，他不能在三十五岁以下当选担任这一职务。
By this time the judgment of man becomes more matured, and he has lived long enough to be acquainted with men and things, and the country with him.--But on the monarchial plan (exclusive of the numerous chances there are against every man born into the world, of drawing a prize in the lottery of human faculties), the next in succession, whatever he may be, is put at the head of a nation, and of a government, at the age of eighteen years.
到这个时候，人的判断力变得更加成熟，他已经活了足够长的时间来熟悉人和事物，以及国家。——但是根据君主制计划（不包括每个出生在这个世界上的人在人类能力彩票中抽奖的无数机会），下一任继承人，无论他是谁，都会在十八岁时被任命为国家和政府的元首。
Does this appear like an action of wisdom?
这看起来像是明智之举吗？
Is it consistent with the proper dignity and the manly character of a nation?
这符合一个民族应有的尊严和男子气概吗？
Where is the propriety of calling such a lad the father of the people?--In all other cases, a person is a minor until the age of twenty-one years.
称这样的小伙子为人民之父有什么适当之处呢？——在所有其他情况下，一个人在二十一岁之前都是未成年人。
Before this period, he is not trusted with the management of an acre of land, or with the heritable property of a flock of sheep, or an herd of swine; but, wonderful to tell!
在此之前，他不被信任管理一英亩土地，或拥有一群羊或一群猪的遗传财产；但是，很高兴告诉你！
he may, at the age of eighteen years, be trusted with a nation.
他在十八岁的时候就可以被托付给一个国家。
That monarchy is all a bubble, a mere court artifice to procure money, is evident (at least to me) in every character in which it can be viewed.
君主制完全是一个泡沫，仅仅是一种获取金钱的宫廷诡计，这一点在每个可以看到的角色中都是显而易见的（至少对我来说）。
It would be impossible, on the rational system of representative government, to make out a bill of expenses to such an enormous amount as this deception admits.
在代议制政府的理性制度下，不可能开出像这种骗局所承认的如此巨额的开支清单。
Government is not of itself a very chargeable institution.
政府本身并不是一个收费很高的机构。
The whole expense of the federal government of America, founded, as I have already said, on the system of representation, and extending over a country nearly ten times as large as England, is but six hundred thousand dollars, or one hundred and thirty-five thousand pounds sterling.
正如我已经说过的，美国联邦政府建立在代议制度的基础上，覆盖的国家面积几乎是英国的十倍，其全部开支不过六十万美元，即十三万五千英镑。
I presume that no man in his sober senses will compare the character of any of the kings of Europe with that of General Washington.
我认为任何清醒的人都不会将欧洲国王的性格与华盛顿将军的性格进行比较。
Yet, in France, and also in England, the expense of the civil list only, for the support of one man, is eight times greater than the whole expense of the federal government in America.
然而，在法国和英国，仅公民名单上一个人的开支就比美国联邦政府的全部开支高出八倍。
To assign a reason for this, appears almost impossible.
要为此找出原因似乎几乎是不可能的。
The generality of people in America, especially the poor, are more able to pay taxes, than the generality of people either in France or England.
美国民众，尤其是穷人，比法国或英国民众更有能力纳税。
But the case is, that the representative system diffuses such a body of knowledge throughout a nation, on the subject of government, as to explode ignorance and preclude imposition.
但实际情况是，代议制在整个国家传播了有关政府的知识体系，从而消除了无知并防止强加于人。
The craft of courts cannot be acted on that ground.
法院的技巧不能以此为由行事。
There is no place for mystery; nowhere for it to begin.
没有什么神秘的地方；无处开始。
Those who are not in the representation, know as much of the nature of business as those who are.
那些不在代表中的人与那些在代表中的人一样了解商业的本质。
An affectation of mysterious importance would there be scouted.
一种具有神秘重要性的矫揉造作将会被发现。
Nations can have no secrets; and the secrets of courts, like those of individuals, are always their defects.
国家不能有秘密；法庭的秘密，就像个人的秘密一样，始终是它们的缺陷。
In the representative system, the reason for everything must publicly appear.
在代议制下，一切事情的理由都必须公开显现。
Every man is a proprietor in government, and considers it a necessary part of his business to understand.
每个人都是政府的所有者，并认为了解政府是其业务的必要组成部分。
It concerns his interest, because it affects his property.
这关系到他的利益，因为这影响到他的财产。
He examines the cost, and compares it with the advantages; and above all, he does not adopt the slavish custom of following what in other governments are called Leaders.
他检查成本，并将其与优势进行比较；最重要的是，他没有采取追随其他政府所谓的领导人的奴性习惯。
It can only be by blinding the understanding of man, and making him believe that government is some wonderful mysterious thing, that excessive revenues are obtained.
只有蒙蔽人们的理解，让他们相信政府是某种奇妙而神秘的东西，才能获得过多的收入。
Monarchy is well calculated to ensure this end.
君主制是为了确保这一目标而精心策划的。
It is the popery of government; a thing kept up to amuse the ignorant, and quiet them into taxes.
它是政府的最高权力；这是为了逗乐无知者，让他们安静下来纳税的事情。
The government of a free country, properly speaking, is not in the persons, but in the laws.
准确地说，自由国家的政府不在于人，而在于法律。
The enacting of those requires no great expense; and when they are administered, the whole of civil government is performed--the rest is all court contrivance.
这些措施的实施并不需要花费太多费用；当它们被执行时，整个民事政府就被执行了——其余的都是法院的设计。
CHAPTER IV.
第四章。
OF CONSTITUTIONS
宪法的
That men mean distinct and separate things when they speak of constitutions and of governments, is evident; or why are those terms distinctly and separately used?
显而易见，当人们谈论宪法和政府时，他们所指的是不同的、不同的事物。或者为什么这些术语要明确且单独地使用？
A constitution is not the act of a government, but of a people constituting a government; and government without a constitution, is power without a right.
宪法不是政府的行为，而是组成政府的人民的行为；没有宪法的政府就是没有权利的权力。
All power exercised over a nation, must have some beginning.
对一个国家行使的所有权力都必须有一个开始。
It must either be delegated or assumed.
它必须被委托或承担。
There are no other sources.
没有其他来源。
All delegated power is trust, and all assumed power is usurpation.
所有授予的权力都是信任，所有假定的权力都是篡夺。
Time does not alter the nature and quality of either.
时间不会改变两者的本质和质量。
In viewing this subject, the case and circumstances of America present themselves as in the beginning of a world; and our enquiry into the origin of government is shortened, by referring to the facts that have arisen in our own day.
从这个主题来看，美国的情况和情况就像是在一个世界的开端。通过参考我们这个时代出现的事实，我们对政府起源的探究也被缩短了。
We have no occasion to roam for information into the obscure field of antiquity, nor hazard ourselves upon conjecture.
我们没有机会去古代的晦涩领域寻找信息，也没有机会冒险进行猜测。
We are brought at once to the point of seeing government begin, as if we had lived in the beginning of time.
我们立刻就看到了政府的开始，就好像我们生活在时间的开端一样。
The real volume, not of history, but of facts, is directly before us, unmutilated by contrivance, or the errors of tradition.
真正的书，不是历史，而是事实，就直接摆在我们面前，没有被人为或传统的错误所破坏。
I will here concisely state the commencement of the American constitutions; by which the difference between constitutions and governments will sufficiently appear.
我将在此简述美国宪法的生效日期；宪法与政府之间的差异将充分显现出来。
It may not appear improper to remind the reader that the United States of America consist of thirteen separate states, each of which established a government for itself, after the declaration of independence, done the 4th of July, 1776.
提醒读者，美利坚合众国由 13 个独立的州组成，每个州在 1776 年 7 月 4 日宣布独立后都建立了自己的政府，这似乎并不恰当。
Each state acted independently of the rest, in forming its governments; but the same general principle pervades the whole.
每个州在组建政府时都独立于其他州行事。但同样的一般原则贯穿于整体。
When the several state governments were formed, they proceeded to form the federal government, that acts over the whole in all matters which concern the interest of the whole, or which relate to the intercourse of the several states with each other, or with foreign nations.
当几个州政府成立后，他们就开始组建联邦政府，联邦政府负责处理所有涉及整体利益的事务，或者涉及几个州之间或与外国交往的事务。
I will begin with giving an instance from one of the state governments (that of Pennsylvania) and then proceed to the federal government.
我将首先举一个州政府（宾夕法尼亚州）的例子，然后再介绍联邦政府。
The state of Pennsylvania, though nearly of the same extent of territory as England, was then divided into only twelve counties.
宾夕法尼亚州虽然领土面积几乎与英格兰相同，但当时只分为十二个县。
Each of those counties had elected a committee at the commencement of the dispute with the English government; and as the city of Philadelphia, which also had its committee, was the most central for intelligence, it became the center of communication to the several country committees.
这些县在与英国政府的争端开始时都选举了一个委员会。费城也设有委员会，是情报最中心的城市，因此它成为几个国家委员会的沟通中心。
When it became necessary to proceed to the formation of a government, the committee of Philadelphia proposed a conference of all the committees, to be held in that city, and which met the latter end of July, 1776.
当需要组建政府时，费城委员会提议在该市召开一次所有委员会的会议，会议于 1776 年 7 月下旬召开。
Though these committees had been duly elected by the people, they were not elected expressly for the purpose, nor invested with the authority of forming a constitution; and as they could not, consistently with the American idea of rights, assume such a power, they could only confer upon the matter, and put it into a train of operation.
尽管这些委员会是由人民正式选举产生的，但它们并不是专门为了选举目的而选举的，也没有被赋予制定宪法的权力；由于他们无法按照美国的权利观念拥有这样的权力，因此他们只能授权此事，并将其付诸行动。
The conferees, therefore, did no more than state the case, and recommend to the several counties to elect six representatives for each county, to meet in convention at Philadelphia, with powers to form a constitution, and propose it for public consideration.
因此，与会者只是陈述了情况，并建议几个县为每个县选举六名代表，在费城举行会议，有权制定宪法，并提出供公众审议。
This convention, of which Benjamin Franklin was president, having met and deliberated, and agreed upon a constitution, they next ordered it to be published, not as a thing established, but for the consideration of the whole people, their approbation or rejection, and then adjourned to a stated time.
这次会议由本杰明·富兰克林担任主席，开会讨论并商定了宪法，然后他们下令将其公布，不是作为既定的事情，而是为了全体人民的考虑，他们的赞成或反对，然后休会到规定的时间。
When the time of adjournment was expired, the convention re-assembled; and as the general opinion of the people in approbation of it was then known, the constitution was signed, sealed, and proclaimed on the authority of the people and the original instrument deposited as a public record.
休会期满后，大会重新召开；众所周知，当时人民普遍赞成宪法，宪法是在人民的授权下签署、盖章和宣布的，并将原始文书作为公共记录保存。
The convention then appointed a day for the general election of the representatives who were to compose the government, and the time it should commence; and having done this they dissolved, and returned to their several homes and occupations.
会议随后指定了组成政府的代表进行大选的日期以及选举开始的时间；做完这些之后，他们就解散了，回到了各自的家园和职业。
In this constitution were laid down, first, a declaration of rights; then followed the form which the government should have, and the powers it should possess--the authority of the courts of judicature, and of juries--the manner in which elections should be conducted, and the proportion of representatives to the number of electors--the time which each succeeding assembly should continue, which was one year--the mode of levying, and of accounting for the expenditure, of public money--of appointing public officers, etc., etc., etc.
这部宪法首先规定了权利宣言；然后是政府应有的形式和它应拥有的权力——司法法院和陪审团的权力——选举的方式和代表与选举人人数的比例——随后的每届议会应持续的时间，即一年——公共资金的征收和支出核算方式——任命公职人员等。
No article of this constitution could be altered or infringed at the discretion of the government that was to ensue.
随后的政府不得自行决定修改或侵犯本宪法的任何条款。
It was to that government a law.
对于那个政府来说，这是一项法律。
But as it would have been unwise to preclude the benefit of experience, and in order also to prevent the accumulation of errors, if any should be found, and to preserve an unison of government with the circumstances of the state at all times, the constitution provided that, at the expiration of every seven years, a convention should be elected, for the express purpose of revising the constitution, and making alterations, additions, or abolitions therein, if any such should be found necessary.
但是，由于排除经验的好处是不明智的，而且为了防止错误的积累（如果有的话），并为了始终保持政府与国家情况的一致性，宪法规定，每七年届满时，应选举一次代表大会，其明确目的是修改宪法，并在必要时对宪法进行修改、补充或废除。
Here we see a regular process--a government issuing out of a constitution, formed by the people in their original character; and that constitution serving, not only as an authority, but as a law of control to the government.
在这里我们看到一个正常的过程——一个政府根据宪法颁布，由人民以其本来的性格组成；该宪法不仅作为权威，而且作为政府的控制法。
It was the political bible of the state.
这是国家的政治圣经。
Scarcely a family was without it.
几乎没有一个家庭没有它。
Every member of the government had a copy; and nothing was more common, when any debate arose on the principle of a bill, or on the extent of any species of authority, than for the members to take the printed constitution out of their pocket, and read the chapter with which such matter in debate was connected.
每个政府成员都有一份副本；当对一项法案的原则或任何一种权力的范围进行任何辩论时，最常见的莫过于议员们从口袋里掏出印刷好的宪法，阅读与辩论中的问题相关的章节。
Having thus given an instance from one of the states, I will show the proceedings by which the federal constitution of the United States arose and was formed.
在给出一个州的例子后，我将展示美国联邦宪法的产生和形成的程序。
Congress, at its two first meetings, in September 1774, and May 1775, was nothing more than a deputation from the legislatures of the several provinces, afterwards states; and had no other authority than what arose from common consent, and the necessity of its acting as a public body.
国会在 1774 年 9 月和 1775 年 5 月举行的第一次会议上只不过是由几个省（后来成为各州）的立法机关组成的代表。除了共同同意产生的权力以及其作为公共机构行事的必要性之外，没有其他权力。
In everything which related to the internal affairs of America, congress went no further than to issue recommendations to the several provincial assemblies, who at discretion adopted them or not.
在涉及美国内政的一切问题上，国会只不过向几个省议会提出建议，由省议会酌情采纳或不采纳。
Nothing on the part of congress was compulsive; yet, in this situation, it was more faithfully and affectionately obeyed than was any government in Europe.
国会方面没有任何事情是强制性的。然而，在这种情况下，它比欧洲任何政府都受到更忠实和亲切的服从。
This instance, like that of the national assembly in France, sufficiently shows, that the strength of government does not consist in any thing itself, but in the attachment of a nation, and the interest which a people feel in supporting it.
这个例子，就像法国国民议会的例子一样，充分表明，政府的力量并不在于任何事物本身，而在于对一个民族的依恋，以及人民对支持这个民族的兴趣。
When this is lost, government is but a child in power; and though, like the old government in France, it may harass individuals for a while, it but facilitates its own fall.
如果失去了这一点，政府就只是一个掌权的孩子；尽管它像法国旧政府一样，可能会骚扰个人一段时间，但它却助长了自己的垮台。
After the declaration of independence, it became consistent with the principle on which representative government is founded, that the authority of congress should be defined and established.
宣布独立后，国会的权力应该得到界定和确立，这与代议制政府的建立原则是一致的。
Whether that authority should be more or less than congress then discretionarily exercised was not the question.
该权力是否应该高于或低于国会当时酌情行使的权力并不是问题。
It was merely the rectitude of the measure.
这只是措施的正确性。
For this purpose, the act, called the act of confederation (which was a sort of imperfect federal constitution), was proposed, and, after long deliberation, was concluded in the year 1781.
为此，提出了一项名为《联邦法案》（这是一种不完善的联邦宪法）的法案，并经过长时间的审议，于1781年达成。
It was not the act of congress, because it is repugnant to the principles of representative government that a body should give power to itself.
这不是国会的行为，因为它与代议制政府的原则相抵触，即一个机构应该向自己授予权力。
Congress first informed the several states, of the powers which it conceived were necessary to be invested in the union, to enable it to perform the duties and services required from it; and the states severally agreed with each other, and concentrated in congress those powers.
国会首先向几个州通报其认为需要赋予联邦的权力，以使其能够履行其所要求的职责和服务；各州各自同意，并将这些权力集中在国会。
It may not be improper to observe that in both those instances (the one of Pennsylvania, and the other of the United States), there is no such thing as the idea of a compact between the people on one side, and the government on the other.
观察到在这两种情况下（宾夕法尼亚州和美国的另一种情况），一方的人民和另一方的政府之间不存在契约的想法，这也许并不恰当。
The compact was that of the people with each other, to produce and constitute a government.
契约是人民之间的契约，旨在产生和组成政府。
To suppose that any government can be a party in a compact with the whole people, is to suppose it to have existence before it can have a right to exist.
假设任何政府都可以成为全民契约的一方，就等于假设它在拥有存在权之前就已存在。
The only instance in which a compact can take place between the people and those who exercise the government, is, that the people shall pay them, while they choose to employ them.
人民和政府行使者之间可以达成契约的唯一情况是，人民在选择雇用他们时应支付他们的工资。
Government is not a trade which any man, or any body of men, has a right to set up and exercise for his own emolument, but is altogether a trust, in right of those by whom that trust is delegated, and by whom it is always resumeable.
政府不是任何人或任何团体有权为自己的报酬而设立和行使的行业，而完全是一种信托，其权利属于那些被委托的人，并且总是可以由他们恢复。
It has of itself no rights; they are altogether duties.
它本身没有任何权利；它们完全是职责。
Having thus given two instances of the original formation of a constitution, I will show the manner in which both have been changed since their first establishment.
在给出了宪法最初形成的两个例子之后，我将展示两者自首次制定以来的变化方式。
The powers vested in the governments of the several states, by the state constitutions, were found, upon experience, to be too great; and those vested in the federal government, by the act of confederation, too little.
根据经验，州宪法赋予各州政府的权力太大。而那些通过联邦法案归属于联邦政府的则太少了。
The defect was not in the principle, but in the distribution of power.
问题不在于原则，而在于权力分配。
Numerous publications, in pamphlets and in the newspapers, appeared, on the propriety and necessity of new modelling the federal government.
小册子和报纸上出现了大量关于联邦政府新模式的适当性和必要性的出版物。
After some time of public discussion, carried on through the channel of the press, and in conversations, the state of Virginia, experiencing some inconvenience with respect to commerce, proposed holding a continental conference; in consequence of which, a deputation from five or six state assemblies met at Annapolis, in Maryland, in 1786.
经过一段时间通过新闻界和对话渠道进行的公开讨论后，弗吉尼亚州在商业方面遇到了一些不便，提议召开一次大陆会议；结果，来自五六个州议会的代表于 1786 年在马里兰州的安纳波利斯举行会议。
This meeting, not conceiving itself sufficiently authorised to go into the business of a reform, did no more than state their general opinions of the propriety of the measure, and recommend that a convention of all the states should be held the year following.
这次会议并没有充分授权进行改革，只是表达了他们对这项措施适当性的一般意见，并建议明年召开所有州的会议。
The convention met at Philadelphia in May, 1787, of which General Washington was elected president.
1787 年 5 月，大会在费城召开，华盛顿将军当选为主席。
He was not at that time connected with any of the state governments, or with congress.
当时他与任何州政府或国会都没有联系。
He delivered up his commission when the war ended, and since then had lived a private citizen.
战争结束后，他辞去了职务，从此过上了普通公民的生活。
The convention went deeply into all the subjects; and having, after a variety of debate and investigation, agreed among themselves upon the several parts of a federal constitution, the next question was, the manner of giving it authority and practice.
大会深入探讨了所有主题；经过各种辩论和调查后，他们就联邦宪法的几个部分达成了一致，下一个问题是赋予联邦宪法权力和实践的方式。
For this purpose they did not, like a cabal of courtiers, send for a Dutch Stadtholder, or a German Elector; but they referred the whole matter to the sense and interest of the country.
为此目的，他们并没有像一群朝臣那样派人去请荷兰总督或德国选帝侯；但他们将整个问题归咎于国家的意识和利益。
They first directed that the proposed constitution should be published.
他们首先指示应该公布拟议的宪法。
Secondly, that each state should elect a convention, expressly for the purpose of taking it into consideration, and of ratifying or rejecting it; and that as soon as the approbation and ratification of any nine states should be given, that those states shall proceed to the election of their proportion of members to the new federal government; and that the operation of it should then begin, and the former federal government cease.
其次，每个国家都应该选出一项公约，明确地考虑该公约并批准或拒绝该公约；一旦获得任何九个州的认可和批准，这些州就应开始选举新联邦政府的成员比例；然后它就应该开始运作，而前联邦政府则终止。
The several states proceeded accordingly to elect their conventions.
几个州据此开始选举他们的代表大会。
Some of those conventions ratified the constitution by very large majorities, and two or three unanimously.
其中一些大会以绝大多数票、两三个人一致批准了宪法。
In others there were much debate and division of opinion.
在其他方面，则存在很多争论和意见分歧。
In the Massachusetts convention, which met at Boston, the majority was not above nineteen or twenty, in about three hundred members; but such is the nature of representative government, that it quietly decides all matters by majority.
在波士顿召开的马萨诸塞州代表大会上，大约三百名成员中，多数不超过十九岁或二十岁。但这就是代议制政府的本质，它以多数票悄悄地决定所有事务。
After the debate in the Massachusetts convention was closed, and the vote taken, the objecting members rose and declared, "That though they had argued and voted against it, because certain parts appeared to them in a different light to what they appeared to other members; yet, as the vote had decided in favour of the constitution as proposed, they should give it the same practical support as if they had for it."
在马萨诸塞州代表大会的辩论结束并进行投票后，反对的成员起身宣布，“尽管他们曾争论并投票反对它，因为某些部分对他们来说与其他成员的看法不同；然而，由于投票决定支持所提议的宪法，他们应该给予它与他们支持宪法相同的实际支持。”
As soon as nine states had concurred (and the rest followed in the order their conventions were elected), the old fabric of the federal government was taken down, and the new one erected, of which General Washington is president.--In this place I cannot help remarking, that the character and services of this gentleman are sufficient to put all those men called kings to shame.
一旦九个州同意（其余州按照其大会选举的顺序进行），旧的联邦政府机构就被拆除，新的政府机构建立起来，由华盛顿将军担任总统。——在这里我不禁要说，这位先生的品格和服务足以让所有那些被称为国王的人感到羞愧。
While they are receiving from the sweat and labours of mankind, a prodigality of pay, to which neither their abilities nor their services can entitle them, he is rendering every service in his power, and refusing every pecuniary reward.
当他们从人类的汗水和劳动中获得巨额报酬时，他们的能力和服务都无法使他们获得这种报酬，但他却在力所能及的范围内提供一切服务，并拒绝一切金钱奖励。
He accepted no pay as commander-in-chief; he accepts none as president of the United States.
作为总司令，他不接受任何报酬；他不接受任何人担任美国总统。
After the new federal constitution was established, the state of Pennsylvania, conceiving that some parts of its own constitution required to be altered, elected a convention for that purpose.
新联邦宪法制定后，宾夕法尼亚州认为自己宪法的某些部分需要修改，为此目的召开了一次大会。
The proposed alterations were published, and the people concurring therein, they were established.
拟议的修改被公布，并得到人们的同意，它们就被确定了。
In forming those constitutions, or in altering them, little or no inconvenience took place.
在制定或修改这些宪法的过程中，几乎没有发生任何不便。
The ordinary course of things was not interrupted, and the advantages have been much.
事情的正常进程没有被中断，而且好处也很多。
It is always the interest of a far greater number of people in a nation to have things right, than to let them remain wrong; and when public matters are open to debate, and the public judgment free, it will not decide wrong, unless it decides too hastily.
一个国家中，让事情正确，而不是让事情继续错误，总是符合更多人的利益。当公共事务可以进行辩论，公众可以自由判断时，它就不会做出错误的决定，除非它决定得太仓促。
In the two instances of changing the constitutions, the governments then in being were not actors either way.
在两次修改宪法的例子中，当时的政府都不是行为者。
Government has no right to make itself a party in any debate respecting the principles or modes of forming, or of changing, constitutions.
政府无权让自己成为任何有关制定或修改宪法的原则或模式的辩论的一方。
It is not for the benefit of those who exercise the powers of government that constitutions, and the governments issuing from them, are established.
宪法和由宪法颁布的政府并不是为了那些行使政府权力的人的利益而建立的。
In all those matters the right of judging and acting are in those who pay, and not in those who receive.
在所有这些事情上，判断权和行动权属于那些付出的人，而不是那些接受的人。
A constitution is the property of a nation, and not of those who exercise the government.
宪法是一个国家的财产，而不是那些行使政府权力的人的财产。
All the constitutions of America are declared to be established on the authority of the people.
美国所有宪法都被宣布是根据人民的权威制定的。
In France, the word nation is used instead of the people; but in both cases, a constitution is a thing antecedent to the government, and always distinct there from.
在法国，用“nation”一词代替“people”；但在这两种情况下，宪法都是先于政府的事物，并且始终与政府不同。
In England it is not difficult to perceive that everything has a constitution, except the nation.
在英国，不难看出除了国家之外，一切事物都有宪法。
Every society and association that is established, first agreed upon a number of original articles, digested into form, which are its constitution.
每一个社团和协会的成立，首先要就一些原始条款达成一致，并消化成形式，这就是其章程。
It then appointed its officers, whose powers and authorities are described in that constitution, and the government of that society then commenced.
然后，它任命了其官员，其权力和权限在该宪法中得到了描述，然后该协会的政府就开始了。
Those officers, by whatever name they are called, have no authority to add to, alter, or abridge the original articles.
这些官员，无论他们叫什么名字，都无权添加、更改或删减原始条款。
It is only to the constituting power that this right belongs.
这项权利只属于宪法权力。
From the want of understanding the difference between a constitution and a government, Dr. Johnson, and all writers of his description, have always bewildered themselves.
由于缺乏理解宪法和政府之间的区别，约翰逊博士以及他所描述的所有作家总是感到困惑。
They could not but perceive, that there must necessarily be a controlling power existing somewhere, and they placed this power in the discretion of the persons exercising the government, instead of placing it in a constitution formed by the nation.
他们不得不认识到，某处必然存在着一种控制权，并且他们将这种权力置于行使政府的人的裁量权之下，而不是将其置于由国家制定的宪法中。
When it is in a constitution, it has the nation for its support, and the natural and the political controlling powers are together.
当它写成宪法时，它有国家的支持，自然控制权和政治控制权是并存的。
The laws which are enacted by governments, control men only as individuals, but the nation, through its constitution, controls the whole government, and has a natural ability to do so.
政府制定的法律仅控制个人，但国家通过其宪法控制整个政府，并且有天然的能力这样做。
The final controlling power, therefore, and the original constituting power, are one and the same power.
因此，最终控制权与最初的构成权是同一个权力。
Dr. Johnson could not have advanced such a position in any country where there was a constitution; and he is himself an evidence that no such thing as a constitution exists in England.
约翰逊博士不可能在任何有宪法的国家提出这样的立场。他本人就是英国不存在宪法这样的东西的证据。
But it may be put as a question, not improper to be investigated, that if a constitution does not exist, how came the idea of its existence so generally established?
但可以提出一个不恰当的问题来考察：如果一部宪法不存在，那么它的存在的观念又是如何如此普遍地被确立的呢？
In order to decide this question, it is necessary to consider a constitution in both its cases:--First, as creating a government and giving it powers.
为了解决这个问题，有必要从以下两种情况来考虑宪法：——首先，作为建立政府并赋予其权力。
Secondly, as regulating and restraining the powers so given.
其次，对所赋予的权力进行规范和约束。
If we begin with William of Normandy, we find that the government of England was originally a tyranny, founded on an invasion and conquest of the country.
如果我们从诺曼底的威廉开始，我们就会发现英格兰政府最初是一个建立在入侵和征服基础上的暴政。
This being admitted, it will then appear, that the exertion of the nation, at different periods, to abate that tyranny, and render it less intolerable, has been credited for a constitution.
既然承认了这一点，那么就会出现，国家在不同时期为减轻暴政、使其不那么难以容忍而做出的努力，已被归功于宪法。
Magna Charta, as it was called (it is now like an almanack of the same date), was no more than compelling the government to renounce a part of its assumptions.
所谓的大宪章（现在就像同一日期的年鉴）只不过是迫使政府放弃其部分假设。
It did not create and give powers to government in a manner a constitution does; but was, as far as it went, of the nature of a re-conquest, and not a constitution; for could the nation have totally expelled the usurpation, as France has done its despotism, it would then have had a constitution to form.
它没有以宪法的方式创建并赋予政府权力；但就其性质而言，它是重新征服的性质，而不是宪法；因为，如果国家能够像法国那样彻底驱逐篡夺，那么它就会制定一部宪法。
The history of the Edwards and the Henries, and up to the commencement of the Stuarts, exhibits as many instances of tyranny as could be acted within the limits to which the nation had restricted it.
爱德华王朝和亨利王朝的历史，一直到斯图亚特王朝的开始，都展示了在国家所限制的范围内所能实施的尽可能多的暴政实例。
The Stuarts endeavoured to pass those limits, and their fate is well known.
斯图亚特王朝努力突破这些限制，他们的命运是众所周知的。
In all those instances we see nothing of a constitution, but only of restrictions on assumed power.
在所有这些情况下，我们看不到宪法，而只看到对假定权力的限制。
After this, another William, descended from the same stock, and claiming from the same origin, gained possession; and of the two evils, James and William, the nation preferred what it thought the least; since, from circumstances, it must take one.
此后，另一位威廉，来自同一血统，并自称来自同一起源，获得了占有。在詹姆斯和威廉这两个罪恶中，这个国家更喜欢它认为最不重要的东西。因为，从具体情况来看，必须采取一项措施。
The act, called the Bill of Rights, comes here into view.
这项名为《权利法案》的法案就出现在人们的视野中。
What is it, but a bargain, which the parts of the government made with each other to divide powers, profits, and privileges?
这不就是政府各部门为了瓜分权力、利润和特权而相互达成的协议吗？
You shall have so much, and I will have the rest; and with respect to the nation, it said, for your share, You shall have the right of petitioning.
你拥有这么多，剩下的我拥有；对于国家，它说，对于你的份额，你将有权请愿。
This being the case, the bill of rights is more properly a bill of wrongs, and of insult.
既然如此，权利法案更恰当地说是错误法案和侮辱法案。
As to what is called the convention parliament, it was a thing that made itself, and then made the authority by which it acted.
至于所谓的大会议会，它是一个它自己产生的东西，然后产生了它行事的权威。
A few persons got together, and called themselves by that name.
几个人聚集在一起，用这个名字称呼自己。
Several of them had never been elected, and none of them for the purpose.
其中有几个人从未当选过，也没有一个人是为此目的当选的。
From the time of William a species of government arose, issuing out of this coalition bill of rights; and more so, since the corruption introduced at the Hanover succession by the agency of Walpole; that can be described by no other name than a despotic legislation.
从威廉时代起，出现了一种政府，从这种联合政府的基础上颁布了权利法案。更重要的是，自从沃波尔的代理在汉诺威王位继承中引入腐败以来；这只能用专制立法来形容。
Though the parts may embarrass each other, the whole has no bounds; and the only right it acknowledges out of itself, is the right of petitioning.
虽然各个部分可能互相难堪，但整体却没有界限。它本身承认的唯一权利就是请愿权。
Where then is the constitution either that gives or restrains power?
那么赋予或限制权力的宪法在哪里呢？
It is not because a part of the government is elective, that makes it less a despotism, if the persons so elected possess afterwards, as a parliament, unlimited powers.
如果如此当选的人后来作为议会拥有无限的权力，并不是因为政府的一部分是选举产生的，就可以使它不那么专制。
Election, in this case, becomes separated from representation, and the candidates are candidates for despotism.
在这种情况下，选举与代表制分离，候选人成为专制主义的候选人。
I cannot believe that any nation, reasoning on its own rights, would have thought of calling these things a constitution, if the cry of constitution had not been set up by the government.
我无法相信，如果不是政府提出宪法的呼声，任何一个国家，根据自己的权利推理，会想到将这些东西称为宪法。
It has got into circulation like the words bore and quoz [quiz], by being chalked up in the speeches of parliament, as those words were on window shutters and doorposts; but whatever the constitution may be in other respects, it has undoubtedly been the most productive machine of taxation that was ever invented.
它就像“bore”和“quoz”这两个词一样，通过在议会演讲中用粉笔写出来而广为流传，就像这些词写在百叶窗和门柱上一样；但无论宪法在其他方面如何，它无疑是有史以来发明的最具生产力的税收机器。
The taxes in France, under the new constitution, are not quite thirteen shillings per head,*[18] and the taxes in England, under what is called its present constitution, are forty-eight shillings and sixpence per head--men, women, and children--amounting to nearly seventeen millions sterling, besides the expense of collecting, which is upwards of a million more.
根据新宪法，法国的税收不完全是每人十三先令*[18]，而根据所谓的现行宪法，英国的税收是每人四十八先令六便士——男人、女人和儿童——总计近一千七百万英镑，此外还有超过一百万英镑的征税费用。
In a country like England, where the whole of the civil Government is executed by the people of every town and county, by means of parish officers, magistrates, quarterly sessions, juries, and assize; without any trouble to what is called the government or any other expense to the revenue than the salary of the judges, it is astonishing how such a mass of taxes can be employed.
在像英格兰这样的国家，整个民事政府是由每个城镇和县的人民通过教区官员、治安法官、季度会议、陪审团和巡回法庭执行的；除了法官的工资之外，没有给所谓的政府带来任何麻烦，也没有任何其他收入支出，那么如何使用如此大量的税收是令人惊讶的。
Not even the internal defence of the country is paid out of the revenue.
甚至国家的内部防御也不是从收入中支付的。
On all occasions, whether real or contrived, recourse is continually had to new loans and new taxes.
在所有情况下，无论是真实的还是人为的，人们都不断地求助于新的贷款和新的税收。
No wonder, then, that a machine of government so advantageous to the advocates of a court, should be so triumphantly extolled!
那么，难怪一个对法庭拥护者如此有利的政府机器会受到如此得意洋洋的赞扬！
No wonder, that St. James's or St. Stephen's should echo with the continual cry of constitution; no wonder, that the French revolution should be reprobated, and the res-publica treated with reproach!
难怪圣詹姆斯教堂或圣斯蒂芬教堂会不断呼应宪法的呼声。难怪法国大革命应该受到谴责，共和政体应该受到谴责！
The red book of England, like the red book of France, will explain the reason.*[19]
英国的红皮书和法国的红皮书一样，会解释原因。*[19]
I will now, by way of relaxation, turn a thought or two to Mr. Burke.
现在，为了放松心情，我想谈谈伯克先生的一两个想法。
I ask his pardon for neglecting him so long.
我请求他原谅我忽视了他这么久。
"America," says he (in his speech on the Canada Constitution bill), "never dreamed of such absurd doctrine as the Rights of Man."
他（在关于加拿大宪法法案的演讲中）说，“美国从来没有梦想过像人权这样荒谬的学说。”
Mr. Burke is such a bold presumer, and advances his assertions and his premises with such a deficiency of judgment, that, without troubling ourselves about principles of philosophy or politics, the mere logical conclusions they produce, are ridiculous.
伯克先生是一个如此大胆的假设者，他提出自己的断言和前提时缺乏判断力，因此，如果我们不考虑哲学或政治原则，那么它们得出的纯粹逻辑结论就是荒谬的。
For instance,
例如，
If governments, as Mr. Burke asserts, are not founded on the Rights of Man, and are founded on any rights at all, they consequently must be founded on the right of something that is not man.
如果像伯克先生所断言的那样，政府不是建立在人权之上，而是建立在任何权利之上，那么它们必然建立在非人的权利之上。
What then is that something?
那那是什么东西呢？
Generally speaking, we know of no other creatures that inhabit the earth than man and beast; and in all cases, where only two things offer themselves, and one must be admitted, a negation proved on any one, amounts to an affirmative on the other; and therefore, Mr. Burke, by proving against the Rights of Man, proves in behalf of the beast; and consequently, proves that government is a beast; and as difficult things sometimes explain each other, we now see the origin of keeping wild beasts in the Tower; for they certainly can be of no other use than to show the origin of the government.
一般来说，我们知道除了人和兽之外，地球上没有其他生物。在所有情况下，当只有两种事物出现并且必须承认其中一种时，对任何一个事物的否定，就等于对另一个事物的肯定。因此，伯克先生通过反对人权，证明了野兽的利益。因此，证明政府是野兽；正如困难的事情有时会相互解释一样，我们现在看到了塔中饲养野兽的起源；因为除了显示政府的起源之外，它们当然没有其他用处。
They are in the place of a constitution.
它们代替了宪法。
O John Bull, what honours thou hast lost by not being a wild beast.
哦，约翰牛，你因为不是野兽而失去了多少荣誉。
Thou mightest, on Mr. Burke's system, have been in the Tower for life.
按照伯克先生的系统，你可能已经在塔里呆了一辈子了。
If Mr. Burke's arguments have not weight enough to keep one serious, the fault is less mine than his; and as I am willing to make an apology to the reader for the liberty I have taken, I hope Mr. Burke will also make his for giving the cause.
如果伯克先生的论点没有足够的分量让一个人严肃起来，那么过错就不是我的，而是他的；由于我愿意为我的冒昧行为向读者道歉，我希望伯克先生也能为此做出自己的贡献。
Having thus paid Mr. Burke the compliment of remembering him, I return to the subject.
在向伯克先生表示还记得他之后，我又回到了主题。
From the want of a constitution in England to restrain and regulate the wild impulse of power, many of the laws are irrational and tyrannical, and the administration of them vague and problematical.
由于英国缺乏一部宪法来约束和规范权力的狂野冲动，许多法律都是非理性和专制的，而且其执行也含糊不清且存在问题。
The attention of the government of England (for I rather choose to call it by this name than the English government) appears, since its political connection with Germany, to have been so completely engrossed and absorbed by foreign affairs, and the means of raising taxes, that it seems to exist for no other purposes.
英国政府（因为我宁愿用这个名字来称呼它，而不是英国政府）似乎因为它与德国的政治联系而完全专注于外交事务和提高税收的手段，以至于它的存在似乎没有其他目的。
Domestic concerns are neglected; and with respect to regular law, there is scarcely such a thing.
国内问题被忽视；而就普通法而言，几乎不存在这样的事情。
Almost every case must now be determined by some precedent, be that precedent good or bad, or whether it properly applies or not; and the practice is become so general as to suggest a suspicion, that it proceeds from a deeper policy than at first sight appears.
现在，几乎每个案件都必须由某个先例来确定，无论该先例是好还是坏，或者是否适当适用；这种做法变得如此普遍，以至于让人怀疑它源于比乍一看更深层的政策。
Since the revolution of America, and more so since that of France, this preaching up the doctrines of precedents, drawn from times and circumstances antecedent to those events, has been the studied practice of the English government.
自美国革命以来，尤其是自法国革命以来，宣扬源自这些事件之前的时代和环境的先例学说一直是英国政府研究的做法。
The generality of those precedents are founded on principles and opinions, the reverse of what they ought; and the greater distance of time they are drawn from, the more they are to be suspected.
这些先例的普遍性是建立在原则和观点之上的，与它们应有的相反。它们距时间越远，就越值得怀疑。
But by associating those precedents with a superstitious reverence for ancient things, as monks show relics and call them holy, the generality of mankind are deceived into the design.
但是，通过将这些先例与对古代事物的迷信崇敬联系起来，当僧侣展示圣物并称它们为神圣时，人类的普遍性就被欺骗了。
Governments now act as if they were afraid to awaken a single reflection in man.
政府现在的表现就好像他们害怕唤醒人类的任何反思。
They are softly leading him to the sepulchre of precedents, to deaden his faculties and call attention from the scene of revolutions.
他们正在悄悄地把他引向先例的坟墓，削弱他的才能，并引起革命现场的注意。
They feel that he is arriving at knowledge faster than they wish, and their policy of precedents is the barometer of their fears.
他们觉得他获得知识的速度比他们希望的要快，他们的先例政策是他们恐惧的晴雨表。
This political popery, like the ecclesiastical popery of old, has had its day, and is hastening to its exit.
这种政治教皇政治，就像旧时的教会教皇政治一样，已经过了它的日子，并且正在加速退出。
The ragged relic and the antiquated precedent, the monk and the monarch, will moulder together.
破烂的舍利和过时的先例，僧侣和君主，将一起腐烂。
Government by precedent, without any regard to the principle of the precedent, is one of the vilest systems that can be set up.
不顾先例原则的先例政府是可以建立的最恶劣的制度之一。
In numerous instances, the precedent ought to operate as a warning, and not as an example, and requires to be shunned instead of imitated; but instead of this, precedents are taken in the lump, and put at once for constitution and for law.
在许多情况下，先例应该起到警告作用，而不是作为榜样，并且需要回避而不是模仿；但取而代之的是，先例被一并纳入宪法和法律。
Either the doctrine of precedents is policy to keep a man in a state of ignorance, or it is a practical confession that wisdom degenerates in governments as governments increase in age, and can only hobble along by the stilts and crutches of precedents.
先例论要么是让人们处于无知状态的政策，要么是一种实际的承认，即随着政府年龄的增长，政府的智慧会退化，只能在先例的高跷和拐杖下蹒跚前行。
How is it that the same persons who would proudly be thought wiser than their predecessors, appear at the same time only as the ghosts of departed wisdom?
为什么那些自豪地被认为比他们的前辈更聪明的人，却同时以已故智慧的幽灵的形式出现呢？
How strangely is antiquity treated!
古代人受到多么奇怪的对待啊！
To some purposes it is spoken of as the times of darkness and ignorance, and to answer others, it is put for the light of the world.
出于某些目的，它被称为黑暗和无知的时代，而为了回答其他目的，它被称为世界之光。
If the doctrine of precedents is to be followed, the expenses of government need not continue the same.
如果要遵循先例原则，政府开支就不必继续保持不变。
Why pay men extravagantly, who have but little to do?
为什么要给那些无事可做的人奢侈的报酬呢？
If everything that can happen is already in precedent, legislation is at an end, and precedent, like a dictionary, determines every case.
如果所有可能发生的事情都已经有了先例，那么立法就结束了，先例就像一本字典一样，决定着每一个案件。
Either, therefore, government has arrived at its dotage, and requires to be renovated, or all the occasions for exercising its wisdom have occurred.
因此，要么政府已经老态龙钟，需要进行革新，要么所有发挥其智慧的时机都已经出现。
We now see all over Europe, and particularly in England, the curious phenomenon of a nation looking one way, and the government the other--the one forward and the other backward.
现在，我们在整个欧洲，特别是在英国，看到了一种奇怪的现象：一个国家向一侧看，而政府则向另一侧看——一个向前，另一个向后。
If governments are to go on by precedent, while nations go on by improvement, they must at last come to a final separation; and the sooner, and the more civilly they determine this point, the better.*[20]
如果政府要继续遵循先例，而国家则要通过改进继续前进，那么它们最终必须走向最终的分离；他们越早、越有礼貌地确定这一点越好。*[20]
Having thus spoken of constitutions generally, as things distinct from actual governments, let us proceed to consider the parts of which a constitution is composed.
在一般性地谈论了与实际政府不同的宪法之后，让我们继续考虑宪法的组成部分。
Opinions differ more on this subject than with respect to the whole.
在这个问题上的意见分歧比在整体问题上的分歧更大。
That a nation ought to have a constitution, as a rule for the conduct of its government, is a simple question in which all men, not directly courtiers, will agree.
一个国家应该有一部宪法，作为其政府行为的规则，这是一个所有人（而不是直接朝臣）都会同意的简单问题。
It is only on the component parts that questions and opinions multiply.
只有在组成部分上问题和意见才会增加。
But this difficulty, like every other, will diminish when put into a train of being rightly understood.
但这个困难，就像其他困难一样，当放入正确理解的列车中时，就会减少。
The first thing is, that a nation has a right to establish a constitution.
首先，一个国家有制定宪法的权利。
Whether it exercises this right in the most judicious manner at first is quite another case.
一开始是否以最明智的方式行使这项权利则是另一回事。
It exercises it agreeably to the judgment it possesses; and by continuing to do so, all errors will at last be exploded.
它按照自己所拥有的判断力来行使它；继续这样做，所有的错误最终都会被炸掉。
When this right is established in a nation, there is no fear that it will be employed to its own injury.
当这个权利在一个国家得到确立时，就不用担心它会被用来伤害自己。
A nation can have no interest in being wrong.
一个国家不可能有兴趣犯错。
Though all the constitutions of America are on one general principle, yet no two of them are exactly alike in their component parts, or in the distribution of the powers which they give to the actual governments.
尽管美国所有宪法都遵循同一个一般原则，但没有两部宪法的组成部分或赋予实际政府的权力分配完全相同。
Some are more, and others less complex.
有些比较复杂，有些则不太复杂。
In forming a constitution, it is first necessary to consider what are the ends for which government is necessary?
制定宪法首先要考虑政府需要达到什么目的？
Secondly, what are the best means, and the least expensive, for accomplishing those ends?
其次，实现这些目标的最佳且最便宜的手段是什么？
Government is nothing more than a national association; and the object of this association is the good of all, as well individually as collectively.
政府只不过是一个全国性的协会；该协会的目标是所有人的利益，无论是个人还是集体。
Every man wishes to pursue his occupation, and to enjoy the fruits of his labours and the produce of his property in peace and safety, and with the least possible expense.
每个人都希望从事自己的职业，并以尽可能少的费用，和平、安全地享受自己的劳动成果和财产产品。
When these things are accomplished, all the objects for which government ought to be established are answered.
当这些事情完成后，政府建立的所有目标就都得到了解答。
It has been customary to consider government under three distinct general heads.
人们习惯上认为政府由三个不同的总负责人领导。
The legislative, the executive, and the judicial.
立法、行政、司法。
But if we permit our judgment to act unincumbered by the habit of multiplied terms, we can perceive no more than two divisions of power, of which civil government is composed, namely, that of legislating or enacting laws, and that of executing or administering them.
但是，如果我们允许我们的判断力不受多重术语的习惯的影响，那么我们所能看到的民事政府的权力不超过两部分，即立法或颁布法律的权力，以及执行或管理法律的权力。
Everything, therefore, appertaining to civil government, classes itself under one or other of these two divisions.
因此，与公民政府有关的一切都属于这两个类别中的一个或另一个。
So far as regards the execution of the laws, that which is called the judicial power, is strictly and properly the executive power of every country.
就法律的执行而言，所谓司法权，是各国严格而恰当的行政权。
It is that power to which every individual has appeal, and which causes the laws to be executed; neither have we any other clear idea with respect to the official execution of the laws.
每个人都可以诉诸这种权力，并促使法律得以执行。对于法律的正式执行，我们也没有任何其他明确的想法。
In England, and also in America and France, this power begins with the magistrate, and proceeds up through all the courts of judicature.
在英国，以及在美国和法国，这种权力从治安法官开始，一直延伸到所有司法法院。
I leave to courtiers to explain what is meant by calling monarchy the executive power.
我请朝臣们解释一下将君主制称为行政权意味着什么。
It is merely a name in which acts of government are done; and any other, or none at all, would answer the same purpose.
它只是政府行为的一个名称；任何其他的，或者根本没有，都会达到同样的目的。
Laws have neither more nor less authority on this account.
法律在这方面的权威既不多也不少。
It must be from the justness of their principles, and the interest which a nation feels therein, that they derive support; if they require any other than this, it is a sign that something in the system of government is imperfect.
他们必须从他们的原则的公正性以及一个国家从中感受到的利益出发，才能获得支持；如果他们要求除此之外的任何其他要求，则表明政府体系中存在某些不完善的地方。
Laws difficult to be executed cannot be generally good.
难以执行的法律不可能是普遍的好法律。
With respect to the organization of the legislative power, different modes have been adopted in different countries.
在立法权的组织方面，各国采取了不同的模式。
In America it is generally composed of two houses.
在美国，它通常由两栋房子组成。
In France it consists but of one, but in both countries, it is wholly by representation.
在法国，它只由一个人组成，但在这两个国家，它完全由代表组成。
The case is, that mankind (from the long tyranny of assumed power) have had so few opportunities of making the necessary trials on modes and principles of government, in order to discover the best, that government is but now beginning to be known, and experience is yet wanting to determine many particulars.
情况是，人类（由于长期以来的假定权力暴政）很少有机会对政府的模式和原则进行必要的试验，以发现最好的政府，政府现在才刚刚开始为人所知，经验还需要确定许多细节。
The objections against two houses are, first, that there is an inconsistency in any part of a whole legislature, coming to a final determination by vote on any matter, whilst that matter, with respect to that whole, is yet only in a train of deliberation, and consequently open to new illustrations.
反对两院的反对意见是，首先，整个立法机构的任何部分都存在不一致，对任何事项都通过投票得出最终决定，而该事项相对于整个立法机构而言，还只是在一系列审议中，因此可以接受新的说明。
Secondly, That by taking the vote on each, as a separate body, it always admits of the possibility, and is often the case in practice, that the minority governs the majority, and that, in some instances, to a degree of great inconsistency.
其次，通过对每个独立机构进行投票，它总是承认少数人统治多数人的可能性，并且在实践中经常出现这种情况，并且在某些情况下，在某种程度上存在极大的不一致。
Thirdly, That two houses arbitrarily checking or controlling each other is inconsistent; because it cannot be proved on the principles of just representation, that either should be wiser or better than the other.
第三，两院任意相互制衡或控制不一致；因为无法根据公正代表的原则来证明，其中一方应该比另一方更明智或更优秀。
They may check in the wrong as well as in the right therefore to give the power where we cannot give the wisdom to use it, nor be assured of its being rightly used, renders the hazard at least equal to the precaution.*[21]
他们可能检查错误和正确，因此在我们无法给予使用它的智慧，也不能保证其被正确使用的地方赋予权力，使危险至少等于预防措施。*[21]
The objection against a single house is, that it is always in a condition of committing itself too soon.--But it should at the same time be remembered, that when there is a constitution which defines the power, and establishes the principles within which a legislature shall act, there is already a more effectual check provided, and more powerfully operating, than any other check can be.
对单一议院的反对意见是，它总是处于过早做出承诺的状态。——但同时应该记住，当一部宪法界定了权力，并确立了立法机关行事的原则时，就已经提供了比任何其他制衡更有效、更有效的制衡。
For example,
例如，
Were a Bill to be brought into any of the American legislatures similar to that which was passed into an act by the English parliament, at the commencement of George the First, to extend the duration of the assemblies to a longer period than they now sit, the check is in the constitution, which in effect says, Thus far shalt thou go and no further.
如果向任何美国立法机构提交一项类似于英国议会在乔治一世上台时通过的法案，将议会的会期延长到比现在更长的期限，那么宪法将受到制衡，宪法实际上是说，“到此为止，你不能再继续了”。
But in order to remove the objection against a single house (that of acting with too quick an impulse), and at the same time to avoid the inconsistencies, in some cases absurdities, arising from two houses, the following method has been proposed as an improvement upon both.
但是，为了消除对单一议院的反对意见（即行动冲动太快），同时避免两个议院产生的不一致，在某些情况下甚至是荒谬的，提出了以下方法作为对两者的改进。
First, To have but one representation.
第一，只有一个代表。
Secondly, To divide that representation, by lot, into two or three parts.
其次，通过抽签将代表权分为两部分或三部分。
Thirdly, That every proposed bill shall be first debated in those parts by succession, that they may become the hearers of each other, but without taking any vote.
第三，每一项拟议的法案都应首先在这些部分进行连续辩论，以便他们可以成为彼此的听众，但不进行任何表决。
After which the whole representation to assemble for a general debate and determination by vote.
随后全体代表聚集在一起进行一般性辩论并投票决定。
To this proposed improvement has been added another, for the purpose of keeping the representation in the state of constant renovation; which is, that one-third of the representation of each county, shall go out at the expiration of one year, and the number be replaced by new elections.
对这一提议的改进又增加了另一项改进，目的是使表现形式保持不断更新的状态；也就是说，每个县三分之一的代表权将在一年期满后退出，并由新的选举取代。
Another third at the expiration of the second year replaced in like manner, and every third year to be a general election.*[22]
第二年届满时另外三分之一以同样方式替换，每三年进行一次大选。*[22]
But in whatever manner the separate parts of a constitution may be arranged, there is one general principle that distinguishes freedom from slavery, which is, that all hereditary government over a people is to them a species of slavery, and representative government is freedom.
但无论宪法的各个部分以何种方式安排，都有一个区分自由与奴隶制的一般原则，即对一个民族的所有世袭政府对他们来说都是一种奴隶制，而代议制政府则是自由。
Considering government in the only light in which it should be considered, that of a National Association, it ought to be so constructed as not to be disordered by any accident happening among the parts; and, therefore, no extraordinary power, capable of producing such an effect, should be lodged in the hands of any individual.
考虑到政府应该被考虑的唯一角度，即全国协会，它的结构应该不会因各部分之间发生的任何事故而混乱；因此，任何能够产生这种效果的非凡权力都不应该掌握在任何个人手中。
The death, sickness, absence or defection, of any one individual in a government, ought to be a matter of no more consequence, with respect to the nation, than if the same circumstance had taken place in a member of the English Parliament, or the French National Assembly.
政府中任何一个人的死亡、患病、缺席或叛逃，对于国家而言，不应比英国议会或法国国民议会的一名议员发生同样的情况更重要。
Scarcely anything presents a more degrading character of national greatness, than its being thrown into confusion, by anything happening to or acted by any individual; and the ridiculousness of the scene is often increased by the natural insignificance of the person by whom it is occasioned.
没有什么比任何个人发生的任何事情或个人的行为而陷入混乱更能体现国家伟大的侮辱性了。而发生这种情况的人本身的微不足道，往往会增加这种情况的荒谬性。
Were a government so constructed, that it could not go on unless a goose or a gander were present in the senate, the difficulties would be just as great and as real, on the flight or sickness of the goose, or the gander, as if it were called a King.
如果一个政府如此构建，除非元老院中有一只鹅或一只公鹅，否则政府就无法继续运转，那么，在鹅或公鹅的飞行或生病方面，困难将同样巨大和真实，就好像它被称为国王一样。
We laugh at individuals for the silly difficulties they make to themselves, without perceiving that the greatest of all ridiculous things are acted in governments.*[23]
我们嘲笑个人给自己制造的愚蠢困难，却没有意识到最荒谬的事情是在政府中发生的。*[23]
All the constitutions of America are on a plan that excludes the childish embarrassments which occur in monarchical countries.
美国所有宪法的计划都排除了君主制国家中发生的幼稚尴尬。
No suspension of government can there take place for a moment, from any circumstances whatever.
无论在什么情况下，政府都不能暂时中止。
The system of representation provides for everything, and is the only system in which nations and governments can always appear in their proper character.
代议制提供了一切，并且是唯一能让国家和政府始终保持其应有特征的制度。
As extraordinary power ought not to be lodged in the hands of any individual, so ought there to be no appropriations of public money to any person, beyond what his services in a state may be worth.
正如非凡的权力不应该掌握在任何个人手中一样，任何人都不应该向任何人拨款超出他在国家中的服务的价值。
It signifies not whether a man be called a president, a king, an emperor, a senator, or by any other name which propriety or folly may devise or arrogance assume; it is only a certain service he can perform in the state; and the service of any such individual in the routine of office, whether such office be called monarchical, presidential, senatorial, or by any other name or title, can never exceed the value of ten thousand pounds a year.
它并不意味着一个人是否被称为总统、国王、皇帝、参议员，或者任何其他出于礼节、愚昧或傲慢而设计的名称；这只是他在国家中所能提供的某种服务；任何此类个人在日常公职中的服务，无论该职位被称为君主、总统、参议员，还是任何其他名称或头衔，每年的价值不得超过一万英镑。
All the great services that are done in the world are performed by volunteer characters, who accept nothing for them; but the routine of office is always regulated to such a general standard of abilities as to be within the compass of numbers in every country to perform, and therefore cannot merit very extraordinary recompense.
世界上所有伟大的服务都是由志愿者角色完成的，他们不接受任何东西；但是，日常公务总是按照能力的一般标准来规定，以便在每个国家的人数范围内执行，因此不能获得非常特别的报酬。
Government, says Swift, is a Plain thing, and fitted to the capacity of many heads.
斯威夫特说，政府是一件简单的事情，适合许多人的能力。
It is inhuman to talk of a million sterling a year, paid out of the public taxes of any country, for the support of any individual, whilst thousands who are forced to contribute thereto, are pining with want, and struggling with misery.
每年从任何国家的公共税收中支付一百万英镑来支持任何个人，而成千上万的人被迫为此捐款，却在贫困中挣扎，这是不人道的。
Government does not consist in a contrast between prisons and palaces, between poverty and pomp; it is not instituted to rob the needy of his mite, and increase the wretchedness of the wretched.--But on this part of the subject I shall speak hereafter, and confine myself at present to political observations.
政府并不在于监狱与宫殿、贫穷与浮华之间的对比；它的设立并不是为了剥夺穷人的一分钱，也不是为了增加可怜人的不幸。——但我将在以后谈这部分主题，目前仅限于政治观察。
When extraordinary power and extraordinary pay are allotted to any individual in a government, he becomes the center, round which every kind of corruption generates and forms.
当政府中的任何个人都被分配了非凡的权力和非凡的报酬时，他就成为中心，各种腐败都围绕着他产生和形成。
Give to any man a million a year, and add thereto the power of creating and disposing of places, at the expense of a country, and the liberties of that country are no longer secure.
每年给任何人一百万美元，再加上以牺牲一个国家为代价创造和处置地方的权力，那么那个国家的自由就不再有保障了。
What is called the splendour of a throne is no other than the corruption of the state.
所谓王位的辉煌，无非是国家的腐败。
It is made up of a band of parasites, living in luxurious indolence, out of the public taxes.
它是由一群寄生虫组成的，他们过着奢侈的懒惰生活，远离公共税收。
When once such a vicious system is established it becomes the guard and protection of all inferior abuses.
这种邪恶的制度一旦建立起来，就成了一切低等恶行的守卫和保护。
The man who is in the receipt of a million a year is the last person to promote a spirit of reform, lest, in the event, it should reach to himself.
每年领取一百万美元的人是最不提倡改革精神的人，以免万一改革影响到他自己。
It is always his interest to defend inferior abuses, as so many outworks to protect the citadel; and on this species of political fortification, all the parts have such a common dependence that it is never to be expected they will attack each other.*[24]
他的兴趣始终是捍卫低劣的虐待行为，因为有如此多的外墙工程来保护城堡；在这种政治堡垒上，所有部分都有如此共同的依赖性，以至于永远不可能指望它们会互相攻击。*[24]
Monarchy would not have continued so many ages in the world, had it not been for the abuses it protects.
如果没有君主制所保护的弊端，君主制就不会在世界上延续这么多年。
It is the master-fraud, which shelters all others.
这是主欺诈，它庇护了所有其他人。
By admitting a participation of the spoil, it makes itself friends; and when it ceases to do this it will cease to be the idol of courtiers.
通过承认战利品的参与，它使自己成为朋友；当它不再这样做时，它就不再是朝臣的偶像。
As the principle on which constitutions are now formed rejects all hereditary pretensions to government, it also rejects all that catalogue of assumptions known by the name of prerogatives.
正如现在制定宪法所依据的原则拒绝所有对政府的世袭要求一样，它也拒绝所有以特权为名的假设。
If there is any government where prerogatives might with apparent safety be entrusted to any individual, it is in the federal government of America.
如果有哪个政府可以将特权明显安全地委托给任何个人的话，那就是美国联邦政府。
The president of the United States of America is elected only for four years.
美利坚合众国总统的任期只有四年。
He is not only responsible in the general sense of the word, but a particular mode is laid down in the constitution for trying him.
他不仅负有一般意义上的责任，而且宪法中还规定了审判他的特殊模式。
He cannot be elected under thirty-five years of age; and he must be a native of the country.
三十五岁以下不能当选；而且他必须是这个国家的本地人。
In a comparison of these cases with the Government of England, the difference when applied to the latter amounts to an absurdity.
将这些案例与英国政府进行比较，将这种差异应用于后者就显得荒谬了。
In England the person who exercises prerogative is often a foreigner; always half a foreigner, and always married to a foreigner.
在英国，行使特权的人通常是外国人；总是半个外国人，总是嫁给外国人。
He is never in full natural or political connection with the country, is not responsible for anything, and becomes of age at eighteen years; yet such a person is permitted to form foreign alliances, without even the knowledge of the nation, and to make war and peace without its consent.
他与国家从来没有完全的自然或政治联系，不承担任何责任，十八岁就成年了；然而，这样的人甚至可以在国家不知情的情况下结成外国联盟，并且可以在未经国家同意的情况下发动战争与和平。
But this is not all.
但这还不是全部。
Though such a person cannot dispose of the government in the manner of a testator, he dictates the marriage connections, which, in effect, accomplish a great part of the same end.
尽管这样的人不能以遗嘱人的方式处置政府，但他决定了婚姻关系，这实际上在很大程度上实现了同一目的。
He cannot directly bequeath half the government to Prussia, but he can form a marriage partnership that will produce almost the same thing.
他不能直接将一半的政府遗赠给普鲁士，但他可以建立一个婚姻伙伴关系，这将产生几乎相同的结果。
Under such circumstances, it is happy for England that she is not situated on the Continent, or she might, like Holland, fall under the dictatorship of Prussia.
在这种情况下，英国庆幸自己不在欧洲大陆，否则她可能会像荷兰一样落入普鲁士的独裁统治之下。
Holland, by marriage, is as effectually governed by Prussia, as if the old tyranny of bequeathing the government had been the means.
通过婚姻，荷兰实际上受到普鲁士的统治，就好像遗留政府的旧暴政就是手段一样。
The presidency in America (or, as it is sometimes called, the executive) is the only office from which a foreigner is excluded, and in England it is the only one to which he is admitted.
在美国，总统（或者有时被称为行政长官）是外国人被排除在外的唯一职位，而在英国，这是外国人唯一被允许担任的职位。
A foreigner cannot be a member of Parliament, but he may be what is called a king.
外国人不能成为国会议员，但他可以成为所谓的国王。
If there is any reason for excluding foreigners, it ought to be from those offices where mischief can most be acted, and where, by uniting every bias of interest and attachment, the trust is best secured.
如果有任何理由将外国人排除在外，那么它应该来自那些最容易做出恶作剧的办公室，并且通过结合各种利益和依恋的偏见，最能确保信任。
But as nations proceed in the great business of forming constitutions, they will examine with more precision into the nature and business of that department which is called the executive.
但随着各国着手制定宪法这一伟大事业，他们将更精确地审查被称为行政部门的性质和业务。
What the legislative and judicial departments are every one can see; but with respect to what, in Europe, is called the executive, as distinct from those two, it is either a political superfluity or a chaos of unknown things.
立法司法部门的事大家都看得见；但就欧洲所谓的行政部门而言，与这两者截然不同，它要么是政治上的多余，要么是未知事物的混乱。
Some kind of official department, to which reports shall be made from the different parts of a nation, or from abroad, to be laid before the national representatives, is all that is necessary; but there is no consistency in calling this the executive; neither can it be considered in any other light than as inferior to the legislative.
某种官方部门就足够了，一个国家的不同地区或国外的报告应提交给该部门，并提交给国家代表；但称其为“行政”并不一致；除了低于立法机构外，也不能从其他角度来考虑它。
The sovereign authority in any country is the power of making laws, and everything else is an official department.
任何国家的主权权力都是制定法律的权力，其他的都是官方部门。
Next to the arrangement of the principles and the organization of the several parts of a constitution, is the provision to be made for the support of the persons to whom the nation shall confide the administration of the constitutional powers.
除了原则安排和宪法各部分的组织之外，还制定了支持国家委托管理宪法权力的人员的规定。
A nation can have no right to the time and services of any person at his own expense, whom it may choose to employ or entrust in any department whatever; neither can any reason be given for making provision for the support of any one part of a government and not for the other.
一个国家无权自费获得任何人的时间和服务，它可以选择雇用或委托任何部门；也没有任何理由规定为政府的任何一个部分提供支持而不为另一部分提供支持。
But admitting that the honour of being entrusted with any part of a government is to be considered a sufficient reward, it ought to be so to every person alike.
但是，承认被委托担任政府任何部门的荣誉被认为是足够的奖励，对每个人来说都应该如此。
If the members of the legislature of any country are to serve at their own expense that which is called the executive, whether monarchical or by any other name, ought to serve in like manner.
如果任何国家的立法机关成员要自费服务，那么所谓的行政机关，无论是君主制还是其他名称，都应该以类似的方式服务。
It is inconsistent to pay the one, and accept the service of the other gratis.
向一方付费而无偿接受另一方的服务是不一致的。
In America, every department in the government is decently provided for; but no one is extravagantly paid.
在美国，政府的每个部门都得到了很好的保障。但没有人得到过高的报酬。
Every member of Congress, and of the Assemblies, is allowed a sufficiency for his expenses.
国会和议会的每位议员都有权获得足够的开支。
Whereas in England, a most prodigal provision is made for the support of one part of the Government, and none for the other, the consequence of which is that the one is furnished with the means of corruption and the other is put into the condition of being corrupted.
而在英国，为支持政府的一部分而制定了一项极其挥霍的规定，而没有为另一部分提供支持，其结果是，政府的一部分拥有腐败的手段，而另一部分则陷入腐败的境地。
Less than a fourth part of such expense, applied as it is in America, would remedy a great part of the corruption.
按照美国的情况，不到此类费用的四分之一，就可以纠正很大一部分腐败问题。
Another reform in the American constitution is the exploding all oaths of personality.
美国宪法的另一项改革是取消所有人格誓言。
The oath of allegiance in America is to the nation only.
在美国，效忠宣誓仅针对国家。
The putting any individual as a figure for a nation is improper.
把任何个人当作一个国家的人物是不恰当的。
The happiness of a nation is the superior object, and therefore the intention of an oath of allegiance ought not to be obscured by being figuratively taken, to, or in the name of, any person.
一个国家的幸福是最崇高的目标，因此，效忠宣誓的意图不应该因为对任何人进行象征性的宣誓或以任何人的名义而被掩盖。
The oath, called the civic oath, in France, viz., "the nation, the law, and the king," is improper.
这种誓言在法国被称为“公民誓言”，即“国家、法律和国王”，是不恰当的。
If taken at all, it ought to be as in America, to the nation only.
如果真的采取这种做法，它应该像在美国一样，只针对国家。
The law may or may not be good; but, in this place, it can have no other meaning, than as being conducive to the happiness of a nation, and therefore is included in it.
法律可能是好的，也可能不是好的；但是，在这个地方，它除了有利于一个国家的幸福之外没有其他意义，因此被包含在其中。
The remainder of the oath is improper, on the ground, that all personal oaths ought to be abolished.
誓言的其余部分是不适当的，因为所有个人誓言都应该废除。
They are the remains of tyranny on one part and slavery on the other; and the name of the Creator ought not to be introduced to witness the degradation of his creation; or if taken, as is already mentioned, as figurative of the nation, it is in this place redundant.
它们一方面是暴政的残余，另一方面是奴隶制的残余。造物主的名字不应该被提及来见证他的创造物的堕落；或者，如前所述，如果将其视为国家的象征，那么它在这里就显得多余了。
But whatever apology may be made for oaths at the first establishment of a government, they ought not to be permitted afterwards.
但无论在政府成立之初对宣誓做出怎样的道歉，事后都不应该允许宣誓。
If a government requires the support of oaths, it is a sign that it is not worth supporting, and ought not to be supported.
如果一个政府需要宣誓的支持，那就表明它不值得支持，也不应该被支持。
Make government what it ought to be, and it will support itself.
让政府成为它应有的样子，它就会自力更生。
To conclude this part of the subject:--One of the greatest improvements that have been made for the perpetual security and progress of constitutional liberty, is the provision which the new constitutions make for occasionally revising, altering, and amending them.
总结本主题的这一部分：——为宪法自由的永久安全和进步所做的最大改进之一，是新宪法偶尔修订、改变和修正宪法的规定。
The principle upon which Mr. Burke formed his political creed, that of "binding and controlling posterity to the end of time, and of renouncing and abdicating the rights of all posterity, for ever," is now become too detestable to be made a subject of debate; and therefore, I pass it over with no other notice than exposing it.
伯克先生形成其政治信条的原则，即“永远约束和控制子孙后代，永远放弃和放弃所有子孙后代的权利”，现在已经变得太可憎了，无法成为辩论的主题；因此，我除了揭露它之外，没有做其他任何通知就忽略了它。
Government is but now beginning to be known.
政府现在才开始为人所知。
Hitherto it has been the mere exercise of power, which forbade all effectual enquiry into rights, and grounded itself wholly on possession.
迄今为止，权力的纯粹行使禁止对权利进行任何有效的调查，并完全以占有为基础。
While the enemy of liberty was its judge, the progress of its principles must have been small indeed.
虽然自由的敌人是自由的法官，但其原则的进步确实很小。
The constitutions of America, and also that of France, have either affixed a period for their revision, or laid down the mode by which improvement shall be made.
美国宪法和法国宪法要么规定了修改期限，要么规定了改进的方式。
It is perhaps impossible to establish anything that combines principles with opinions and practice, which the progress of circumstances, through a length of years, will not in some measure derange, or render inconsistent; and, therefore, to prevent inconveniences accumulating, till they discourage reformations or provoke revolutions, it is best to provide the means of regulating them as they occur.
也许不可能建立任何将原则与意见和实践结合起来的东西，而环境的进步，经过多年的发展，不会在某种程度上扰乱或变得不一致。因此，为了防止不便不断累积，直到它们阻碍改革或引发革命，最好在它们发生时提供调节手段。
The Rights of Man are the rights of all generations of men, and cannot be monopolised by any.
人权是世世代代人类的权利，任何人都不能垄断。
That which is worth following, will be followed for the sake of its worth, and it is in this that its security lies, and not in any conditions with which it may be encumbered.
值得追随的东西，会因为它的价值而被追随，而它的安全感就在于此，而不是受到任何可能阻碍的条件。
When a man leaves property to his heirs, he does not connect it with an obligation that they shall accept it.
当一个人将财产留给他的继承人时，他并不将其与继承人接受该财产的义务联系起来。
Why, then, should we do otherwise with respect to constitutions?
那么，我们为什么要在宪法方面采取不同的做法呢？
The best constitution that could now be devised, consistent with the condition of the present moment, may be far short of that excellence which a few years may afford.
现在能够设计出的、符合当前情况的最佳宪法，可能远远达不到几年后所能达到的卓越水平。
There is a morning of reason rising upon man on the subject of government, that has not appeared before.
在政府这个话题上，人们出现了一个理性的早晨，这是以前从未出现过的。
As the barbarism of the present old governments expires, the moral conditions of nations with respect to each other will be changed.
随着当前旧政府的野蛮行径结束，各国之间的道德状况将会发生变化。
Man will not be brought up with the savage idea of considering his species as his enemy, because the accident of birth gave the individuals existence in countries distinguished by different names; and as constitutions have always some relation to external as well as to domestic circumstances, the means of benefitting by every change, foreign or domestic, should be a part of every constitution.
人类不会在成长过程中带着将自己的物种视为敌人的野蛮想法，因为出生的偶然使个体存在于以不同名称区分的国家中；由于宪法总是与外部和国内环境有一定的关系，因此从每一次变化中受益的手段，无论是国外的还是国内的，都应该成为每部宪法的一部分。
We already see an alteration in the national disposition of England and France towards each other, which, when we look back to only a few years, is itself a Revolution.
我们已经看到英国和法国对彼此的民族倾向发生了变化，当我们回顾几年前，这本身就是一场革命。
Who could have foreseen, or who could have believed, that a French National Assembly would ever have been a popular toast in England, or that a friendly alliance of the two nations should become the wish of either?
谁能预见到，或者谁能相信，法国国民议会会在英国受到热烈欢迎，或者两国的友好联盟会成为其中任何一个国家的愿望？
It shows that man, were he not corrupted by governments, is naturally the friend of man, and that human nature is not of itself vicious.
它表明，人如果没有被政府腐化，自然是人的朋友，人性本身并不是邪恶的。
That spirit of jealousy and ferocity, which the governments of the two countries inspired, and which they rendered subservient to the purpose of taxation, is now yielding to the dictates of reason, interest, and humanity.
两国政府所激发的嫉妒和残暴精神，以及他们为了税收目的而屈服的精神，现在正在屈服于理性、利益和人性的支配。
The trade of courts is beginning to be understood, and the affectation of mystery, with all the artificial sorcery by which they imposed upon mankind, is on the decline.
宫廷交易开始为人们所理解，神秘的矫揉造作以及强加给人类的所有人造巫术正在衰落。
It has received its death-wound; and though it may linger, it will expire.
它已受了致命伤；尽管它可能会持续存在，但它终将过期。
Government ought to be as much open to improvement as anything which appertains to man, instead of which it has been monopolised from age to age, by the most ignorant and vicious of the human race.
政府应该像任何属于人类的事物一样对改进持开放态度，而不是一代又一代地被人类中最无知和邪恶的人所垄断。
Need we any other proof of their wretched management, than the excess of debts and taxes with which every nation groans, and the quarrels into which they have precipitated the world?
除了让每个国家都叹息的巨额债务和税收，以及他们给世界带来的争吵之外，我们还需要任何其他证据来证明他们的管理不善吗？
Just emerging from such a barbarous condition, it is too soon to determine to what extent of improvement government may yet be carried.
政府刚刚摆脱如此野蛮的状况，现在判断政府可以改善到什么程度还为时过早。
For what we can foresee, all Europe may form but one great Republic, and man be free of the whole.
我们可以预见，整个欧洲可能会形成一个伟大的共和国，而人类将摆脱整体的束缚。
CHAPTER V.
第五章
WAYS AND MEANS OF IMPROVING THE CONDITION OF EUROPE
改善欧洲状况的途径和方法
INTERSPERSED WITH MISCELLANEOUS OBSERVATIONS
夹杂着各种观察结果
In contemplating a subject that embraces with equatorial magnitude the whole region of humanity it is impossible to confine the pursuit in one single direction.
在思考一个涵盖整个人类领域的主题时，不可能将追求局限于一个方向。
It takes ground on every character and condition that appertains to man, and blends the individual, the nation, and the world.
它立足于人类的每一个特征和条件，并将个人、国家和世界融为一体。
From a small spark, kindled in America, a flame has arisen not to be extinguished.
在美国点燃的一颗小火花，已经燃起不灭的火焰。
Without consuming, like the Ultima Ratio Regum, it winds its progress from nation to nation, and conquers by a silent operation.
它不像《终极比例统治》那样消耗资源，从一个国家走向另一个国家，并通过无声的行动取得胜利。
Man finds himself changed, he scarcely perceives how.
人发现自己发生了变化，但他几乎察觉不到是如何变化的。
He acquires a knowledge of his rights by attending justly to his interest, and discovers in the event that the strength and powers of despotism consist wholly in the fear of resisting it, and that, in order "to be free, it is sufficient that he wills it."
他通过公正地关注自己的利益而获得了对自己权利的了解，并在事件中发现专制主义的力量和力量完全在于抵制它的恐惧，并且为了“获得自由，只要他愿意”就足够了。
Having in all the preceding parts of this work endeavoured to establish a system of principles as a basis on which governments ought to be erected, I shall proceed in this, to the ways and means of rendering them into practice.
在本书前面的所有部分中，我都致力于建立一个原则体系，作为建立政府的基础，现在我将继续讨论将这些原则付诸实践的方式方法。
But in order to introduce this part of the subject with more propriety, and stronger effect, some preliminary observations, deducible from, or connected with, those principles, are necessary.
但是，为了更恰当、更有效地介绍这部分主题，有必要从这些原则中推导出或与这些原则相关的一些初步观察。
Whatever the form or constitution of government may be, it ought to have no other object than the general happiness.
无论政府的形式或宪法是什么，它除了普遍幸福之外不应有其他目标。
When, instead of this, it operates to create and increase wretchedness in any of the parts of society, it is on a wrong system, and reformation is necessary.
相反，当它在社会的任何部分制造和加剧不幸时，它就处于错误的体系中，改革是必要的。
Customary language has classed the condition of man under the two descriptions of civilised and uncivilised life.
习惯语言将人类的状况分为文明生活和不文明生活两种描述。
To the one it has ascribed felicity and affluence; to the other hardship and want.
它赋予一个人幸福和富裕；去其他的困难和想要的。
But, however our imagination may be impressed by painting and comparison, it is nevertheless true, that a great portion of mankind, in what are called civilised countries, are in a state of poverty and wretchedness, far below the condition of an Indian.
但是，无论绘画和比较如何给我们留下深刻的印象，但事实是，在所谓的文明国家中，很大一部分人类都处于贫困和悲惨的状态，远低于印度人的状况。
I speak not of one country, but of all.
我所说的不是一个国家，而是所有国家。
It is so in England, it is so all over Europe.
在英国是如此，在整个欧洲也是如此。
Let us enquire into the cause.
我们来探究一下原因。
It lies not in any natural defect in the principles of civilisation, but in preventing those principles having a universal operation; the consequence of which is, a perpetual system of war and expense, that drains the country, and defeats the general felicity of which civilisation is capable.
它不在于文明原则的任何自然缺陷，而在于阻碍了这些原则的普遍运作。其后果是，永久的战争和开支制度会耗尽国家的精力，并破坏文明所能带来的普遍幸福。
All the European governments (France now excepted) are constructed not on the principle of universal civilisation, but on the reverse of it.
所有欧洲政府（现在法国除外）都不是建立在普遍文明原则的基础上的，而是建立在与普遍文明原则相反的基础上的。
So far as those governments relate to each other, they are in the same condition as we conceive of savage uncivilised life; they put themselves beyond the law as well of God as of man, and are, with respect to principle and reciprocal conduct, like so many individuals in a state of nature.
就这些政府之间的相互关系而言，它们的状况与我们想象中的野蛮不文明生活是一样的。他们将自己置于超越上帝和人类法律之上的地位，并且在原则和互惠行为方面，就像许多处于自然状态的个人一样。
The inhabitants of every country, under the civilisation of laws, easily civilise together, but governments being yet in an uncivilised state, and almost continually at war, they pervert the abundance which civilised life produces to carry on the uncivilised part to a greater extent.
每个国家的居民，在法律文明下，很容易一起文明化，但政府却处于不文明状态，而且几乎不断处于战争状态，他们滥用文明生活所产生的丰富性，以在更大程度上进行不文明部分。
By thus engrafting the barbarism of government upon the internal civilisation of a country, it draws from the latter, and more especially from the poor, a great portion of those earnings, which should be applied to their own subsistence and comfort.
通过将政府的野蛮行为植入一个国家的内部文明，它从后者，尤其是穷人那里抽取了很大一部分收入，这些收入应该用于他们自己的生存和舒适。
Apart from all reflections of morality and philosophy, it is a melancholy fact that more than one-fourth of the labour of mankind is annually consumed by this barbarous system.
除了所有道德和哲学的反思之外，令人悲伤的事实是，每年人类四分之一以上的劳动都被这种野蛮的制度所消耗。
What has served to continue this evil, is the pecuniary advantage which all the governments of Europe have found in keeping up this state of uncivilisation.
欧洲各国政府在维持这种不文明状态时发现了金钱优势，从而助长了这种罪恶。
It affords to them pretences for power, and revenue, for which there would be neither occasion nor apology, if the circle of civilisation were rendered complete.
它为他们提供了权力和收入的借口，如果文明的循环变得完整，那么他们就没有机会也没有道歉。
Civil government alone, or the government of laws, is not productive of pretences for many taxes; it operates at home, directly under the eye of the country, and precludes the possibility of much imposition.
单独的民事政府或法治政府并不能产生许多税收的借口。它在国内运作，直接在国家的监督下，排除了强加太多的可能性。
But when the scene is laid in the uncivilised contention of governments, the field of pretences is enlarged, and the country, being no longer a judge, is open to every imposition, which governments please to act.
但当政府间不文明的争论出现时，借口的范围就扩大了，国家不再是法官，而是对政府愿意采取行动的任何强加开放。
Not a thirtieth, scarcely a fortieth, part of the taxes which are raised in England are either occasioned by, or applied to, the purpose of civil government.
在英国征收的税收中，不到三十分之一，甚至不到四十分之一是由公民政府的目的引起的，或者是用于公民政府的目的。
It is not difficult to see, that the whole which the actual government does in this respect, is to enact laws, and that the country administers and executes them, at its own expense, by means of magistrates, juries, sessions, and assize, over and above the taxes which it pays.
不难看出，实际政府在这方面所做的全部工作就是颁布法律，国家自费通过治安法官、陪审团、会议和巡回法庭来管理和执行这些法律，并超出其缴纳的税款。
In this view of the case, we have two distinct characters of government; the one the civil government, or the government of laws, which operates at home, the other the court or cabinet government, which operates abroad, on the rude plan of uncivilised life; the one attended with little charge, the other with boundless extravagance; and so distinct are the two, that if the latter were to sink, as it were, by a sudden opening of the earth, and totally disappear, the former would not be deranged.
从这个角度来看，我们的政府有两个截然不同的特征：一个是在国内运作的民事政府或法治政府，另一个是在国外运作的法院或内阁政府，其粗鲁的计划是不文明的生活；一个人参加的费用很少，另一个人则极其奢侈。两者如此截然不同，以至于即使后者因大地突然裂开而下沉并完全消失，前者也不会精神错乱。
It would still proceed, because it is the common interest of the nation that it should, and all the means are in practice.
它仍然会继续下去，因为这是国家的共同利益，而且所有手段都在实践中。
Revolutions, then, have for their object a change in the moral condition of governments, and with this change the burthen of public taxes will lessen, and civilisation will be left to the enjoyment of that abundance, of which it is now deprived.
因此，革命的目标是改变政府的道德状况，随着这种改变，公共税收的负担将减轻，文明将得以享受现在被剥夺的丰富。
In contemplating the whole of this subject, I extend my views into the department of commerce.
在思考整个主题时，我将自己的观点扩展到了商务部。
In all my publications, where the matter would admit, I have been an advocate for commerce, because I am a friend to its effects.
在我所有的出版物中，无论事实如何，我都是商业的倡导者，因为我是商业影响的朋友。
It is a pacific system, operating to cordialise mankind, by rendering nations, as well as individuals, useful to each other.
它是一个和平的体系，通过使国家和个人彼此受益，使人类变得友好。
As to the mere theoretical reformation, I have never preached it up.
至于单纯的理论改革，我从来没有宣扬过。
The most effectual process is that of improving the condition of man by means of his interest; and it is on this ground that I take my stand.
最有效的过程是通过人的利益来改善人的状况。正是基于这一点，我才采取我的立场。
If commerce were permitted to act to the universal extent it is capable, it would extirpate the system of war, and produce a revolution in the uncivilised state of governments.
如果允许商业在其能力范围内发挥作用，它将根除战争制度，并在不文明的政府中引发一场革命。
The invention of commerce has arisen since those governments began, and is the greatest approach towards universal civilisation that has yet been made by any means not immediately flowing from moral principles.
商业的发明自这些政府成立以来就已出现，并且是通向普遍文明的最伟大途径，迄今为止，这种途径并非直接源于道德原则。
Whatever has a tendency to promote the civil intercourse of nations by an exchange of benefits, is a subject as worthy of philosophy as of politics.
凡是能够通过利益交换促进各国民间交往的倾向，都是一个既值得哲学又值得政治的课题。
Commerce is no other than the traffic of two individuals, multiplied on a scale of numbers; and by the same rule that nature intended for the intercourse of two, she intended that of all.
商业无非是两个人的流量乘以一定的数字。正如大自然旨在让两个人交往的规则一样，她也打算让所有人交往。
For this purpose she has distributed the materials of manufactures and commerce, in various and distant parts of a nation and of the world; and as they cannot be procured by war so cheaply or so commodiously as by commerce, she has rendered the latter the means of extirpating the former.
为此，她将制造和商业材料分发到一个国家和世界各地的遥远地区。由于战争无法像通过商业那样廉价或方便地获得它们，因此她使后者成为消灭前者的手段。
As the two are nearly the opposite of each other, consequently, the uncivilised state of the European governments is injurious to commerce.
由于两者几乎是对立的，因此，欧洲政府的不文明状态对商业是有害的。
Every kind of destruction or embarrassment serves to lessen the quantity, and it matters but little in what part of the commercial world the reduction begins.
每一种破坏或尴尬都会减少数量，而减少是从商业世界的哪个部分开始的并不重要。
Like blood, it cannot be taken from any of the parts, without being taken from the whole mass in circulation, and all partake of the loss.
就像血液一样，它不能从任何部分中取出，除非从整个循环中取出，并且所有人都分担损失。
When the ability in any nation to buy is destroyed, it equally involves the seller.
当任何国家的购买能力被破坏时，卖方都会受到同样的影响。
Could the government of England destroy the commerce of all other nations, she would most effectually ruin her own.
如果英国政府摧毁了所有其他国家的商业，那么她将最有效地毁掉自己的商业。
It is possible that a nation may be the carrier for the world, but she cannot be the merchant.
一个国家可以成为世界的载体，但她不能成为商人。
She cannot be the seller and buyer of her own merchandise.
她不能成为自己商品的卖家和买家。
The ability to buy must reside out of herself; and, therefore, the prosperity of any commercial nation is regulated by the prosperity of the rest.
购买能力必须来自于她自己；因此，任何商业国家的繁荣都受到其他国家繁荣的调节。
If they are poor she cannot be rich, and her condition, be what it may, is an index of the height of the commercial tide in other nations.
如果他们很穷，她就不可能变得富有，而她的状况，无论怎样，都是其他国家商业浪潮高度的一个指标。
That the principles of commerce, and its universal operation may be understood, without understanding the practice, is a position that reason will not deny; and it is on this ground only that I argue the subject.
理性不会否认，即使不了解实践，也可以理解商业原理及其普遍运作。我正是基于这个理由来论证这个主题。
It is one thing in the counting-house, in the world it is another.
在会计室是一回事，在世界上则是另一回事。
With respect to its operation it must necessarily be contemplated as a reciprocal thing; that only one-half its powers resides within the nation, and that the whole is as effectually destroyed by the destroying the half that resides without, as if the destruction had been committed on that which is within; for neither can act without the other.
就其运作而言，必须将其视为互惠的事物；它的权力只有一半存在于国家内部，而通过摧毁存在于外部的一半权力，整个国家就被有效地摧毁了，就好像破坏是针对内部的一样；因为任何一方都不能离开对方而行动。
When in the last, as well as in former wars, the commerce of England sunk, it was because the quantity was lessened everywhere; and it now rises, because commerce is in a rising state in every nation.
在上一次和以前的战争中，英国的商业衰退，是因为各地的数量都减少了。现在它正在上升，因为每个国家的商业都处于上升状态。
If England, at this day, imports and exports more than at any former period, the nations with which she trades must necessarily do the same; her imports are their exports, and vice versa.
如果英国在今天的进出口量比以往任何时期都多，那么与其进行贸易的国家也必然会这样做；她的进口就是他们的出口，反之亦然。
There can be no such thing as a nation flourishing alone in commerce: she can only participate; and the destruction of it in any part must necessarily affect all.
一个国家不可能在商业上独自繁荣：她只能参与；她只能参与；她不能参与。任何部分的破坏必然会影响到所有部分。
When, therefore, governments are at war, the attack is made upon a common stock of commerce, and the consequence is the same as if each had attacked his own.
因此，当政府处于战争状态时，攻击是针对共同的商业存量的，其后果与各自攻击自己的商业存量是一样的。
The present increase of commerce is not to be attributed to ministers, or to any political contrivances, but to its own natural operation in consequence of peace.
目前商业的增长不应归因于大臣或任何政治阴谋，而是和平时期其自然运作的结果。
The regular markets had been destroyed, the channels of trade broken up, the high road of the seas infested with robbers of every nation, and the attention of the world called to other objects.
常规市场被摧毁，贸易渠道被破坏，海上大道上充斥着各国的强盗，世界的注意力转向了其他目标。
Those interruptions have ceased, and peace has restored the deranged condition of things to their proper order.*[25] It is worth remarking that every nation reckons the balance of trade in its own favour; and therefore something must be irregular in the common ideas upon this subject.
这些干扰已经停止，和平使混乱的状态恢复到正常的秩序。*[25] 值得注意的是，每个国家都以对自己有利的方式来衡量贸易平衡;因此，关于这个问题的共同想法一定有什么不规则的地方。
The fact, however, is true, according to what is called a balance; and it is from this cause that commerce is universally supported.
然而，根据所谓的平衡，事实是正确的。正是由于这个原因，商业才得到普遍支持。
Every nation feels the advantage, or it would abandon the practice: but the deception lies in the mode of making up the accounts, and in attributing what are called profits to a wrong cause.
每个国家都感受到了优势，否则就会放弃这种做法：但欺骗之处在于编造账目的方式，以及将所谓的利润归因于错误的原因。
Mr. Pitt has sometimes amused himself, by showing what he called a balance of trade from the custom-house books.
皮特先生有时会自娱自乐，从海关账簿中展示他所谓的贸易平衡。
This mode of calculating not only affords no rule that is true, but one that is false.
这种计算模式不仅没有提供正确的规则，而且提供错误的规则。
In the first place, Every cargo that departs from the custom-house appears on the books as an export; and, according to the custom-house balance, the losses at sea, and by foreign failures, are all reckoned on the side of profit because they appear as exports.
首先，从海关发出的每批货物在账簿上都显示为出口；而且，根据海关平衡，海上损失和外国失败都算在利润方面，因为它们表现为出口。
Secondly, Because the importation by the smuggling trade does not appear on the custom-house books, to arrange against the exports.
其次，由于走私贸易进口的货物没有出现在海关账簿上，因此可以安排反出口。
No balance, therefore, as applying to superior advantages, can be drawn from these documents; and if we examine the natural operation of commerce, the idea is fallacious; and if true, would soon be injurious.
因此，从这些文件中无法得出适用于优越优势的平衡；如果我们审视商业的自然运作，就会发现这个想法是错误的。如果属实，很快就会受到伤害。
The great support of commerce consists in the balance being a level of benefits among all nations.
商业的巨大支持在于所有国家之间的利益平衡。
Two merchants of different nations trading together, will both become rich, and each makes the balance in his own favour; consequently, they do not get rich of each other; and it is the same with respect to the nations in which they reside.
两个不同国家的商人一起贸易，都会变得富有，并且各自平衡对自己有利；因此，他们不会彼此致富；对于他们所居住的国家来说也是如此。
The case must be, that each nation must get rich out of its own means, and increases that riches by something which it procures from another in exchange.
情况必定是，每个国家都必须依靠自己的手段致富，并通过从另一个国家交换来获得某种东西来增加财富。
If a merchant in England sends an article of English manufacture abroad which costs him a shilling at home, and imports something which sells for two, he makes a balance of one shilling in his favour; but this is not gained out of the foreign nation or the foreign merchant, for he also does the same by the articles he receives, and neither has the advantage upon the other.
如果英国商人将一件英国制造的物品运往国外，在国内花费一先令，而进口的东西售价为两先令，那么他的余额为一先令；但这不是从外国或外国商人那里获得的，因为他也通过他收到的物品做同样的事情，而且双方都没有优势。
The original value of the two articles in their proper countries was but two shillings; but by changing their places, they acquire a new idea of value, equal to double what they had first, and that increased value is equally divided.
这两件物品在其本国的原价只有两先令；但是通过改变他们的位置，他们获得了新的价值观念，等于他们最初拥有的价值的两倍，并且增加的价值被平均分配。
There is no otherwise a balance on foreign than on domestic commerce.
与国内贸易相比，国外贸易没有其他平衡。
The merchants of London and Newcastle trade on the same principles, as if they resided in different nations, and make their balances in the same manner: yet London does not get rich out of Newcastle, any more than Newcastle out of London: but coals, the merchandize of Newcastle, have an additional value at London, and London merchandize has the same at Newcastle.
伦敦和纽卡斯尔的商人按照相同的原则进行贸易，就好像他们居住在不同的国家一样，并以相同的方式进行平衡：然而，伦敦并没有从纽卡斯尔致富，就像纽卡斯尔没有从伦敦致富一样：但是纽卡斯尔的商品煤炭在伦敦有附加价值，而伦敦商品在纽卡斯尔也有同样的价值。
Though the principle of all commerce is the same, the domestic, in a national view, is the part the most beneficial; because the whole of the advantages, an both sides, rests within the nation; whereas, in foreign commerce, it is only a participation of one-half.
尽管所有商业的原则都是一样的，但从国家的角度来看，国内是最有利的部分；因为双方的全部优势都在于国家内部；而在对外贸易中，只有二分之一的参与。
The most unprofitable of all commerce is that connected with foreign dominion.
所有商业中最无利可图的是与外国统治有关的商业。
To a few individuals it may be beneficial, merely because it is commerce; but to the nation it is a loss.
对于少数人来说，它可能是有益的，仅仅因为它是商业；但对于国家来说，这是一种损失。
The expense of maintaining dominion more than absorbs the profits of any trade.
维持统治地位的费用超过了任何贸易的利润。
It does not increase the general quantity in the world, but operates to lessen it; and as a greater mass would be afloat by relinquishing dominion, the participation without the expense would be more valuable than a greater quantity with it.
它不会增加世界上的总数量，而是会减少它；由于更多的群众可以通过放弃统治而生存，因此不花钱的参与比更多人花钱参与更有价值。
But it is impossible to engross commerce by dominion; and therefore it is still more fallacious.
但靠统治来吞并商业是不可能的。因此它更加错误。
It cannot exist in confined channels, and necessarily breaks out by regular or irregular means, that defeat the attempt: and to succeed would be still worse.
它不可能存在于有限的渠道中，并且必然会通过定期或不定期的方式爆发，从而挫败尝试：并且成功会更糟。
France, since the Revolution, has been more indifferent as to foreign possessions, and other nations will become the same when they investigate the subject with respect to commerce.
自大革命以来，法国对外国财产更加漠不关心，其他国家在研究商业问题时也会变得同样。
To the expense of dominion is to be added that of navies, and when the amounts of the two are subtracted from the profits of commerce, it will appear, that what is called the balance of trade, even admitting it to exist, is not enjoyed by the nation, but absorbed by the Government.
除了统治权的费用之外，还要加上海军的费用，当从商业利润中减去这两者的数额时，就会发现，所谓的贸易平衡，即使承认它的存在，也不是由国家享有的，而是由政府吸收的。
The idea of having navies for the protection of commerce is delusive.
拥有海军来保护商业的想法是不切实际的。
It is putting means of destruction for the means of protection.
它正在把破坏手段变成保护手段。
Commerce needs no other protection than the reciprocal interest which every nation feels in supporting it--it is common stock--it exists by a balance of advantages to all; and the only interruption it meets, is from the present uncivilised state of governments, and which it is its common interest to reform.*[26]
商业不需要其他保护，只需要每个国家在支持它时感受到的互惠利益——它是普通股——它通过所有人的利益平衡而存在；它遇到的唯一干扰来自于目前不文明的政府状况，而对其进行改革是其共同利益。*[26]
Quitting this subject, I now proceed to other matters.--As it is necessary to include England in the prospect of a general reformation, it is proper to inquire into the defects of its government.
抛开这个话题，我现在开始讨论其他问题。——由于有必要将英国纳入全面改革的前景之中，因此探究其政府的缺陷是适当的。
It is only by each nation reforming its own, that the whole can be improved, and the full benefit of reformation enjoyed.
只有每个国家都进行自己的改革，整体才能得到改善，才能充分享受改革带来的好处。
Only partial advantages can flow from partial reforms.
局部改革只能产生局部优势。
France and England are the only two countries in Europe where a reformation in government could have successfully begun.
法国和英国是欧洲仅有的两个可以成功开始政府改革的国家。
The one secure by the ocean, and the other by the immensity of its internal strength, could defy the malignancy of foreign despotism.
一个靠海洋，另一个靠内力，足以抵御外来专制的恶毒。
But it is with revolutions as with commerce, the advantages increase by their becoming general, and double to either what each would receive alone.
但革命就像商业一样，其优势随着革命的普遍化而增加，并且是每个人单独获得的优势的两倍。
As a new system is now opening to the view of the world, the European courts are plotting to counteract it.
随着一种新的制度向世界开放，欧洲法院正在密谋抵制它。
Alliances, contrary to all former systems, are agitating, and a common interest of courts is forming against the common interest of man.
与所有以前的制度相反，联盟正在煽动，法院的共同利益正在反对人类的共同利益。
This combination draws a line that runs throughout Europe, and presents a cause so entirely new as to exclude all calculations from former circumstances.
这种结合划出了一条贯穿整个欧洲的界线，并提出了一个全新的事业，以至于排除了以前情况的所有计算。
While despotism warred with despotism, man had no interest in the contest; but in a cause that unites the soldier with the citizen, and nation with nation, the despotism of courts, though it feels the danger and meditates revenge, is afraid to strike.
当专制主义与专制主义交战时，人们对这场竞赛没有兴趣；但是，在一项将士兵与公民、国家与国家联合起来的事业中，法院的专制主义尽管感受到了危险并考虑复仇，却不敢发动攻击。
No question has arisen within the records of history that pressed with the importance of the present.
历史记录中没有出现任何问题来强调当前的重要性。
It is not whether this or that party shall be in or not, or Whig or Tory, high or low shall prevail; but whether man shall inherit his rights, and universal civilisation take place?
问题不在于这个政党或那个政党是否入党，也不在于辉格党或保守党，高低是否占上风。但人类是否会继承自己的权利并实现普遍文明呢？
Whether the fruits of his labours shall be enjoyed by himself or consumed by the profligacy of governments?
他的劳动成果是自己享用还是被政府挥霍所消耗？
Whether robbery shall be banished from courts, and wretchedness from countries?
是否应该从法庭中消除抢劫，从国家中消除不幸？
When, in countries that are called civilised, we see age going to the workhouse and youth to the gallows, something must be wrong in the system of government.
当我们在所谓的文明国家看到老年人走进济贫院、年轻人走向绞刑架时，政府制度一定出了问题。
It would seem, by the exterior appearance of such countries, that all was happiness; but there lies hidden from the eye of common observation, a mass of wretchedness, that has scarcely any other chance, than to expire in poverty or infamy.
从这些国家的外表来看，似乎一切都是幸福的。但是，在人们的普遍观察之下，却隐藏着一大群不幸的人，除了在贫困或耻辱中死去之外，几乎没有其他机会。
Its entrance into life is marked with the presage of its fate; and until this is remedied, it is in vain to punish.
它进入生命就预示着它的命运。在这个问题得到纠正之前，惩罚是徒劳的。
Civil government does not exist in executions; but in making such provision for the instruction of youth and the support of age, as to exclude, as much as possible, profligacy from the one and despair from the other.
执行死刑时不存在民事政府；但在为青年人的教育和老年人的赡养做出规定时，要尽可能地排除其中一方的挥霍和另一方的绝望。
Instead of this, the resources of a country are lavished upon kings, upon courts, upon hirelings, impostors and prostitutes; and even the poor themselves, with all their wants upon them, are compelled to support the fraud that oppresses them.
相反，一个国家的资源被大量地浪费在国王、宫廷、雇工、骗子和妓女身上。甚至连穷人自己，尽管他们有所有的需要，也被迫支持压迫他们的欺诈行为。
Why is it that scarcely any are executed but the poor?
为什么除了穷人之外几乎没有人被处决？
The fact is a proof, among other things, of a wretchedness in their condition.
这一事实尤其证明了他们的境遇是悲惨的。
Bred up without morals, and cast upon the world without a prospect, they are the exposed sacrifice of vice and legal barbarity.
他们在没有道德的情况下长大，在没有前途的情况下投向这个世界，他们是罪恶和法律野蛮行为的暴露牺牲。
The millions that are superfluously wasted upon governments are more than sufficient to reform those evils, and to benefit the condition of every man in a nation, not included within the purlieus of a court.
浪费在政府身上的数百万美元足以改革这些罪恶，并有利于一个国家中每个人的状况，不包括在法院的范围内。
This I hope to make appear in the progress of this work.
我希望这一点能够体现在这项工作的进展中。
It is the nature of compassion to associate with misfortune.
慈悲的本质是与不幸联系在一起的。
In taking up this subject I seek no recompense--I fear no consequence.
在研究这个主题时，我不寻求任何回报——我不担心任何后果。
Fortified with that proud integrity, that disdains to triumph or to yield, I will advocate the Rights of Man.
带着骄傲的正直，不屑于胜利或屈服，我将倡导人权。
It is to my advantage that I have served an apprenticeship to life.
我的学徒生涯对我来说是有利的。
I know the value of moral instruction, and I have seen the danger of the contrary.
我知道道德教导的价值，也看到相反的危险。
At an early period--little more than sixteen years of age, raw and adventurous, and heated with the false heroism of a master*[27] who had served in a man-of-war--I began the carver of my own fortune, and entered on board the Terrible Privateer, Captain Death.
在很早的时期——当时才十六岁多一点，原始而富有冒险精神，并被一位曾在战舰上服役的主人*[27]的虚假英雄主义所激怒——我开始了自己的财富的雕刻，并登上了可怕的私掠船，死亡船长。
From this adventure I was happily prevented by the affectionate and moral remonstrance of a good father, who, from his own habits of life, being of the Quaker profession, must begin to look upon me as lost.
一位好父亲的深情而道德的劝告阻止了我这次冒险，从他自己的生活习惯来看，作为贵格会的职业，他一定开始认为我迷失了。
But the impression, much as it effected at the time, began to wear away, and I entered afterwards in the King of Prussia Privateer, Captain Mendez, and went with her to sea.
但这种印象，无论当时的影响如何，都开始消失，后来我乘坐门德斯船长的普鲁士国王私掠船，和她一起出海。
Yet, from such a beginning, and with all the inconvenience of early life against me, I am proud to say, that with a perseverance undismayed by difficulties, a disinterestedness that compelled respect, I have not only contributed to raise a new empire in the world, founded on a new system of government, but I have arrived at an eminence in political literature, the most difficult of all lines to succeed and excel in, which aristocracy with all its aids has not been able to reach or to rival.*[28]
然而，从这样的开始，尽管早年生活给我带来了种种不便，我可以自豪地说，凭借不为困难所气馁的毅力和令人尊重的无私，我不仅为在世界上建立了一个新的帝国做出了贡献，建立在新的政府体系之上，而且在政治文学中取得了卓越的成就，这是所有领域中最难成功和擅长的领域，这是贵族利用其所有帮助都无法达到的。或竞争对手。*[28]
Knowing my own heart and feeling myself as I now do, superior to all the skirmish of party, the inveteracy of interested or mistaken opponents, I answer not to falsehood or abuse, but proceed to the defects of the English Government.
我了解自己的内心，感受自己，就像我现在所做的那样，优于党内的所有小冲突、感兴趣或错误的对手的根深蒂固，我不会对谎言或滥用做出回应，而是继续探讨英国政府的缺陷。
I begin with charters and corporations.
我从章程和公司开始。
It is a perversion of terms to say that a charter gives rights.
说宪章赋予权利是对术语的曲解。
It operates by a contrary effect--that of taking rights away.
它的运作产生相反的效果——剥夺权利。
Rights are inherently in all the inhabitants; but charters, by annulling those rights, in the majority, leave the right, by exclusion, in the hands of a few.
权利是所有居民固有的；但宪章通过废除大多数人的这些权利，将这些权利排除在少数人手中。
If charters were constructed so as to express in direct terms, "that every inhabitant, who is not a member of a corporation, shall not exercise the right of voting," such charters would, in the face, be charters not of rights, but of exclusion.
如果章程的制定是为了以直接的措辞表达“不是公司成员的每个居民都不得行使投票权”，那么从表面上看，这样的章程就不是权利章程，而是排除章程。
The effect is the same under the form they now stand; and the only persons on whom they operate are the persons whom they exclude.
其效果与现在的形式相同；他们所操作的唯一对象就是他们所排除的人。
Those whose rights are guaranteed, by not being taken away, exercise no other rights than as members of the community they are entitled to without a charter; and, therefore, all charters have no other than an indirect negative operation.
那些权利得到保障、不被剥夺的人，除了作为社区成员在没有章程的情况下有权享有的权利外，不行使任何其他权利；因此，所有包机都只是间接的负面操作。
They do not give rights to A, but they make a difference in favour of A by taking away the right of B, and consequently are instruments of injustice.
它们没有赋予 A 权利，但却通过剥夺 B 的权利来为 A 带来利益，因此成为不公正的工具。
But charters and corporations have a more extensive evil effect than what relates merely to elections.
但章程和公司比仅仅与选举有关的影响更广泛。
They are sources of endless contentions in the places where they exist, and they lessen the common rights of national society.
它们在其存在的地方是无休无止的争论的根源，并且它们削弱了国家社会的共同权利。
A native of England, under the operation of these charters and corporations, cannot be said to be an Englishman in the full sense of the word.
一个土生土长的英格兰人，在这些宪章和公司的运作下，不能说是一个完整意义上的英国人。
He is not free of the nation, in the same manner that a Frenchman is free of France, and an American of America.
他没有摆脱国家的束缚，就像法国人摆脱了法国、美国人摆脱了美国一样。
His rights are circumscribed to the town, and, in some cases, to the parish of his birth; and all other parts, though in his native land, are to him as a foreign country.
他的权利仅限于该城镇，在某些情况下，仅限于他出生的教区。而其他地方，虽然在他的祖国，对他来说却如同异国他乡。
To acquire a residence in these, he must undergo a local naturalisation by purchase, or he is forbidden or expelled the place.
为了在这些地方获得住所，他必须通过购买方式入籍当地，否则他将被禁止或驱逐出该地方。
This species of feudality is kept up to aggrandise the corporations at the ruin of towns; and the effect is visible.
这种封建制度的存在是为了在城镇废墟上扩大企业的规模。并且效果是看得见的。
The generality of corporation towns are in a state of solitary decay, and prevented from further ruin only by some circumstance in their situation, such as a navigable river, or a plentiful surrounding country.
企业城镇的普遍性处于一种单独衰败的状态，只有在其所处的某些环境下才能防止进一步的破坏，例如一条可通航的河流，或者周围有一个富饶的乡村。
As population is one of the chief sources of wealth (for without it land itself has no value), everything which operates to prevent it must lessen the value of property; and as corporations have not only this tendency, but directly this effect, they cannot but be injurious.
由于人口是财富的主要来源之一（因为没有人口，土地本身就没有价值），任何阻止人口增长的措施都必须降低财产的价值；由于公司不仅具有这种倾向，而且直接具有这种效果，因此它们只能是有害的。
If any policy were to be followed, instead of that of general freedom, to every person to settle where he chose (as in France or America) it would be more consistent to give encouragement to new comers than to preclude their admission by exacting premiums from them.*[29]
如果要遵循任何政策，而不是普遍自由的政策，让每个人在他选择的地方定居（如在法国或美国），那么鼓励新来者比通过向他们收取保费来阻止他们进入会更加一致。*[29]
The persons most immediately interested in the abolition of corporations are the inhabitants of the towns where corporations are established.
对废除公司最直接感兴趣的人是公司设立所在城镇的居民。
The instances of Manchester, Birmingham, and Sheffield show, by contrast, the injuries which those Gothic institutions are to property and commerce.
相比之下，曼彻斯特、伯明翰和谢菲尔德的例子表明，这些哥特式机构对财产和商业造成了伤害。
A few examples may be found, such as that of London, whose natural and commercial advantage, owing to its situation on the Thames, is capable of bearing up against the political evils of a corporation; but in almost all other cases the fatality is too visible to be doubted or denied.
可以找到一些例子，例如伦敦，由于其位于泰晤士河畔的地理位置，其自然和商业优势能够承受公司的政治罪恶；但在几乎所有其他情况下，死亡都是显而易见的，不容怀疑或否认。
Though the whole nation is not so directly affected by the depression of property in corporation towns as the inhabitants themselves, it partakes of the consequence.
尽管整个国家不像居民本身那样直接受到企业城镇财产贬值的影响，但它也承担了后果。
By lessening the value of property, the quantity of national commerce is curtailed.
通过降低财产价值，国家商业数量就会减少。
Every man is a customer in proportion to his ability; and as all parts of a nation trade with each other, whatever affects any of the parts must necessarily communicate to the whole.
每个人都是一个顾客，其程度与他的能力成正比；当一个国家的各个部分相互进行贸易时，任何影响任何部分的事情都必然会影响到整体。
As one of the Houses of the English Parliament is, in a great measure, made up of elections from these corporations; and as it is unnatural that a pure stream should flow from a foul fountain, its vices are but a continuation of the vices of its origin.
英国议会的两院在很大程度上是由这些公司选举产生的；由于纯净的溪流从污浊的泉水中流出是不自然的，因此它的弊病只不过是其起源的弊病的延续。
A man of moral honour and good political principles cannot submit to the mean drudgery and disgraceful arts, by which such elections are carried.
一个有道德荣誉和良好政治原则的人不能屈服于进行这种选举的卑鄙苦差和可耻手段。
To be a successful candidate, he must be destitute of the qualities that constitute a just legislator; and being thus disciplined to corruption by the mode of entering into Parliament, it is not to be expected that the representative should be better than the man.
要成为一名成功的候选人，他必须缺乏构成公正立法者的品质；由于进入议会的方式而受到腐败的约束，因此不能指望代表应该比人更好。
Mr. Burke, in speaking of the English representation, has advanced as bold a challenge as ever was given in the days of chivalry.
伯克先生在谈到英国代表时，提出了骑士时代所提出的大胆挑战。
"Our representation," says he, "has been found perfectly adequate to all the purposes for which a representation of the people can be desired or devised." "I defy," continues he, "the enemies of our constitution to show the contrary."--This declaration from a man who has been in constant opposition to all the measures of parliament the whole of his political life, a year or two excepted, is most extraordinary; and, comparing him with himself, admits of no other alternative, than that he acted against his judgment as a member, or has declared contrary to it as an author.
“我们的代表权，”他说，“已被发现完全足以满足人民代表权所期望或设计的所有目的。”他继续说道，“我反对我们宪法的敌人表明相反的观点。”——一个在整个政治生涯中（除了一两年之外）不断反对议会所有措施的人的这一声明是最不同寻常的；并且，将他与他自己进行比较，除了他的行为违反了他作为成员的判断，或者已经声明与作为作者的判断相反之外，没有其他选择。
But it is not in the representation only that the defects lie, and therefore I proceed in the next place to the aristocracy.
但缺陷不仅仅在于表现形式，因此我接下来要讨论的是贵族制。
What is called the House of Peers, is constituted on a ground very similar to that, against which there is no law in other cases.
所谓的贵族院的组成基础与此非常相似，在其他情况下没有法律反对这一点。
It amounts to a combination of persons in one common interest.
它相当于具有共同利益的人的组合。
No better reason can be given, why a house of legislation should be composed entirely of men whose occupation consists in letting landed property, than why it should be composed of those who hire, or of brewers, or bakers, or any other separate class of men.
为什么立法院应该完全由以出租土地财产为职业的人组成，没有比为什么立法院应该由雇佣者、酿酒师、面包师或任何其他单独阶层的人组成更好的理由了。
Mr. Burke calls this house "the great ground and pillar of security to the landed interest." Let us examine this idea.
伯克先生称这座房子为“土地利益的伟大基础和安全支柱”。让我们来看看这个想法。
What pillar of security does the landed interest require more than any other interest in the state, or what right has it to a distinct and separate representation from the general interest of a nation?
土地利益比国家的任何其他利益更需要什么安全支柱，或者它有什么权利从一个国家的总体利益中获得独特和独立的代表权？
The only use to be made of this power (and which it always has made), is to ward off taxes from itself, and throw the burthen upon those articles of consumption by which itself would be least affected.
这种权力的唯一用途（而且它一直都在这样做）就是避免对自身征税，并将负担加在那些对自身影响最小的消费品上。
That this has been the consequence (and will always be the consequence) of constructing governments on combinations, is evident with respect to England, from the history of its taxes.
这一直是（并且永远是）以组合方式构建政府的结果，这一点对于英国来说是显而易见的，从其税收的历史来看。
Notwithstanding taxes have increased and multiplied upon every article of common consumption, the land-tax, which more particularly affects this "pillar," has diminished.
尽管每件普通消费品的税收都增加并成倍增加，但对这一“支柱”影响尤其严重的土地税却减少了。
In 1778 the amount of the land-tax was L1,950,000, which is half-a-million less than it produced almost a hundred years ago,*[30] notwithstanding the rentals are in many instances doubled since that period.
1778 年，土地税金额为 1,950,000 兰特，比近一百年前减少了 50 万，*[30] 尽管租金自该时期以来在许多情况下翻了一番。
Before the coming of the Hanoverians, the taxes were divided in nearly equal proportions between the land and articles of consumption, the land bearing rather the largest share: but since that era nearly thirteen millions annually of new taxes have been thrown upon consumption.
在汉诺威王朝到来之前，税收几乎以相等的比例分配给土地和消费品，其中土地所占份额最大：但自那个时代以来，每年有近一千三百万的新税被投入到消费上。
The consequence of which has been a constant increase in the number and wretchedness of the poor, and in the amount of the poor-rates.
其后果是穷人的数量和贫困程度以及贫困率不断增加。
Yet here again the burthen does not fall in equal proportions on the aristocracy with the rest of the community.
然而，贵族的负担与社会其他成员的负担并不相同。
Their residences, whether in town or country, are not mixed with the habitations of the poor.
他们的住所，无论是在城镇还是乡村，都不与穷人的住所混在一起。
They live apart from distress, and the expense of relieving it.
他们的生活没有痛苦，也没有缓解痛苦的费用。
It is in manufacturing towns and labouring villages that those burthens press the heaviest; in many of which it is one class of poor supporting another.
在制造业城镇和劳动村庄，这些负担最为沉重。在许多情况下，贫困阶层是一个阶层在养活另一个阶层。
Several of the most heavy and productive taxes are so contrived, as to give an exemption to this pillar, thus standing in its own defence.
一些最重、最具生产力的税收都是如此设计的，以便对这一支柱给予豁免，从而保护自己。
The tax upon beer brewed for sale does not affect the aristocracy, who brew their own beer free from this duty.
对出售的啤酒征税不会影响贵族，他们自己酿造的啤酒免征这项税。
It falls only on those who have not conveniency or ability to brew, and who must purchase it in small quantities.
它只落在那些不方便或没有能力酿造并且必须少量购买的人身上。
But what will mankind think of the justice of taxation, when they know that this tax alone, from which the aristocracy are from circumstances exempt, is nearly equal to the whole of the land-tax, being in the year 1788, and it is not less now, L1,666,152, and with its proportion of the taxes on malt and hops, it exceeds it.--That a single article, thus partially consumed, and that chiefly by the working part, should be subject to a tax, equal to that on the whole rental of a nation, is, perhaps, a fact not to be paralleled in the histories of revenues.
但是，当人们知道，仅贵族阶层在情况下免征的这项税收就几乎等于 1788 年的全部土地税，而且现在也不少于 L1,666,152，而且加上麦芽和啤酒花税的比例，它超过了它时，他们会如何看待税收的公正性呢？税收相当于一个国家整个租金的税收，这也许是收入历史上无法比拟的事实。
This is one of the circumstances resulting from a house of legislation, composed on the ground of a combination of common interest; for whatever their separate politics as to parties may be, in this they are united.
这是基于共同利益而组成的立法院所造成的情况之一；无论他们的政党政治如何，在这一点上他们是团结的。
Whether a combination acts to raise the price of any article for sale, or rate of wages; or whether it acts to throw taxes from itself upon another class of the community, the principle and the effect are the same; and if the one be illegal, it will be difficult to show that the other ought to exist.
合并是否会提高任何待售物品的价格或工资水平；或者无论它的行为是把自己的税收转移到社会的另一个阶级身上，其原理和效果都是一样的；如果其中一个不合法，就很难证明另一个应该存在。
It is no use to say that taxes are first proposed in the House of Commons; for as the other house has always a negative, it can always defend itself; and it would be ridiculous to suppose that its acquiescence in the measures to be proposed were not understood before hand.
说税收首先是在下议院提出的，这是没有用的。因为另一宫总是有负面的，它总是可以捍卫自己。如果认为事先没有了解其对拟议措施的默许，那将是荒谬的。
Besides which, it has obtained so much influence by borough-traffic, and so many of its relations and connections are distributed on both sides the commons, as to give it, besides an absolute negative in one house, a preponderancy in the other, in all matters of common concern.
除此之外，它还通过行政区交通获得了如此大的影响，而且它的许多关系和联系分布在公地两侧，以至于除了在一个议院中处于绝对消极地位之外，在所有共同关心的问题上，它在另一议院中具有优势。
It is difficult to discover what is meant by the landed interest, if it does not mean a combination of aristocratical landholders, opposing their own pecuniary interest to that of the farmer, and every branch of trade, commerce, and manufacture.
如果土地利益不是指将自己的金钱利益与农民的金钱利益相对立的贵族土地所有者以及贸易、商业和制造业的各个部门的联合体，那么很难理解土地利益的含义。
In all other respects it is the only interest that needs no partial protection.
在所有其他方面，这是唯一不需要部分保护的利益。
It enjoys the general protection of the world.
它受到世界的普遍保护。
Every individual, high or low, is interested in the fruits of the earth; men, women, and children, of all ages and degrees, will turn out to assist the farmer, rather than a harvest should not be got in; and they will not act thus by any other property.
每个人，无论地位高低，都对大地的果实感兴趣。男人、女人和孩子，无论年龄和程度，都会出来帮助农民，而不是不应该收获；他们不会通过任何其他财产这样做。
It is the only one for which the common prayer of mankind is put up, and the only one that can never fail from the want of means.
这是人类共同祈祷的唯一一件事，也是唯一永远不会因缺乏资金而失败的一件事。
It is the interest, not of the policy, but of the existence of man, and when it ceases, he must cease to be.
它不是政策的利益，而是人的存在的利益，当它停止时，人就必须停止存在。
No other interest in a nation stands on the same united support.
一个国家的任何其他利益都无法得到同样的团结支持。
Commerce, manufactures, arts, sciences, and everything else, compared with this, are supported but in parts.
与此相比，商业、制造业、艺术、科学以及其他一切都得到了支持，但只是部分支持。
Their prosperity or their decay has not the same universal influence.
它们的繁荣或衰落并没有同样的普遍影响。
When the valleys laugh and sing, it is not the farmer only, but all creation that rejoice.
当山谷欢笑歌唱时，不仅仅是农民，而是所有的造物都在欢欣鼓舞。
It is a prosperity that excludes all envy; and this cannot be said of anything else.
这是一种排除一切嫉妒的繁荣；更不能说别的。
Why then, does Mr. Burke talk of his house of peers as the pillar of the landed interest?
那么，为什么伯克先生把他的贵族院称为土地利益的支柱呢？
Were that pillar to sink into the earth, the same landed property would continue, and the same ploughing, sowing, and reaping would go on.
如果那根柱子沉入地下，同样的土地财产将继续存在，同样的耕作、播种和收割将继续进行。
The aristocracy are not the farmers who work the land, and raise the produce, but are the mere consumers of the rent; and when compared with the active world are the drones, a seraglio of males, who neither collect the honey nor form the hive, but exist only for lazy enjoyment.
贵族不是耕种土地、种植农产品的农民，而仅仅是租金的消费者；与活跃的世界相比，雄蜂是一群雄性后宫，它们既不采集蜂蜜，也不形成蜂巢，而存在只是为了懒惰的享受。
Mr. Burke, in his first essay, called aristocracy "the Corinthian capital of polished society." Towards completing the figure, he has now added the pillar; but still the base is wanting; and whenever a nation choose to act a Samson, not blind, but bold, down will go the temple of Dagon, the Lords and the Philistines.
伯克先生在他的第一篇文章中将贵族政治称为“优雅社会的科林斯首都”。为了完成这个人物，他现在添加了柱子；但仍然缺乏基础；每当一个国家选择效仿参孙时，不是盲目的，而是大胆的，大衮的圣殿、耶和华和非利士人都会倒塌。
If a house of legislation is to be composed of men of one class, for the purpose of protecting a distinct interest, all the other interests should have the same.
如果立法院由一个阶级的人组成，那么为了保护某一特定利益，所有其他利益也应该有相同的利益。
The inequality, as well as the burthen of taxation, arises from admitting it in one case, and not in all.
不平等以及税收负担是由于在一种情况下而不是在所有情况下承认这一点而产生的。
Had there been a house of farmers, there had been no game laws; or a house of merchants and manufacturers, the taxes had neither been so unequal nor so excessive.
如果有农民之家，就不会有游戏法；对于商人和制造商来说，税收既没有那么不平等，也没有那么过度。
It is from the power of taxation being in the hands of those who can throw so great a part of it from their own shoulders, that it has raged without a check.
正是由于税收的权力掌握在那些可以将大部分税收从自己的肩膀上甩掉的人手中，所以税收在没有检查的情况下肆虐。
Men of small or moderate estates are more injured by the taxes being thrown on articles of consumption, than they are eased by warding it from landed property, for the following reasons:
拥有小或中等财产的人因对消费品征税而受到的伤害比通过对土地财产征税而得到的缓解更大，原因如下：
First, They consume more of the productive taxable articles, in proportion to their property, than those of large estates.
首先，按其财产比例，他们比大庄园消费更多的生产性应税物品。
Secondly, Their residence is chiefly in towns, and their property in houses; and the increase of the poor-rates, occasioned by taxes on consumption, is in much greater proportion than the land-tax has been favoured.
其次，他们的居住地以城镇为主，财产以房屋为主；由消费税引起的贫困率的增加，比土地税所优惠的比例要大得多。
In Birmingham, the poor-rates are not less than seven shillings in the pound.
在伯明翰，贫困率不少于每英镑七先令。
From this, as is already observed, the aristocracy are in a great measure exempt.
正如已经观察到的那样，贵族阶层在很大程度上不受此影响。
These are but a part of the mischiefs flowing from the wretched scheme of an house of peers.
这些只是贵族院的卑劣计划所造成的恶作剧的一部分。
As a combination, it can always throw a considerable portion of taxes from itself; and as an hereditary house, accountable to nobody, it resembles a rotten borough, whose consent is to be courted by interest.
作为一个组合，它总能从自己身上扔掉相当一部分税收；作为一个世袭的家族，对任何人都不负责，它就像一个腐烂的行政区，必须通过利益来争取其同意。
There are but few of its members, who are not in some mode or other participators, or disposers of the public money.
其成员中只有极少数不是某种模式或其他参与者或公共资金的处置者。
One turns a candle-holder, or a lord in waiting; another a lord of the bed-chamber, a groom of the stole, or any insignificant nominal office to which a salary is annexed, paid out of the public taxes, and which avoids the direct appearance of corruption.
一个人变成一个烛台，或者一个侍候的领主；另一种是寝宫之主、偷窃者的马夫或任何无关紧要的名义职位，其薪水是从公共税收中支付的，这避免了直接出现腐败。
Such situations are derogatory to the character of man; and where they can be submitted to, honour cannot reside.
这种情况有损于人的品格；凡是可以服从他们的地方，荣誉就不能存在。
To all these are to be added the numerous dependants, the long list of younger branches and distant relations, who are to be provided for at the public expense: in short, were an estimation to be made of the charge of aristocracy to a nation, it will be found nearly equal to that of supporting the poor.
除所有这些之外，还要加上众多的家属、一长串的年轻分支和远亲，这些人都将由公共费用提供：简而言之，如果对贵族对一个国家的负担进行估计，就会发现它几乎等于赡养穷人的费用。
The Duke of Richmond alone (and there are cases similar to his) takes away as much for himself as would maintain two thousand poor and aged persons.
仅里士满公爵一人（也有类似的情况）为自己夺取的财富就足以维持两千名穷人和老年人的生活。
Is it, then, any wonder, that under such a system of government, taxes and rates have multiplied to their present extent?
那么，在这样的政府体系下，税收和税率成倍增加到目前的程度，这还有什么奇怪的吗？
In stating these matters, I speak an open and disinterested language, dictated by no passion but that of humanity.
在陈述这些问题时，我使用的是一种开放且公正的语言，这种语言不是出于激情，而是出于人性。
To me, who have not only refused offers, because I thought them improper, but have declined rewards I might with reputation have accepted, it is no wonder that meanness and imposition appear disgustful.
对我来说，不仅因为我认为这些提议不合适而拒绝了，而且还拒绝了我可能以名声接受的奖励，难怪卑鄙和强加令人厌恶。
Independence is my happiness, and I view things as they are, without regard to place or person; my country is the world, and my religion is to do good.
独立是我的幸福，我看待事物的本来面目，不考虑地点或人；我的国家就是世界，我的宗教是行善。
Mr. Burke, in speaking of the aristocratical law of primogeniture, says, "it is the standing law of our landed inheritance; and which, without question, has a tendency, and I think," continues he, "a happy tendency, to preserve a character of weight and consequence."
伯克先生在谈到贵族长子继承权法时说：“这是我们土地继承的现行法律；毫无疑问，它有一种趋势，而且我认为，”他继续说道，“一种令人高兴的趋势，即保留一种重要和重要的特征。”
Mr. Burke may call this law what he pleases, but humanity and impartial reflection will denounce it as a law of brutal injustice.
伯克先生可以随心所欲地称呼这项法律，但人道和公正的反思将谴责它是一项残酷的不公正法律。
Were we not accustomed to the daily practice, and did we only hear of it as the law of some distant part of the world, we should conclude that the legislators of such countries had not arrived at a state of civilisation.
如果我们不习惯这种日常实践，如果我们只是听说它是世界某个遥远地区的法律，我们就应该得出这样的结论：这些国家的立法者还没有达到文明状态。
As to its preserving a character of weight and consequence, the case appears to me directly the reverse.
至于它保留了重量和后果的特征，在我看来，情况正好相反。
It is an attaint upon character; a sort of privateering on family property.
这是对品格的侮辱。一种对家庭财产的掠夺。
It may have weight among dependent tenants, but it gives none on a scale of national, and much less of universal character.
它可能在附属佃户中具有影响力，但它在全国范围内没有任何影响，更不用说具有普遍性了。
Speaking for myself, my parents were not able to give me a shilling, beyond what they gave me in education; and to do this they distressed themselves: yet, I possess more of what is called consequence, in the world, than any one in Mr. Burke's catalogue of aristocrats.
就我自己而言，除了教育方面的支出外，我的父母没有给我一先令。为了做到这一点，他们让自己很痛苦：然而，我比伯克先生的贵族名录中的任何一个人都拥有更多的所谓在世界上的影响力。
Having thus glanced at some of the defects of the two houses of parliament, I proceed to what is called the crown, upon which I shall be very concise.
在浏览了议会两院的一些缺陷之后，我将继续讨论所谓的“王权”，对此我将非常简洁。
It signifies a nominal office of a million sterling a year, the business of which consists in receiving the money.
它象征着每年一百万英镑的名义办公室，其业务在于接收资金。
Whether the person be wise or foolish, sane or insane, a native or a foreigner, matters not.
无论这个人是明智的还是愚蠢的、理智的还是疯狂的、本地人还是外国人，这些都不重要。
Every ministry acts upon the same idea that Mr. Burke writes, namely, that the people must be hood-winked, and held in superstitious ignorance by some bugbear or other; and what is called the crown answers this purpose, and therefore it answers all the purposes to be expected from it.
每个部委的行动都遵循伯克先生所写的同样的理念，即人民必须被某种怪物蒙蔽，并处于迷信的无知之中；所谓的王冠满足了这个目的，因此它满足了人们对它的期望的所有目的。
This is more than can be said of the other two branches.
这比其他两个分支更能说明问题。
The hazard to which this office is exposed in all countries, is not from anything that can happen to the man, but from what may happen to the nation--the danger of its coming to its senses.
在所有国家中，这个职位所面临的危险，不是来自于这个人可能发生的任何事情，而是来自于这个国家可能发生的事情——它清醒过来的危险。
It has been customary to call the crown the executive power, and the custom is continued, though the reason has ceased.
人们习惯上称王权为行政权力，尽管理性已经消失，但这种习惯仍在继续。
It was called the executive, because the person whom it signified used, formerly, to act in the character of a judge, in administering or executing the laws.
它被称为行政人员，因为它所代表的人以前在管理或执行法律时以法官的身份行事。
The tribunals were then a part of the court.
法庭当时是法院的一部分。
The power, therefore, which is now called the judicial, is what was called the executive and, consequently, one or other of the terms is redundant, and one of the offices useless.
因此，现在所谓的司法权就是所谓的行政权，因此，其中一个或另一个术语是多余的，而其中一个职位是无用的。
When we speak of the crown now, it means nothing; it signifies neither a judge nor a general: besides which it is the laws that govern, and not the man.
当我们现在谈论王冠时，它毫无意义；它既不代表法官，也不代表将军：除此之外，统治的是法律，而不是人。
The old terms are kept up, to give an appearance of consequence to empty forms; and the only effect they have is that of increasing expenses.
旧的术语被保留下来，以给空洞的形式带来后果。它们唯一的作用就是增加开支。
Before I proceed to the means of rendering governments more conducive to the general happiness of mankind, than they are at present, it will not be improper to take a review of the progress of taxation in England.
在我着手探讨使政府比目前更有利于人类普遍幸福的方法之前，回顾一下英国税收的进展并无不妥。
It is a general idea, that when taxes are once laid on, they are never taken off.
人们普遍认为，税收一旦征收，就永远不会被取消。
However true this may have been of late, it was not always so.
无论这在最近是否属实，但情况并非总是如此。
Either, therefore, the people of former times were more watchful over government than those of the present, or government was administered with less extravagance.
因此，要么是过去的人民比现在的人民更加谨慎地对待政府，要么是政府的管理不那么奢侈。
It is now seven hundred years since the Norman conquest, and the establishment of what is called the crown.
诺曼征服和所谓王权的建立已经过去七百年了。
Taking this portion of time in seven separate periods of one hundred years each, the amount of the annual taxes, at each period, will be as follows:
将这部分时间分成七个独立的时期，每个时期一百年，每个时期的年度税额如下：
Annual taxes levied by William the Conqueror, beginning in the year 1066 L400,000 Annual taxes at 100 years from the conquest (1166) 200,000 Annual taxes at 200 years from the conquest (1266) 150,000 Annual taxes at 300 years from the conquest (1366) 130,000 Annual taxes at 400 years from the conquest (1466) 100,000
征服者威廉从 1066 年开始征收的年税 L400,000 自被征服起 100 年起的年税 (1166) 200,000 自被征服起 200 年起的年税 (1266) 150,000 自被征服起 300 年起的年税 (1366) 130,000 自被征服起 400 年起的年税征服 (1466) 100,000
These statements and those which follow, are taken from Sir John Sinclair's History of the Revenue; by which it appears, that taxes continued decreasing for four hundred years, at the expiration of which time they were reduced three-fourths, viz., from four hundred thousand pounds to one hundred thousand.
这些陈述以及随后的陈述摘自约翰·辛克莱爵士的《收入史》；由此看来，税收持续减少了四百年，到了这段时间，税收减少了四分之三，即从四十万英镑减少到十万英镑。
The people of England of the present day, have a traditionary and historical idea of the bravery of their ancestors; but whatever their virtues or their vices might have been, they certainly were a people who would not be imposed upon, and who kept governments in awe as to taxation, if not as to principle.
当今的英格兰人民对他们祖先的勇敢有着传统和历史的观念；但无论他们的优点或缺点如何，他们肯定是一个不会被强加于人的民族，他们让政府在税收方面（如果不是原则的话）保持敬畏。
Though they were not able to expel the monarchical usurpation, they restricted it to a republican economy of taxes.
尽管他们无法驱逐君主的篡夺，但他们将其限制在共和税收经济中。
Let us now review the remaining three hundred years:
现在让我们回顾一下剩下的三百年：
Annual amount of taxes at:
年税额为：
500 years from the conquest (1566) 500,000 600 years from the conquest (1666) 1,800,000 the present time (1791) 17,000,000
征服后 500 年 (1566) 500,000 征服后 600 年 (1666) 1,800,000 现在 (1791) 17,000,000
The difference between the first four hundred years and the last three, is so astonishing, as to warrant an opinion, that the national character of the English has changed.
前四百年与后三年之间的差异如此惊人，以至于有理由认为英国人的民族性格已经发生了变化。
It would have been impossible to have dragooned the former English, into the excess of taxation that now exists; and when it is considered that the pay of the army, the navy, and of all the revenue officers, is the same now as it was about a hundred years ago, when the taxes were not above a tenth part of what they are at present, it appears impossible to account for the enormous increase and expenditure on any other ground, than extravagance, corruption, and intrigue.*[31]
让前英国人陷入现在存在的过度征税是不可能的。当考虑到现在陆军、海军和所有税务官员的工资与大约一百年前相同，而税收不超过目前的十分之一时，除了奢侈、腐败和阴谋之外，似乎无法解释任何其他原因的巨大增长和支出。*[31]
With the Revolution of 1688, and more so since the Hanover succession, came the destructive system of continental intrigues, and the rage for foreign wars and foreign dominion; systems of such secure mystery that the expenses admit of no accounts; a single line stands for millions.
随着 1688 年革命的到来，自汉诺威王位继承以来，大陆阴谋的破坏性制度以及对外战争和外国统治的愤怒随之而来。系统如此安全、神秘，以至于费用不记账；一行代表数百万。
To what excess taxation might have extended had not the French revolution contributed to break up the system, and put an end to pretences, is impossible to say.
如果不是法国大革命打破了这一制度并结束了伪装，超额税收可能会扩大到什么程度，这是不可能说的。
Viewed, as that revolution ought to be, as the fortunate means of lessening the load of taxes of both countries, it is of as much importance to England as to France; and, if properly improved to all the advantages of which it is capable, and to which it leads, deserves as much celebration in one country as the other.
正如这场革命应该被视为减轻两国税收负担的幸运手段一样，它对英国和法国都同样重要。而且，如果适当地改进它能够发挥的所有优势以及它所带来的优势，那么在一个国家和另一个国家都值得庆祝。
In pursuing this subject, I shall begin with the matter that first presents itself, that of lessening the burthen of taxes; and shall then add such matter and propositions, respecting the three countries of England, France, and America, as the present prospect of things appears to justify: I mean, an alliance of the three, for the purposes that will be mentioned in their proper place.
在讨论这个主题时，我将从首先提出的问题开始，即减轻税收负担。然后将添加这样的事项和主张，尊重英国、法国和美国三个国家，正如目前事情的前景所证明的那样：我的意思是，三个国家的联盟，其目的将在适当的地方提到。
What has happened may happen again.
已经发生的事情可能会再次发生。
By the statement before shown of the progress of taxation, it is seen that taxes have been lessened to a fourth part of what they had formerly been.
从之前的税收进展表可以看出，税收已经减少到原来的四分之一。
Though the present circumstances do not admit of the same reduction, yet they admit of such a beginning, as may accomplish that end in less time than in the former case.
虽然目前的情况不允许同样的减少，但它们允许这样的开始，因为可以比前一种情况在更短的时间内实现这一目标。
The amount of taxes for the year ending at Michaelmas 1788, was as follows:
截至 1788 年米迦勒节的年度税额如下：
Land-tax L 1,950,000 Customs 3,789,274 Excise (including old and new malt) 6,751,727 Stamps 1,278,214 Miscellaneous taxes and incidents 1,803,755 ----------- L15,572,755
土地税 L 1,950,000 海关 3,789,274 消费税（包括新旧麦芽） 6,751,727 印花税 1,278,214 杂项税费和杂费 1,803,755 ----------- L15,572,755
Since the year 1788, upwards of one million new taxes have been laid on, besides the produce of the lotteries; and as the taxes have in general been more productive since than before, the amount may be taken, in round numbers, at L17,000,000.
自 1788 年以来，除了彩票产品之外，还征收了超过 100 万新税。由于税收总体上比以前更有成效，因此金额可以按整数计算，为 17,000,000 兰特。
(The expense of collection and the drawbacks, which together amount to nearly two millions, are paid out of the gross amount; and the above is the net sum paid into the exchequer).
（征收费用和退税合计近200万，从总额中支付；以上为上缴国库的净额）。
This sum of seventeen millions is applied to two different purposes; the one to pay the interest of the National Debt, the other to the current expenses of each year.
这笔一千七百万的金额用于两个不同的目的：一个用于支付国债利息，另一个用于每年的经常开支。
About nine millions are appropriated to the former; and the remainder, being nearly eight millions, to the latter.
大约九百万被拨给前者；其余近八百万归后者。
As to the million, said to be applied to the reduction of the debt, it is so much like paying with one hand and taking out with the other, as not to merit much notice.
至于说用来减债的那一百万，就像是一手付，一手拿，不值一提。
It happened, fortunately for France, that she possessed national domains for paying off her debt, and thereby lessening her taxes; but as this is not the case with England, her reduction of taxes can only take place by reducing the current expenses, which may now be done to the amount of four or five millions annually, as will hereafter appear.
对法国来说幸运的是，她拥有国家领土来偿还债务，从而减少税收。但英国的情况并非如此，它的减税只能通过减少经常开支来实现，现在每年可能要减少四五百万美元，这一点将在下文中出现。
When this is accomplished it will more than counter-balance the enormous charge of the American war; and the saving will be from the same source from whence the evil arose.
当这一点实现时，它将不仅抵消美国战争的巨大冲击；拯救将来自邪恶产生的同一个源头。
As to the national debt, however heavy the interest may be in taxes, yet, as it serves to keep alive a capital useful to commerce, it balances by its effects a considerable part of its own weight; and as the quantity of gold and silver is, by some means or other, short of its proper proportion, being not more than twenty millions, whereas it should be sixty (foreign intrigue, foreign wars, foreign dominions, will in a great measure account for the deficiency), it would, besides the injustice, be bad policy to extinguish a capital that serves to supply that defect.
至于国债，无论税收利息有多大，但由于它有助于保持对商业有用的资本的活力，因此它通过其影响平衡了其自身重量的很大一部分；由于金银的数量在某种程度上达不到其应有的比例，不超过两千万，而它应该是六十百万（外国阴谋、外国战争、外国统治将在很大程度上造成这一不足），因此，消灭用于弥补这一缺陷的资本，除了不公正之外，也是糟糕的政策。
But with respect to the current expense, whatever is saved therefrom is gain.
但就当前的支出而言，节省下来的就是收益。
The excess may serve to keep corruption alive, but it has no re-action on credit and commerce, like the interest of the debt.
过剩的资金可能会助长腐败，但它不会像债务利息那样对信贷和商业产生任何反应。
It is now very probable that the English Government (I do not mean the nation) is unfriendly to the French Revolution.
现在很可能英国政府（我不是指国家）对法国大革命不友好。
Whatever serves to expose the intrigue and lessen the influence of courts, by lessening taxation, will be unwelcome to those who feed upon the spoil.
任何能够通过减少税收来揭露阴谋并削弱法院影响力的行为，都不会受到那些以战利品为食的人的欢迎。
Whilst the clamour of French intrigue, arbitrary power, popery, and wooden shoes could be kept up, the nation was easily allured and alarmed into taxes.
虽然法国的阴谋、专制权力、教皇政治和木鞋的喧嚣可以持续下去，但这个国家很容易受到税收的诱惑和惊吓。
Those days are now past: deception, it is to be hoped, has reaped its last harvest, and better times are in prospect for both countries, and for the world.
那些日子已经过去了：希望欺骗已经收获了最后的收获，两国和世界都将迎来更好的时代。
Taking it for granted that an alliance may be formed between England, France, and America for the purposes hereafter to be mentioned, the national expenses of France and England may consequently be lessened.
假定英国、法国和美国之间可以为了下文提到的目的而结成联盟，那么法国和英国的国民开支就会因此而减少。
The same fleets and armies will no longer be necessary to either, and the reduction can be made ship for ship on each side.
双方都不再需要相同的舰队和陆军，而且双方都可以逐艘减少。
But to accomplish these objects the governments must necessarily be fitted to a common and correspondent principle.
但为了实现这些目标，政府必须遵守共同且相应的原则。
Confidence can never take place while an hostile disposition remains in either, or where mystery and secrecy on one side is opposed to candour and openness on the other.
如果双方都存在敌对倾向，或者一方的神秘和秘密与另一方的坦率和开放相对立，那么信任就永远不可能发生。
These matters admitted, the national expenses might be put back, for the sake of a precedent, to what they were at some period when France and England were not enemies.
承认这些问题，为了开创先例，国家开支可能会恢复到法国和英国不是敌人的某个时期的水平。
This, consequently, must be prior to the Hanover succession, and also to the Revolution of 1688.*[32] The first instance that presents itself, antecedent to those dates, is in the very wasteful and profligate times of Charles the Second; at which time England and France acted as allies.
因此，这一定是在汉诺威王位继承之前，也是在 1688 年革命之前。*[32] 在这些日期之前出现的第一个例子是在查理二世非常浪费和挥霍的时代。当时英国和法国是盟友。
If I have chosen a period of great extravagance, it will serve to show modern extravagance in a still worse light; especially as the pay of the navy, the army, and the revenue officers has not increased since that time.
如果我选择了一个极其奢侈的时期，那么它就会以更糟糕的方式展示现代的奢侈。特别是自那时以来，海军、陆军和税务官员的工资一直没有增加。
The peace establishment was then as follows (see Sir John Sinclair's History of the Revenue):
当时的和平建立如下（参见约翰·辛克莱爵士的《收入史》）：
Navy L 300,000 Army 212,000 Ordnance 40,000 Civil List 462,115 ------- L1,014,115
海军 L 300,000 陆军 212,000 军械 40,000 民用清单 462,115 ------- L1,014,115
The parliament, however, settled the whole annual peace establishment at $1,200,000.*[33] If we go back to the time of Elizabeth the amount of all the taxes was but half a million, yet the nation sees nothing during that period that reproaches it with want of consequence.
然而，议会将每年的和平经费定为 1,200,000 美元。*[33] 如果我们回到伊丽莎白时代，所有税收的金额只有 50 万美元，但在那个时期，国家并没有看到任何责备它不产生后果的事情。
All circumstances, then, taken together, arising from the French revolution, from the approaching harmony and reciprocal interest of the two nations, the abolition of the court intrigue on both sides, and the progress of knowledge in the science of government, the annual expenditure might be put back to one million and a half, viz.:
那么，由于法国大革命、两国日益和谐和互惠利益、双方宫廷阴谋的废除以及政府科学知识的进步，综合考虑所有情况，每年的开支可能会回到一百万半，即：
Navy L 500,000 Army 500,000 Expenses of Government 500,000 ---------- L1,500,000
海军 L 500,000 陆军 500,000 政府开支 500,000 ---------- L1,500,000
Even this sum is six times greater than the expenses of government are in America, yet the civil internal government in England (I mean that administered by means of quarter sessions, juries and assize, and which, in fact, is nearly the whole, and performed by the nation), is less expense upon the revenue, than the same species and portion of government is in America.
即使这一数额是美国政府开支的六倍，但英国的民事内部政府（我的意思是通过季度会议、陪审团和巡回法庭进行管理，事实上，几乎是全部，由国家执行），其收入支出比美国同类政府的开支要少。
It is time that nations should be rational, and not be governed like animals, for the pleasure of their riders.
现在是国家应该变得理性的时候了，而不是像动物一样为了骑手的快乐而被统治。
To read the history of kings, a man would be almost inclined to suppose that government consisted in stag-hunting, and that every nation paid a million a-year to a huntsman.
阅读国王的历史，一个人几乎会倾向于认为政府就是狩猎雄鹿，每个国家每年向猎人支付一百万美元。
Man ought to have pride, or shame enough to blush at being thus imposed upon, and when he feels his proper character he will.
人应该有足够的自豪感，或者足够的羞耻感，以便在被这样强加的时候感到脸红，当他感到自己的品格正确时，他就会这么做。
Upon all subjects of this nature, there is often passing in the mind, a train of ideas he has not yet accustomed himself to encourage and communicate.
对于所有此类性质的主题，他的脑海中经常会闪过一系列他尚未习惯于鼓励和交流的想法。
Restrained by something that puts on the character of prudence, he acts the hypocrite upon himself as well as to others.
由于受到某种看似谨慎的性格的约束，他对自己和他人都表现出伪善的态度。
It is, however, curious to observe how soon this spell can be dissolved.
然而，令人好奇的是观察这个咒语多久能被解除。
A single expression, boldly conceived and uttered, will sometimes put a whole company into their proper feelings: and whole nations are acted on in the same manner.
一个单一的表达，大胆地构思和说出，有时会让整个公司陷入他们正确的感情：整个国家都会以同样的方式采取行动。
As to the offices of which any civil government may be composed, it matters but little by what names they are described.
至于任何民事政府可能由哪些机构组成，它们的名称并不重要。
In the routine of business, as before observed, whether a man be styled a president, a king, an emperor, a senator, or anything else, it is impossible that any service he can perform, can merit from a nation more than ten thousand pounds a year; and as no man should be paid beyond his services, so every man of a proper heart will not accept more.
在日常事务中，如前所述，无论一个人被称为总统、国王、皇帝、参议员还是其他任何人，他所做的任何服务不可能每年从国家获得超过一万英镑；由于任何人都不应获得超出其服务范围的报酬，因此每个心地善良的人都不会接受更多。
Public money ought to be touched with the most scrupulous consciousness of honour.
公共资金应该以最谨慎的荣誉意识来使用。
It is not the produce of riches only, but of the hard earnings of labour and poverty.
它不仅仅是财富的产物，而且是劳动和贫困的辛苦收入的产物。
It is drawn even from the bitterness of want and misery.
它甚至是从匮乏和苦难的痛苦中汲取的。
Not a beggar passes, or perishes in the streets, whose mite is not in that mass.
没有一个乞丐在街上经过，或者在街上死去，他的小钱不在那群人中。
Were it possible that the Congress of America could be so lost to their duty, and to the interest of their constituents, as to offer General Washington, as president of America, a million a year, he would not, and he could not, accept it.
如果美国国会可能如此失职，失职于选民的利益，以至于向作为美国总统的华盛顿将军每年提供一百万美元，他不会也不能接受。
His sense of honour is of another kind.
他的荣誉感是另一种。
It has cost England almost seventy millions sterling, to maintain a family imported from abroad, of very inferior capacity to thousands in the nation; and scarcely a year has passed that has not produced some new mercenary application.
英国花费了近七千万英镑来维持一个从国外引进的家庭，而这个家庭的能力远远低于国内的数千人。几乎每一年都出现了一些新的雇佣兵应用。
Even the physicians' bills have been sent to the public to be paid.
甚至医生的账单也已发送给公众支付。
No wonder that jails are crowded, and taxes and poor-rates increased.
难怪监狱里人满为患，税收和贫困率也增加了。
Under such systems, nothing is to be looked for but what has already happened; and as to reformation, whenever it come, it must be from the nation, and not from the government.
在这样的系统下，除了已经发生的事情之外，什么都不需要寻找；至于改革，无论什么时候发生，都必须来自国家，而不是来自政府。
To show that the sum of five hundred thousand pounds is more than sufficient to defray all the expenses of the government, exclusive of navies and armies, the following estimate is added, for any country, of the same extent as England.
为了表明五十万英镑的总和足以支付政府的所有开支（不包括海军和陆军），对任何国家都增加了以下估计，其程度与英国相同。
In the first place, three hundred representatives fairly elected, are sufficient for all the purposes to which legislation can apply, and preferable to a larger number.
首先，三百名公平选举产生的代表足以满足立法适用的所有目的，并且比更多的代表更可取。
They may be divided into two or three houses, or meet in one, as in France, or in any manner a constitution shall direct.
他们可以分为两院或三院，也可以像法国那样集中在一院，或者以宪法规定的任何方式进行。
As representation is always considered, in free countries, as the most honourable of all stations, the allowance made to it is merely to defray the expense which the representatives incur by that service, and not to it as an office.
由于在自由国家，代表总是被认为是所有站中最光荣的，因此向它提供的津贴只是为了支付代表因这项服务而产生的费用，而不是作为一个办公室的费用。
If an allowance, at the rate of five hundred pounds per annum, be made to every representative, deducting for non-attendance, the expense, if the whole number attended for six months, each year, would be L 75,00
如果按每年 500 英镑的标准向每位代表发放津贴，扣除缺席的费用，如果全体代表每年出席六个月，则费用将为 75,00 英镑
The official departments cannot reasonably exceed the following number, with the salaries annexed:
官方部门合理地不能超过以下人数，并附上工资：
Three offices at ten thousand pounds each L 30,000 Ten ditto, at five thousand pounds each 50,000 Twenty ditto, at two thousand pounds each 40,000 Forty ditto, at one thousand pounds each 40,000 Two hundred ditto, at five hundred pounds each 100,000 Three hundred ditto, at two hundred pounds each 60,000 Five hundred ditto, at one hundred pounds each 50,000 Seven hundred ditto, at seventy-five pounds each 52,500 -------- L497,500
三个办公室，每间一万英镑 L 30,000 十个同上，每间五千英镑 50,000 二十个同上，每间两千英镑 40,000 四十个同上，每间一千英镑 40,000 两百同上，每间五百英镑 100,000 三百同上，每间两百英镑 60,000 五百同上，每间一百英镑50,000 七百同上，每份七十五磅 52,500 -------- L497,500
If a nation choose, it can deduct four per cent.
如果一个国家选择，它可以扣除百分之四。
from all offices, and make one of twenty thousand per annum.
从所有办公室，每年赚两万之一。
All revenue officers are paid out of the monies they collect, and therefore, are not in this estimation.
所有税务官员的工资都是从他们收取的款项中支付的，因此不在此估计范围内。
The foregoing is not offered as an exact detail of offices, but to show the number of rate of salaries which five hundred thousand pounds will support; and it will, on experience, be found impracticable to find business sufficient to justify even this expense.
上述内容并不是作为办公室的具体细节提供的，而是为了显示五十万英镑将支持的工资率的数字；根据经验，要找到足以证明这笔费用合理的业务也是不切实际的。
As to the manner in which office business is now performed, the Chiefs, in several offices, such as the post-office, and certain offices in the exchequer, etc., do little more than sign their names three or four times a year; and the whole duty is performed by under-clerks.
至于现在处理办公室事务的方式，一些办公室的酋长们，例如邮局和财政部的某些办公室等，每年只不过签上三到四次名字而已；全部职责由下级职员执行。
Taking, therefore, one million and a half as a sufficient peace establishment for all the honest purposes of government, which is three hundred thousand pounds more than the peace establishment in the profligate and prodigal times of Charles the Second (notwithstanding, as has been already observed, the pay and salaries of the army, navy, and revenue officers, continue the same as at that period), there will remain a surplus of upwards of six millions out of the present current expenses.
因此，以一百万五十万作为政府所有诚实目的的足够和平经费，比查理二世挥霍无度的时代的和平经费多出三十万英镑（尽管如前所述，陆军、海军和税务官员的工资和薪水仍与当时相同），目前的经常开支仍将有六百万以上的盈余。
The question then will be, how to dispose of this surplus.
接下来的问题是，如何处理这些盈余。
Whoever has observed the manner in which trade and taxes twist themselves together, must be sensible of the impossibility of separating them suddenly.
凡是观察过贸易和税收相互交织的方式的人，都必定意识到不可能突然将它们分开。
First.
第一的。
Because the articles now on hand are already charged with the duty, and the reduction cannot take place on the present stock.
因为现在库存的商品已经征税了，目前的库存不能进行减价。
Secondly.
第二。
Because, on all those articles on which the duty is charged in the gross, such as per barrel, hogshead, hundred weight, or ton, the abolition of the duty does not admit of being divided down so as fully to relieve the consumer, who purchases by the pint, or the pound.
因为，对于所有按总量征收关税的商品，例如每桶、每桶、每百重量或每吨，取消关税并不意味着可以将关税分开，以充分减轻按品脱或磅购买的消费者的负担。
The last duty laid on strong beer and ale was three shillings per barrel, which, if taken off, would lessen the purchase only half a farthing per pint, and consequently, would not reach to practical relief.
最后对烈性啤酒和麦芽酒征收的关税是每桶三先令，如果取消，每品脱的购买量只会减少半法朗，因此不会达到实际的缓解效果。
This being the condition of a great part of the taxes, it will be necessary to look for such others as are free from this embarrassment and where the relief will be direct and visible, and capable of immediate operation.
这是大部分税收的情况，因此有必要寻找其他没有这种尴尬的税收，并且减免将是直接和可见的，并且能够立即实施。
In the first place, then, the poor-rates are a direct tax which every house-keeper feels, and who knows also, to a farthing, the sum which he pays.
首先，贫困税是每个管家都会感受到的直接税，而且谁也知道他支付的金额是一文钱。
The national amount of the whole of the poor-rates is not positively known, but can be procured.
全国全部贫困率的数额尚不清楚，但可以获取。
Sir John Sinclair, in his History of the Revenue has stated it at L2,100,587.
约翰·辛克莱爵士 (Sir John Sinclair) 在其《收入史》中已将其表述为 L2,100,587。
A considerable part of which is expended in litigations, in which the poor, instead of being relieved, are tormented.
其中相当一部分花费在诉讼上，穷人不但没有得到解脱，反而受到折磨。
The expense, however, is the same to the parish from whatever cause it arises.
然而，无论出于何种原因，教区的费用都是相同的。
In Birmingham, the amount of poor-rates is fourteen thousand pounds a year.
在伯明翰，每年的不良贷款金额为一万四千英镑。
This, though a large sum, is moderate, compared with the population.
虽然这个数字很大，但与人口相比，还是适中的。
Birmingham is said to contain seventy thousand souls, and on a proportion of seventy thousand to fourteen thousand pounds poor-rates, the national amount of poor-rates, taking the population of England as seven millions, would be but one million four hundred thousand pounds.
据说伯明翰有七万人，按照七万到一万四千英镑的贫困率计算，全国贫困率的数量，以英格兰七百万人口计算，只有一百四十万英镑。
It is, therefore, most probable, that the population of Birmingham is over-rated.
因此，伯明翰的人口很可能被高估了。
Fourteen thousand pounds is the proportion upon fifty thousand souls, taking two millions of poor-rates, as the national amount.
一万四千英镑是五万人的比例，加上两百万贫困率，作为全国数额。
Be it, however, what it may, it is no other than the consequence of excessive burthen of taxes, for, at the time when the taxes were very low, the poor were able to maintain themselves; and there were no poor-rates.*[34] In the present state of things a labouring man, with a wife or two or three children, does not pay less than between seven and eight pounds a year in taxes.
但无论如何，这都是税收负担过重的结果，因为在税收很低的时候，穷人能够维持自己的生活； [34] 在目前的情况下，一个有妻子或两三个孩子的劳动者每年缴纳的税款不少于七到八英镑。
He is not sensible of this, because it is disguised to him in the articles which he buys, and he thinks only of their dearness; but as the taxes take from him, at least, a fourth part of his yearly earnings, he is consequently disabled from providing for a family, especially, if himself, or any of them, are afflicted with sickness.
他没有意识到这一点，因为他所购买的物品对他来说是伪装的，而他只想到这些物品的昂贵程度。但是，由于税收至少夺去了他年收入的四分之一，因此他无法养家糊口，特别是如果他自己或其中任何一个人患有疾病的话。
The first step, therefore, of practical relief, would be to abolish the poor-rates entirely, and in lieu thereof, to make a remission of taxes to the poor of double the amount of the present poor-rates, viz., four millions annually out of the surplus taxes.
因此，实际救济的第一步是完全废除贫困税，取而代之的是向穷人减免目前贫困税两倍的税收，即每年从盈余税收中减免四百万。
By this measure, the poor would be benefited two millions, and the house-keepers two millions.
按此计算，穷人将受益200万，家庭主妇将受益200万。
This alone would be equal to a reduction of one hundred and twenty millions of the National Debt, and consequently equal to the whole expense of the American War.
仅此一项就相当于减少了一亿两千万的国债，因此相当于美国战争的全部费用。
It will then remain to be considered, which is the most effectual mode of distributing this remission of four millions.
接下来我们要考虑的是，哪种方式才是分配这四百万减免额的最有效的方式。
It is easily seen, that the poor are generally composed of large families of children, and old people past their labour.
不难看出，穷人一般都是由有孩子的大家庭和失去劳动的老人组成。
If these two classes are provided for, the remedy will so far reach to the full extent of the case, that what remains will be incidental, and, in a great measure, fall within the compass of benefit clubs, which, though of humble invention, merit to be ranked among the best of modern institutions.
如果提供了这两类救济，那么迄今为止，补救措施将达到案件的全部范围，剩下的将是偶然的，并且在很大程度上属于福利俱乐部的范围，尽管福利俱乐部的发明不起眼，但值得被列为现代最好的机构之一。
Admitting England to contain seven millions of souls; if one-fifth thereof are of that class of poor which need support, the number will be one million four hundred thousand.
承认英格兰拥有七百万灵魂；如果其中五分之一属于需要赡养的贫困阶层，那么这个数字将是一百四十万。
Of this number, one hundred and forty thousand will be aged poor, as will be hereafter shown, and for which a distinct provision will be proposed.
在这个数字中，有十四万人将陷入贫困，如下文所示，为此将提出一项明确的规定。
There will then remain one million two hundred and sixty thousand which, at five souls to each family, amount to two hundred and fifty-two thousand families, rendered poor from the expense of children and the weight of taxes.
届时将剩下一百二十六万个，按每个家庭五个灵魂计算，总共有二十五万二千个家庭因孩子的开支和沉重的税收而陷入贫困。
The number of children under fourteen years of age, in each of those families, will be found to be about five to every two families; some having two, and others three; some one, and others four: some none, and others five; but it rarely happens that more than five are under fourteen years of age, and after this age they are capable of service or of being apprenticed.
每个家庭中 14 岁以下儿童的数量约为每两个家庭中有 5 名；有些有两个，有些有三个；有的一个，有的四个；有的没有，有的五个；但很少有超过五人未满十四岁的情况，超过这个年龄他们就有能力服役或成为学徒。
Allowing five children (under fourteen years) to every two families,
每两个家庭允许有五个孩子（十四岁以下），
The number of children will be 630,000
儿童人数将达63万
The number of parents, were they all living, would be 504,000
如果父母都健在的话，他们的数量将是 504,000
It is certain, that if the children are provided for, the parents are relieved of consequence, because it is from the expense of bringing up children that their poverty arises.
可以肯定的是，如果孩子得到了供养，父母就可以免除后果，因为正是由于养育孩子的费用才造成了他们的贫困。
Having thus ascertained the greatest number that can be supposed to need support on account of young families, I proceed to the mode of relief or distribution, which is,
在确定了因年轻家庭而需要支持的最大人数后，我开始采取救济或分配的方式，即：
To pay as a remission of taxes to every poor family, out of the surplus taxes, and in room of poor-rates, four pounds a year for every child under fourteen years of age; enjoining the parents of such children to send them to school, to learn reading, writing, and common arithmetic; the ministers of every parish, of every denomination to certify jointly to an office, for that purpose, that this duty is performed.
从盈余税款中，为每一个十四岁以下的儿童每年减免四英镑，作为减免税收；责成此类儿童的父母送他们去学校，学习阅读、写作和普通算术；为此目的，每个教区、每个教派的部长联合向一个办公室证明这一职责已履行。
The amount of this expense will be,
这笔费用的金额将为，
For six hundred and thirty thousand children at four pounds per annum each L2,520,000
为六十三万名儿童提供，每年四英镑，每人 L2,520,000
By adopting this method, not only the poverty of the parents will be relieved, but ignorance will be banished from the rising generation, and the number of poor will hereafter become less, because their abilities, by the aid of education, will be greater.
采用这种方法，不仅可以解除父母的贫困，而且可以消除下一代的无知，以后穷人的数量就会减少，因为他们的能力在教育的帮助下会增加。
Many a youth, with good natural genius, who is apprenticed to a mechanical trade, such as a carpenter, joiner, millwright, shipwright, blacksmith, etc., is prevented getting forward the whole of his life from the want of a little common education when a boy.
许多具有良好天赋的年轻人，当学徒从事机械行业时，如木匠、细木工、磨坊匠、造船匠、铁匠等，由于小时候缺乏一点普通教育，一生都无法前进。
I now proceed to the case of the aged.
我现在谈谈老年人的情况。
I divide age into two classes.
我把年龄分为两类。
First, the approach of age, beginning at fifty.
首先，年龄的临近，从五十开始。
Secondly, old age commencing at sixty.
其次，六十岁开始老年。
At fifty, though the mental faculties of man are in full vigour, and his judgment better than at any preceding date, the bodily powers for laborious life are on the decline.
到了五十岁，虽然人的心智能力十分旺盛，判断力也比以前任何时候都好，但从事艰苦生活的体力却在衰退。
He cannot bear the same quantity of fatigue as at an earlier period.
他无法承受先前那样的疲劳。
He begins to earn less, and is less capable of enduring wind and weather; and in those more retired employments where much sight is required, he fails apace, and sees himself, like an old horse, beginning to be turned adrift.
他的收入开始减少，抵御风雨的能力也开始减弱；在那些需要更多视力的退休工作中，他很快就失败了，发现自己像一匹老马，开始随波逐流。
At sixty his labour ought to be over, at least from direct necessity.
六十岁时，他的劳动应该结束了，至少从直接的需要来看是这样。
It is painful to see old age working itself to death, in what are called civilised countries, for daily bread.
在所谓的文明国家里，看到老人为了每日的生计而劳作至死，是令人痛苦的。
To form some judgment of the number of those above fifty years of age, I have several times counted the persons I met in the streets of London, men, women, and children, and have generally found that the average is about one in sixteen or seventeen.
为了对五十岁以上的人数做出一些判断，我数次清点了我在伦敦街头遇到的男人、女人和儿童，总体发现，平均数约为十六或十七分之一。
If it be said that aged persons do not come much into the streets, so neither do infants; and a great proportion of grown children are in schools and in work-shops as apprentices.
如果说老年人不常上街，那么婴儿也不常上街。很大一部分成年儿童在学校和车间当学徒。
Taking, then, sixteen for a divisor, the whole number of persons in England of fifty years and upwards, of both sexes, rich and poor, will be four hundred and twenty thousand.
那么，以十六为除数，英格兰五十岁以上的人口总数，无论男女，无论贫富，都将达到四十二万人。
The persons to be provided for out of this gross number will be husbandmen, common labourers, journeymen of every trade and their wives, sailors, and disbanded soldiers, worn out servants of both sexes, and poor widows.
在这个总人数中，需要供养的人将是农夫、普通工人、各行各业的熟练工及其妻子、水手、解散的士兵、精疲力尽的男女仆人和贫穷的寡妇。
There will be also a considerable number of middling tradesmen, who having lived decently in the former part of life, begin, as age approaches, to lose their business, and at last fall to decay.
还有相当数量的中等商人，前半生过着体面的生活，随着年龄的增长，开始失去生意，最后走向衰落。
Besides these there will be constantly thrown off from the revolutions of that wheel which no man can stop nor regulate, a number from every class of life connected with commerce and adventure.
除此之外，与商业和冒险有关的各阶层生活中的一些人将不断地从无人能阻止或调节的轮子的旋转中被甩出。
To provide for all those accidents, and whatever else may befall, I take the number of persons who, at one time or other of their lives, after fifty years of age, may feel it necessary or comfortable to be better supported, than they can support themselves, and that not as a matter of grace and favour, but of right, at one-third of the whole number, which is one hundred and forty thousand, as stated in a previous page, and for whom a distinct provision was proposed to be made.
为了应对所有这些意外事件以及可能发生的其他情况，我计算了这样一些人的人数，这些人在五十岁之后，在一生中的某个时候，可能觉得有必要或感到舒服，需要比他们自己能养活自己的能力更好的支持，这不是出于恩典和恩惠，而是出于权利，占总数的三分之一，即十四万人，如上一页所述，并建议为他们制定一项明确的规定。
If there be more, society, notwithstanding the show and pomposity of government, is in a deplorable condition in England.
如果还有更多的话，尽管政府表现得耀眼而浮夸，但英国社会的状况却很悲惨。
Of this one hundred and forty thousand, I take one half, seventy thousand, to be of the age of fifty and under sixty, and the other half to be sixty years and upwards.
这十四万人中，我取一半，七万人，是五十岁以下的，六十岁以上的，一半是六十岁以上的。
Having thus ascertained the probable proportion of the number of aged persons, I proceed to the mode of rendering their condition comfortable, which is:
在确定了老年人数量的可能比例后，我开始采取使他们的状况舒适的模式，即：
To pay to every such person of the age of fifty years, and until he shall arrive at the age of sixty, the sum of six pounds per annum out of the surplus taxes, and ten pounds per annum during life after the age of sixty.
每年从盈余税中向每一位年满五十岁的人缴纳六英镑，直至他年满六十岁，并在六十岁之后每年缴纳十英镑。
The expense of which will be,
其费用将是，
Seventy thousand persons, at L6 per annum L 420,000 Seventy thousand persons, at L10 per annum 700,000 ------- L1,120,000
七万人，每年 L6 L 420,000 七万人，每年 L10 700,000 ---------- L1,120,000
This support, as already remarked, is not of the nature of a charity but of a right.
正如已经指出的，这种支持不属于慈善性质，而是一种权利。
Every person in England, male and female, pays on an average in taxes two pounds eight shillings and sixpence per annum from the day of his (or her) birth; and, if the expense of collection be added, he pays two pounds eleven shillings and sixpence; consequently, at the end of fifty years he has paid one hundred and twenty-eight pounds fifteen shillings; and at sixty one hundred and fifty-four pounds ten shillings.
在英格兰，每个人，无论男女，从他（或她）出生之日起，每年平均缴纳税款二英镑八先令六便士；如果加上收集费用，他要支付两英镑十一先令六便士；因此，五十年后，他支付了一百二十八英镑十五先令。六千一百五十四英镑十先令。
Converting, therefore, his (or her) individual tax in a tontine, the money he shall receive after fifty years is but little more than the legal interest of the net money he has paid; the rest is made up from those whose circumstances do not require them to draw such support, and the capital in both cases defrays the expenses of government.
因此，将他（或她）的个人税换算成联合养老保险，五十年后他所收到的钱只不过是他所支付的净钱的法定利息而已；其余的由那些情况不需要他们获得这种支持的人组成，在这两种情况下，资本都用于支付政府的开支。
It is on this ground that I have extended the probable claims to one-third of the number of aged persons in the nation.--Is it, then, better that the lives of one hundred and forty thousand aged persons be rendered comfortable, or that a million a year of public money be expended on any one individual, and him often of the most worthless or insignificant character?
正是基于这个理由，我将可能的索赔范围扩大到了全国三分之一的老年人。——那么，是让十四万名老年人过上舒适的生活更好，还是把每年一百万的公共资金花在任何一个人身上，而这个人往往是最无价值或最无足轻重的人呢？
Let reason and justice, let honour and humanity, let even hypocrisy, sycophancy and Mr. Burke, let George, let Louis, Leopold, Frederic, Catherine, Cornwallis, or Tippoo Saib, answer the question.*[35]
让理性和正义，让荣誉和人性，甚至让虚伪、阿谀奉承和伯克先生，让乔治，让路易斯，利奥波德，弗雷德里克，凯瑟琳，康沃利斯或蒂波·赛卜来回答这个问题。*[35]
The sum thus remitted to the poor will be,
汇给穷人的金额将是：
To two hundred and fifty-two thousand poor families, containing six hundred and thirty thousand children L2,520,000 To one hundred and forty thousand aged persons 1,120,000 ---------- L3,640,000
25.2 万个贫困家庭，其中有 63 万儿童 L2,520,000 14 万老年人 1,120,000 ---------- L3,640,000
There will then remain three hundred and sixty thousand pounds out of the four millions, part of which may be applied as follows:--
然后，四百万英镑中将剩下三十六万英镑，其中一部分可按如下方式使用：
After all the above cases are provided for there will still be a number of families who, though not properly of the class of poor, yet find it difficult to give education to their children; and such children, under such a case, would be in a worse condition than if their parents were actually poor.
解决了上述情况后，仍然有不少家庭虽然不属于贫困阶层，但子女教育却存在困难；在这种情况下，这样的孩子的处境会比他们的父母实际上贫穷时还要糟糕。
A nation under a well-regulated government should permit none to remain uninstructed.
一个政府管理良好的国家不应允许任何人处于无知状态。
It is monarchical and aristocratical government only that requires ignorance for its support.
只有君主和贵族政府才需要无知的支持。
Suppose, then, four hundred thousand children to be in this condition, which is a greater number than ought to be supposed after the provisions already made, the method will be:
那么，假设有四十万儿童处于这种情况，这比已经制定的规定后应假定的数量要多，方法将是：
To allow for each of those children ten shillings a year for the expense of schooling for six years each, which will give them six months schooling each year, and half a crown a year for paper and spelling books.
为每个孩子每年提供十先令，用于每人六年的教育费用，这将使他们每年接受六个月的教育，每年提供半克朗的纸质和拼写书籍费用。
The expense of this will be annually L250,000.*[36]
每年的费用为 L250,000。*[36]
There will then remain one hundred and ten thousand pounds.
这样就剩下十一万英镑了。
Notwithstanding the great modes of relief which the best instituted and best principled government may devise, there will be a number of smaller cases, which it is good policy as well as beneficence in a nation to consider.
尽管制度最好、原则最好的政府可能会设计出各种伟大的救济方式，但也会出现一些较小的情况，这是一个国家值得考虑的良好政策和仁慈。
Were twenty shillings to be given immediately on the birth of a child, to every woman who should make the demand, and none will make it whose circumstances do not require it, it might relieve a great deal of instant distress.
如果在孩子出生时立即给予每一个提出要求的妇女二十先令，而没有人愿意这样做，那么这可能会立即减轻很多痛苦。
There are about two hundred thousand births yearly in England; and if claimed by one fourth,
英国每年大约有二十万人出生；如果有四分之一的人声称，
The amount would be L50,000
金额为L50,000
And twenty shillings to every new-married couple who should claim in like manner.
每对新婚夫妇也应以同样的方式领取二十先令。
This would not exceed the sum of L20,000.
这不会超过 L20,000 的总和。
Also twenty thousand pounds to be appropriated to defray the funeral expenses of persons, who, travelling for work, may die at a distance from their friends.
此外，还拨款两万英镑，用于支付因工作旅行可能在远离朋友的地方去世的人的丧葬费用。
By relieving parishes from this charge, the sick stranger will be better treated.
通过免除教区的这项指控，生病的陌生人将得到更好的治疗。
I shall finish this part of the subject with a plan adapted to the particular condition of a metropolis, such as London.
我将通过一个适合伦敦等大都市的具体情况的计划来完成这部分主题。
Cases are continually occurring in a metropolis, different from those which occur in the country, and for which a different, or rather an additional, mode of relief is necessary.
与乡村发生的情况不同，大都市不断发生案件，因此需要不同的，或者更确切地说，额外的救济方式。
In the country, even in large towns, people have a knowledge of each other, and distress never rises to that extreme height it sometimes does in a metropolis.
在乡村，即使是在大城市，人们也彼此了解，痛苦永远不会像在大都市那样达到极端的高度。
There is no such thing in the country as persons, in the literal sense of the word, starved to death, or dying with cold from the want of a lodging.
在这个国家里，不存在因字面意义上的饿死或因缺乏住处而冻死的人。
Yet such cases, and others equally as miserable, happen in London.
然而，此类案件以及其他同样悲惨的案件却发生在伦敦。
Many a youth comes up to London full of expectations, and with little or no money, and unless he get immediate employment he is already half undone; and boys bred up in London without any means of a livelihood, and as it often happens of dissolute parents, are in a still worse condition; and servants long out of place are not much better off.
许多年轻人满怀期望来到伦敦，却身无分文，甚至没有钱，除非立即找到工作，否则他就已经失败了一半。在伦敦长大的男孩，没有任何谋生手段，而且放荡的父母经常发生这种情况，他们的处境更糟。长期不在位的仆人的处境也好不到哪里去。
In short, a world of little cases is continually arising, which busy or affluent life knows not of, to open the first door to distress.
简而言之，忙碌或富裕的生活所不知道的小案件不断出现，为痛苦打开了第一扇大门。
Hunger is not among the postponable wants, and a day, even a few hours, in such a condition is often the crisis of a life of ruin.
饥饿并不是可以推迟的需求，一天，甚至几个小时，在这种情况下往往会面临生命毁灭的危机。
These circumstances which are the general cause of the little thefts and pilferings that lead to greater, may be prevented.
这些情况是小偷窃和偷窃导致更大盗窃的一般原因，是可以预防的。
There yet remain twenty thousand pounds out of the four millions of surplus taxes, which with another fund hereafter to be mentioned, amounting to about twenty thousand pounds more, cannot be better applied than to this purpose.
四百万剩余税款中还剩下两万英镑，再加上下文将提到的另一项基金，总计大约两万英镑，最适合用于此目的。
The plan will then be:
那么计划将是：
First, To erect two or more buildings, or take some already erected, capable of containing at least six thousand persons, and to have in each of these places as many kinds of employment as can be contrived, so that every person who shall come may find something which he or she can do.
首先，建造两座或更多的建筑物，或者建造一些已经建造的建筑物，至少能够容纳六千人，并在每个地方提供尽可能多的就业机会，以便每个来的人都能找到他或她能做的事情。
Secondly, To receive all who shall come, without enquiring who or what they are.
其次，接待所有将要到来的人，而不询问他们是谁或是什么。
The only condition to be, that for so much, or so many hours' work, each person shall receive so many meals of wholesome food, and a warm lodging, at least as good as a barrack.
唯一的条件是，在这么多或这么多小时的工作中，每个人都应该得到这么多有益健康的食物，以及一个至少与营房一样好的温暖住所。
That a certain portion of what each person's work shall be worth shall be reserved, and given to him or her, on their going away; and that each person shall stay as long or as short a time, or come as often as he choose, on these conditions.
每个人的工作价值的一部分应被保留，并在他们离开时给予他或她；每个人都可以根据这些条件选择停留的时间长短或来访的次数。
If each person stayed three months, it would assist by rotation twenty-four thousand persons annually, though the real number, at all times, would be but six thousand.
如果每个人呆三个月，每年轮换的人数将达到两万四千人，尽管实际人数在任何时候都只有六千人。
By establishing an asylum of this kind, such persons to whom temporary distresses occur, would have an opportunity to recruit themselves, and be enabled to look out for better employment.
通过建立这种庇护所，这些遭受暂时困境的人将有机会自我招募，并能够寻找更好的就业机会。
Allowing that their labour paid but one half the expense of supporting them, after reserving a portion of their earnings for themselves, the sum of forty thousand pounds additional would defray all other charges for even a greater number than six thousand.
假设他们的劳动只支付一半的养活费用，在为自己保留一部分收入之后，额外的四万英镑将支付所有其他费用，甚至超过六千英镑。
The fund very properly convertible to this purpose, in addition to the twenty thousand pounds, remaining of the former fund, will be the produce of the tax upon coals, so iniquitously and wantonly applied to the support of the Duke of Richmond.
该基金非常适合用于此目的，除了前基金剩余的两万英镑之外，将是煤炭税的产物，如此不公正和肆意地用于支持里士满公爵。
It is horrid that any man, more especially at the price coals now are, should live on the distresses of a community; and any government permitting such an abuse, deserves to be dismissed.
可怕的是，任何一个人，尤其是按照现在的煤炭价格，都应该靠社区的苦难来生活。任何允许这种滥用行为的政府都应该被解雇。
This fund is said to be about twenty thousand pounds per annum.
据说这笔资金每年约为两万英镑。
I shall now conclude this plan with enumerating the several particulars, and then proceed to other matters.
我现在将列举几个细节来结束这个计划，然后再讨论其他事项。
The enumeration is as follows:--
列举如下：——
First, Abolition of two millions poor-rates.
首先，废除200万贫困率。
Secondly, Provision for two hundred and fifty thousand poor families.
二是解决二十五万贫困家庭的供养问题。
Thirdly, Education for one million and thirty thousand children.
第三，百万三万儿童的教育。
Fourthly, Comfortable provision for one hundred and forty thousand aged persons.
四是十四万老年人安居乐业。
Fifthly, Donation of twenty shillings each for fifty thousand births.
第五，为五万名新生儿每人捐赠二十先令。
Sixthly, Donation of twenty shillings each for twenty thousand marriages.
第六，为两万对婚姻每人捐献二十先令。
Seventhly, Allowance of twenty thousand pounds for the funeral expenses of persons travelling for work, and dying at a distance from their friends.
第七，为因工作而在远离朋友的地方去世的人提供两万英镑的丧葬费津贴。
Eighthly, Employment, at all times, for the casual poor in the cities of London and Westminster.
第八，始终为伦敦和威斯敏斯特城市的临时穷人提供就业机会。
By the operation of this plan, the poor laws, those instruments of civil torture, will be superseded, and the wasteful expense of litigation prevented.
通过这一计划的实施，贫困的法律和民事酷刑手段将被取代，并避免诉讼费用的浪费。
The hearts of the humane will not be shocked by ragged and hungry children, and persons of seventy and eighty years of age, begging for bread.
仁慈的人不会因衣衫褴褛、饥饿的孩子和乞讨面包的七十、八十岁的老人而感到震惊。
The dying poor will not be dragged from place to place to breathe their last, as a reprisal of parish upon parish.
垂死的穷人不会被从一个地方拖到另一个地方去呼吸最后一口气，作为教区对教区的报复。
Widows will have a maintenance for their children, and not be carted away, on the death of their husbands, like culprits and criminals; and children will no longer be considered as increasing the distresses of their parents.
寡妇将得到子女的赡养费，而不会像罪犯和罪犯一样，在丈夫去世后被带走；孩子将不再被认为是增加父母的痛苦。
The haunts of the wretched will be known, because it will be to their advantage; and the number of petty crimes, the offspring of distress and poverty, will be lessened.
不幸者的出没之处将被人所知，因为这对他们有利；轻微犯罪的数量以及贫困和贫困的后果将会减少。
The poor, as well as the rich, will then be interested in the support of government, and the cause and apprehension of riots and tumults will cease.--Ye who sit in ease, and solace yourselves in plenty, and such there are in Turkey and Russia, as well as in England, and who say to yourselves, "Are we not well off?" have ye thought of these things?
那时，穷人和富人都会对政府的支持感兴趣，骚乱和骚乱的起因和忧虑也将停止。——你们这些安逸地坐着，以富裕来安慰自己的人，土耳其、俄罗斯和英国都有这样的人，他们对自己说：“我们不是过得很好吗？”你们想过这些事情吗？
When ye do, ye will cease to speak and feel for yourselves alone.
当你们这样做时，你们将停止说话并独自感受。
The plan is easy in practice.
该计划在实践中很容易。
It does not embarrass trade by a sudden interruption in the order of taxes, but effects the relief by changing the application of them; and the money necessary for the purpose can be drawn from the excise collections, which are made eight times a year in every market town in England.
它不会因税收顺序的突然中断而使贸易陷入困境，而是通过改变税收的应用来实现救济；为此目的所需的资金可以从消费税中提取，英国每个集镇每年都会征收八次消费税。
Having now arranged and concluded this subject, I proceed to the next.
现在安排并结束了这个主题，我进入下一个主题。
Taking the present current expenses at seven millions and an half, which is the least amount they are now at, there will remain (after the sum of one million and an half be taken for the new current expenses and four millions for the before-mentioned service) the sum of two millions; part of which to be applied as follows:
以目前的经常开支七百万半计算，这是他们现在的最低数额，在扣除新的经常开支一百五十万和上述服务的四百万之后，还剩下两百万；其中部分适用如下：
Though fleets and armies, by an alliance with France, will, in a great measure, become useless, yet the persons who have devoted themselves to those services, and have thereby unfitted themselves for other lines of life, are not to be sufferers by the means that make others happy.
尽管与法国结盟后，舰队和陆军将在很大程度上变得毫无用处，但那些致力于这些服务并因此不适合从事其他生活的人，不会因为让别人幸福而成为受害者。
They are a different description of men from those who form or hang about a court.
他们对男人的描述与那些组建或游荡宫廷的人不同。
A part of the army will remain, at least for some years, and also of the navy, for which a provision is already made in the former part of this plan of one million, which is almost half a million more than the peace establishment of the army and navy in the prodigal times of Charles the Second.
陆军的一部分将保留，至少在几年内，海军也将保留，该计划的前一部分已经为此提供了100万的经费，这比查理二世浪子时代的陆军和海军的和平建设多了近50万。
Suppose, then, fifteen thousand soldiers to be disbanded, and that an allowance be made to each of three shillings a week during life, clear of all deductions, to be paid in the same manner as the Chelsea College pensioners are paid, and for them to return to their trades and their friends; and also that an addition of fifteen thousand sixpences per week be made to the pay of the soldiers who shall remain; the annual expenses will be:
那么，假设一万五千名士兵被解散，一生中每周每人三先令的津贴，不包括所有扣除，以与切尔西学院养老金领取者相同的方式支付，并让他们重返自己的行业和朋友；此外，每周为留下来的士兵增加一万五千六便士的军饷；每年的开支为：
To the pay of fifteen thousand disbanded soldiers at three shillings per week L117,000 Additional pay to the remaining soldiers 19,500 Suppose that the pay to the officers of the disbanded corps be the same amount as sum allowed to the men 117,000 -------- L253,500
向一万五千名解散士兵支付每周三先令的工资 L117,000 向剩余士兵支付的额外工资 19,500 假设向解散军团军官支付的工资与允许士兵支付的金额相同 117,000 -------- L253,500
To prevent bulky estimations, admit the same sum to the disbanded navy as to the army, and the same increase of pay 253,500 -------- Total L507,000
为了防止庞大的估算，向解散的海军承认与陆军相同的数额，并同样增加军饷 253,500 -------- 总计 L507,000
Every year some part of this sum of half a million (I omit the odd seven thousand pounds for the purpose of keeping the account unembarrassed) will fall in, and the whole of it in time, as it is on the ground of life annuities, except the increased pay of twenty-nine thousand pounds.
每年，这五十万英镑中的一部分（为了让账目不尴尬，我省略了零星的七千英镑），而全部都将及时付清，就像终身年金一样，除了增加的两万九千英镑的工资之外。
As it falls in, part of the taxes may be taken off; and as, for instance, when thirty thousand pounds fall in, the duty on hops may be wholly taken off; and as other parts fall in, the duties on candles and soap may be lessened, till at last they will totally cease.
当它落入时，部分税收可能会被取消；例如，当三万英镑下降时，啤酒花税就可以完全免除；随着其他部分的出现，蜡烛和肥皂的关税可能会减少，直到最后它们完全停止。
There now remains at least one million and a half of surplus taxes.
现在至少还有一百万半的盈余税收。
The tax on houses and windows is one of those direct taxes, which, like the poor-rates, is not confounded with trade; and, when taken off, the relief will be instantly felt.
对房屋和窗户征收的税是直接税之一，它与穷人税率一样，不与贸易混为一谈。当脱下时，您会立即感到轻松。
This tax falls heavy on the middle class of people.
这项税收对中产阶级来说负担很重。
The amount of this tax, by the returns of 1788, was:
根据 1788 年的纳税申报表，该税额为：
Houses and windows: L s.
房屋和窗户：L s。
d.
d.
By the act of 1766 385,459 11 7 By the act be 1779 130,739 14 5 1/2 ---------------------- Total 516,199 6 0 1/2
根据 1766 法案 385,459 11 7 根据法案 1779 130,739 14 5 1/2 ---------------------- 总计 516,199 6 0 1/2
If this tax be struck off, there will then remain about one million of surplus taxes; and as it is always proper to keep a sum in reserve, for incidental matters, it may be best not to extend reductions further in the first instance, but to consider what may be accomplished by other modes of reform.
如果取消这项税收，那么还会剩下大约一百万的剩余税收；由于保留一笔储备金总是合适的，以备不时之需，因此最好不要一开始就进一步削减，而是考虑通过其他改革方式可以取得什么成果。
Among the taxes most heavily felt is the commutation tax.
受影响最严重的税种是折算税。
I shall therefore offer a plan for its abolition, by substituting another in its place, which will effect three objects at once: 1, that of removing the burthen to where it can best be borne; 2, restoring justice among families by a distribution of property; 3, extirpating the overgrown influence arising from the unnatural law of primogeniture, which is one of the principal sources of corruption at elections.
因此，我将提出一个废除它的计划，以另一个替代它的位置，这将同时实现三个目标：1，将负担减轻到最能承受的地方； 2、通过财产分配恢复家庭正义； 3、消除不自然的长子继承法所产生的过度影响，这是选举腐败的主要根源之一。
The amount of commutation tax by the returns of 1788, was L771,657.
根据 1788 年的纳税申报表，折算税金额为 L771,657。
When taxes are proposed, the country is amused by the plausible language of taxing luxuries.
当提议征税时，这个国家就会被对奢侈品征税的看似合理的语言逗乐。
One thing is called a luxury at one time, and something else at another; but the real luxury does not consist in the article, but in the means of procuring it, and this is always kept out of sight.
一件事有时被称为奢侈品，有时又被称为奢侈品；但真正的奢侈品并不在于物品，而在于获得物品的手段，而这一点却总是被忽视。
I know not why any plant or herb of the field should be a greater luxury in one country than another; but an overgrown estate in either is a luxury at all times, and, as such, is the proper object of taxation.
我不知道为什么田间的任何植物或药草在一个国家比在另一个国家更奢侈；但无论在什么时候，过度生长的庄园都是一种奢侈，因此，是适当的征税对象。
It is, therefore, right to take those kind tax-making gentlemen up on their own word, and argue on the principle themselves have laid down, that of taxing luxuries.
因此，我们应该相信那些善良的征税绅士们自己的话，并根据他们自己制定的原则（对奢侈品征税的原则）进行争论。
If they or their champion, Mr. Burke, who, I fear, is growing out of date, like the man in armour, can prove that an estate of twenty, thirty, or forty thousand pounds a year is not a luxury, I will give up the argument.
如果他们或他们的拥护者伯克先生——我担心他已经过时了，就像穿盔甲的人一样——能够证明每年二十、三十或四万英镑的遗产并不是奢侈，我就会放弃这个论点。
Admitting that any annual sum, say, for instance, one thousand pounds, is necessary or sufficient for the support of a family, consequently the second thousand is of the nature of a luxury, the third still more so, and by proceeding on, we shall at last arrive at a sum that may not improperly be called a prohibitable luxury.
承认任何一年的金额，例如一千英镑，对于维持一个家庭来说是必要或足够的，因此第二千英镑具有奢侈的性质，第三千英镑更是如此，通过继续下去，我们最终将得到一笔可能不恰当地被称为禁止的奢侈的金额。
It would be impolitic to set bounds to property acquired by industry, and therefore it is right to place the prohibition beyond the probable acquisition to which industry can extend; but there ought to be a limit to property or the accumulation of it by bequest.
对工业收购的财产设定限制是不明智的，因此，将禁令置于工业可以扩大的可能收购范围之外是正确的；但财产或通过遗赠积累的财产应当受到限制。
It should pass in some other line.
它应该通过其他线路。
The richest in every nation have poor relations, and those often very near in consanguinity.
每个国家最富有的人都有不良关系，而且往往是血亲关系。
The following table of progressive taxation is constructed on the above principles, and as a substitute for the commutation tax.
下表是根据上述原则构建的累进税表，并作为折算税的替代品。
It will reach the point of prohibition by a regular operation, and thereby supersede the aristocratical law of primogeniture.
它将达到通过常规操作而被禁止的地步，从而取代贵族的长子继承权法。
TABLE I A tax on all estates of the clear yearly value of L50, after deducting the land tax, and up
表 I 扣除土地税后，对年净值 L50 及以上的所有遗产征收的税
To L500 0s 3d per pound From L500 to L1,000 0 6 On the second thousand 0 9 On the third " 1 0 On the fourth " 1 6 On the fifth " 2 0 On the sixth " 3 0 On the seventh " 4 0 On the eighth " 5 0 On the ninth " 6s 0d per pound On the tenth " 7 0 On the eleventh " 8 0 On the twelfth " 9 0 On the thirteenth " 10 0 On the fourteenth " 11 0 On the fifteenth " 12 0 On the sixteenth " 13 0 On the seventeenth " 14 0 On the eighteenth " 15 0 On the nineteenth " 16 0 On the twentieth " 17 0 On the twenty-first " 18 0 On the twenty-second " 19 0 On the twenty-third " 20 0
至 L500 0s 3d 每磅 从 L500 至 L1,000 0 6 在第二千个 0 9 在第三个“ 1 0 在第四个” 1 6 在第五个“ 2 0 在第六个” 3 0 在第七个“ 4 0 在第八个“ 5 0 在第九个“ 6s 0d 每磅 在第十个“ 7 0 在第十一个“ 8 0 十二号" 9 0 十三号" 10 0 十四号" 11 0 十五号" 12 0 十六号" 13 0 十七号" 14 0 十八号" 15 0 十九号" 16 0 二十号" 17 0 二十十一号" 18 0第二十二 " 19 0 第二十三 " 20 0
The foregoing table shows the progression per pound on every progressive thousand.
上表显示了每千个累进中每磅的累进。
The following table shows the amount of the tax on every thousand separately, and in the last column the total amount of all the separate sums collected.
下表显示了每千人单独征收的税额，最后一栏显示了所有单独征收的总金额。
TABLE II An estate of: L 50 per annum at 3d per pound pays L0 12 6 100 " " " " 1 5 0 200 " " " " 2 10 0 300 " " " " 3 15 0 400 " " " " 5 0 0 500 " " " " 7 5 0
表二 每年 L 50 按每磅 3d 计算的遗产支付 L0 12 6 100 " " " " 1 5 0 200 " " " " 2 10 0 300 " " " " 3 15 0 400 " " " " 5 0 0 500 " " " " 7 5 0
After L500, the tax of 6d.
L500后，税6d。
per pound takes place on the second L500; consequently an estate of L1,000 per annum pays L2l, 15s., and so on.
每磅发生在第二个 L500 上；因此，每年 1,000 英镑的遗产需要支付 2l 英镑、15 英镑，依此类推。
Total amount For the 1st L500 at 0s 3d per pound L7 5s 2nd " 0 6 14 10 L21 15s 2nd 1000 at 0 9 37 11 59 5 3rd " 1 0 50 0 109 5 (Total amount) 4th 1000 at 1s 6d per pound L75 0s L184 5s 5th " 2 0 100 0 284 5 6th " 3 0 150 0 434 5 7th " 4 0 200 0 634 5 8th " 5 0 250 0 880 5 9th " 6 0 300 0 1100 5 10th " 7 0 350 0 1530 5 11th " 8 0 400 0 1930 5 12th " 9 0 450 0 2380 5 13th " 10 0 500 0 2880 5 14th " 11 0 550 0 3430 5 15th " 12 0 600 0 4030 5 16th " 13 0 650 0 4680 5 17th " 14 0 700 0 5380 5 18th " 15 0 750 0 6130 5 19th " 16 0 800 0 6930 5 20th " 17 0 850 0 7780 5 21st " 18 0 900 0 8680 5 (Total amount) 22nd 1000 at 19s 0d per pound L950 0s L9630 5s 23rd " 20 0 1000 0 10630 5
总量 第 1 次 L500 0s 3d 每磅 L7 5s 2nd " 0 6 14 10 L21 15s 第 2 1000 次 0 9 37 11 59 5 第 3 次 " 1 0 50 0 109 5 (总量) 第 4 次 1000 次 1s 6d 每磅 L75 0s L184 5s 第 5 个“2 0 100 0 284 5 第 6 个”3 0 150 0 434 5 第 7 个“4 0 200 0 634 5 第 8 个”5 0 250 0 880 5 第 9 个“6 0 300 0 1100 5 10 个”7 0 350 0 1530 5 第 11 个“ 8 0 400 0 1930 5 12 个” 9 0 450 0 2380 5 第 13 个“ 10 0 500 0 2880 5 第 14 个” 11 0 550 0 3430 5 15 个“ 12 0 600 0 4030 5 第 16 个“ 13 0 650 0 4680 5 第 17 个” 14 0 700 0 5380 5 第 18 个“ 15 0 750 0 6130 5 第 19 个” 16 0 800 0 6930 5 20 个“ 17 0 850 0 7780 5 21st " 18 0 900 0 8680 5 (总量) 22nd 1000 at 19s 0d 每磅 L950 0s L9630 5s 23rd " 20 0 1000 0 10630 5
At the twenty-third thousand the tax becomes 20s.
到了二万三千，税就变成了二十几。
in the pound, and consequently every thousand beyond that sum can produce no profit but by dividing the estate.
因此，超出这一数额的每一千英镑，除了分割财产之外，无法产生任何利润。
Yet formidable as this tax appears, it will not, I believe, produce so much as the commutation tax; should it produce more, it ought to be lowered to that amount upon estates under two or three thousand a year.
然而，尽管这种税看起来很强大，但我相信它不会产生像折算税那么多的效果。如果它生产更多，那么每年两三千人以下的土地上的产量就应该降低到这个水平。
On small and middling estates it is lighter (as it is intended to be) than the commutation tax.
在中小型庄园，它比折算税要轻（正如它的预期）。
It is not till after seven or eight thousand a year that it begins to be heavy.
直到一年七八千之后，才开始沉重。
The object is not so much the produce of the tax as the justice of the measure.
其目的与其说是税收的产品，不如说是措施的正义性。
The aristocracy has screened itself too much, and this serves to restore a part of the lost equilibrium.
贵族阶层对自己进行了过多的筛选，这有助于恢复部分失去的平衡。
As an instance of its screening itself, it is only necessary to look back to the first establishment of the excise laws, at what is called the Restoration, or the coming of Charles the Second.
作为其筛选本身的一个例子，我们只需回顾一下消费税法的第一次制定，也就是所谓的复辟时期，或者查理二世的到来。
The aristocratical interest then in power, commuted the feudal services itself was under, by laying a tax on beer brewed for sale; that is, they compounded with Charles for an exemption from those services for themselves and their heirs, by a tax to be paid by other people.
当时掌权的贵族利益通过对出售的啤酒征税，减少了封建服务本身的负担。也就是说，他们与查尔斯达成和解，要求由其他人缴纳税款，以免除自己及其继承人的这些服务。
The aristocracy do not purchase beer brewed for sale, but brew their own beer free of the duty, and if any commutation at that time were necessary, it ought to have been at the expense of those for whom the exemptions from those services were intended;*[37] instead of which, it was thrown on an entirely different class of men.
贵族并不购买出售的啤酒，而是免税酿造自己的啤酒，如果当时有必要进行任何减刑，那么应该以那些本来可以免除这些服务的人为代价；*[37] 相反，它被抛给了完全不同的阶层的人。
But the chief object of this progressive tax (besides the justice of rendering taxes more equal than they are) is, as already stated, to extirpate the overgrown influence arising from the unnatural law of primogeniture, and which is one of the principal sources of corruption at elections.
但如前所述，这种累进税的主要目的（除了使税收更加平等的正义之外）是消除不自然的长子继承权法所产生的过度增长的影响，而这种影响是选举中腐败的主要根源之一。
It would be attended with no good consequences to enquire how such vast estates as thirty, forty, or fifty thousand a year could commence, and that at a time when commerce and manufactures were not in a state to admit of such acquisitions.
询问每年三十、四十或五万的巨大庄园是如何开始的，而且在商业和制造业还没有处于允许这种收购的状态的时候，这不会有什么好后果。
Let it be sufficient to remedy the evil by putting them in a condition of descending again to the community by the quiet means of apportioning them among all the heirs and heiresses of those families.
通过悄悄地将他们分配给这些家庭的所有继承人和女继承人，使他们处于重新回归社区的状态，就足以补救邪恶了。
This will be the more necessary, because hitherto the aristocracy have quartered their younger children and connections upon the public in useless posts, places and offices, which when abolished will leave them destitute, unless the law of primogeniture be also abolished or superseded.
这将是更加必要的，因为迄今为止，贵族们将他们年幼的孩子和与公众的联系分配在无用的职位、场所和办公室中，一旦废除，他们就会陷入贫困，除非长子继承法也被废除或取代。
A progressive tax will, in a great measure, effect this object, and that as a matter of interest to the parties most immediately concerned, as will be seen by the following table; which shows the net produce upon every estate, after subtracting the tax.
累进税将在很大程度上实现这一目标，并且作为最直接相关各方的利益问题，如下表所示；它显示了扣除税收后每个庄园的净产出。
By this it will appear that after an estate exceeds thirteen or fourteen thousand a year, the remainder produces but little profit to the holder, and consequently, Will pass either to the younger children, or to other kindred.
由此看来，在每年的遗产超过一万三万或一万四千之后，剩余的财产对持有人来说几乎没有什么利润，因此，将要么传给年幼的孩子，要么传给其他亲属。
TABLE III Showing the net produce of every estate from one thousand to twenty-three thousand pounds a year
表三显示每年一千到两万三千英镑的每个庄园的净产出
No of thousand Total tax per annum subtracted Net produce L1000 L21 L979 2000 59 1941 3000 109 2891 4000 184 3816 5000 284 4716 6000 434 5566 7000 634 6366 8000 880 7120 9000 1100 7900 10,000 1530 8470 11,000 1930 9070 12,000 2380 9620 13,000 2880 10,120 (No of thousand (Total tax per annum) subtracted) (Net produce) 14,000 3430 10,570 15,000 4030 10,970 16,000 4680 11,320 17,000 5380 11,620 18,000 6130 11,870 19,000 6930 12,170 20,000 7780 12,220 21,000 8680 12,320 22,000 9630 12,370 23,000 10,630 12,370
千人数量 每年扣除的税收总额 净产量 L1000 L21 L979 2000 59 1941 3000 109 2891 4000 184 3816 5000 284 4716 6000 434 5566 7000 634 6366 8000 880 7120 9000 1100 7900 10,000 1530 8470 11,000 1930 9070 12,000 2380 9620 13,000 2880 10,120 （扣除千人数（每年总税收））（净产量） 14,000 3430 10,570 15,000 4030 10,970 16,000 4680 11,320 17,000 5380 11,620 18,000 6130 11,870 19,000 6930 12,170 20,000 7780 12,220 21,000 8680 12,320 22,000 9630 12,370 23,000 10,630 12,370
N.B.
注意：
The odd shillings are dropped in this table.
零数先令被丢在这张桌子上。
According to this table, an estate cannot produce more than L12,370 clear of the land tax and the progressive tax, and therefore the dividing such estates will follow as a matter of family interest.
根据该表，扣除土地税和累进税后，遗产的净收入不能超过 L12,370，因此，这些遗产的分割将取决于家庭利益。
An estate of L23,000 a year, divided into five estates of four thousand each and one of three, will be charged only L1,129 which is but five per cent., but if held by one possessor, will be charged L10,630.
每年 23,000 兰特的遗产，分为 5 个庄园，每个庄园 4000 块，每块 3 个，只需缴纳 1,129 兰特，仅占 5%。但如果由一名所有者持有，则需缴纳 10,630 兰特。
Although an enquiry into the origin of those estates be unnecessary, the continuation of them in their present state is another subject.
尽管没有必要对这些遗产的起源进行调查，但它们在目前状态下的延续是另一个主题。
It is a matter of national concern.
这是一个全国性的问题。
As hereditary estates, the law has created the evil, and it ought also to provide the remedy.
作为世袭财产，法律造成了罪恶，也应该提供补救措施。
Primogeniture ought to be abolished, not only because it is unnatural and unjust, but because the country suffers by its operation.
长子继承制应该被废除，不仅因为它不自然、不公正，而且因为它的运作使国家受到损害。
By cutting off (as before observed) the younger children from their proper portion of inheritance, the public is loaded with the expense of maintaining them; and the freedom of elections violated by the overbearing influence which this unjust monopoly of family property produces.
通过切断（如前所述）年幼的孩子的适当继承权，公众承担了抚养他们的费用；这种不公正的家庭财产垄断所产生的压倒性影响侵犯了选举自由。
Nor is this all.
这还不是全部。
It occasions a waste of national property.
这造成了国家财产的浪费。
A considerable part of the land of the country is rendered unproductive, by the great extent of parks and chases which this law serves to keep up, and this at a time when the annual production of grain is not equal to the national consumption.*[38]--In short, the evils of the aristocratical system are so great and numerous, so inconsistent with every thing that is just, wise, natural, and beneficent, that when they are considered, there ought not to be a doubt that many, who are now classed under that description, will wish to see such a system abolished.
由于这项法律所维持的大范围的公园和狩猎场，这个国家的相当一部分土地变得不生产力。*[38]——简而言之，贵族制度的罪恶是如此巨大和众多，与一切正义、明智、自然和仁慈的事物如此不一致，以至于当考虑到它们时，毫无疑问，许多人，现在归入该描述，希望看到这样的系统被废除。
What pleasure can they derive from contemplating the exposed condition, and almost certain beggary of their younger offspring?
考虑到他们的年轻后代暴露在外，几乎肯定会乞讨，他们能从中得到什么乐趣呢？
Every aristocratical family has an appendage of family beggars hanging round it, which in a few ages, or a few generations, are shook off, and console themselves with telling their tale in almshouses, workhouses, and prisons.
每个贵族家庭都有一群家庭乞丐的附属品，这些乞丐在几个世纪或几代人的时间里就会被摆脱，并在救济院、济贫院和监狱里讲述他们的故事来安慰自己。
This is the natural consequence of aristocracy.
这是贵族政治的自然结果。
The peer and the beggar are often of the same family.
同伴和乞丐往往是同一家庭的。
One extreme produces the other: to make one rich many must be made poor; neither can the system be supported by other means.
一种极端产生另一种极端：要使一个人富有，就必须使许多人贫穷；要使一个人富有，就必须使许多人贫穷；该系统也无法通过其他方式得到支持。
There are two classes of people to whom the laws of England are particularly hostile, and those the most helpless; younger children, and the poor.
英国法律对两类人特别敌视，而这两类人是最无助的；年幼的孩子和穷人。
Of the former I have just spoken; of the latter I shall mention one instance out of the many that might be produced, and with which I shall close this subject.
我刚才已经谈到了前者；关于后者，我将从可能产生的众多实例中提及一个实例，并以此结束本主题。
Several laws are in existence for regulating and limiting work-men's wages.
已有几项法律来规范和限制工人的工资。
Why not leave them as free to make their own bargains, as the law-makers are to let their farms and houses?
为什么不让他们自由地进行讨价还价，就像立法者让他们的农场和房屋出租一样？
Personal labour is all the property they have.
个人劳动就是他们拥有的全部财产。
Why is that little, and the little freedom they enjoy, to be infringed?
为什么他们享有的那一点点自由会受到侵犯？
But the injustice will appear stronger, if we consider the operation and effect of such laws.
但如果我们考虑这些法律的运作和效果，不公正现象就会显得更加严重。
When wages are fixed by what is called a law, the legal wages remain stationary, while every thing else is in progression; and as those who make that law still continue to lay on new taxes by other laws, they increase the expense of living by one law, and take away the means by another.
当工资由所谓的法律确定时，法定工资保持不变，而其他一切都在进步；由于那些制定该法律的人仍然继续通过其他法律征收新税，他们根据一项法律增加了生活费用，并通过另一项法律剥夺了生活手段。
But if these gentlemen law-makers and tax-makers thought it right to limit the poor pittance which personal labour can produce, and on which a whole family is to be supported, they certainly must feel themselves happily indulged in a limitation on their own part, of not less than twelve thousand a-year, and that of property they never acquired (nor probably any of their ancestors), and of which they have made never acquire so ill a use.
但是，如果这些绅士们的立法者和税务者认为限制个人劳动所能产生的微薄收入是正确的，并且要靠这些微薄的收入来养活整个家庭，那么他们肯定会感到自己很高兴地沉迷于对自己每年不少于一万二千美元的限制，以及他们从未获得的财产（也可能是他们的祖先的任何财产），而且他们从未对这些财产进行过如此糟糕的利用。
Having now finished this subject, I shall bring the several particulars into one view, and then proceed to other matters.
现在这个话题说完了，我将把几个细节综合起来，然后再谈其他的事情。
The first eight articles, mentioned earlier, are;
前面提到的前八篇文章是：
1.
1.
Abolition of two millions poor-rates.
废除两百万贫困率。
2.
2.
Provision for two hundred and fifty-two thousand poor families, at the rate of four pounds per head for each child under fourteen years of age; which, with the addition of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds, provides also education for one million and thirty thousand children.
为二十五万二千个贫困家庭提供粮食，每人每名十四岁以下儿童四英镑；再加上二十五万英镑，还可以为一百三万儿童提供教育。
3.
3.
Annuity of six pounds (per annum) each for all poor persons, decayed tradesmen, and others (supposed seventy thousand) of the age of fifty years, and until sixty.
所有穷人、衰弱的商人和五十岁至六十岁的其他人（假设为七万人）每人每年六英镑的年金。
4.
4.
Annuity of ten pounds each for life for all poor persons, decayed tradesmen, and others (supposed seventy thousand) of the age of sixty years.
所有穷人、衰弱的商人和其他（假设为七万人）六十岁的人，每人终身领取十英镑年金。
5.
5.
Donation of twenty shillings each for fifty thousand births.
为五万名新生儿每人捐赠二十先令。
6.
6.
Donation of twenty shillings each for twenty thousand marriages.
为两万个婚姻每人捐赠二十先令。
7.
7.
Allowance of twenty thousand pounds for the funeral expenses of persons travelling for work, and dying at a distance from their friends.
为因工作而在远离朋友的地方去世的人提供两万英镑的丧葬费津贴。
8.
8.
Employment at all times for the casual poor in the cities of London and Westminster.
伦敦和威斯敏斯特市的临时穷人随时都有就业机会。
Second Enumeration
第二次枚举
9.
9.
Abolition of the tax on houses and windows.
取消房屋和窗户税。
10.
10.
Allowance of three shillings per week for life to fifteen thousand disbanded soldiers, and a proportionate allowance to the officers of the disbanded corps.
向一万五千名解散士兵每周发放三先令终身津贴，并向解散军团的军官按比例发放津贴。
11.
11.
Increase of pay to the remaining soldiers of L19,500 annually.
每年向剩余士兵增加19,500兰特的工资。
12.
12.
The same allowance to the disbanded navy, and the same increase of pay, as to the army.
解散的海军和陆军一样得到同样的津贴，同样增加工资。
13.
13.
Abolition of the commutation tax.
废除折算税。
14.
14.
Plan of a progressive tax, operating to extirpate the unjust and unnatural law of primogeniture, and the vicious influence of the aristocratical system.*[39]
累进税计划，旨在根除不公正和不自然的长子继承法以及贵族制度的邪恶影响。*[39]
There yet remains, as already stated, one million of surplus taxes.
正如已经说过的，仍然存在一百万的盈余税收。
Some part of this will be required for circumstances that do not immediately present themselves, and such part as shall not be wanted, will admit of a further reduction of taxes equal to that amount.
其中的一部分将用于那些不会立即出现的情况，而不需要的部分将允许进一步减少相当于该金额的税收。
Among the claims that justice requires to be made, the condition of the inferior revenue-officers will merit attention.
在要求伸张正义的主张中，下级税务官员的状况值得关注。
It is a reproach to any government to waste such an immensity of revenue in sinecures and nominal and unnecessary places and officers, and not allow even a decent livelihood to those on whom the labour falls.
将如此巨额的收入浪费在闲职、名义上和不必要的职位和官员上，甚至不让那些从事劳动的人过上体面的生计，这对任何政府来说都是一种耻辱。
The salary of the inferior officers of the revenue has stood at the petty pittance of less than fifty pounds a year for upwards of one hundred years.
一百多年来，税务局下级官员的工资一直维持在每年不到五十英镑的微薄水平。
It ought to be seventy.
应该是七十。
About one hundred and twenty thousand pounds applied to this purpose, will put all those salaries in a decent condition.
大约十二万英镑用于此目的，将使所有这些工资处于体面的状态。
This was proposed to be done almost twenty years ago, but the treasury-board then in being, startled at it, as it might lead to similar expectations from the army and navy; and the event was, that the King, or somebody for him, applied to parliament to have his own salary raised an hundred thousand pounds a year, which being done, every thing else was laid aside.
大约二十年前就有人提议这样做，但当时的财政部对此感到震惊，因为这可能会导致陆军和海军产生类似的期望；事情是这样的，国王，或者他的某人，向议会申请将他自己的薪水每年提高十万英镑，做到这一点后，其他一切都被搁置了。
With respect to another class of men, the inferior clergy, I forbear to enlarge on their condition; but all partialities and prejudices for, or against, different modes and forms of religion aside, common justice will determine, whether there ought to be an income of twenty or thirty pounds a year to one man, and of ten thousand to another.
至于另一类人，即下等神职人员，我不打算详细阐述他们的状况。但是，撇开对不同宗教模式和形式的所有偏袒和偏见不谈，共同的正义将决定一个人每年的收入是否应该是二十或三十英镑，另一个人是否应该是一万英镑。
I speak on this subject with the more freedom, because I am known not to be a Presbyterian; and therefore the cant cry of court sycophants, about church and meeting, kept up to amuse and bewilder the nation, cannot be raised against me.
我在谈论这个话题时比较自由，因为大家都知道我不是长老会教徒。因此，宫廷谄媚者们关于教堂和集会的无稽之谈，持续不断地为了娱乐和迷惑国家，不能用来反对我。
Ye simple men on both sides the question, do you not see through this courtly craft?
双方的简单男人们，你们难道看不透这种宫廷伎俩吗？
If ye can be kept disputing and wrangling about church and meeting, ye just answer the purpose of every courtier, who lives the while on the spoils of the taxes, and laughs at your credulity.
如果你们可以继续就教堂和会议争论和争吵，那么你们只是满足了每一个朝臣的目的，他们靠税收的战利品生活，并嘲笑你们的轻信。
Every religion is good that teaches man to be good; and I know of none that instructs him to be bad.
每一个教导人向善的宗教都是好的；据我所知，没有人教他做坏事。
All the before-mentioned calculations suppose only sixteen millions and an half of taxes paid into the exchequer, after the expense of collection and drawbacks at the custom-house and excise-office are deducted; whereas the sum paid into the exchequer is very nearly, if not quite, seventeen millions.
上述所有计算均假设扣除征收费用以及海关和税务局的退税后，只有一千六百万半的税款缴纳给国库；而支付给国库的金额即使不是全部，也接近一千七百万。
The taxes raised in Scotland and Ireland are expended in those countries, and therefore their savings will come out of their own taxes; but if any part be paid into the English exchequer, it might be remitted.
苏格兰和爱尔兰征收的税款都在这些国家支出，因此他们的储蓄将来自自己的税收；但如果有任何部分缴纳到英国国库，则可能会被免除。
This will not make one hundred thousand pounds a year difference.
这不会造成每年十万英镑的差异。
There now remains only the national debt to be considered.
现在只剩下国债需要考虑。
In the year 1789, the interest, exclusive of the tontine, was L9,150,138.
1789 年，不包括联合养老保险的利息为 L9,150,138。
How much the capital has been reduced since that time the minister best knows.
自那时以来首都减少了多少，大臣最清楚。
But after paying the interest, abolishing the tax on houses and windows, the commutation tax, and the poor-rates; and making all the provisions for the poor, for the education of children, the support of the aged, the disbanded part of the army and navy, and increasing the pay of the remainder, there will be a surplus of one million.
但付完利息后，取消房屋税、窗户税、折算税、低息税；一切供养穷人，儿童教育，老人赡养，解散的陆军和海军，以及增加其余人员的俸禄，还有一百万的盈余。
The present scheme of paying off the national debt appears to me, speaking as an indifferent person, to be an ill-concerted, if not a fallacious job.
作为一个冷漠的人，在我看来，目前偿还国债的计划即使不是错误的，也是不协调的。
The burthen of the national debt consists not in its being so many millions, or so many hundred millions, but in the quantity of taxes collected every year to pay the interest.
国债的负担不在于数百万、数亿，而在于每年为支付利息而征收的税收数量。
If this quantity continues the same, the burthen of the national debt is the same to all intents and purposes, be the capital more or less.
如果这个数量继续保持不变，无论资本多少，国债的负担在所有意图和目的上都是相同的。
The only knowledge which the public can have of the reduction of the debt, must be through the reduction of taxes for paying the interest.
公众对减少债务的唯一了解必须是通过减少支付利息的税收。
The debt, therefore, is not reduced one farthing to the public by all the millions that have been paid; and it would require more money now to purchase up the capital, than when the scheme began.
因此，已偿还的数百万美元并没有减少公众的一分钱；与该计划开始时相比，现在需要更多的资金来购买资本。
Digressing for a moment at this point, to which I shall return again, I look back to the appointment of Mr. Pitt, as minister.
暂时离题一下，我将再次回到这个话题，我回顾一下皮特先生被任命为部长的情况。
I was then in America.
那时我在美国。
The war was over; and though resentment had ceased, memory was still alive.
战争结束了；尽管怨恨已经消失，记忆却依然存在。
When the news of the coalition arrived, though it was a matter of no concern to I felt it as a man.
当联盟的消息传来时，虽然这对我来说并不重要，但作为一个男人，我还是有这种感觉。
It had something in it which shocked, by publicly sporting with decency, if not with principle.
它在公开场合表现得体面，即使不符合原则，也有一些令人震惊的东西。
It was impudence in Lord North; it was a want of firmness in Mr. Fox.
诺斯勋爵的行为是无礼的。这是福克斯先生缺乏坚定性。
Mr. Pitt was, at that time, what may be called a maiden character in politics.
皮特先生当时可以说是政治上的少女人物。
So far from being hackneyed, he appeared not to be initiated into the first mysteries of court intrigue.
到目前为止，他非但没有陈词滥调，而且似乎还没有开始了解宫廷阴谋的最初奥秘。
Everything was in his favour.
一切都对他有利。
Resentment against the coalition served as friendship to him, and his ignorance of vice was credited for virtue.
对联盟的怨恨对他来说是友谊，而他对罪恶的无知被认为是美德。
With the return of peace, commerce and prosperity would rise of itself; yet even this increase was thrown to his account.
随着和平的回归，商业和繁荣将会自然而然地兴起。但即便如此，这笔增加的钱也被记入了他的账户。
When he came to the helm, the storm was over, and he had nothing to interrupt his course.
当他掌舵时，风暴已经结束，没有什么可以干扰他的航向。
It required even ingenuity to be wrong, and he succeeded.
即使需要聪明才智，他也会犯错误，但他成功了。
A little time showed him the same sort of man as his predecessors had been.
过了一段时间，他就发现他和他的前任一样是一个人。
Instead of profiting by those errors which had accumulated a burthen of taxes unparalleled in the world, he sought, I might almost say, he advertised for enemies, and provoked means to increase taxation.
他没有从那些积累了世界上无与伦比的税收负担的错误中获利，而是寻求，我几乎可以说，他为敌人做广告，并挑起增加税收的手段。
Aiming at something, he knew not what, he ransacked Europe and India for adventures, and abandoning the fair pretensions he began with, he became the knight-errant of modern times.
他怀着不知道是什么的目标，踏遍欧洲、印度进行冒险，抛弃了最初的美好伪装，成为了现代的游侠。
It is unpleasant to see character throw itself away.
看到角色抛弃自己是令人不愉快的。
It is more so to see one's-self deceived.
更何况是看到自己被欺骗了。
Mr. Pitt had merited nothing, but he promised much.
皮特先生一无所获，但他承诺了很多。
He gave symptoms of a mind superior to the meanness and corruption of courts.
他表现出一种优于法庭的卑鄙和腐败的思想。
His apparent candour encouraged expectations; and the public confidence, stunned, wearied, and confounded by a chaos of parties, revived and attached itself to him.
他表面上的坦率激起了人们的期待。公众的信心因各党派的混乱而感到震惊、疲倦和困惑，但又重新恢复并依附于他。
But mistaking, as he has done, the disgust of the nation against the coalition, for merit in himself, he has rushed into measures which a man less supported would not have presumed to act.
但正如他所做的那样，他误以为全国人民对联合政府的厌恶是他自己的优点，仓促采取了一些措施，而这些措施是一个没有得到较少支持的人不会采取的。
All this seems to show that change of ministers amounts to nothing.
这一切似乎都表明，更换大臣毫无意义。
One goes out, another comes in, and still the same measures, vices, and extravagance are pursued.
一个人出去，另一个人进来，仍然实行同样的措施、恶习和奢侈。
It signifies not who is minister.
它不表明谁是部长。
The defect lies in the system.
缺陷在于制度。
The foundation and the superstructure of the government is bad.
政府的基础和上层建筑很差。
Prop it as you please, it continually sinks into court government, and ever will.
只要你愿意，它就会不断地陷入宫廷政府的统治之中，而且永远都会如此。
I return, as I promised, to the subject of the national debt, that offspring of the Dutch-Anglo revolution, and its handmaid the Hanover succession.
正如我所承诺的，我回到国家债务的主题，即荷兰-英国革命及其婢女汉诺威王位继承的产物。
But it is now too late to enquire how it began.
但现在询问它是如何开始的已经太晚了。
Those to whom it is due have advanced the money; and whether it was well or ill spent, or pocketed, is not their crime.
那些应得的人已经预付了钱；无论这笔钱花得好还是花得不好，或者被中饱私囊，都不是他们的罪行。
It is, however, easy to see, that as the nation proceeds in contemplating the nature and principles of government, and to understand taxes, and make comparisons between those of America, France, and England, it will be next to impossible to keep it in the same torpid state it has hitherto been.
然而，很容易看出，随着这个国家继续思考政府的性质和原则，理解税收，并对美国、法国和英国的税收进行比较，它几乎不可能保持迄今为止的麻木状态。
Some reform must, from the necessity of the case, soon begin.
从情况的需要来看，一些改革必须尽快开始。
It is not whether these principles press with little or much force in the present moment.
问题不在于这些原则在当下的影响力是小还是大。
They are out.
他们出去了。
They are abroad in the world, and no force can stop them.
他们身在异国他乡，没有任何力量能够阻止他们。
Like a secret told, they are beyond recall; and he must be blind indeed that does not see that a change is already beginning.
就像被告知的秘密一样，他们无法回忆；如果他没有看到变化已经开始，那么他一定是盲目的。
Nine millions of dead taxes is a serious thing; and this not only for bad, but in a great measure for foreign government.
九百万的死税是一件严重的事情；这不仅是坏事，而且在很大程度上对外国政府不利。
By putting the power of making war into the hands of the foreigners who came for what they could get, little else was to be expected than what has happened.
通过将发动战争的权力交到那些为他们所能得到的东西而来的外国人手中，除了所发生的事情之外，没有什么可以预料到的。
Reasons are already advanced in this work, showing that whatever the reforms in the taxes may be, they ought to be made in the current expenses of government, and not in the part applied to the interest of the national debt.
本书中已经提出了理由，表明无论税收改革如何，都应该在政府经常性开支中进行，而不是在用于国债利息的部分中进行。
By remitting the taxes of the poor, they will be totally relieved, and all discontent will be taken away; and by striking off such of the taxes as are already mentioned, the nation will more than recover the whole expense of the mad American war.
免除穷人的赋税，他们就完全解脱了，所有的不满都将被消除；通过取消已经提到的税收，国家将不仅可以收回美国疯狂战争的全部费用。
There will then remain only the national debt as a subject of discontent; and in order to remove, or rather to prevent this, it would be good policy in the stockholders themselves to consider it as property, subject like all other property, to bear some portion of the taxes.
到那时，人们将只剩下国债作为不满的对象；为了消除，或者更确切地说，防止这种情况，股东本身将其视为财产，像所有其他财产一样，承担一部分税收，这将是一个很好的政策。
It would give to it both popularity and security, and as a great part of its present inconvenience is balanced by the capital which it keeps alive, a measure of this kind would so far add to that balance as to silence objections.
它将给它带来受欢迎和安全，而且由于它目前的不便很大一部分是由它保持活力的资本来平衡的，这种措施到目前为止将增加这种平衡，以平息反对意见。
This may be done by such gradual means as to accomplish all that is necessary with the greatest ease and convenience.
这可以通过渐进的方式来完成，以便以最大的轻松和便利完成所有必要的事情。
Instead of taxing the capital, the best method would be to tax the interest by some progressive ratio, and to lessen the public taxes in the same proportion as the interest diminished.
最好的方法不是对资本征税，而是按一定的累进比例对利息征税，并按照利息减少的比例减少公共税收。
Suppose the interest was taxed one halfpenny in the pound the first year, a penny more the second, and to proceed by a certain ratio to be determined upon, always less than any other tax upon property.
假设第一年对利息征税为每英镑半便士，第二年多征一便士，并按确定的一定比例进行，总是低于任何其他财产税。
Such a tax would be subtracted from the interest at the time of payment, without any expense of collection.
此类税款将从付款时的利息中扣除，无需任何征收费用。
One halfpenny in the pound would lessen the interest and consequently the taxes, twenty thousand pounds.
英镑中的半便士可以减少利息，从而减少税收，两万英镑。
The tax on wagons amounts to this sum, and this tax might be taken off the first year.
马车税就相当于这个数额，而且这个税可能在第一年就被取消。
The second year the tax on female servants, or some other of the like amount might also be taken off, and by proceeding in this manner, always applying the tax raised from the property of the debt toward its extinction, and not carry it to the current services, it would liberate itself.
第二年，对女仆的税收或其他类似数额的税收也可能被取消，通过这种方式，总是将从债务财产中征收的税收用于其消灭，而不是将其转移到当前的服务中，它会解放自己。
The stockholders, notwithstanding this tax, would pay less taxes than they do now.
尽管有这项税收，股东缴纳的税款仍将比现在少。
What they would save by the extinction of the poor-rates, and the tax on houses and windows, and the commutation tax, would be considerably greater than what this tax, slow, but certain in its operation, amounts to.
他们通过取消贫困率、房屋和窗户税以及折算税所节省的费用，将远远大于这种缓慢但运作稳定的税收所节省的金额。
It appears to me to be prudence to look out for measures that may apply under any circumstances that may approach.
在我看来，谨慎的做法是寻找在任何可能出现的情况下都适用的措施。
There is, at this moment, a crisis in the affairs of Europe that requires it.
目前，欧洲事务正面临一场危机，需要这样做。
Preparation now is wisdom.
现在做好准备就是智慧。
If taxation be once let loose, it will be difficult to re-instate it; neither would the relief be so effectual, as if it proceeded by some certain and gradual reduction.
税收一旦放松，就很难恢复；救济也不会像某种确定的、逐步的减少那样有效。
The fraud, hypocrisy, and imposition of governments, are now beginning to be too well understood to promise them any long career.
政府的欺诈、虚伪和强行现在已经开始为人们所熟知，以至于无法保证他们有长久的职业生涯。
The farce of monarchy and aristocracy, in all countries, is following that of chivalry, and Mr. Burke is dressing aristocracy, in all countries, is following that of chivalry, and Mr. Burke is dressing for the funeral.
各国君主与贵族的闹剧，都在追随骑士精神的闹剧，伯克先生正在着装贵族，各国都在追随骑士精神的闹剧，伯克先生正在为葬礼着装。
Let it then pass quietly to the tomb of all other follies, and the mourners be comforted.
让它静静地进入所有其他愚蠢行为的坟墓，让哀悼者得到安慰。
The time is not very distant when England will laugh at itself for sending to Holland, Hanover, Zell, or Brunswick for men, at the expense of a million a year, who understood neither her laws, her language, nor her interest, and whose capacities would scarcely have fitted them for the office of a parish constable.
不久的将来，英国会嘲笑自己，因为每年要花费一百万人的代价，向荷兰、汉诺威、采尔或不伦瑞克派遣男人，这些人既不了解她的法律、她的语言，也不了解她的兴趣，而且他们的能力几乎不适合担任教区警察。
If government could be trusted to such hands, it must be some easy and simple thing indeed, and materials fit for all the purposes may be found in every town and village in England.
如果政府可以信任这样的人，那么这确实是一件容易和简单的事情，并且在英格兰的每个城镇和村庄都可以找到适合所有目的的材料。
When it shall be said in any country in the world, my poor are happy; neither ignorance nor distress is to be found among them; my jails are empty of prisoners, my streets of beggars; the aged are not in want, the taxes are not oppressive; the rational world is my friend, because I am the friend of its happiness: when these things can be said, then may that country boast its constitution and its government.
无论在世界上任何一个国家，我的穷人都是幸福的；他们中间看不到无知和痛苦。我的监狱里空无囚犯，我的街道上满是乞丐；老人不匮乏，赋税不苛求；理性世界是我的朋友，因为我是它的幸福的朋友：当这些事情可以说时，那么愿那个国家夸耀它的宪法和政府。
Within the space of a few years we have seen two revolutions, those of America and France.
在几年的时间里，我们看到了两次革命，美国和法国的革命。
In the former, the contest was long, and the conflict severe; in the latter, the nation acted with such a consolidated impulse, that having no foreign enemy to contend with, the revolution was complete in power the moment it appeared.
前者斗争时间长，冲突激烈；后者斗争时间长，冲突严重。在后者中，国家的行动具有如此坚定的冲动，没有外敌可对付，革命一出现就完全掌握了权力。
From both those instances it is evident, that the greatest forces that can be brought into the field of revolutions, are reason and common interest.
从这两个例子可以明显看出，能够带入革命领域的最大力量是理性和共同利益。
Where these can have the opportunity of acting, opposition dies with fear, or crumbles away by conviction.
只要这些人有机会采取行动，反对派就会因恐惧而消亡，或者因信念而崩溃。
It is a great standing which they have now universally obtained; and we may hereafter hope to see revolutions, or changes in governments, produced with the same quiet operation by which any measure, determinable by reason and discussion, is accomplished.
这是他们现在普遍获得的崇高地位。今后，我们可能希望看到革命或政府更迭，以同样的安静运作方式产生，通过理性和讨论来完成任何措施。
When a nation changes its opinion and habits of thinking, it is no longer to be governed as before; but it would not only be wrong, but bad policy, to attempt by force what ought to be accomplished by reason.
当一个国家的观念和思维习惯发生改变时，它就不再像以前那样被统治了；但是，试图通过武力来完成本应通过理性完成的事情不仅是错误的，而且是糟糕的政策。
Rebellion consists in forcibly opposing the general will of a nation, whether by a party or by a government.
叛乱包括强行反对一个国家的普遍意志，无论是政党还是政府。
There ought, therefore, to be in every nation a method of occasionally ascertaining the state of public opinion with respect to government.
因此，每个国家都应该有一种方法来偶尔确定公众对政府的舆论状况。
On this point the old government of France was superior to the present government of England, because, on extraordinary occasions, recourse could be had what was then called the States General.
在这一点上，法国旧政府优于英国现政府，因为在特殊情况下，可以向当时所谓的三级议会求助。
But in England there are no such occasional bodies; and as to those who are now called Representatives, a great part of them are mere machines of the court, placemen, and dependants.
但在英国，并没有这样的临时机构。至于那些现在被称为代表的人，他们中的很大一部分只是宫廷的机器、地方官员和眷属。
I presume, that though all the people of England pay taxes, not an hundredth part of them are electors, and the members of one of the houses of parliament represent nobody but themselves.
我认为，虽然所有英格兰人都纳税，但其中不到百分之一是选举人，而议会两院的议员只代表他们自己。
There is, therefore, no power but the voluntary will of the people that has a right to act in any matter respecting a general reform; and by the same right that two persons can confer on such a subject, a thousand may.
因此，除了人民的自愿意志之外，没有任何权力有权在涉及全面改革的任何事项上采取行动；两个人可以就这样一个主题授予同样的权利，一千个人也可以授予同样的权利。
The object, in all such preliminary proceedings, is to find out what the general sense of a nation is, and to be governed by it.
所有这些初步程序的目的是找出一个民族的一般意义是什么，并受其管辖。
If it prefer a bad or defective government to a reform or choose to pay ten times more taxes than there is any occasion for, it has a right so to do; and so long as the majority do not impose conditions on the minority, different from what they impose upon themselves, though there may be much error, there is no injustice.
如果它宁愿选择一个糟糕或有缺陷的政府而不进行改革，或者选择缴纳比实际情况多十倍的税款，它就有权利这样做；只要多数人不向少数人强加与他们自己强加的条件不同的条件，尽管可能有很多错误，但也不存在不公正。
Neither will the error continue long.
错误也不会持续很长时间。
Reason and discussion will soon bring things right, however wrong they may begin.
理性和讨论很快就会使事情变得正确，无论它们一开始是多么错误。
By such a process no tumult is to be apprehended.
通过这样的过程，不会有任何骚乱。
The poor, in all countries, are naturally both peaceable and grateful in all reforms in which their interest and happiness is included.
在所有国家，穷人在所有涉及他们的利益和幸福的改革中自然是既平和又感恩。
It is only by neglecting and rejecting them that they become tumultuous.
只有忽视和拒绝他们，他们才会变得骚乱。
The objects that now press on the public attention are, the French revolution, and the prospect of a general revolution in governments.
现在引起公众关注的对象是法国大革命和政府全面革命的前景。
Of all nations in Europe there is none so much interested in the French revolution as England.
在欧洲所有国家中，没有一个国家像英国那样对法国大革命如此感兴趣。
Enemies for ages, and that at a vast expense, and without any national object, the opportunity now presents itself of amicably closing the scene, and joining their efforts to reform the rest of Europe.
多年来的敌人，付出了巨大的代价，而且没有任何国家目标，现在有机会友好地结束这一幕，并共同努力改革欧洲其他国家。
By doing this they will not only prevent the further effusion of blood, and increase of taxes, but be in a condition of getting rid of a considerable part of their present burthens, as has been already stated.
通过这样做，他们不仅可以防止进一步流血和增加税收，而且可以摆脱目前的很大一部分负担，正如已经说过的那样。
Long experience however has shown, that reforms of this kind are not those which old governments wish to promote, and therefore it is to nations, and not to such governments, that these matters present themselves.
然而，长期的经验表明，此类改革并不是旧政府希望推动的改革，因此，这些问题是向国家而非此类政府提出的。
In the preceding part of this work, I have spoken of an alliance between England, France, and America, for purposes that were to be afterwards mentioned.
在本书的前一部分中，我谈到了英国、法国和美国之间的联盟，其目的稍后会提到。
Though I have no direct authority on the part of America, I have good reason to conclude, that she is disposed to enter into a consideration of such a measure, provided, that the governments with which she might ally, acted as national governments, and not as courts enveloped in intrigue and mystery.
虽然我对美国没有直接的权威，但我有充分的理由得出结论，她愿意考虑采取这样的措施，前提是她可能结盟的政府以国家政府的身份行事，而不是像充满阴谋和神秘的法院一样行事。
That France as a nation, and a national government, would prefer an alliance with England, is a matter of certainty.
法国作为一个国家和一个国家政府更愿意与英国结盟，这是肯定的事情。
Nations, like individuals, who have long been enemies, without knowing each other, or knowing why, become the better friends when they discover the errors and impositions under which they had acted.
国家就像个人一样，长期以来彼此不了解，也不知道为什么，当他们发现自己所犯的错误和强加的行为时，就会成为更好的朋友。
Admitting, therefore, the probability of such a connection, I will state some matters by which such an alliance, together with that of Holland, might render service, not only to the parties immediately concerned, but to all Europe.
因此，在承认这种联系的可能性的同时，我将阐述一些事项，通过这些事项，这种联盟与荷兰的联盟不仅可以为直接有关各方而且可以为整个欧洲提供服务。
It is, I think, certain, that if the fleets of England, France, and Holland were confederated, they could propose, with effect, a limitation to, and a general dismantling of, all the navies in Europe, to a certain proportion to be agreed upon.
我认为，可以肯定的是，如果英国、法国和荷兰的舰队联合起来，他们实际上可以提议限制并普遍解散欧洲所有海军，直至达成一致的一定比例。
First, That no new ship of war shall be built by any power in Europe, themselves included.
首先，欧洲任何国家（包括它们自己）都不得建造新的战舰。
Second, That all the navies now in existence shall be put back, suppose to one-tenth of their present force.
第二，现有的所有海军都将被撤回，假设是现有兵力的十分之一。
This will save to France and England, at least two millions sterling annually to each, and their relative force be in the same proportion as it is now.
这将为法国和英国每年节省至少200万英镑，而且它们的相对力量与现在的比例相同。
If men will permit themselves to think, as rational beings ought to think, nothing can appear more ridiculous and absurd, exclusive of all moral reflections, than to be at the expense of building navies, filling them with men, and then hauling them into the ocean, to try which can sink each other fastest.
如果人们允许自己像理性人应该思考的那样思考，排除一切道德反思，没有什么比以牺牲海军建设为代价，让海军充满人员，然后把他们拖入大海，试图以最快的速度沉没对方更荒谬和荒唐的了。
Peace, which costs nothing, is attended with infinitely more advantage, than any victory with all its expense.
和平不需要任何代价，它比任何不惜一切代价取得的胜利带来的好处要多得多。
But this, though it best answers the purpose of nations, does not that of court governments, whose habited policy is pretence for taxation, places, and offices.
但这虽然最能满足国家的目的，却不能满足宫廷政府的目的，因为宫廷政府惯用的政策是以税收、地方和官职为幌子。
It is, I think, also certain, that the above confederated powers, together with that of the United States of America, can propose with effect, to Spain, the independence of South America, and the opening those countries of immense extent and wealth to the general commerce of the world, as North America now is.
我认为，同样可以肯定的是，上述同盟国与美利坚合众国一起，可以向西班牙有效地提议南美洲的独立，并开放那些幅员辽阔、财富众多的国家向世界一般商业开放，就像现在的北美一样。
With how much more glory, and advantage to itself, does a nation act, when it exerts its powers to rescue the world from bondage, and to create itself friends, than when it employs those powers to increase ruin, desolation, and misery.
当一个国家运用其力量将世界从束缚中拯救出来并为自己创造朋友时，它所采取的行动比它利用这些力量增加毁灭、荒凉和苦难时所获得的荣耀和优势要大得多。
The horrid scene that is now acting by the English government in the East-Indies, is fit only to be told of Goths and Vandals, who, destitute of principle, robbed and tortured the world they were incapable of enjoying.
英国政府现在在东印度群岛上演的可怕场景，只适合描述哥特人和汪达尔人，他们缺乏原则，抢劫和折磨他们无法享受的世界。
The opening of South America would produce an immense field of commerce, and a ready money market for manufactures, which the eastern world does not.
南美洲的开放将产生一个巨大的商业领域和一个制造业的现成货币市场，而东方世界却没有。
The East is already a country full of manufactures, the importation of which is not only an injury to the manufactures of England, but a drain upon its specie.
东方已经是一个充满制成品的国家，进口制成品不仅损害了英国的制成品，而且还消耗了其货币。
The balance against England by this trade is regularly upwards of half a million annually sent out in the East-India ships in silver; and this is the reason, together with German intrigue, and German subsidies, that there is so little silver in England.
通过这项贸易，每年向英国出口的白银余额通常超过五十万，通过东印度船只运出。这就是英国的白银如此之少的原因，再加上德国的阴谋和德国的补贴。
But any war is harvest to such governments, however ruinous it may be to a nation.
但任何战争对于这样的政府来说都是收获，无论它对一个国家来说有多么毁灭性。
It serves to keep up deceitful expectations which prevent people from looking into the defects and abuses of government.
它的作用是维持欺骗性的期望，阻止人们调查政府的缺陷和滥用行为。
It is the lo here!
就是这里啦！
and the lo there!
瞧，那里！
that amuses and cheats the multitude.
这使大众感到高兴和欺骗。
Never did so great an opportunity offer itself to England, and to all Europe, as is produced by the two Revolutions of America and France.
美国和法国的两次革命为英国和整个欧洲提供了前所未有的绝佳机会。
By the former, freedom has a national champion in the western world; and by the latter, in Europe.
前者，自由在西方世界拥有全国拥护者；后者是在欧洲。
When another nation shall join France, despotism and bad government will scarcely dare to appear.
当另一个国家加入法国时，专制和坏政府几乎不敢出现。
To use a trite expression, the iron is becoming hot all over Europe.
用一句老生常谈的话来说，整个欧洲的熨斗正在变得越来越热。
The insulted German and the enslaved Spaniard, the Russ and the Pole, are beginning to think.
受侮辱的德国人和被奴役的西班牙人、俄罗斯人和波兰人开始思考。
The present age will hereafter merit to be called the Age of Reason, and the present generation will appear to the future as the Adam of a new world.
当今时代今后将被称为理性时代，而当代人将在未来出现为新世界的亚当。
When all the governments of Europe shall be established on the representative system, nations will become acquainted, and the animosities and prejudices fomented by the intrigue and artifice of courts, will cease.
当欧洲各国政府都建立在代议制之上时，各国就会相互了解，法庭的阴谋和诡计所煽动的仇恨和偏见就会停止。
The oppressed soldier will become a freeman; and the tortured sailor, no longer dragged through the streets like a felon, will pursue his mercantile voyage in safety.
受压迫的士兵将成为自由人；饱受折磨的水手不再像重罪犯一样被拖过街道，将安全地进行他的商业航行。
It would be better that nations should wi continue the pay of their soldiers during their lives, and give them their discharge and restore them to freedom and their friends, and cease recruiting, than retain such multitudes at the same expense, in a condition useless to society and to themselves.
各国最好继续向他们的士兵发放军饷，让他们退役，恢复自由和朋友，停止招募新兵，而不是以同样的费用留住这么多人，让他们处于对社会和他们自己都无用的状态。
As soldiers have hitherto been treated in most countries, they might be said to be without a friend.
迄今为止，大多数国家的士兵都受到待遇，可以说他们没有朋友。
Shunned by the citizen on an apprehension of their being enemies to liberty, and too often insulted by those who commanded them, their condition was a double oppression.
公民因担心他们是自由的敌人而回避他们，而且经常受到指挥者的侮辱，他们的处境是双重压迫。
But where genuine principles of liberty pervade a people, every thing is restored to order; and the soldier civilly treated, returns the civility.
但是，当真正的自由原则渗透到一个民族中时，一切都会恢复秩序。兵以礼待，以礼还之。
In contemplating revolutions, it is easy to perceive that they may arise from two distinct causes; the one, to avoid or get rid of some great calamity; the other, to obtain some great and positive good; and the two may be distinguished by the names of active and passive revolutions.
在思考革命时，很容易看出革命可能源于两个不同的原因：一是为了避免或摆脱某种大灾难；另一个是为了获得一些伟大而积极的善事；两者可以通过主动革命和被动革命的名称来区分。
In those which proceed from the former cause, the temper becomes incensed and soured; and the redress, obtained by danger, is too often sullied by revenge.
出于前一种原因的人，脾气会变得暴躁、变坏。通过危险获得的补救往往会被复仇所玷污。
But in those which proceed from the latter, the heart, rather animated than agitated, enters serenely upon the subject.
但在那些从后者出发的作品中，内心平静地谈论这个主题，而不是激动不已。
Reason and discussion, persuasion and conviction, become the weapons in the contest, and it is only when those are attempted to be suppressed that recourse is had to violence.
理性与讨论、说服与信念，成为斗争的武器，只有在试图压制这些武器时，才不得不诉诸暴力。
When men unite in agreeing that a thing is good, could it be obtained, such for instance as relief from a burden of taxes and the extinction of corruption, the object is more than half accomplished.
当人们团结起来，一致认为某件事是好的，可以实现的，例如减轻税收负担和消灭腐败，那么这个目标就完成了一半以上。
What they approve as the end, they will promote in the means.
他们所认可的目的，就会通过手段来促进。
Will any man say, in the present excess of taxation, falling so heavily on the poor, that a remission of five pounds annually of taxes to one hundred and four thousand poor families is not a good thing?
在目前税收过多、对穷人影响如此之大的情况下，有人会说，每年向十万四千个贫困家庭减免五英镑的税收不是一件好事吗？
Will he say that a remission of seven pounds annually to one hundred thousand other poor families--of eight pounds annually to another hundred thousand poor families, and of ten pounds annually to fifty thousand poor and widowed families, are not good things?
他会说，每年给十万个贫困家庭减免七镑，每年给十万个贫困家庭减免八镑，每年给五万个贫困寡妇家庭减免十镑，不是好事吗？
And, to proceed a step further in this climax, will he say that to provide against the misfortunes to which all human life is subject, by securing six pounds annually for all poor, distressed, and reduced persons of the age of fifty and until sixty, and of ten pounds annually after sixty, is not a good thing?
而且，在这个高潮中更进一步，他是否会说，为了应对全人类生活所遭受的不幸，每年为所有五十岁至六十岁的贫困、贫困和贫困的人确保六英镑，在六十岁以后每年为十英镑，不是一件好事吗？
Will he say that an abolition of two millions of poor-rates to the house-keepers, and of the whole of the house and window-light tax and of the commutation tax is not a good thing?
他会说取消对管家的两百万的低税率，以及全部房屋税和窗灯税以及折算税不是一件好事吗？
Or will he say that to abolish corruption is a bad thing?
或者他会说消除腐败是一件坏事？
If, therefore, the good to be obtained be worthy of a passive, rational, and costless revolution, it would be bad policy to prefer waiting for a calamity that should force a violent one.
因此，如果要获得的利益值得进行一场被动的、理性的、无成本的革命，那么宁愿等待一场灾难而迫使一场暴力革命，那就是糟糕的政策。
I have no idea, considering the reforms which are now passing and spreading throughout Europe, that England will permit herself to be the last; and where the occasion and the opportunity quietly offer, it is better than to wait for a turbulent necessity.
考虑到目前正在整个欧洲进行和蔓延的改革，我不知道英国会允许自己成为最后一个；当场合和机会悄悄出现时，比等待动荡的必然要好。
It may be considered as an honour to the animal faculties of man to obtain redress by courage and danger, but it is far greater honour to the rational faculties to accomplish the same object by reason, accommodation, and general consent.*[40]
通过勇气和危险获得补救可能被认为是对人类动物能力的一种荣誉，但对理性能力来说，通过理性、通融和普遍同意来实现同一目标则是更大的荣誉。*[40]
As reforms, or revolutions, call them which you please, extend themselves among nations, those nations will form connections and conventions, and when a few are thus confederated, the progress will be rapid, till despotism and corrupt government be totally expelled, at least out of two quarters of the world, Europe and America.
作为改革或革命，无论你怎么称呼它们，它们都会在国家之间扩展，这些国家将形成联系和公约，当少数国家如此联合起来时，进步将是迅速的，直到专制主义和腐败政府被彻底驱逐，至少在世界的四分之二的地方，欧洲和美洲。
The Algerine piracy may then be commanded to cease, for it is only by the malicious policy of old governments, against each other, that it exists.
阿尔及利亚的海盗行为可能会被命令停止，因为它的存在只是由于旧政府相互敌对的恶意政策。
Throughout this work, various and numerous as the subjects are, which I have taken up and investigated, there is only a single paragraph upon religion, viz.
在这部作品中，尽管我所研究的主题多种多样，但只有一个段落是关于宗教的，即：
"that every religion is good that teaches man to be good."
“每一个教人向善的宗教都是好的。”
I have carefully avoided to enlarge upon the subject, because I am inclined to believe that what is called the present ministry, wish to see contentions about religion kept up, to prevent the nation turning its attention to subjects of government.
我小心翼翼地避免扩大这个主题，因为我倾向于相信，所谓的现任内阁希望看到有关宗教的争论继续下去，以防止国家将注意力转向政府的主题。
It is as if they were to say, "Look that way, or any way, but this."
就好像他们在说：“看那个方向，或者任何方向，但是这个。”
But as religion is very improperly made a political machine, and the reality of it is thereby destroyed, I will conclude this work with stating in what light religion appears to me.
但由于宗教被非常不恰当地变成了政治机器，其现实性也因此被摧毁，因此我将在结束本书时阐述宗教对我的看法。
If we suppose a large family of children, who, on any particular day, or particular circumstance, made it a custom to present to their parents some token of their affection and gratitude, each of them would make a different offering, and most probably in a different manner.
如果我们假设一个由孩子组成的大家庭，他们在任何特定的日子或特定的情况下，习惯性地向父母赠送一些表达爱意和感激之情的东西，那么他们每个人都会做出不同的奉献，而且很可能以不同的方式。
Some would pay their congratulations in themes of verse and prose, by some little devices, as their genius dictated, or according to what they thought would please; and, perhaps, the least of all, not able to do any of those things, would ramble into the garden, or the field, and gather what it thought the prettiest flower it could find, though, perhaps, it might be but a simple weed.
有些人会用诗歌和散文的主题来表达他们的祝贺，通过一些小手段，按照他们的天才所指示的，或者根据他们认为会高兴的；也许，最不能够做这些事情的人，会漫步到花园或田野里，采集它认为能找到的最漂亮的花，尽管它可能只是一棵简单的杂草。
The parent would be more gratified by such a variety, than if the whole of them had acted on a concerted plan, and each had made exactly the same offering.
父母会对这样的多样性感到更满意，而不是他们全体按照一致的计划行事，并且每个人都提供完全相同的产品。
This would have the cold appearance of contrivance, or the harsh one of control.
这看起来像是一种冷酷的诡计，或者是一种严酷的控制。
But of all unwelcome things, nothing could more afflict the parent than to know, that the whole of them had afterwards gotten together by the ears, boys and girls, fighting, scratching, reviling, and abusing each other about which was the best or the worst present.
但在所有不受欢迎的事情中，没有什么比知道这件事更让父母痛苦的了：他们所有人，男孩和女孩，后来都紧紧地团结在一起，互相争斗、抓伤、辱骂和辱骂，争论什么是最好的或最坏的礼物。
Why may we not suppose, that the great Father of all is pleased with variety of devotion; and that the greatest offence we can act, is that by which we seek to torment and render each other miserable?
为什么我们不能假设，伟大的万有之父对各种奉献感到高兴？我们所能做的最大的冒犯就是我们试图折磨彼此并使彼此痛苦？
For my own part, I am fully satisfied that what I am now doing, with an endeavour to conciliate mankind, to render their condition happy, to unite nations that have hitherto been enemies, and to extirpate the horrid practice of war, and break the chains of slavery and oppression is acceptable in his sight, and being the best service I can perform, I act it cheerfully.
就我个人而言，我完全满意我现在正在做的事情，努力安抚人类，使他们的处境幸福，团结迄今为止一直是敌人的国家，消除可怕的战争行为，打破奴隶制和压迫的锁链，在他看来是可以接受的，并且作为我能提供的最好的服务，我高兴地这样做。
I do not believe that any two men, on what are called doctrinal points, think alike who think at all.
我不相信任何两个人在所谓的教义观点上的想法是完全一样的。
It is only those who have not thought that appear to agree.
只有那些没有想到的人似乎同意这一点。
It is in this case as with what is called the British constitution.
在这种情况下，就像所谓的英国宪法一样。
It has been taken for granted to be good, and encomiums have supplied the place of proof.
它被认为是理所当然的好，并且赞美已经提供了证据。
But when the nation comes to examine into its principles and the abuses it admits, it will be found to have more defects than I have pointed out in this work and the former.
但当这个国家审视它的原则和它所承认的弊端时，就会发现它的缺陷比我在本书和前一本书中指出的还要多。
As to what are called national religions, we may, with as much propriety, talk of national Gods.
至于所谓的民族宗教，我们可以适当地谈论民族神。
It is either political craft or the remains of the Pagan system, when every nation had its separate and particular deity.
它要么是政治手段，要么是异教制度的残余，当时每个国家都有其独立的、特定的神。
Among all the writers of the English church clergy, who have treated on the general subject of religion, the present Bishop of Llandaff has not been excelled, and it is with much pleasure that I take this opportunity of expressing this token of respect.
在所有研究宗教一般主题的英国教会神职人员作家中，现任兰达夫主教并不出众，我很高兴借此机会表达这一敬意。
I have now gone through the whole of the subject, at least, as far as it appears to me at present.
我现在已经了解了整个主题，至少就我目前看来是这样。
It has been my intention for the five years I have been in Europe, to offer an address to the people of England on the subject of government, if the opportunity presented itself before I returned to America.
在欧洲的五年里，如果有机会在我返回美国之前，我一直打算向英国人民发表关于政府问题的演讲。
Mr. Burke has thrown it in my way, and I thank him.
伯克先生把它扔到了我的路上，我感谢他。
On a certain occasion, three years ago, I pressed him to propose a national convention, to be fairly elected, for the purpose of taking the state of the nation into consideration; but I found, that however strongly the parliamentary current was then setting against the party he acted with, their policy was to keep every thing within that field of corruption, and trust to accidents.
三年前的某个场合，我曾敦促他提议召开全国代表大会，公平选举，顾及国情；但我发现，无论当时议会的潮流多么强烈地反对他所在的政党，他们的政策都是将一切都控制在腐败领域，并信任意外事件。
Long experience had shown that parliaments would follow any change of ministers, and on this they rested their hopes and their expectations.
长期的经验表明，议会会关注部长的任何变动，他们的希望和期望也寄托在这一点上。
Formerly, when divisions arose respecting governments, recourse was had to the sword, and a civil war ensued.
以前，当政府之间出现分歧时，就不得不诉诸武力，从而引发内战。
That savage custom is exploded by the new system, and reference is had to national conventions.
新制度打破了这种野蛮的习俗，并参考了国家公约。
Discussion and the general will arbitrates the question, and to this, private opinion yields with a good grace, and order is preserved uninterrupted.
讨论和公意对问题进行仲裁，对此，私人意见很优雅地屈服，秩序得以保持不间断。
Some gentlemen have affected to call the principles upon which this work and the former part of Rights of Man are founded, "a new-fangled doctrine." The question is not whether those principles are new or old, but whether they are right or wrong.
一些先生们假装称这部作品和《人权》前一部分所依据的原则是“一种新奇的学说”。问题不在于这些原则是新还是旧，而是它们是对还是错。
Suppose the former, I will show their effect by a figure easily understood.
假设是前者，我会用一个容易理解的图来展示它们的效果。
It is now towards the middle of February.
现在已经是二月中旬了。
Were I to take a turn into the country, the trees would present a leafless, wintery appearance.
如果我转向乡村，树木就会呈现出光秃秃的、冬天的样子。
As people are apt to pluck twigs as they walk along, I perhaps might do the same, and by chance might observe, that a single bud on that twig had begun to swell.
由于人们在行走时容易摘下树枝，我也许也会这样做，并且偶然可能会观察到，那根树枝上的一个芽已经开始膨胀。
I should reason very unnaturally, or rather not reason at all, to suppose this was the only bud in England which had this appearance.
我会非常不自然地推理，或者更确切地说，根本不推理，认为这是英格兰唯一具有这种外观的花蕾。
Instead of deciding thus, I should instantly conclude, that the same appearance was beginning, or about to begin, every where; and though the vegetable sleep will continue longer on some trees and plants than on others, and though some of them may not blossom for two or three years, all will be in leaf in the summer, except those which are rotten.
我不应该做出这样的决定，而应该立即得出结论，同样的现象正在开始，或即将开始，到处都是；尽管有些树木和植物的植物睡眠时间会比其他树木和植物持续更长的时间，尽管其中一些植物可能两三年内不会开花，但到了夏天，除了那些腐烂的植物外，所有植物都会长出叶子。
What pace the political summer may keep with the natural, no human foresight can determine.
政治之夏可能会与自然保持怎样的节奏，人类的远见无法确定。
It is, however, not difficult to perceive that the spring is begun.--Thus wishing, as I sincerely do, freedom and happiness to all nations, I close the Second Part.
然而，不难看出春天已经开始了。——因此，正如我真诚地祝愿所有国家都获得自由和幸福一样，我结束了第二部分。
APPENDIX
附录
As the publication of this work has been delayed beyond the time intended, I think it not improper, all circumstances considered, to state the causes that have occasioned delay.
由于这部作品的出版被推迟了，超出了预定的时间，我认为，考虑到所有情况，说明造成推迟的原因并无不当。
The reader will probably observe, that some parts in the plan contained in this work for reducing the taxes, and certain parts in Mr. Pitt's speech at the opening of the present session, Tuesday, January 31, are so much alike as to induce a belief, that either the author had taken the hint from Mr. Pitt, or Mr. Pitt from the author.--I will first point out the parts that are similar, and then state such circumstances as I am acquainted with, leaving the reader to make his own conclusion.
读者可能会注意到，本书中所载的减税计划中的某些部分，与皮特先生在本届会议（1月31日星期二）开幕式上的讲话中的某些部分非常相似，以至于让人相信，要么是作者从皮特先生那里得到了暗示，要么是皮特先生从作者那里得到了暗示。——我将首先指出相似的部分，然后陈述我所熟悉的情况，让读者自己做出结论。
Considering it as almost an unprecedented case, that taxes should be proposed to be taken off, it is equally extraordinary that such a measure should occur to two persons at the same time; and still more so (considering the vast variety and multiplicity of taxes) that they should hit on the same specific taxes.
提议取消税收几乎是史无前例的案例，而这样的措施同时发生在两个人身上，同样非同寻常；更重要的是（考虑到税收的种类繁多和多重性），他们应该征收相同的特定税收。
Mr. Pitt has mentioned, in his speech, the tax on Carts and Wagons--that on Female Servantsthe lowering the tax on Candles and the taking off the tax of three shillings on Houses having under seven windows.
皮特先生在演讲中提到了对手推车和马车的征税——对女仆的征税、降低蜡烛的征税以及对七扇窗户以下的房屋取消三先令的征税。
Every one of those specific taxes are a part of the plan contained in this work, and proposed also to be taken off.
每一项特定税都是这项工作中所包含计划的一部分，也建议取消。
Mr. Pitt's plan, it is true, goes no further than to a reduction of three hundred and twenty thousand pounds; and the reduction proposed in this work, to nearly six millions.
诚然，皮特先生的计划只不过是削减三十二万英镑而已。以及这项工作中提议的减少额，达到近六百万。
I have made my calculations on only sixteen millions and an half of revenue, still asserting that it was "very nearly, if not quite, seventeen millions." Mr. Pitt states it at 16,690,000.
我只计算了一千六百万半的收入，但仍然声称它“即使不是完全，也非常接近一千七百万”。皮特先生称其为 16,690,000。
I know enough of the matter to say, that he has not overstated it.
我对此事的了解足够多，可以说他并没有夸大其词。
Having thus given the particulars, which correspond in this work and his speech, I will state a chain of circumstances that may lead to some explanation.
在给出了本书和他的演讲中对应的细节之后，我将陈述一系列可能导致某种解释的情况。
The first hint for lessening the taxes, and that as a consequence flowing from the French revolution, is to be found in the Address and Declaration of the Gentlemen who met at the Thatched-House Tavern, August 20, 1791.
减少税收的第一个暗示，以及法国大革命的结果，可以在 1791 年 8 月 20 日茅草屋酒馆举行的绅士们的演讲和宣言中找到。
Among many other particulars stated in that Address, is the following, put as an interrogation to the government opposers of the French Revolution.
在该讲话中陈述的许多其他细节中，有以下内容是对法国大革命的政府反对者的审讯。
"Are they sorry that the pretence for new oppressive taxes, and the occasion for continuing many old taxes will be at an end?"
“他们是否对新的压迫性税收的借口以及继续实施许多旧税收的机会结束感到遗憾？”
It is well known that the persons who chiefly frequent the Thatched-House Tavern, are men of court connections, and so much did they take this Address and Declaration respecting the French Revolution, and the reduction of taxes in disgust, that the Landlord was under the necessity of informing the Gentlemen, who composed the meeting of the 20th of August, and who proposed holding another meeting, that he could not receive them.*[41]
众所周知，经常光顾茅屋酒馆的人主要是与宫廷有关系的人，他们对这份关于法国大革命和减税的演说和宣言感到厌恶，以致地主有必要通知那些组成8月20日会议并提议举行另一次会议的绅士们，他不能接待他们。*[41]
What was only hinted in the Address and Declaration respecting taxes and principles of government, will be found reduced to a regular system in this work.
在《地址》和《宣言》中仅暗示的有关税收和政府原则的内容，将在本书中被简化为常规制度。
But as Mr. Pitt's speech contains some of the same things respecting taxes, I now come to give the circumstances before alluded to.
但由于皮特先生的演讲中也包含了一些关于税收的相同内容，所以我现在来介绍一下之前提到的情况。
The case is: This work was intended to be published just before the meeting of Parliament, and for that purpose a considerable part of the copy was put into the printer's hands in September, and all the remaining copy, which contains the part to which Mr. Pitt's speech is similar, was given to him full six weeks before the meeting of Parliament, and he was informed of the time at which it was to appear.
案件是这样的：这部作品原本打算在议会会议之前出版，为此目的，该书的相当一部分在九月份就被送到了印刷商手中，而剩下的所有副本，其中包含与皮特先生的演讲相似的部分，是在议会会议之前整整六周交给他的，并且他被告知了该书的出版时间。
He had composed nearly the whole about a fortnight before the time of Parliament meeting, and had given me a proof of the next sheet.
他在议会开会前大约两周就完成了几乎全部内容，并给了我下一张纸的校样。
It was then in sufficient forwardness to be out at the time proposed, as two other sheets were ready for striking off.
当时，它已足够提前在提议的时间发出，因为另外两张纸已准备好撕掉。
I had before told him, that if he thought he should be straitened for time, I could get part of the work done at another press, which he desired me not to do.
我之前曾告诉他，如果他认为时间紧迫，我可以在另一家出版社完成部分工作，但他希望我不要这样做。
In this manner the work stood on the Tuesday fortnight preceding the meeting of Parliament, when all at once, without any previous intimation, though I had been with him the evening before, he sent me, by one of his workmen, all the remaining copy, declining to go on with the work on any consideration.
就这样，这项工作在议会会议之前的两周星期二进行了，尽管我前一天晚上和他在一起，但在没有任何事先暗示的情况下，他突然通过他的一名工人向我发送了所有剩余的副本，拒绝继续进行这项工作。
To account for this extraordinary conduct I was totally at a loss, as he stopped at the part where the arguments on systems and principles of government closed, and where the plan for the reduction of taxes, the education of children, and the support of the poor and the aged begins; and still more especially, as he had, at the time of his beginning to print, and before he had seen the whole copy, offered a thousand pounds for the copy-right, together with the future copy-right of the former part of the Rights of Man.
为了解释这种非同寻常的行为，我完全不知所措，因为他停在关于政府制度和原则的争论结束的部分，以及减税、儿童教育、扶贫和老年人的计划开始的地方；更特别的是，正如他在开始印刷时，在他看到整个副本之前，出价一千英镑购买版权以及《人权》前一部分的未来版权一样。
I told the person who brought me this offer that I should not accept it, and wished it not to be renewed, giving him as my reason, that though I believed the printer to be an honest man, I would never put it in the power of any printer or publisher to suppress or alter a work of mine, by making him master of the copy, or give to him the right of selling it to any minister, or to any other person, or to treat as a mere matter of traffic, that which I intended should operate as a principle.
我告诉给我这个提议的人，我不应该接受这个提议，并希望不要续约，我的理由是，虽然我相信印刷商是一个诚实的人，但我永远不会让任何印刷商或出版商有权力压制或改变我的作品，让他成为副本的主人，或给予他将其出售给任何部长或任何其他人的权利，或将其视为纯粹的交易问题，我的意图应该作为一项原则。
His refusal to complete the work (which he could not purchase) obliged me to seek for another printer, and this of consequence would throw the publication back till after the meeting of Parliament, otherways it would have appeared that Mr. Pitt had only taken up a part of the plan which I had more fully stated.
他拒绝完成这部作品（他无法购买），迫使我寻找另一家印刷商，结果就是将出版物推迟到议会会议之后，否则皮特先生似乎只完成了我已更详细阐述的计划的一部分。
Whether that gentleman, or any other, had seen the work, or any part of it, is more than I have authority to say.
那位先生或任何其他人是否看过这部作品或其中的任何部分，我没有权力说。
But the manner in which the work was returned, and the particular time at which this was done, and that after the offers he had made, are suspicious circumstances.
但作品退回的方式、退回的具体时间以及他提出报价后的情况，都是可疑的情况。
I know what the opinion of booksellers and publishers is upon such a case, but as to my own opinion, I choose to make no declaration.
我知道书商和出版商对这种情况的看法，但至于我自己的看法，我选择不发表任何声明。
There are many ways by which proof sheets may be procured by other persons before a work publicly appears; to which I shall add a certain circumstance, which is,
在作品公开发表之前，其他人可以通过多种方式获取校样；我要补充一个特定的情况，那就是，
A ministerial bookseller in Piccadilly who has been employed, as common report says, by a clerk of one of the boards closely connected with the ministry (the board of trade and plantation, of which Hawkesbury is president) to publish what he calls my Life, (I wish his own life and those of the cabinet were as good), used to have his books printed at the same printing-office that I employed; but when the former part of Rights of Man came out, he took his work away in dudgeon; and about a week or ten days before the printer returned my copy, he came to make him an offer of his work again, which was accepted.
皮卡迪利的一位部长级书商，正如常见的报道所说，受雇于与该部关系密切的一个委员会（贸易和种植园委员会，霍克斯伯里担任主席）的一名职员，出版他所谓的《我的生活》（我希望他自己的生活和内阁的生活一样好），他的书过去常常在我雇用的同一家印刷厂印刷。但当《人权》的前一部分问世后，他怒气冲冲地撤走了自己的作品。大约在印刷商退还我的副本前一周或十天，他再次向他提出了他的作品的报价，并且被接受了。
This would consequently give him admission into the printing-office where the sheets of this work were then lying; and as booksellers and printers are free with each other, he would have the opportunity of seeing what was going on.--Be the case, however, as it may, Mr. Pitt's plan, little and diminutive as it is, would have made a very awkward appearance, had this work appeared at the time the printer had engaged to finish it.
这样他就可以进入印刷厂，当时这部作品的纸张就放在那里。由于书商和印刷商彼此之间是自由的，他将有机会了解正在发生的事情。——然而，事实可能是这样，皮特先生的计划虽然很小，但如果这本书在印刷商订约完成的时候出版的话，它的外观会显得非常尴尬。
I have now stated the particulars which occasioned the delay, from the proposal to purchase, to the refusal to print.
我现在已经说明了导致延迟的细节，从提议购买到拒绝打印。
If all the Gentlemen are innocent, it is very unfortunate for them that such a variety of suspicious circumstances should, without any design, arrange themselves together.
如果诸位先生都是清白的，那么如此多的可疑情况毫无计划地安排在一起，对他们来说是非常不幸的。
Having now finished this part, I will conclude with stating another circumstance.
讲完这一部分，我想再讲一个情况。
About a fortnight or three weeks before the meeting of Parliament, a small addition, amounting to about twelve shillings and sixpence a year, was made to the pay of the soldiers, or rather their pay was docked so much less.
大约在议会开会前两周或三周，士兵们的工资被增加了一小部分，每年大约十二先令六便士，或者更确切地说，他们的工资被扣得少得多。
Some Gentlemen who knew, in part, that this work would contain a plan of reforms respecting the oppressed condition of soldiers, wished me to add a note to the work, signifying that the part upon that subject had been in the printer's hands some weeks before that addition of pay was proposed.
一些先生们部分地知道这部作品将包含一项尊重士兵受压迫状况的改革计划，他们希望我在这部作品中添加一个注释，表明有关该主题的部分在提议增加工资的几周前已经在印刷者手中了。
I declined doing this, lest it should be interpreted into an air of vanity, or an endeavour to excite suspicion (for which perhaps there might be no grounds) that some of the government gentlemen had, by some means or other, made out what this work would contain: and had not the printing been interrupted so as to occasion a delay beyond the time fixed for publication, nothing contained in this appendix would have appeared.
我拒绝这样做，以免它被解释为虚荣的气氛，或者试图引起怀疑（也许没有理由），认为一些政府先生通过某种方式弄清楚了本书的内容：如果不是印刷被中断，导致超出预定的出版时间，那么本附录中的任何内容都不会出现。
Thomas Paine
托马斯·潘恩
THE AUTHOR'S NOTES FOR PART ONE AND PART TWO
第一部分和第二部分的作者注释
[Footnote 1: The main and uniform maxim of the judges is, the greater the truth the greater the libel.]
[脚注1：法官的主要且统一的格言是，事实越大，诽谤越大。]
[Footnote 2: Since writing the above, two other places occur in Mr. Burke's pamphlet in which the name of the Bastille is mentioned, but in the same manner.
[脚注2：写完上述内容后，伯克先生的小册子中还有两处提到了巴士底狱的名称，但方式相同。
In the one he introduces it in a sort of obscure question, and asks: "Will any ministers who now serve such a king, with but a decent appearance of respect, cordially obey the orders of those whom but the other day, in his name, they had committed to the Bastille?" In the other the taking it is mentioned as implying criminality in the French guards, who assisted in demolishing it.
在一篇文章中，他以一种晦涩难懂的问题介绍了这一点，并问道：“现在为这样一位国王服务的任何部长，除了表现得体面的尊重外，是否会真诚地服从那些在前几天以他的名义投入巴士底狱的人的命令？”另一篇文章中提到，占领它暗示了协助拆除它的法国警卫的犯罪行为。
"They have not," says he, "forgot the taking the king's castles at Paris." This is Mr. Burke, who pretends to write on constitutional freedom.]
“他们没有忘记，”他说，“占领了巴黎国王的城堡。”这是伯克先生，他假装写的是宪法自由。]
[Footnote 3: I am warranted in asserting this, as I had it personally from M.
[脚注 3：我有理由断言这一点，因为我亲自从 M.
de la Fayette, with whom I lived in habits of friendship for fourteen years.]
de la Fayette，我和他有着十四年的友谊习惯。]
[Footnote 4: An account of the expedition to Versailles may be seen in No. 13 of the Revolution de Paris containing the events from the 3rd to the 10th of October, 1789.]
[脚注 4：对凡尔赛远征的描述可以在《巴黎大革命》第 13 期中看到，其中包含 1789 年 10 月 3 日至 10 日发生的事件。]
[Footnote 5: It is a practice in some parts of the country, when two travellers have but one horse, which, like the national purse, will not carry double, that the one mounts and rides two or three miles ahead, and then ties the horse to a gate and walks on.
[脚注 5：该国某些地区的一种做法是，当两个旅行者只有一匹马时，这匹马和国家钱包一样，不会携带两匹马，一个人在前面骑上两到三英里，然后将马拴在大门上并继续行走。
When the second traveller arrives he takes the horse, rides on, and passes his companion a mile or two, and ties again, and so on--Ride and tie.]
当第二个旅行者到达时，他牵着马继续前行，经过他的同伴一两英里，然后再次并列，如此循环——骑马并并列。
[Footnote 6: The word he used was renvoye, dismissed or sent away.]
[脚注 6：他使用的词是 renvoye，解雇或送走。]
[Footnote 7: When in any country we see extraordinary circumstances taking place, they naturally lead any man who has a talent for observation and investigation, to enquire into the causes.
[脚注7：当我们在任何国家看到异常情况发生时，自然会促使任何有观察和调查天赋的人去探究原因。
The manufacturers of Manchester, Birmingham, and Sheffield, are the principal manufacturers in England.
曼彻斯特、伯明翰和谢菲尔德的制造商是英格兰的主要制造商。
From whence did this arise?
这是从何而来的呢？
A little observation will explain the case.
稍微观察一下就能解释这个情况。
The principal, and the generality of the inhabitants of those places, are not of what is called in England, the church established by law: and they, or their fathers, (for it is within but a few years) withdrew from the persecution of the chartered towns, where test-laws more particularly operate, and established a sort of asylum for themselves in those places.
这些地方的主要居民和一般居民，并不属于英国所谓的依法建立的教会：他们或他们的祖先（因为这只是几年之内）退出了对特许城镇的迫害，在那里测试法更具体地运作，并在这些地方为自己建立了某种庇护所。
It was the only asylum that then offered, for the rest of Europe was worse.--But the case is now changing.
这是当时唯一提供的庇护所，因为欧洲其他地区的情况更糟。——但现在情况正在发生变化。
France and America bid all comers welcome, and initiate them into all the rights of citizenship.
法国和美国欢迎所有来者，并引导他们享有公民的所有权利。
Policy and interest, therefore, will, but perhaps too late, dictate in England, what reason and justice could not.
因此，政策和利益将在英国做出决定，但也许为时已晚，而理性和正义却无法做到这一点。
Those manufacturers are withdrawing, and arising in other places.
这些制造商正在退出，并在其他地方崛起。
There is now erecting in Passey, three miles from Paris, a large cotton manufactory, and several are already erected in America.
目前，距离巴黎三英里的帕西已经建立了一家大型棉花工厂，美国也已经建立了几家。
Soon after the rejecting the Bill for repealing the test-law, one of the richest manufacturers in England said in my hearing, "England, Sir, is not a country for a dissenter to live in,--we must go to France." These are truths, and it is doing justice to both parties to tell them.
在废除废除测试法的法案被否决后不久，英国最富有的制造商之一在我的听证会上说：“先生，英国不是一个适合持不同政见者居住的国家，我们必须去法国。”这些都是事实，告诉双方都是公平的。
It is chiefly the dissenters that have carried English manufactures to the height they are now at, and the same men have it in their power to carry them away; and though those manufactures would afterwards continue in those places, the foreign market will be lost.
主要是持不同政见者将英国制造业提升到了现在的高度，而这些人也有能力将他们带走。尽管这些制造商随后将在这些地方继续生产，但国外市场将会丧失。
There frequently appear in the London Gazette, extracts from certain acts to prevent machines and persons, as far as they can extend to persons, from going out of the country.
《伦敦公报》中经常出现某些阻止机器和人员（只要可以延伸到人员）出国的行为的摘录。
It appears from these that the ill effects of the test-laws and church-establishment begin to be much suspected; but the remedy of force can never supply the remedy of reason.
从这些看来，测试法和教会制度的不良影响开始引起人们的怀疑。但武力的补救措施永远无法提供理性的补救措施。
In the progress of less than a century, all the unrepresented part of England, of all denominations, which is at least an hundred times the most numerous, may begin to feel the necessity of a constitution, and then all those matters will come regularly before them.]
在不到一个世纪的时间里，英格兰所有没有代表的部分、所有教派（数量至少是人数最多的一百倍）可能会开始感受到制定宪法的必要性，然后所有这些问题都会定期摆在他们面前。
[Footnote 8: When the English Minister, Mr. Pitt, mentions the French finances again in the English Parliament, it would be well that he noticed this as an example.]
[脚注8：当英国大臣皮特先生在英国议会再次提到法国财政时，他最好注意到这一点作为例子。]
[Footnote 9: Mr. Burke, (and I must take the liberty of telling him that he is very unacquainted with French affairs), speaking upon this subject, says, "The first thing that struck me in calling the States-General, was a great departure from the ancient course";--and he soon after says, "From the moment I read the list, I saw distinctly, and very nearly as it has happened, all that was to follow."--Mr. Burke certainly did not see an that was to follow.
[脚注 9：伯克先生（我必须冒昧地告诉他，他对法国事务非常不熟悉）在谈到这个问题时说，“在给三级会议打电话时，让我印象深刻的第一件事是与古老的路线的巨大背离”；--他很快又说，“从我读到这份清单的那一刻起，我清楚地看到了，而且非常接近所发生的一切，接下来发生的一切。”--伯克先生。伯克当然没有看到接下来的事情。
I endeavoured to impress him, as well before as after the States-General met, that there would be a revolution; but was not able to make him see it, neither would he believe it.
在三级会议之前和之后，我都竭力让他相信将会有一场革命。但无法让他看到，他也不会相信。
How then he could distinctly see all the parts, when the whole was out of sight, is beyond my comprehension.
当整体看不见时，他怎么能清楚地看到所有的部分，这是我无法理解的。
And with respect to the "departure from the ancient course," besides the natural weakness of the remark, it shows that he is unacquainted with circumstances.
而对于“背离古道”，除了这句话本身的弱点之外，更说明了他不识时务。
The departure was necessary, from the experience had upon it, that the ancient course was a bad one.
从经验来看，这种偏离是必要的，因为古老的路线是一个糟糕的路线。
The States-General of 1614 were called at the commencement of the civil war in the minority of Louis XIII.; but by the class of arranging them by orders, they increased the confusion they were called to compose.
1614 年内战开始时，路易十三的少数派召集了三级会议；但由于按顺序排列它们，它们增加了它们被要求编写的混乱。
The author of L'Intrigue du Cabinet, (Intrigue of the Cabinet), who wrote before any revolution was thought of in France, speaking of the States-General of 1614, says, "They held the public in suspense five months; and by the questions agitated therein, and the heat with which they were put, it appears that the great (les grands) thought more to satisfy their particular passions, than to procure the goods of the nation; and the whole time passed away in altercations, ceremonies and parade."--L'Intrigue du Cabinet, vol. i.
《内阁阴谋》一书的作者在法国想到任何革命之前就曾撰文，在谈到 1614 年的三级会议时，他说：“他们让公众悬念了五个月；从其中提出的问题和提出的激烈程度来看，伟人（les grands）似乎更多地是为了满足他们特定的激情，而不是为了获得国家的利益；整个时间都在争吵、仪式和游行。”——《内阁阴谋》，卷。我。
p.
p。
329.]
329.]
[Footnote 10: There is a single idea, which, if it strikes rightly upon the mind, either in a legal or a religious sense, will prevent any man or any body of men, or any government, from going wrong on the subject of religion; which is, that before any human institutions of government were known in the world, there existed, if I may so express it, a compact between God and man, from the beginning of time: and that as the relation and condition which man in his individual person stands in towards his Maker cannot be changed by any human laws or human authority, that religious devotion, which is a part of this compact, cannot so much as be made a subject of human laws; and that all laws must conform themselves to this prior existing compact, and not assume to make the compact conform to the laws, which, besides being human, are subsequent thereto.
[脚注10：有一个想法，如果它在法律或宗教意义上正确地印在人们的脑海中，将防止任何人或任何团体或任何政府在宗教问题上出错；也就是说，在世界上出现任何人类政府机构之前，如果我可以这样表达的话，从一开始就存在上帝与人类之间的契约：并且，由于人个人与其创造者之间的关系和状况不能被任何人类法律或人类权威所改变，因此，作为该契约一部分的宗教信仰，也不能成为人类法律的主题；所有法律都必须符合这一先前存在的契约，而不是假设使契约符合法律，这些法律除了是人类的之外，也是随后的法律。
The first act of man, when he looked around and saw himself a creature which he did not make, and a world furnished for his reception, must have been devotion; and devotion must ever continue sacred to every individual man, as it appears, right to him; and governments do mischief by interfering.]
当人环顾四周，看到自己是一个并非由他创造的生物，以及一个为他所准备的世界时，他的第一个行为一定是奉献；奉献精神对每个人来说都必须始终是神圣的，因为看起来，对他来说是正确的。政府通过干预来造成危害。]
[Footnote 11: See this work, Part I starting at line number 254.--N.B.
[脚注 11：参见本作品第一部分，从第 254 行开始。--N.B.
Since the taking of the Bastille, the occurrences have been published: but the matters recorded in this narrative, are prior to that period; and some of them, as may be easily seen, can be but very little known.]
自占领巴士底狱以来，所发生的事件已被公布：但本叙述中记录的事件是在该时期之前的；其中一些，正如显而易见的那样，却鲜为人知。]
[Footnote 12: See "Estimate of the Comparative Strength of Great Britain," by G.
[脚注 12：参见“英国比较实力的估计”，G.
Chalmers.]
查默斯。]
[Footnote 13: See "Administration of the Finances of France," vol. iii, by M.
[脚注 13：参见《法国财政管理》，第 1 卷。三、M.
Neckar.]
内卡。]
[Footnote 14: "Administration of the Finances of France," vol. iii.]
[脚注 14：“法国财政管理”，卷。三.]
[Footnote 15: Whether the English commerce does not bring in money, or whether the government sends it out after it is brought in, is a matter which the parties concerned can best explain; but that the deficiency exists, is not in the power of either to disprove.
[脚注15：英国商业是否不带钱，还是带进来后政府发出去，是有关各方最能解释的事情；但任何一方都无法反驳这一缺陷的存在。
While Dr. Price, Mr. Eden, (now Auckland), Mr. Chalmers, and others, were debating whether the quantity of money in England was greater or less than at the Revolution, the circumstance was not adverted to, that since the Revolution, there cannot have been less than four hundred millions sterling imported into Europe; and therefore the quantity in England ought at least to have been four times greater than it was at the Revolution, to be on a proportion with Europe.
当普莱斯博士、伊登先生（现为奥克兰）、查默斯先生和其他人争论英国的货币数量是否比大革命时多或少时，人们没有注意到，自大革命以来，进口到欧洲的货币数量不可能少于四亿英镑；因此，英国的数量至少应该是大革命时的四倍，才能与欧洲保持同等比例。
What England is now doing by paper, is what she would have been able to do by solid money, if gold and silver had come into the nation in the proportion it ought, or had not been sent out; and she is endeavouring to restore by paper, the balance she has lost by money.
英国现在用纸币所做的事情，就是她本来可以用实体货币做的事情，如果黄金和白银按其应有的比例进入国家，或者没有被发送出去的话；她正在努力通过纸张来弥补因金钱而失去的平衡。
It is certain, that the gold and silver which arrive annually in the register-ships to Spain and Portugal, do not remain in those countries.
可以肯定的是，每年通过登记船到达西班牙和葡萄牙的黄金和白银不会留在这些国家。
Taking the value half in gold and half in silver, it is about four hundred tons annually; and from the number of ships and galloons employed in the trade of bringing those metals from South-America to Portugal and Spain, the quantity sufficiently proves itself, without referring to the registers.
以金、银各一半计算，每年约四百吨；从南美洲将这些金属运往葡萄牙和西班牙的贸易中所使用的船只和加仑的数量来看，数量足以证明这一点，而无需参考登记册。
In the situation England now is, it is impossible she can increase in money.
以英格兰现在的情况，不可能增加钱了。
High taxes not only lessen the property of the individuals, but they lessen also the money capital of the nation, by inducing smuggling, which can only be carried on by gold and silver.
高税收不仅减少了个人的财产，而且还通过诱导走私减少了国家的货币资本，而走私只能通过黄金和白银进行。
By the politics which the British Government have carried on with the Inland Powers of Germany and the Continent, it has made an enemy of all the Maritime Powers, and is therefore obliged to keep up a large navy; but though the navy is built in England, the naval stores must be purchased from abroad, and that from countries where the greatest part must be paid for in gold and silver.
英国政府通过与德国和欧洲大陆的内陆强国进行的政治斗争，与所有海上强国为敌，因此有义务维持一支庞大的海军；但是，尽管海军是在英国建造的，但海军物资必须从国外购买，而且大部分必须从金银支付的国家购买。
Some fallacious rumours have been set afloat in England to induce a belief in money, and, among others, that of the French refugees bringing great quantities.
英国流传着一些错误的谣言，以诱导人们相信金钱，其中包括相信法国难民带来了大量金钱。
The idea is ridiculous.
这个想法很荒谬。
The general part of the money in France is silver; and it would take upwards of twenty of the largest broad wheel wagons, with ten horses each, to remove one million sterling of silver.
法国的货币大部分是白银；需要二十辆以上最大的宽轮马车，每辆马车有十匹马，才能运走一百万英镑的白银。
Is it then to be supposed, that a few people fleeing on horse-back or in post-chaises, in a secret manner, and having the French Custom-House to pass, and the sea to cross, could bring even a sufficiency for their own expenses?
那么，是否可以认为，少数人骑马或乘坐马车秘密逃亡，经过法国海关，渡海，甚至可以满足自己的开支呢？
When millions of money are spoken of, it should be recollected, that such sums can only accumulate in a country by slow degrees, and a long procession of time.
当谈到数以百万计的金钱时，应该记住，这样的数额只能在一个国家缓慢地、经过很长一段时间才能积累起来。
The most frugal system that England could now adopt, would not recover in a century the balance she has lost in money since the commencement of the Hanover succession.
英国现在可以采用的最节俭的制度，也无法在一个世纪内恢复自汉诺威王位继承开始以来所失去的金钱平衡。
She is seventy millions behind France, and she must be in some considerable proportion behind every country in Europe, because the returns of the English mint do not show an increase of money, while the registers of Lisbon and Cadiz show an European increase of between three and four hundred millions sterling.]
她比法国落后七千万英镑，而且肯定比欧洲每个国家落后相当大的比例，因为英国造币厂的回报并没有显示货币增加，而里斯本和加的斯的登记册显示欧洲增加了三到四亿英镑。]
[Footnote 16: That part of America which is generally called New-England, including New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, and Connecticut, is peopled chiefly by English descendants.
[脚注 16：美国的那部分地区通常被称为新英格兰，包括新罕布什尔州、马萨诸塞州、罗德岛州和康涅狄格州，主要居住着英国后裔。
In the state of New-York about half are Dutch, the rest English, Scotch, and Irish.
在纽约州，大约一半是荷兰人，其余是英国人、苏格兰人和爱尔兰人。
In New-jersey, a mixture of English and Dutch, with some Scotch and Irish.
在新泽西州，混合了英语和荷兰语，还有一些苏格兰语和爱尔兰语。
In Pennsylvania about one third are English, another Germans, and the remainder Scotch and Irish, with some Swedes.
在宾夕法尼亚州，大约三分之一是英国人，另外还有德国人，其余是苏格兰人和爱尔兰人，还有一些瑞典人。
The States to the southward have a greater proportion of English than the middle States, but in all of them there is a mixture; and besides those enumerated, there are a considerable number of French, and some few of all the European nations, lying on the coast.
南部各州的英语比例高于中部各州，但所有这些州中都有混合的情况。除了所列举的国家之外，沿海还有相当多的法国国家和少数欧洲国家。
The most numerous religious denomination are the Presbyterians; but no one sect is established above another, and all men are equally citizens.]
数量最多的宗教教派是长老会。但没有一个教派高于另一个教派，所有人都是平等的公民。]
[Footnote 17: For a character of aristocracy, the reader is referred to Rights of Man, Part I., starting at line number 1457.]
[脚注 17：对于贵族角色，读者可参阅《人权》第一部分，从第 1457 行开始。]
[Footnote 18: The whole amount of the assessed taxes of France, for the present year, is three hundred millions of francs, which is twelve millions and a half sterling; and the incidental taxes are estimated at three millions, making in the whole fifteen millions and a half; which among twenty-four millions of people, is not quite thirteen shillings per head.
[脚注18：法国今年的评定税总额为三亿法郎，即一千二百万英镑；附带税估计有三百万，总共一千五百万半。在两千四百万人中，人均收入还不到十三先令。
France has lessened her taxes since the revolution, nearly nine millions sterling annually.
自革命以来，法国减少了税收，每年近九百万英镑。
Before the revolution, the city of Paris paid a duty of upwards of thirty per cent.
革命前，巴黎市缴纳了百分之三十以上的关税。
on all articles brought into the city.
所有带入城市的物品。
This tax was collected at the city gates.
这种税是在城门口征收的。
It was taken off on the first of last May, and the gates taken down.]
它于去年五月一日被起飞，大门也被拆除。]
[Footnote 19: What was called the livre rouge, or the red book, in France, was not exactly similar to the Court Calendar in England; but it sufficiently showed how a great part of the taxes was lavished.]
[脚注 19：法国所谓的“livre rouge”或“红皮书”与英国的宫廷日历并不完全相同；但这足以表明很大一部分税收是如何挥霍的。]
[Footnote 20: In England the improvements in agriculture, useful arts, manufactures, and commerce, have been made in opposition to the genius of its government, which is that of following precedents.
[脚注 20：在英国，农业、实用艺术、制造业和商业的进步是与政府的天才（即追随先例）相悖的。
It is from the enterprise and industry of the individuals, and their numerous associations, in which, tritely speaking, government is neither pillow nor bolster, that these improvements have proceeded.
这些改进是从个人的企业和工业以及他们的众多协会中取得的，在这些协会中，老话说，政府既不是枕头也不是支撑物。
No man thought about government, or who was in, or who was out, when he was planning or executing those things; and all he had to hope, with respect to government, was, that it would let him alone.
当他计划或执行这些事情时，没有人想到政府，或者谁在任，谁在下台；对于政府来说，他所希望的只是政府不会放过他。
Three or four very silly ministerial newspapers are continually offending against the spirit of national improvement, by ascribing it to a minister.
三四家非常愚蠢的部长级报纸不断地冒犯国家进步的精神，将其归咎于一位部长。
They may with as much truth ascribe this book to a minister.]
他们可能同样真实地将这本书归于一位牧师。]
[Footnote 21: With respect to the two houses, of which the English parliament is composed, they appear to be effectually influenced into one, and, as a legislature, to have no temper of its own.
[脚注21：就英国议会组成的两院而言，它们似乎实际上被影响为一，并且作为立法机关，没有自己的脾气。
The minister, whoever he at any time may be, touches it as with an opium wand, and it sleeps obedience.
牧师，无论他在任何时候是谁，只要像触碰鸦片魔杖一样触碰它，它就会服从。
But if we look at the distinct abilities of the two houses, the difference will appear so great, as to show the inconsistency of placing power where there can be no certainty of the judgment to use it.
但如果我们看看两院的不同能力，差异就会显得如此之大，以至于表明在无法确定使用权力的判断的情况下放置权力的不一致。
Wretched as the state of representation is in England, it is manhood compared with what is called the house of Lords; and so little is this nick-named house regarded, that the people scarcely enquire at any time what it is doing.
尽管英国的代表制度很糟糕，但与所谓的上议院相比，这就是男子气概。这座绰号为“房子”的房子很少受到人们的关注，以至于人们几乎不会在任何时候询问它在做什么。
It appears also to be most under influence, and the furthest removed from the general interest of the nation.
它似乎也受到最大的影响，并且与国家的总体利益相距最远。
In the debate on engaging in the Russian and Turkish war, the majority in the house of peers in favor of it was upwards of ninety, when in the other house, which was more than double its numbers, the majority was sixty-three.]
在关于参与俄罗斯和土耳其战争的辩论中，上议院中赞成的人数超过九十人，而另一议院（人数是其人数的两倍以上）的多数人是六十三人。]
The proceedings on Mr. Fox's bill, respecting the rights of juries, merits also to be noticed.
福克斯先生的法案的审理过程尊重陪审团的权利，也值得关注。
The persons called the peers were not the objects of that bill.
被称为“同侪”的人并不是该法案的对象。
They are already in possession of more privileges than that bill gave to others.
他们已经拥有比该法案赋予其他人更多的特权。
They are their own jury, and if any one of that house were prosecuted for a libel, he would not suffer, even upon conviction, for the first offense.
他们是自己的陪审团，如果该院的任何一个人因诽谤而被起诉，即使被定罪，他也不会因初犯而受到惩罚。
Such inequality in laws ought not to exist in any country.
这种法律上的不平等不应该存在于任何国家。
The French constitution says, that the law is the same to every individual, whether to Protect or to punish.
法国宪法规定，法律对每个人都是一样的，无论是保护还是惩罚。
All are equal in its sight.]
在它看来，一切都是平等的。]
[Footnote 22: As to the state of representation in England, it is too absurd to be reasoned upon.
[脚注22：至于英格兰的代表状况，这太荒谬了，无法推理。
Almost all the represented parts are decreasing in population, and the unrepresented parts are increasing.
几乎所有有代表性的部分的人口都在减少，而没有代表性的部分则在增加。
A general convention of the nation is necessary to take the whole form of government into consideration.]
为了考虑到整个政府形式，需要召开全国代表大会。]
[Footnote 23: It is related that in the canton of Berne, in Switzerland, it has been customary, from time immemorial, to keep a bear at the public expense, and the people had been taught to believe that if they had not a bear they should all be undone.
[脚注 23：据说，在瑞士伯尔尼州，自古以来就有以公费养一只熊的习俗，人们被教导相信，如果没有熊，他们就会完蛋。
It happened some years ago that the bear, then in being, was taken sick, and died too suddenly to have his place immediately supplied with another.
几年前，那只熊生了病，死得太突然，以至于他的位置无法立即得到另一只熊的补充。
During this interregnum the people discovered that the corn grew, and the vintage flourished, and the sun and moon continued to rise and set, and everything went on the same as before, and taking courage from these circumstances, they resolved not to keep any more bears; for, said they, "a bear is a very voracious expensive animal, and we were obliged to pull out his claws, lest he should hurt the citizens." The story of the bear of Berne was related in some of the French newspapers, at the time of the flight of Louis Xvi., and the application of it to monarchy could not be mistaken in France; but it seems that the aristocracy of Berne applied it to themselves, and have since prohibited the reading of French newspapers.]
在这段空位期间，人们发现玉米生长了，葡萄成熟了，太阳和月亮继续升起和落下，一切都和以前一样，从这些情况中获得勇气，他们决定不再饲养熊；他们说，因为“熊是一种非常贪婪的昂贵动物，我们不得不拔掉他的爪子，以免他伤害市民。”路易十六逃亡时期，一些法国报纸报道了伯尔尼熊的故事，在法国，将其应用于君主制是不会出错的。但伯尔尼的贵族们似乎把它应用到了自己身上，并从此禁止阅读法国报纸。]
[Footnote 24: It is scarcely possible to touch on any subject, that will not suggest an allusion to some corruption in governments.
[脚注 24：几乎不可能触及任何不暗示政府腐败的主题。
The simile of "fortifications," unfortunately involves with it a circumstance, which is directly in point with the matter above alluded to.]
不幸的是，“防御工事”的比喻涉及到一种与上述问题直接相关的情况。]
Among the numerous instances of abuse which have been acted or protected by governments, ancient or modern, there is not a greater than that of quartering a man and his heirs upon the public, to be maintained at its expense.
在古代或现代政府所实施或保护的众多虐待事件中，没有比将一个人和他的继承人分给公众并以公众为代价维持的事件更大的了。
Humanity dictates a provision for the poor; but by what right, moral or political, does any government assume to say, that the person called the Duke of Richmond, shall be maintained by the public?
人性要求为穷人提供食物；但是，任何政府凭什么权利（道德上或政治上的权利）可以说，这个被称为里士满公爵的人应该由公众维持呢？
Yet, if common report is true, not a beggar in London can purchase his wretched pittance of coal, without paying towards the civil list of the Duke of Richmond.
然而，如果普遍报道属实，那么伦敦的乞丐如果不向里士满公爵的民事名单付款，就无法购买他可怜的微薄的煤炭。
Were the whole produce of this imposition but a shilling a year, the iniquitous principle would be still the same; but when it amounts, as it is said to do, to no less than twenty thousand pounds per annum, the enormity is too serious to be permitted to remain.
即使这项征税的全部成果只是每年一先令，不公正的原则仍然是一样的；但当它达到每年不少于两万英镑时，正如据说的那样，其规模就太严重了，不能再继续下去了。
This is one of the effects of monarchy and aristocracy.
这是君主制和贵族制的影响之一。
In stating this case I am led by no personal dislike.
我陈述这个案例并不是出于个人的厌恶。
Though I think it mean in any man to live upon the public, the vice originates in the government; and so general is it become, that whether the parties are in the ministry or in the opposition, it makes no difference: they are sure of the guarantee of each other.]
虽然我认为靠公众生活对任何人来说都是意味着，但这种恶行却起源于政府。如此普遍的情况是，无论政党是内阁还是反对党，都没有什么区别：他们确信彼此的保证。]
[Footnote 25: In America the increase of commerce is greater in proportion than in England.
[脚注 25：在美国，商业增长的比例比英国更大。
It is, at this time, at least one half more than at any period prior to the revolution.
目前，这一数字比革命之前的任何时期至少多出一半。
The greatest number of vessels cleared out of the port of Philadelphia, before the commencement of the war, was between eight and nine hundred.
战争开始前，从费城港清理出来的船只数量最多为八到九百艘。
In the year 1788, the number was upwards of twelve hundred.
1788年，人数已超过1200人。
As the State of Pennsylvania is estimated at an eighth part of the United States in population, the whole number of vessels must now be nearly ten thousand.]
由于宾夕法尼亚州的人口估计占美国的八分之一，因此现在的船只总数必须接近一万艘。]
[Footnote 26: When I saw Mr. Pitt's mode of estimating the balance of trade, in one of his parliamentary speeches, he appeared to me to know nothing of the nature and interest of commerce; and no man has more wantonly tortured it than himself.
[脚注26：当我在一次议会演讲中看到皮特先生估算贸易平衡的方式时，我觉得他对商业的本质和利益一无所知；没有人比他自己更肆意地折磨它。
During a period of peace it has been havocked with the calamities of war.
和平时期，却饱受战乱摧残。
Three times has it been thrown into stagnation, and the vessels unmanned by impressing, within less than four years of peace.]
在不到四年的和平时间内，它已三次陷入停滞，船只无人操纵，令人印象深刻。]
[Footnote 27: Rev.
[脚注 27：修订版。
William Knowle, master of the grammar school of Thetford, in Norfolk.]
威廉·诺尔 (William Knowle)，诺福克郡塞特福德文法学校校长。]
[Footnote 28: Politics and self-interest have been so uniformly connected that the world, from being so often deceived, has a right to be suspicious of public characters, but with regard to myself I am perfectly easy on this head.
[脚注 28：政治和自身利益如此紧密地联系在一起，以至于世界因为经常被欺骗而有权对公众人物产生怀疑，但就我自己而言，我在这一点上非常轻松。
I did not, at my first setting out in public life, nearly seventeen years ago, turn my thoughts to subjects of government from motives of interest, and my conduct from that moment to this proves the fact.
大约十七年前，当我第一次踏入公共生活时，我并没有将我的思想从利益动机转向政府主体，我从那时起到现在的行为证明了这一事实。
I saw an opportunity in which I thought I could do some good, and I followed exactly what my heart dictated.
我看到了一个机会，我认为我可以做一些好事，并且我完全按照我的内心所指示的去做。
I neither read books, nor studied other people's opinion.
我既不读书，也不研究别人的意见。
I thought for myself.
我自己想。
The case was this:--
案件是这样的：——
During the suspension of the old governments in America, both prior to and at the breaking out of hostilities, I was struck with the order and decorum with which everything was conducted, and impressed with the idea that a little more than what society naturally performed was all the government that was necessary, and that monarchy and aristocracy were frauds and impositions upon mankind.
在美国旧政府停摆期间，无论是在敌对行动之前还是在爆发敌对行动时，我对一切行为的秩序和礼节感到震惊，并对这样一种想法印象深刻：比社会自然表现稍多一点的政府就是必要的政府，而君主制和贵族制是对人类的欺骗和强加。
On these principles I published the pamphlet Common Sense.
根据这些原则，我出版了小册子《常识》。
The success it met with was beyond anything since the invention of printing.
它所取得的成功是印刷术发明以来无与伦比的。
I gave the copyright to every state in the Union, and the demand ran to not less than one hundred thousand copies.
我把版权给了联邦的每个州，需求量不少于十万份。
I continued the subject in the same manner, under the title of The Crisis, till the complete establishment of the Revolution.
我以同样的方式继续这个主题，以《危机》为标题，直到革命完全建立。
After the declaration of independence Congress unanimously, and unknown to me, appointed me Secretary in the Foreign Department.
宣布独立后，国会一致任命我为外交部秘书，而我对此并不知情。
This was agreeable to me, because it gave me the opportunity of seeing into the abilities of foreign courts, and their manner of doing business.
这对我来说很满意，因为它让我有机会了解外国法院的能力以及他们做事的方式。
But a misunderstanding arising between Congress and me, respecting one of their commissioners then in Europe, Mr. Silas Deane, I resigned the office, and declined at the same time the pecuniary offers made by the Ministers of France and Spain, M.
但由于国会和我之间产生了误解，出于对当时在欧洲的一位委员塞拉斯·迪恩先生的尊重，我辞去了职务，同时拒绝了法国和西班牙部长先生提出的金钱提议。
Gerald and Don Juan Mirralles.] I had by this time so completely gained the ear and confidence of America, and my own independence was become so visible, as to give me a range in political writing beyond, perhaps, what any man ever possessed in any country, and, what is more extraordinary, I held it undiminished to the end of the war, and enjoy it in the same manner to the present moment.
杰拉尔德和唐·胡安·米拉莱斯。]此时，我已经完全赢得了美国的倾听和信任，我自己的独立性也变得如此明显，以至于我的政治写作范围可能超出了任何国家任何人所拥有的范围，而且，更非凡的是，我一直保持着它，直到战争结束，并以同样的方式享受它。
As my object was not myself, I set out with the determination, and happily with the disposition, of not being moved by praise or censure, friendship or calumny, nor of being drawn from my purpose by any personal altercation, and the man who cannot do this is not fit for a public character.
由于我的对象不是我自己，所以我带着这样的决心和愉快的心情出发：不因赞扬或责难、友谊或诽谤而动摇，也不因任何个人的争吵而偏离我的目的，而做不到这一点的人就不适合公众人物。
When the war ended I went from Philadelphia to Borden-Town, on the east bank of the Delaware, where I have a small place.
战争结束后，我从费城来到特拉华东岸的博登镇，在那里我有一个小地方。
Congress was at this time at Prince-Town, fifteen miles distant, and General Washington had taken his headquarters at Rocky Hill, within the neighbourhood of Congress, for the purpose of resigning up his commission (the object for which he accepted it being accomplished), and of retiring to private life.
此时，国会在距离十五英里的普林斯镇，华盛顿将军已将总部设在国会附近的洛基山，目的是辞去他的委任状（他接受委任状的目的已经完成），并退休过私人生活。
While he was on this business he wrote me the letter which I here subjoin:
当他从事这项业务时，他给我写了一封信，我在此附上：
"Rocky-Hill, Sept.
“洛基山，九月。
10, 1783.
1783 年 10 月。
"I have learned since I have been at this place that you are at Borden-Town.
“自从我来到这个地方，我就知道你在博登镇。
Whether for the sake of retirement or economy I know not.
是为了退休还是为了经济我不知道。
Be it for either, for both, or whatever it may, if you will come to this place, and partake with me, I shall be exceedingly happy to see you at it.
无论是两者之一，还是无论什么，如果你能来到这个地方，和我一起参与，我将非常高兴见到你。
"Your presence may remind Congress of your past services to this country, and if it is in my power to impress them, command my best exertions with freedom, as they will be rendered cheerfully by one who entertains a lively sense of the importance of your works, and who, with much pleasure, subscribes himself, Your sincere friend,
“你的到来可能会提醒国会你过去为这个国家所做的贡献，如果我有能力给他们留下深刻的印象，请自由地指挥我最好的努力，因为这些工作将由一个对你的工作的重要性有生动的认识的人愉快地提供，并且他非常高兴地订阅自己，你真诚的朋友，
G.
G。
Washington."
华盛顿。”
During the war, in the latter end of the year 1780, I formed to myself a design of coming over to England, and communicated it to General Greene, who was then in Philadelphia on his route to the southward, General Washington being then at too great a distance to communicate with immediately.
战争期间，1780年底，我给自己制定了一个前往英国的计划，并将其传达给格林将军，当时格林将军正在费城南下途中，华盛顿将军距离太远，无法立即联系。
I was strongly impressed with the idea that if I could get over to England without being known, and only remain in safety till I could get out a publication, that I could open the eyes of the country with respect to the madness and stupidity of its Government.
我对这个想法印象深刻，如果我能在不被人知道的情况下到达英国，并且只有在我能出版一份出版物之前保持安全，我就能让这个国家看到政府的疯狂和愚蠢。
I saw that the parties in Parliament had pitted themselves as far as they could go, and could make no new impressions on each other.
我看到议会中的各党派已经竭尽全力，无法给彼此留下新的印象。
General Greene entered fully into my views, but the affair of Arnold and Andre happening just after, he changed his mind, under strong apprehensions for my safety, wrote very pressingly to me from Annapolis, in Maryland, to give up the design, which, with some reluctance, I did.
格林将军完全同意我的观点，但阿诺德和安德烈的事情发生后不久，他改变了主意，出于对我安全的强烈担忧，他从马里兰州的安纳波利斯非常迫切地写信给我，要求放弃这个设计，我有些不情愿地这么做了。
Soon after this I accompanied Colonel Lawrens, son of Mr. Lawrens, who was then in the Tower, to France on business from Congress.
此后不久，我陪同当时在伦敦塔的劳伦斯先生的儿子劳伦斯上校因国会事务前往法国。
We landed at L'orient, and while I remained there, he being gone forward, a circumstance occurred that renewed my former design.
我们降落在东方号，当我留在那里，他在前进时，发生了一个情况，更新了我以前的设计。
An English packet from Falmouth to New York, with the Government dispatches on board, was brought into L'orient.
一个从法尔茅斯到纽约的英国邮包，连同船上的政府急件，被带入东方。
That a packet should be taken is no extraordinary thing, but that the dispatches should be taken with it will scarcely be credited, as they are always slung at the cabin window in a bag loaded with cannon-ball, and ready to be sunk at a moment.
拿走一个包裹并不是什么稀奇的事情，但拿走急件就很难被相信了，因为它们总是装在装满炮弹的袋子里挂在机舱窗户上，随时准备被击沉。
The fact, however, is as I have stated it, for the dispatches came into my hands, and I read them.
然而，事实正如我所说的那样，这些电报到了我的手里，我也读了它们。
The capture, as I was informed, succeeded by the following stratagem:--The captain of the "Madame" privateer, who spoke English, on coming up with the packet, passed himself for the captain of an English frigate, and invited the captain of the packet on board, which, when done, he sent some of his own hands back, and he secured the mail.
据我所知，这次捕获是通过以下策略成功的：会说英语的“夫人”号私掠船的船长在收到包裹后，冒充英国护卫舰的船长，并邀请包裹的船长上船，完成后，他派了一些自己的手回来，并确保了邮件。
But be the circumstance of the capture what it may, I speak with certainty as to the Government dispatches.
但无论捕获的情况如何，我都可以肯定地谈到政府的派遣。
They were sent up to Paris to Count Vergennes, and when Colonel Lawrens and myself returned to America we took the originals to Congress.
它们被送到巴黎交给维尔根斯伯爵，劳伦斯上校和我回到美国后，我们将原件带到了国会。
By these dispatches I saw into the stupidity of the English Cabinet far more than I otherwise could have done, and I renewed my former design.
通过这些电报，我比我原本所能看到的更清楚地看到了英国内阁的愚蠢，并且我更新了我以前的设计。
But Colonel Lawrens was so unwilling to return alone, more especially as, among other matters, we had a charge of upwards of two hundred thousand pounds sterling in money, that I gave in to his wishes, and finally gave up my plan.
但劳伦斯上校不愿意独自返回，尤其是我们的费用高达二十万英镑以上，所以我屈服于他的意愿，最终放弃了我的计划。
But I am now certain that if I could have executed it that it would not have been altogether unsuccessful.]
但我现在确信，如果我能够执行它，它就不会完全成功。]
[Footnote 29: It is difficult to account for the origin of charter and corporation towns, unless we suppose them to have arisen out of, or been connected with, some species of garrison service.
[脚注 29：很难解释特许城镇和公司城镇的起源，除非我们假设它们源于某些类型的驻军服务或与之相关。
The times in which they began justify this idea.
他们开始的时代证明了这个想法的合理性。
The generality of those towns have been garrisons, and the corporations were charged with the care of the gates of the towns, when no military garrison was present.
这些城镇一般都设有驻军，当没有驻军时，企业就负责看守城镇的大门。
Their refusing or granting admission to strangers, which has produced the custom of giving, selling, and buying freedom, has more of the nature of garrison authority than civil government.
他们拒绝或允许陌生人进入，从而产生了给予、出售和购买自由的习俗，与其说是民事政府，不如说是卫戍当局的性质。
Soldiers are free of all corporations throughout the nation, by the same propriety that every soldier is free of every garrison, and no other persons are.
士兵不受全国范围内所有团体的影响，就像每个士兵都不受任何驻军的影响一样，其他人也不受限制。
He can follow any employment, with the permission of his officers, in any corporation towns throughout the nation.]
经其官员许可，他可以在全国任何企业城镇从事任何工作。]
[Footnote 30: See Sir John Sinclair's History of the Revenue.
[脚注 30：请参阅约翰·辛克莱爵士 (Sir John Sinclair) 的《收入史》。
The land-tax in 1646 was L2,473,499.]
1646 年的土地税为 L2,473,499。]
[Footnote 31: Several of the court newspapers have of late made frequent mention of Wat Tyler.
[脚注 31：最近几家法庭报纸频繁提及瓦特·泰勒。
That his memory should be traduced by court sycophants and an those who live on the spoil of a public is not to be wondered at.
他的记忆被宫廷谄媚者和靠公众掠夺为生的人诽谤，这并不奇怪。
He was, however, the means of checking the rage and injustice of taxation in his time, and the nation owed much to his valour.
然而，他是制止他那个时代的愤怒和不公正税收的手段，国家在很大程度上归功于他的英勇。
The history is concisely this:--In the time of Richard Ii.
历史简述如下：——理查二世时代。
a poll tax was levied of one shilling per head upon every person in the nation of whatever estate or condition, on poor as well as rich, above the age of fifteen years.
全国每人征收一先令的人头税，无论其财产或状况如何，无论穷人还是富人，年龄在十五岁以上。
If any favour was shown in the law it was to the rich rather than to the poor, as no person could be charged more than twenty shillings for himself, family and servants, though ever so numerous; while all other families, under the number of twenty were charged per head.
如果法律有任何优惠的话，那也是对富人而不是穷人的，因为任何人都不能为自己、家人和仆人收取超过二十先令的费用，尽管数量如此之多。而其他二十人以下的家庭则按每人收费。
Poll taxes had always been odious, but this being also oppressive and unjust, it excited as it naturally must, universal detestation among the poor and middle classes.
人头税一直是令人厌恶的，但这也是压迫性的和不公正的，它自然会激起穷人和中产阶级的普遍厌恶。
The person known by the name of Wat Tyler, whose proper name was Walter, and a tiler by trade, lived at Deptford.
瓦特·泰勒（Wat Tyler）的名字叫沃特·泰勒（Wat Tyler），他的真名是沃尔特（Walter），是一名瓷砖工，住在德普特福德。
The gatherer of the poll tax, on coming to his house, demanded tax for one of his daughters, whom Tyler declared was under the age of fifteen.
人头税的征收者来到他家后，要求为他的一个女儿征税，泰勒声称她还不到十五岁。
The tax-gatherer insisted on satisfying himself, and began an indecent examination of the girl, which, enraging the father, he struck him with a hammer that brought him to the ground, and was the cause of his death.
收税员坚持要满足自己，并开始对女孩进行不雅检查，这激怒了父亲，他用锤子将他打倒在地，导致了他的死亡。
This circumstance served to bring the discontent to an issue.
这种情况导致不满情绪上升到一个问题上。
The inhabitants of the neighbourhood espoused the cause of Tyler, who in a few days was joined, according to some histories, by upwards of fifty thousand men, and chosen their chief.
附近的居民支持泰勒的事业，根据一些历史记载，几天之内就有超过五万人加入了泰勒的行列，并选出了他们的首领。
With this force he marched to London, to demand an abolition of the tax and a redress of other grievances.
他带着这股力量前往伦敦，要求废除税收并纠正其他不满。
The Court, finding itself in a forlorn condition, and, unable to make resistance, agreed, with Richard at its head, to hold a conference with Tyler in Smithfield, making many fair professions, courtier-like, of its dispositions to redress the oppressions.
法院发现自己陷入了绝望的境地，无法做出抵抗，同意以理查德为首，在史密斯菲尔德与泰勒举行会议，以朝臣的方式公平地表达了其纠正压迫的倾向。
While Richard and Tyler were in conversation on these matters, each being on horseback, Walworth, then Mayor of London, and one of the creatures of the Court, watched an opportunity, and like a cowardly assassin, stabbed Tyler with a dagger, and two or three others falling upon him, he was instantly sacrificed.
当理查德和泰勒在马背上谈论这些事情时，时任伦敦市长、宫廷人物之一的沃尔沃斯看到了一个机会，像一个胆怯的刺客一样，用匕首刺伤了泰勒，另外两三个人向他扑来，他立即被牺牲了。
Tyler appears to have been an intrepid disinterested man with respect to himself.
泰勒似乎是一个勇敢无私的人，对自己而言。
All his proposals made to Richard were on a more just and public ground than those which had been made to John by the Barons, and notwithstanding the sycophancy of historians and men like Mr. Burke, who seek to gloss over a base action of the Court by traducing Tyler, his fame will outlive their falsehood.
他向理查德提出的所有建议都比男爵们向约翰提出的建议更加公正和公开，尽管有历史学家和伯克先生这样的人阿谀奉承，他们试图通过诽谤泰勒来掩盖法院的卑鄙行为，但他的名声将比他们的谎言更长久。
If the Barons merited a monument to be erected at Runnymede, Tyler merited one in Smithfield.]
如果说男爵们值得在兰尼米德竖立一座纪念碑，那么泰勒就值得在史密斯菲尔德竖立一座纪念碑。]
[Footnote 32: I happened to be in England at the celebration of the centenary of the Revolution of 1688.
[脚注 32：我碰巧在英国参加 1688 年革命一百周年庆祝活动。
The characters of William and Mary have always appeared to be detestable; the one seeking to destroy his uncle, and the other her father, to get possession of power themselves; yet, as the nation was disposed to think something of that event, I felt hurt at seeing it ascribe the whole reputation of it to a man who had undertaken it as a job and who, besides what he otherwise got, charged six hundred thousand pounds for the expense of the fleet that brought him from Holland.
威廉和玛丽的性格总是显得令人厌恶。一个想消灭他的叔叔，另一个则想消灭她的父亲，以夺取权力。然而，当整个国家倾向于思考这一事件时，我感到很伤心，因为看到它把它的全部声誉归咎于一个人，这个人把这件事当作一项工作来承担，除了他本来得到的钱之外，他还收取了六十万英镑的费用，作为把他从荷兰运来的舰队的费用。
George the First acted the same close-fisted part as William had done, and bought the Duchy of Bremen with the money he got from England, two hundred and fifty thousand pounds over and above his pay as king, and having thus purchased it at the expense of England, added it to his Hanoverian dominions for his own private profit.
乔治一世采取了和威廉一样的铁拳手段，用他从英国得到的钱购买了不来梅公国，比他作为国王的工资高出了二十五万英镑，这样以牺牲英国为代价购买了不来梅公国，将其纳入了他的汉诺威领地，以谋取自己的私人利益。
In fact, every nation that does not govern itself is governed as a job.
事实上，每一个不进行自我治理的国家都被当作一项工作来治理。
England has been the prey of jobs ever since the Revolution.]
自革命以来，英国一直是就业的牺牲品。]
[Footnote 33: Charles, like his predecessors and successors, finding that war was the harvest of governments, engaged in a war with the Dutch, the expense of which increased the annual expenditure to L1,800,000 as stated under the date of 1666; but the peace establishment was but L1,200,000.]
[脚注33：查理像他的前任和继任者一样，发现战争是政府的收获，与荷兰人进行了一场战争，其费用使每年的支出增加到1666年所述的L1,800,000；但和平建立只有 L1,200,000。]
[Footnote 34: Poor-rates began about the time of Henry VIII., when the taxes began to increase, and they have increased as the taxes increased ever since.]
[脚注 34：贫困率大约在亨利八世时期开始，当时税收开始增加，此后随着税收的增加，贫困率也随之增加。]
[Footnote 35: Reckoning the taxes by families, five to a family, each family pays on an average L12 7s.
[脚注35：按家庭计算税款，五户一户，每个家庭平均缴纳L12 7。
6d.
6d.
per annum.
每年。
To this sum are to be added the poor-rates.
这笔钱还要加上不良利率。
Though all pay taxes in the articles they consume, all do not pay poor-rates.
尽管所有人都对他们消费的物品缴税，但并非所有人都缴纳低税率。
About two millions are exempted: some as not being house-keepers, others as not being able, and the poor themselves who receive the relief.
大约有两百万人获得豁免：一些人因为没有管家能力，另一些人因为没有能力，而穷人本身也获得了救济。
The average, therefore, of poor-rates on the remaining number, is forty shillings for every family of five persons, which make the whole average amount of taxes and rates L14 17s.
因此，其余人口的平均贫困率是每五口之家四十先令，这使得税收和税率的平均总额为 14 17 先令。
6d.
6d.
For six persons L17 17s.
可供六人使用 L17 17。
For seven persons L2O 16s.
可供七人使用的 L2O 16。
6d.
6d.
The average of taxes in America, under the new or representative system of government, including the interest of the debt contracted in the war, and taking the population at four millions of souls, which it now amounts to, and it is daily increasing, is five shillings per head, men, women, and children.
在新的或代议制的政府制度下，美国的平均税收（包括战争中所欠债务的利息）以及以四百万人口计算的平均税收（现在的数字是每人五先令，而且还在每天增加），无论男女老少。
The difference, therefore, between the two governments is as under:
因此，两国政府之间的差异如下：
England America L s.
英格兰美国 L s。
d.
d.
L s.
Ls。
d.
d.
For a family of five persons 14 17 6 1 5 0 For a family of six persons 17 17 0 1 10 0 For a family of seven persons 20 16 6 1 15 0
五口之家 14 17 6 1 5 0 六口之家 17 17 0 1 10 0 七口之家 20 16 6 1 15 0
[Footnote 36: Public schools do not answer the general purpose of the poor.
[脚注36：公立学校不满足穷人的普遍目的。
They are chiefly in corporation towns from which the country towns and villages are excluded, or, if admitted, the distance occasions a great loss of time.
他们主要居住在企业城镇，乡村城镇和村庄被排除在外，或者，如果承认的话，距离也会造成大量时间损失。
Education, to be useful to the poor, should be on the spot, and the best method, I believe, to accomplish this is to enable the parents to pay the expenses themselves.
教育要对穷人有用，就应该就地进行，而我认为，最好的方法就是让父母自己支付费用。
There are always persons of both sexes to be found in every village, especially when growing into years, capable of such an undertaking.
每个村庄里总能找到有能力从事这项事业的男女，尤其是长大了的人。
Twenty children at ten shillings each (and that not more than six months each year) would be as much as some livings amount to in the remotest parts of England, and there are often distressed clergymen's widows to whom such an income would be acceptable.
二十个孩子每人十先令（每年不超过六个月）相当于英格兰最偏远地区一些人的生活费，而且经常有一些陷入困境的牧师遗孀可以接受这样的收入。
Whatever is given on this account to children answers two purposes.
以此为目的给予儿童的任何东西都有两个目的。
To them it is education--to those who educate them it is a livelihood.]
对他们来说，这是教育——对那些教育他们的人来说，这是谋生手段。]
[Footnote 37: The tax on beer brewed for sale, from which the aristocracy are exempt, is almost one million more than the present commutation tax, being by the returns of 1788, L1,666,152--and, consequently, they ought to take on themselves the amount of the commutation tax, as they are already exempted from one which is almost a million greater.]
[脚注 37：根据 1788 年的纳税申报表 L1,666,152，对贵族阶层免征的销售啤酒税比目前的折算税多了近 100 万，因此，贵族们应该自己承担折算税的金额，因为他们已经免除了近 100 万的折算税。]
[Footnote 38: See the Reports on the Corn Trade.]
[脚注 38：参见玉米贸易报告。]
[Footnote 39: When enquiries are made into the condition of the poor, various degrees of distress will most probably be found, to render a different arrangement preferable to that which is already proposed.
[脚注39：当对穷人的状况进行调查时，很可能会发现不同程度的困境，从而提出比已经提出的安排更好的不同安排。
Widows with families will be in greater want than where there are husbands living.
有家庭的寡妇比有丈夫居住的寡妇更需要帮助。
There is also a difference in the expense of living in different counties: and more so in fuel.
不同县的生活费用也存在差异：燃料方面更是如此。
Suppose then fifty thousand extraordinary cases, at the rate of ten pounds per family per annum L500,000 100,000 families, at L8 per family per annum 800,000 100,000 families, at L7 per family per annum 700,000 104,000 families, at L5 per family per annum 520,000
假设有 5 万个特殊案件，按每个家庭每年 10 英镑计算 L500,000 100,000 个家庭，按每个家庭每年 L8 计算 800,000 100,000 个家庭，按每个家庭每年 L7 计算 700,000 104,000 个家庭，按每个家庭每年 L5 计算 520,000 个家庭
And instead of ten shillings per head for the education of other children, to allow fifty shillings per family for that purpose to fifty thousand families 250,000 ---------- L2,770,000 140,000 aged persons as before 1,120,000 ---------- L3,890,000
而不是每人十先令用于其他儿童的教育，而是为五万个家庭每个家庭提供五十先令 250,000 ---------- L2,770,000 140,000 名老年人 1,120,000 ---------- L3,890,000
This arrangement amounts to the same sum as stated in this work, Part II, line number 1068, including the L250,000 for education; but it provides (including the aged people) for four hundred and four thousand families, which is almost one third of an the families in England.]
这项安排的金额与本著作第二部分第 1068 行中所述的金额相同，其中包括用于教育的 L250,000；但它为四十四万四千个家庭提供了（包括老年人），这几乎是英格兰家庭的三分之一。]
[Footnote 40: I know it is the opinion of many of the most enlightened characters in France (there always will be those who see further into events than others), not only among the general mass of citizens, but of many of the principal members of the former National Assembly, that the monarchical plan will not continue many years in that country.
[脚注40：我知道，法国许多最开明的人物（总有一些人比其他人对事件看得更远），不仅是广大公民，而且是前国民议会的许多主要成员都认为，君主制计划不会在该国持续很多年。
They have found out, that as wisdom cannot be made hereditary, power ought not; and that, for a man to merit a million sterling a year from a nation, he ought to have a mind capable of comprehending from an atom to a universe, which, if he had, he would be above receiving the pay.
他们发现，正如智慧不能世袭一样，权力也不应该世袭。一个人每年从一个国家获得一百万英镑的报酬，他应该有一个能够理解从原子到宇宙的思想，如果他有的话，他将超越接受报酬。
But they wished not to appear to lead the nation faster than its own reason and interest dictated.
但他们不希望表现得比自己的理性和利益所要求的更快地领导国家。
In all the conversations where I have been present upon this subject, the idea always was, that when such a time, from the general opinion of the nation, shall arrive, that the honourable and liberal method would be, to make a handsome present in fee simple to the person, whoever he may be, that shall then be in the monarchical office, and for him to retire to the enjoyment of private life, possessing his share of general rights and privileges, and to be no more accountable to the public for his time and his conduct than any other citizen.]
在我就这个主题进行的所有谈话中，人们的想法始终是，当国家普遍认为这样的时刻到来时，光荣而慷慨的方法是，向将担任君主职务的人赠送一份可观的免费礼物，无论他是谁，然后让他退休享受私人生活，拥有他应得的一般权利和特权，并且不比任何其他人更要为他的时间和行为对公众负责。公民。]
[Footnote 41: The gentleman who signed the address and declaration as chairman of the meeting, Mr. Horne Tooke, being generally supposed to be the person who drew it up, and having spoken much in commendation of it, has been jocularly accused of praising his own work.
[脚注 41：作为会议主席签署该讲话和声明的绅士霍恩·图克 (Horne Tooke) 先生通常被认为是起草该讲话和宣言的人，并发表了很多赞扬的话，却被戏谑地指责为赞扬他自己的工作。
To free him from this embarrassment, and to save him the repeated trouble of mentioning the author, as he has not failed to do, I make no hesitation in saying, that as the opportunity of benefiting by the French Revolution easily occurred to me, I drew up the publication in question, and showed it to him and some other gentlemen, who, fully approving it, held a meeting for the purpose of making it public, and subscribed to the amount of fifty guineas to defray the expense of advertising.
为了让他摆脱这种尴尬，也为了避免他一再提及作者的麻烦（他也曾这样做过），我毫不犹豫地说，由于我很容易想到从法国大革命中受益的机会，所以我起草了这份出版物，并将其展示给他和其他一些先生，他们完全同意，召开了一次会议，以将其公开，并订阅了五十几尼的金额以支付广告费用。
I believe there are at this time, in England, a greater number of men acting on disinterested principles, and determined to look into the nature and practices of government themselves, and not blindly trust, as has hitherto been the case, either to government generally, or to parliaments, or to parliamentary opposition, than at any former period.
我相信，此时此刻，在英国，有更多的人按照无私的原则行事，决心研究政府本身的性质和做法，而不是像迄今为止的情况那样盲目地信任政府、议会或议会反对派，这比以往任何时期都多。
Had this been done a century ago, corruption and taxation had not arrived to the height they are now at.]
如果在一个世纪前就这样做了，腐败和税收还不会达到现在的高度。]
-END OF PART II.-
-第二部分结束-