On Liberty
On Liberty.
关于自由。
By John Stuart Mill.
作者：约翰·斯图尔特·密尔。
With an Introduction by W.
附有 W. 的介绍
L.
L。
Courtney, LL.D.
考特尼，法学博士
The Walter Scott Publishing Co., Ltd. London and Felling-on-Tyne New York and Melbourne
沃尔特·斯科特出版有限公司 伦敦、泰恩河畔费灵 纽约和墨尔本
_To the beloved and deplored memory of her who was the inspirer, and in part the author, of all that is best in my writings--the friend and wife whose exalted sense of truth and right was my strongest incitement, and whose approbation was my chief reward--I dedicate this volume.
谨以此书来纪念她，她是我所有优秀著作的启发者，也是她的部分作者，她是我的朋友和妻子，她崇高的真理和正义意识是我最强烈的激励，她的赞许是我的主要奖励，我谨以此书来纪念她的深爱和哀悼。
Like all that I have written for many years, it belongs as much to her as to me; but the work as it stands has had, in a very insufficient degree, the inestimable advantage of her revision; some of the most important portions having been reserved for a more careful re-examination, which they are now never destined to receive.
就像我多年来写的所有文章一样，它既属于她，也属于我。但就目前的工作而言，她的修订所带来的不可估量的优势还很有限。一些最重要的部分已被保留以进行更仔细的重新检查，但他们现在注定永远不会接受。
Were I but capable of interpreting to the world one-half the great thoughts and noble feelings which are buried in her grave, I should be the medium of a greater benefit to it than is ever likely to arise from anything that I can write, unprompted and unassisted by her all but unrivalled wisdom._
如果我能够向世界解释埋在她坟墓里的一半伟大思想和崇高感情，我就应该成为一种媒介，为世界带来比我所能写的任何东西都更大的利益，而无需她的几乎无与伦比的智慧的推动和帮助。
INTRODUCTION.
简介。
John Stuart Mill was born on 20th May 1806.
约翰·斯图尔特·密尔出生于 1806 年 5 月 20 日。
He was a delicate child, and the extraordinary education designed by his father was not calculated to develop and improve his physical powers.
他是一个娇弱的孩子，父亲设计的非凡教育并不是为了发展和提高他的体力。
"I never was a boy," he says; "never played cricket." His exercise was taken in the form of walks with his father, during which the elder Mill lectured his son and examined him on his work.
“我从来就不是个男孩，”他说。 “从来没有打过板球。”他的锻炼方式是与父亲一起散步，期间老穆勒给儿子讲课并检查他的工作。
It is idle to speculate on the possible results of a different treatment.
推测不同治疗方法可能产生的结果是毫无意义的。
Mill remained delicate throughout his life, but was endowed with that intense mental energy which is so often combined with physical weakness.
穆勒一生都很脆弱，但他被赋予了强烈的精神能量，而这种能量常常与身体虚弱相结合。
His youth was sacrificed to an idea; he was designed by his father to carry on his work; the individuality of the boy was unimportant.
他的青春被一个想法牺牲了；他被他的父亲设计来继续他的工作；男孩的个性并不重要。
A visit to the south of France at the age of fourteen, in company with the family of General Sir Samuel Bentham, was not without its influence.
十四岁时，与塞缪尔·边沁将军爵士的家人一起访问法国南部，这并非没有影响。
It was a glimpse of another atmosphere, though the studious habits of his home life were maintained.
尽管他仍保持着家庭生活的好学习惯，但还是看到了另一种气氛。
Moreover, he derived from it his interest in foreign politics, which remained one of his characteristics to the end of his life.
此外，他由此产生了对外国政治的兴趣，这一直是他生命的最后特征之一。
In 1823 he was appointed junior clerk in the Examiners' Office at the India House.
1823 年，他被任命为印度宫审查办公室的初级职员。
Mill's first essays were written in the _Traveller_ about a year before he entered the India House.
穆勒的第一篇文章是在他进入印度之家大约一年前写在《旅行者》上的。
From that time forward his literary work was uninterrupted save by attacks of illness.
从那时起，除了疾病的侵袭，他的文学创作从未中断。
His industry was stupendous.
他的工业是惊人的。
He wrote articles on an infinite variety of subjects, political, metaphysical, philosophic, religious, poetical.
他撰写的文章主题多种多样，包括政治、形而上学、哲学、宗教、诗歌。
He discovered Tennyson for his generation, he influenced the writing of Carlyle's _French Revolution_ as well as its success.
他为他这一代人发现了丁尼生，他影响了卡莱尔《法国大革命》的写作及其成功。
And all the while he was engaged in studying and preparing for his more ambitious works, while he rose step by step at the India Office.
他一边在印度办事处步步高升，一边一边埋头学习，为自己更雄心勃勃的作品做准备。
His _Essays on Unsettled Questions in Political Economy_ were written in 1831, although they did not appear until thirteen years later.
他的《政治经济学中未解决的问题论文集》写于 1831 年，尽管直到 13 年后才出版。
His _System of Logic_, the design of which was even then fashioning itself in his brain, took thirteen years to complete, and was actually published before the _Political Economy_.
他的《逻辑系统》的设计当时就在他的大脑中形成，花了十三年时间才完成，而且实际上是在《政治经济学》出版之前出版的。
In 1844 appeared the article on Michelet, which its author anticipated would cause some discussion, but which did not create the sensation he expected.
1844年，发表了一篇关于米什莱的文章，作者预计该文章会引起一些讨论，但并没有引起他所期望的轰动。
Next year there were the "Claims of Labour" and "Guizot," and in 1847 his articles on Irish affairs in the _Morning Chronicle_.
第二年，他发表了《劳工索赔》和《基佐》，1847 年，他在《纪事晨报》上发表了有关爱尔兰事务的文章。
These years were very much influenced by his friendship and correspondence with Comte, a curious comradeship between men of such different temperament.
这些年来，他与孔德的友谊和通信对他的影响很大，这是性格如此不同的人之间一种奇怪的同志情谊。
In 1848 Mill published his _Political Economy_, to which he had given his serious study since the completion of his _Logic_.
1848 年，穆勒出版了他的《政治经济学》，自完成《逻辑学》以来，他一直认真研究这本书。
His articles and reviews, though they involved a good deal of work--as, for instance, the re-perusal of the _Iliad_ and the _Odyssey_ in the original before reviewing Grote's _Greece_--were recreation to the student.
他的文章和评论虽然涉及大量工作——例如，在评论格罗特的《希腊》之前重温《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》的原著——但对学生来说却是一种娱乐。
The year 1856 saw him head of the Examiners' Office in the India House, and another two years brought the end of his official work, owing to the transfer of India to the Crown.
1856 年，他担任印度宫审查官办公室主任，又过了两年，由于印度移交给王室，他的官方工作结束了。
In the same year his wife died.
同年，他的妻子去世了。
_Liberty_ was published shortly after, as well as the _Thoughts on Parliamentary Reform_, and no year passed without Mill making important contributions on the political, philosophical, and ethical questions of the day.
不久之后，《自由》和《议会改革的思考》出版了，穆勒每一年都对当时的政治、哲学和伦理问题做出了重要贡献。
Seven years after the death of his wife, Mill was invited to contest Westminster.
妻子去世七年后，米尔受邀参加威斯敏斯特竞选。
His feeling on the conduct of elections made him refuse to take any personal action in the matter, and he gave the frankest expression to his political views, but nevertheless he was elected by a large majority.
他对选举进行的感受使他拒绝在此事上采取任何个人行动，并且他最坦率地表达了他的政治观点，但他仍然以绝大多数票当选。
He was not a conventional success in the House; as a speaker he lacked magnetism.
他在众议院并不是一个传统意义上的成功人士。作为一个演讲者，他缺乏吸引力。
But his influence was widely felt.
但他的影响力却被广泛感受到。
"For the sake of the House of Commons at large," said Mr. Gladstone, "I rejoiced in his advent and deplored his disappearance.
“为了整个下议院，”格莱斯顿先生说，“我对他的到来感到高兴，并对他的失踪感到遗憾。
He did us all good." After only three years in Parliament, he was defeated at the next General Election by Mr. W.
他对我们大家都有好处。”在议会任职仅三年后，他在下届大选中被 W.
H.
H.
Smith.
史密斯.
He retired to Avignon, to the pleasant little house where the happiest years of his life had been spent in the companionship of his wife, and continued his disinterested labours.
他退休到阿维尼翁，回到那座令人愉快的小房子，在妻子的陪伴下，他度过了一生中最幸福的时光，并继续他无私的劳动。
He completed his edition of his father's _Analysis of the Mind_, and also produced, in addition to less important work, _The Subjection of Women_, in which he had the active co-operation of his step-daughter.
他完成了他父亲的《心灵分析》的版本，除了不太重要的作品外，还创作了《妇女的服从》，其中他得到了继女的积极合作。
A book on Socialism was under consideration, but, like an earlier study of Sociology, it never was written.
一本关于社会主义的书正在考虑之中，但是，就像早期的社会学研究一样，它从未被写出来。
He died in 1873, his last years being spent peacefully in the pleasant society of his step-daughter, from whose tender care and earnest intellectual sympathy he caught maybe a far-off reflection of the light which had irradiated his spiritual life.
他于 1873 年去世，他在继女的愉快陪伴下平静地度过了最后的岁月，从继女的温柔关怀和真诚的知识同情中，他也许看到了照亮他精神生活的光芒的遥远反映。
The circumstances under which John Stuart Mill wrote his _Liberty_ are largely connected with the influence which Mrs. Taylor wielded over his career.
约翰·斯图尔特·密尔写《自由》的环境很大程度上与泰勒夫人对他的职业生涯的影响有关。
The dedication is well known.
其奉献精神是众所周知的。
It contains the most extraordinary panegyric on a woman that any philosopher has ever penned.
它包含了所有哲学家所写过的对女性最非凡的颂扬。
"Were I but capable of interpreting to the world one-half the great thoughts and noble feelings which are buried in her grave, I should be the medium of a greater benefit to it than is ever likely to arise from anything that I can write, unprompted and unassisted by her all but unrivalled wisdom." It is easy for the ordinary worldly cynicism to curl a sceptical lip over sentences like these.
“如果我能够向世界解释埋在她坟墓里的一半伟大思想和崇高情感，我就应该成为一种媒介，为世界带来比我所能写的任何东西都更大的利益，而无需她的几乎无与伦比的智慧的推动和帮助。”普通的世俗愤世嫉俗者很容易对这样的句子表示怀疑。
There may be exaggeration of sentiment, the necessary and inevitable reaction of a man who was trained according to the "dry light" of so unimpressionable a man as James Mill, the father; but the passage quoted is not the only one in which John Stuart Mill proclaims his unhesitating belief in the intellectual influence of his wife.
可能会有夸大的情绪，这是一个在父亲詹姆斯·米尔这样不受影响的人的“干光”下接受训练的人的必要和不可避免的反应；但约翰·斯图亚特·穆勒所引用的段落并不是唯一的一段，其中约翰·斯图尔特·密尔宣称他毫不犹豫地相信妻子的智力影响力。
The treatise on _Liberty_ was written especially under her authority and encouragement, but there are many earlier references to the power which she exercised over his mind.
关于《自由》的论文是特别在她的权威和鼓励下写成的，但早期有很多提到她对他的思想施加的力量。
Mill was introduced to her as early as 1831, at a dinner-party at Mr. Taylor's house, where were present, amongst others, Roebuck, W.
早在 1831 年，穆勒就在泰勒先生家里的一次晚宴上认识了她，当时出席的人包括罗巴克、W.
J.
J。
Fox, and Miss Harriet Martineau.
福克斯和哈里特·马蒂诺小姐。
The acquaintance rapidly ripened into intimacy and the intimacy into friendship, and Mill was never weary of expatiating on all the advantages of so singular a relationship.
这种相识迅速发展为亲密关系，而这种亲密关系又迅速发展为友谊，穆勒乐此不疲地阐述这种独特关系的所有优点。
In some of the presentation copies of his work on _Political Economy_, he wrote the following dedication:--"To Mrs. John Taylor, who, of all persons known to the author, is the most highly qualified either to originate or to appreciate speculation on social advancement, this work is with the highest respect and esteem dedicated." An article on the enfranchisement of women was made the occasion for another encomium.
在他的《政治经济学》著作的一些介绍副本中，他写下了以下致辞：——“致约翰·泰勒夫人，在作者所认识的所有人中，她是最有资格发起或欣赏有关社会进步的推测的人，谨向本书致以最高的敬意和敬意。”一篇关于妇女选举权的文章再次受到赞扬。
We shall hardly be wrong in attributing a much later book, _The Subjection of Women_, published in 1869, to the influence wielded by Mrs. Taylor.
我们将 1869 年出版的一本晚得多的书《妇女的服从》归因于泰勒夫人的影响，这一点不会错。
Finally, the pages of the _Autobiography_ ring with the dithyrambic praise of his "almost infallible counsellor."
最后，《自传》的书页充满了对他“几乎无误的顾问”的赞美。
The facts of this remarkable intimacy can easily be stated.
这种非凡的亲密关系的事实很容易说明。
The deductions are more difficult.
扣除的难度更大。
There is no question that Mill's infatuation was the cause of considerable trouble to his acquaintances and friends.
毫无疑问，密尔的迷恋给他的熟人和朋友带来了相当多的麻烦。
His father openly taxed him with being in love with another man's wife.
他的父亲公开指责他爱上了另一个男人的妻子。
Roebuck, Mrs. Grote, Mrs. Austin, Miss Harriet Martineau were amongst those who suffered because they made some allusion to a forbidden subject.
罗巴克、格罗特夫人、奥斯汀夫人、哈丽雅特·马蒂诺小姐等人都因为暗示了某个禁忌话题而遭受痛苦。
Mrs. Taylor lived with her daughter in a lodging in the country; but in 1851 her husband died, and then Mill made her his wife.
泰勒夫人和她的女儿住在乡下的一间住所里。但 1851 年，她的丈夫去世了，随后穆勒娶了她为妻。
Opinions were widely divergent as to her merits; but every one agreed that up to the time of her death, in 1858, Mill was wholly lost to his friends.
对于她的优点，人们意见分歧很大。但所有人都一致认为，直到 1858 年米尔去世时，他的朋友们已经完全失去了他。
George Mill, one of Mill's younger brothers, gave it as his opinion that she was a clever and remarkable woman, but "nothing like what John took her to be." Carlyle, in his reminiscences, described her with ambiguous epithets.
米尔的弟弟之一乔治·米尔认为她是一位聪明而杰出的女人，但“与约翰所认为的她完全不同”。卡莱尔在回忆录中用含糊的绰号描述了她。
She was "vivid," "iridescent," "pale and passionate and sad-looking, a living-romance heroine of the royalist volition and questionable destiny." It is not possible to make much of a judgment like this, but we get on more certain ground when we discover that Mrs. Carlyle said on one occasion that "she is thought to be dangerous," and that Carlyle added that she was worse than dangerous, she was patronising.
她“生动”、“虹彩”、“苍白、热情、悲伤，是保皇党意志和可疑命运的活生生的浪漫女英雄”。我们不可能做出这样的判断，但是当我们发现卡莱尔夫人有一次说过“她被认为是危险的”，并且卡莱尔补充说她比危险更糟糕，她是在居高临下时，我们就得到了更确定的依据。
The occasion when Mill and his wife were brought into close contact with the Carlyles is well known.
穆勒和他的妻子与卡莱尔家族的密切接触是众所周知的。
The manuscript of the first volume of the _French Revolution_ had been lent to Mill, and was accidentally burnt by Mrs. Mill's servant.
《法国大革命》第一卷的手稿被借给了米尔，不小心被米尔夫人的仆人烧毁了。
Mill and his wife drove up to Carlyle's door, the wife speechless, the husband so full of conversation that he detained Carlyle with desperate attempts at loquacity for two hours.
米尔和他的妻子开车来到卡莱尔家门口，妻子哑口无言，丈夫滔滔不绝，以至于他拼命地试图滔滔不绝地把卡莱尔扣留了两个小时。
But Dr. Garnett tells us, in his _Life of Carlyle_, that Mill made a substantial reparation for the calamity for which he was responsible by inducing the aggrieved author to accept half of the £200 which he offered.
但加内特博士在他的《卡莱尔一生》中告诉我们，穆勒通过说服受害的作者接受他所提供的 200 英镑中的一半，对他所造成的灾难做出了实质性的赔偿。
Mrs. Mill, as I have said, died in 1858, after seven years of happy companionship with her husband, and was buried at Avignon.
正如我所说，米尔夫人在与丈夫度过了七年幸福的陪伴后于 1858 年去世，并被埋葬在阿维尼翁。
The inscription which Mill wrote for her grave is too characteristic to be omitted:--"Her great and loving heart, her noble soul, her clear, powerful, original, and comprehensive intellect, made her the guide and support, the instructor in wisdom and the example in goodness, as she was the sole earthly delight of those who had the happiness to belong to her.
密尔为她的墓碑所写的铭文太具有特色，不容忽视：“她伟大而充满爱心的心，她高贵的灵魂，她清晰、强大、原创和全面的智力，使她成为指导者和支持者，智慧的导师和善良的榜样，因为她是那些有幸属于她的人唯一的尘世喜悦。
As earnest for all public good as she was generous and devoted to all who surrounded her, her influence has been felt in many of the greatest improvements of the age, and will be in those still to come.
她对所有公共利益都热心，对她周围的所有人都慷慨和奉献，她的影响力体现在这个时代的许多最伟大的进步中，并将继续影响到未来的进步。
Were there even a few hearts and intellects like hers, this earth would already become the hoped-for Heaven." These lines prove the intensity of Mill's feeling, which is not afraid of abundant verbiage; but they also prove that he could not imagine what the effect would be on others, and, as Grote said, only Mill's reputation could survive these and similar displays.
如果有几个像她一样的心灵和智慧，这个地球就已经成为人们所期盼的天堂了。”这些诗句证明了密尔的感情的强烈，这种感情不惧怕大量的废话；但它们也证明他无法想象这会对其他人产生什么影响，而且正如格罗特所说，只有米尔的声誉才能在这些和类似的展示中幸存下来。
Every one will judge for himself of this romantic episode in Mill's career, according to such experience as he may possess of the philosophic mind and of the value of these curious but not infrequent relationships.
每个人都会根据他可能拥有的哲学头脑和这些奇怪但并非罕见的关系的价值的经验，对密尔职业生涯中的这一浪漫插曲做出自己的判断。
It may have been a piece of infatuation, or, if we prefer to say so, it may have been the most gracious and the most human page in Mill's career.
这可能是一段迷恋，或者，如果我们更愿意这么说，这可能是密尔职业生涯中最亲切、最人性化的一页。
Mrs. Mill may have flattered her husband's vanity by echoing his opinions, or she may have indeed been an Egeria, full of inspiration and intellectual helpfulness.
米尔夫人可能通过附和丈夫的观点来迎合他的虚荣心，或者她可能确实是一个充满灵感和智力上的乐于助人的埃格里亚人。
What usually happens in these cases,--although the philosopher himself, through his belief in the equality of the sexes, was debarred from thinking so,--is the extremely valuable action and reaction of two different classes and orders of mind.
在这些情况下通常发生的事情——尽管哲学家本人由于他对性别平等的信仰而被禁止这样想——是两个不同阶层和思想秩序的极其有价值的行动和反应。
To any one whose thoughts have been occupied with the sphere of abstract speculation, the lively and vivid presentment of concrete fact comes as a delightful and agreeable shock.
对于任何一个思想一直沉浸在抽象思辨领域的人来说，具体事实的生动生动的呈现都会带来令人愉快和愉快的震撼。
The instinct of the woman often enables her not only to apprehend but to illustrate a truth for which she would be totally unable to give the adequate philosophic reasoning.
女人的本能常常使她不仅能够理解而且能够阐明一个她完全无法给出充分的哲学推理的真理。
On the other hand, the man, with the more careful logical methods and the slow processes of formal reasoning, is apt to suppose that the happy intuition which leaps to the conclusion is really based on the intellectual processes of which he is conscious in his own case.
另一方面，具有更仔细的逻辑方法和缓慢的形式推理过程的人很容易认为，跳出结论的快乐直觉实际上是基于他在自己的情况下意识到的智力过程。
Thus both parties to the happy contract are equally pleased.
因此，愉快合同的双方都同样高兴。
The abstract truth gets the concrete illustration; the concrete illustration finds its proper foundation in a series of abstract inquiries.
抽象的真理得到具体的说明；具体的例证在一系列抽象的探究中找到了适当的基础。
Perhaps Carlyle's epithets of "iridescent" and "vivid" refer incidentally to Mrs. Mill's quick perceptiveness, and thus throw a useful light on the mutual advantages of the common work of husband and wife.
也许卡莱尔的“彩虹色”和“生动”的形容词顺便指的是米尔夫人的敏锐洞察力，从而为夫妻共同工作的共同优势提供了有益的启示。
But it savours almost of impertinence even to attempt to lift the veil on a mystery like this.
但即使是试图揭开这样一个谜团的面纱，也几乎是无礼的。
It is enough to say, perhaps, that however much we may deplore the exaggeration of Mill's references to his wife, we recognise that, for whatever reason, the pair lived an ideally happy life.
也许足以说明，无论我们对穆勒对他妻子的夸大描述感到多么痛惜，我们都承认，无论出于何种原因，这两个人过着理想的幸福生活。
It still, however, remains to estimate the extent to which Mrs. Taylor, both before and after her marriage with Mill, made actual contributions to his thoughts and his public work.
然而，仍然需要估计泰勒夫人在与米尔结婚之前和之后对他的思想和公共工作做出的实际贡献的程度。
Here I may be perhaps permitted to avail myself of what I have already written in a previous work.[1] Mill gives us abundant help in this matter in the _Autobiography_.
在这里，我也许可以利用我在之前的作品中已经写过的内容。 [1]穆勒在《自传》中为我们提供了有关此事的大量帮助。
When first he knew her, his thoughts were turning to the subject of Logic.
当他第一次认识她时，他的思绪转向了逻辑学的主题。
But his published work on the subject owed nothing to her, he tells us, in its doctrines.
但他告诉我们，他出版的有关该主题的著作在其学说上与她无关。
It was Mill's custom to write the whole of a book so as to get his general scheme complete, and then laboriously to re-write it in order to perfect the phrases and the composition.
穆勒的习惯是写整本书，以便完成他的总体计划，然后费力地重写它，以完善短语和构图。
Doubtless Mrs. Taylor was of considerable help to him as a critic of style.
毫无疑问，泰勒夫人作为风格批评家对他有很大帮助。
But to be a critic of doctrine she was hardly qualified.
但她几乎没有资格成为教义的批评者。
Mill has made some clear admissions on this point.
穆勒在这一点上已经做出了一些明确的承认。
"The only actual revolution which has ever taken place in my modes of thinking was already complete,"[2] he says, before her influence became paramount.
在她的影响力变得至关重要之前，他说：“我的思维方式中发生的唯一一次真正的革命已经完成了。”[2]
There is a curiously humble estimate of his own powers (to which Dr. Bain has called attention), which reads at first sight as if it contradicted this.
对他自己的力量有一种奇怪的谦虚的估计（贝恩博士已提请注意），乍一看似乎与此相矛盾。
"During the greater part of my literary life I have performed the office in relation to her, which, from a rather early period, I had considered as the most useful part that I was qualified to take in the domain of thought, that of an interpreter of original thinkers, and mediator between them and the public." So far it would seem that Mill had sat at the feet of his oracle; but observe the highly remarkable exception which is made in the following sentence:--"For I had always a humble opinion of my own powers as an original thinker, _except in abstract science (logic, metaphysics, and the theoretic principles of political economy and politics.)_"[3] If Mill then was an original thinker in logic, metaphysics, and the science of economy and politics, it is clear that he had not learnt these from her lips.
“在我文学生涯的大部分时间里，我一直在履行与她相关的职责，从很早的时候起，我就认为这是我在思想领域有资格担任的最有用的部分，即原创思想家的解释者以及他们与公众之间的调解人。”到目前为止，穆勒似乎已经坐在了他的神谕脚下。但请注意以下句子中的一个非常显着的例外：“因为我一直对自己作为一个原创思想家的能力抱有谦卑的看法，_除了抽象科学（逻辑、形而上学以及政治经济学和政治学的理论原则）。”[3]如果密尔当时是逻辑学、形而上学以及经济和政治学方面的原创思想家，那么很明显，他不是从她的嘴里学到这些的。
And to most men logic and metaphysics may be safely taken as forming a domain in which originality of thought, if it can be honestly professed, is a sufficient title of distinction.
对于大多数人来说，逻辑和形而上学可以被安全地视为形成一个领域，在这个领域中，如果可以诚实地宣称思想的独创性，那么它就足以成为区别的称号。
Mrs. Taylor's assistance in the _Political Economy_ is confined to certain definite points.
泰勒夫人对政治经济学的帮助仅限于某些特定的方面。
The purely scientific part was, we are assured, not learnt from her.
我们确信，纯粹的科学部分不是从她那里学到的。
"But it was chiefly her influence which gave to the book that general tone by which it is distinguished from all previous expositions of political economy that had any pretensions to be scientific, and which has made it so useful in conciliating minds which those previous expositions had repelled.
“但主要是她的影响给这本书带来了一种总体基调，使之有别于之前所有自诩为科学的政治经济学阐述，并且使它在安抚那些先前的阐述所排斥的思想方面非常有用。
This tone consisted chiefly in making the proper distinction between the laws of the production of wealth, which are real laws of Nature, dependent on the properties of objects, and the modes of its distribution, which, subject to certain conditions, depend on human will....
这种语气主要在于正确地区分财富的生产规律和财富的分配模式，财富的生产规律是真正的自然规律，取决于物体的属性，而财富的分配模式在某些条件下取决于人类的意志……
_I had indeed partially learnt this view of things from the thoughts awakened in me by the speculations of St. Simonians_; but it was made a living principle, pervading and animating the book, by my wife's promptings."[4] The part which is italicised is noticeable.
我确实部分地从圣西蒙尼派的思辨所唤醒的思想中学到了这种对事物的看法。但在我妻子的推动下，它成为了一条活生生的原则，贯穿全书，为本书注入活力。”[4] 斜体部分很明显。
Here, as elsewhere, Mill thinks out the matter by himself; the concrete form of the thoughts is suggested or prompted by the wife.
在这里，和其他地方一样，密尔自己思考了这个问题。想法的具体形式是由妻子建议或促使的。
Apart from this "general tone," Mill tells us that there was a specific contribution.
除了这种“一般语气”之外，穆勒还告诉我们还有一个具体的贡献。
"The chapter which has had a greater influence on opinion than all the rest, that on the Probable Future of the Labouring Classes, is entirely due to her.
“关于劳动阶级可能的未来这一章对舆论的影响比其他所有章节都大，完全归功于她。
In the first draft of the book that chapter did not exist.
在本书的初稿中，该章并不存在。
She pointed out the need of such a chapter, and the extreme imperfection of the book without it; she was the cause of my writing it." From this it would appear that she gave Mill that tendency to Socialism which, while it lends a progressive spirit to his speculations on politics, at the same time does not manifestly accord with his earlier advocacy of peasant proprietorships.
她指出了这样一章的必要性，如果没有这一章，这本书将极其不完美。她是我写这本书的原因。”由此看来，她给了密尔一种社会主义倾向，虽然这给他的政治思考带来了进步精神，但同时又明显不符合他早期对农民所有制的主张。
Nor, again, is it, on the face of it, consistent with those doctrines of individual liberty which, aided by the intellectual companionship of his wife, he propounded in a later work.
从表面上看，这也不符合他在妻子的智力陪伴的帮助下在后来的著作中提出的个人自由的学说。
The ideal of individual freedom is not the ideal of Socialism, just as that invocation of governmental aid to which the Socialist resorts is not consistent with the theory of _laisser-faire_.
个人自由的理想并不是社会主义的理想，正如社会主义所诉诸的政府援助与自由放任理论并不相符一样。
Yet _Liberty_ was planned by Mill and his wife in concert.
然而《自由》是密尔和他的妻子共同策划的。
Perhaps a slight visionariness of speculation was no less the attribute of Mrs. Mill than an absence of rigid logical principles.
或许，米尔夫人的特点就是缺乏严格的逻辑原则，而带有一点点幻想。
Be this as it may, she undoubtedly checked the half-recognised leanings of her husband in the direction of Coleridge and Carlyle.
尽管如此，她毫无疑问地检查了她丈夫对柯勒律治和卡莱尔方向的半认可倾向。
Whether this was an instance of her steadying influence,[5] or whether it added one more unassimilated element to Mill's diverse intellectual sustenance, may be wisely left an open question.
这是否是她影响力稳定的一个例子，[5] 或者是否它为密尔多样化的智力支柱增添了一种未被同化的元素，也许明智地留下一个悬而未决的问题。
We cannot, however, be wrong in attributing to her the parentage of one book of Mill, _The Subjection of Women_.
然而，我们将密尔的一本书《妇女的屈从》归咎于她，这一点不可能是错误的。
It is true that Mill had before learnt that men and women ought to be equal in legal, political, social, and domestic relations.
诚然，密尔之前就知道男女在法律、政治、社会和家庭关系中应该平等。
This was a point on which he had already fallen foul of his father's essay on _Government_.
在这一点上，他已经与他父亲关于政府的文章发生了冲突。
But Mrs. Taylor had actually written on this very point, and the warmth and fervour of Mill's denunciations of women's servitude were unmistakably caught from his wife's view of the practical disabilities entailed by the feminine position.
但泰勒夫人实际上正是在这一点上写的，米尔对妇女奴役的谴责的热情和热情毫无疑问地从他妻子对女性地位所带来的实际残疾的看法中体现出来。
III.
三．
_Liberty_ was published in 1859, when the nineteenth century was half over, but in its general spirit and in some of its special tendencies the little tract belongs rather to the standpoint of the eighteenth century than to that which saw its birth.
《自由》出版于 1859 年，当时 19 世纪已过半，但就其总体精神和某些特殊倾向而言，这本小册子更属于 18 世纪的立场，而不是它诞生时的立场。
In many of his speculations John Stuart Mill forms a sort of connecting link between the doctrines of the earlier English empirical school and those which we associate with the name of Mr. Herbert Spencer.
约翰·斯图尔特·密尔在他的许多推测中，在早期英国经验学派的学说和我们与赫伯特·斯宾塞先生的名字联系在一起的学说之间形成了某种联系。
In his _Logic_, for instance, he represents an advance on the theories of Hume, and yet does not see how profoundly the victories of Science modify the conclusions of the earlier thinker.
例如，在他的《逻辑》中，他代表了休谟理论的进步，但并没有看到科学的胜利如何深刻地改变了这位早期思想家的结论。
Similarly, in his _Political Economy_, he desires to improve and to enlarge upon Ricardo, and yet does not advance so far as the modifications of political economy by Sociology, indicated by some later--and especially German--speculations on the subject.
同样，在他的《政治经济学》中，他希望改进和扩展李嘉图，但并没有像社会学对政治经济学的修改那样进步，这一点后来的一些——尤其是德国的——关于这个主题的推测表明了这一点。
In the tract on _Liberty_, Mill is advocating the rights of the individual as against Society at the very opening of an era that was rapidly coming to the conclusion that the individual had no absolute rights against Society.
在《自由》这本小册子中，密尔在一个时代刚开始时就主张个人相对于社会的权利，而这个时代很快就得出结论：个人没有相对于社会的绝对权利。
The eighteenth century view is that individuals existed first, each with their own special claims and responsibilities; that they deliberately formed a Social State, either by a contract or otherwise; and that then finally they limited their own action out of regard for the interests of the social organism thus arbitrarily produced.
十八世纪的观点是，个人首先存在，每个人都有自己特殊的要求和责任；他们故意通过合同或其他方式建立一个社会国家；最后，他们出于对由此任意产生的社会有机体的利益的考虑而限制了自己的行动。
This is hardly the view of the nineteenth century.
这绝不是十九世纪的观点。
It is possible that logically the individual is prior to the State; historically and in the order of Nature, the State is prior to the individual.
从逻辑上讲，个人可能优先于国家；从历史上和自然秩序来看，国家优先于个人。
In other words, such rights as every single personality possesses in a modern world do not belong to him by an original ordinance of Nature, but are slowly acquired in the growth and development of the social state.
换句话说，现代世界中每个人所拥有的权利并不是自然赋予他的，而是在社会国家的成长和发展中慢慢获得的。
It is not the truth that individual liberties were forfeited by some deliberate act when men made themselves into a Commonwealth.
当人们将自己变成一个联邦时，个人自由会因某种故意行为而被剥夺，这并不是事实。
It is more true to say, as Aristotle said long ago, that man is naturally a political animal, that he lived under strict social laws as a mere item, almost a nonentity, as compared with the Order, Society, or Community to which he belonged, and that such privileges as he subsequently acquired have been obtained in virtue of his growing importance as a member of a growing organisation.
更正确的说法是，正如亚里士多德很久以前所说的那样，人天生就是一种政治动物，与他所属的秩序、社会或共同体相比，他仅仅作为一个物品而生活在严格的社会法律之下，几乎是一个无足轻重的人，并且他随后获得的这些特权是由于他作为一个不断发展的组织的成员而日益重要而获得的。
But if this is even approximately true, it seriously restricts that liberty of the individual for which Mill pleads.
但即使这几乎是正确的，它也严重限制了密尔所主张的个人自由。
The individual has no chance, because he has no rights, against the social organism.
个人没有机会，因为他没有权利对抗社会有机体。
Society can punish him for acts or even opinions which are anti-social in character.
社会可以因为反社会的行为甚至观点而惩罚他。
His virtue lies in recognising the intimate communion with his fellows.
他的美德在于认识到与同伴的亲密交流。
His sphere of activity is bounded by the common interest.
他的活动范围受到共同利益的限制。
Just as it is an absurd and exploded theory that all men are originally equal, so it is an ancient and false doctrine to protest that a man has an individual liberty to live and think as he chooses in any spirit of antagonism to that larger body of which he forms an insignificant part.
正如“人人生而平等”是一种荒唐而爆炸性的理论一样，主张一个人拥有个人自由来生活和思考，并以任何与他所构成的更大群体对抗的精神对抗，这也是一种古老而错误的学说。
Nowadays this view of Society and of its development, which we largely owe to the _Philosophie Positive_ of M.
如今，我们对社会及其发展的这种看法，很大程度上要归功于 M. 的_积极哲学_。
Auguste Comte, is so familiar and possibly so damaging to the individual initiative, that it becomes necessary to advance and proclaim the truth which resides in an opposite theory.
奥古斯特·孔德（Auguste Comte）是如此熟悉，而且可能对个人主动性造成如此大的损害，以至于有必要推进和宣扬存在于相反理论中的真理。
All progress, as we are aware, depends on the joint process of integration and differentiation; synthesis, analysis, and then a larger synthesis seem to form the law of development.
我们知道，一切进步都取决于整合与分化的共同过程；综合、分析、再更大的综合似乎就形成了发展的规律。
If it ever comes to pass that Society is tyrannical in its restrictions of the individual, if, as for instance in some forms of Socialism, based on deceptive analogies of Nature's dealings, the type is everything and the individual nothing, it must be confidently urged in answer that the fuller life of the future depends on the manifold activities, even though they may be antagonistic, of the individual.
如果社会对个人的限制是专制的，如果，例如在某些形式的社会主义中，基于对自然行为的欺骗性类比，类型就是一切而个人什么都不是，那么我们必须自信地敦促回答，未来更充实的生活取决于个人的多种活动，即使它们可能是对立的。
In England, at all events, we know that government in all its different forms, whether as King, or as a caste of nobles, or as an oligarchical plutocracy, or even as trades unions, is so dwarfing in its action that, for the sake of the future, the individual must revolt.
无论如何，在英国，我们知道，各种形式的政府，无论是作为国王，还是作为贵族阶层，还是作为寡头财阀，甚至作为工会，其行动都是如此渺小，以至于为了未来，个人必须反抗。
Just as our former point of view limited the value of Mill's treatise on _Liberty_, so these considerations tend to show its eternal importance.
正如我们以前的观点限制了密尔关于自由的论文的价值一样，这些考虑也往往表明其永恒的重要性。
The omnipotence of Society means a dead level of uniformity.
社会的无所不能意味着死一般的统一。
The claim of the individual to be heard, to say what he likes, to do what he likes, to live as he likes, is absolutely necessary, not only for the variety of elements without which life is poor, but also for the hope of a future age.
个人要求被倾听、说他喜欢说的话、做他喜欢做的事、按照他喜欢的方式生活，这是绝对必要的，不仅是为了生活中缺乏各种元素，而且也是为了未来时代的希望。
So long as individual initiative and effort are recognised as a vital element in English history, so long will Mill's _Liberty_, which he confesses was based on a suggestion derived from Von Humboldt, remain as an indispensable contribution to the speculations, and also to the health and sanity, of the world.
只要个人的主动性和努力被认为是英国历史的一个重要因素，密尔的《自由》（他承认它是基于冯·洪堡的建议）就将长期作为对世界的思辨以及健康和理智不可或缺的贡献。
What his wife really was to Mill, we shall, perhaps, never know.
他的妻子对于密尔到底意味着什么，我们也许永远不会知道。
But that she was an actual and vivid force, which roused the latent enthusiasm of his nature, we have abundant evidence.
但她是一种真实而生动的力量，激发了他本性中潜在的热情，我们有充分的证据。
And when she died at Avignon, though his friends may have regained an almost estranged companionship, Mill was, personally, the poorer.
当她在阿维尼翁去世时，尽管他的朋友们可能重新获得了几乎疏远的友谊，但穆勒个人而言，却更加贫穷。
Into the sorrow of that bereavement we cannot enter: we have no right or power to draw the veil.
我们无法陷入丧亲之痛的悲伤之中：我们没有权利或权力揭开面纱。
It is enough to quote the simple words, so eloquent of an unspoken grief--"I can say nothing which could describe, even in the faintest manner, what that loss was and is.
引用那些简单的话就足够了，如此雄辩地表达了一种未言而喻的悲伤——“我无法用任何语言来描述，即使是以最微弱的方式，那种损失过去和现在是什么。
But because I know that she would have wished it, I endeavour to make the best of what life I have left, and to work for her purposes with such diminished strength as can be derived from thoughts of her, and communion with her memory."
但因为我知道她会希望如此，所以我努力充分利用我剩下的生活，并通过对她的思念和与她的记忆的交流，以微弱的力量为她的目的而努力。”
W.
W.
L.
L。
COURTNEY.
考特尼。
LONDON, _July 5th, 1901_.
伦敦，_1901 年 7 月 5 日_。
FOOTNOTES:
脚注：
[1] _Life of John Stuart Mill_, chapter vi.
[1]_约翰·斯图亚特·密尔的一生_，第六章。
(Walter Scott.)
（沃尔特·斯科特。）
[2] _Autobiography_, p.
[2] _自传_，p。
190.
190.
[3] _Ibid._, p.
[3] _同上_，p。
242.
242.
[4] _Autobiography_, pp.
[4] _自传_，第 14 页。
246, 247.
246、247。
[5] Cf.
[5] 参见。
an instructive page in the _Autobiography_, p.
_自传_中的一个指导性页面，第1页。
252.
252.
CONTENTS.
内容。
CHAPTER I.
第一章
PAGE INTRODUCTORY 1
页面介绍 1
CHAPTER II.
第二章。
OF THE LIBERTY OF THOUGHT AND DISCUSSION 28
思想和讨论自由 28
CHAPTER III.
第三章。
OF INDIVIDUALITY, AS ONE OF THE ELEMENTS OF WELL-BEING 103
个性，作为幸福的要素之一 103
CHAPTER IV.
第四章。
OF THE LIMITS TO THE AUTHORITY OF SOCIETY OVER THE INDIVIDUAL 140
第140章 社会权力对个人的限制
CHAPTER V.
第五章
APPLICATIONS 177
应用 177
The grand, leading principle, towards which every argument unfolded in these pages directly converges, is the absolute and essential importance of human development in its richest diversity.--WILHELM VON HUMBOLDT: _Sphere and Duties of Government_.
这些章节中展开的每一个论点都直接汇聚到的宏伟的主导原则是人类发展在其最丰富的多样性中的绝对和本质的重要性。--威廉·冯·洪堡：_政府的范围和职责_。
ON LIBERTY.
关于自由。
CHAPTER I.
第一章
INTRODUCTORY.
介绍性的。
The subject of this Essay is not the so-called Liberty of the Will, so unfortunately opposed to the misnamed doctrine of Philosophical Necessity; but Civil, or Social Liberty: the nature and limits of the power which can be legitimately exercised by society over the individual.
本文的主题不是所谓的意志自由，不幸的是，它反对错误命名的哲学必然性学说；而是公民或社会自由：社会可以对个人合法行使的权力的性质和限制。
A question seldom stated, and hardly ever discussed, in general terms, but which profoundly influences the practical controversies of the age by its latent presence, and is likely soon to make itself recognised as the vital question of the future.
这个问题很少被笼统地提出，也几乎没有被讨论过，但它的潜在存在深刻地影响了这个时代的实际争论，并且很可能很快就会被认为是未来的重要问题。
It is so far from being new, that in a certain sense, it has divided mankind, almost from the remotest ages; but in the stage of progress into which the more civilised portions of the species have now entered, it presents itself under new conditions, and requires a different and more fundamental treatment.
它远非新鲜事，从某种意义上说，它几乎从最遥远的时代就已经分裂了人类。但在人类中更文明的部分现在已经进入的进步阶段，它面临着新的条件，需要不同的、更根本的对待。
The struggle between Liberty and Authority is the most conspicuous feature in the portions of history with which we are earliest familiar, particularly in that of Greece, Rome, and England.
自由与权威之间的斗争是我们最早熟悉的历史部分中最显着的特征，特别是在希腊、罗马和英国的历史中。
But in old times this contest was between subjects, or some classes of subjects, and the government.
但在过去，这种竞争是在臣民或某些类别的臣民与政府之间进行的。
By liberty, was meant protection against the tyranny of the political rulers.
自由意味着免受政治统治者的暴政的保护。
The rulers were conceived (except in some of the popular governments of Greece) as in a necessarily antagonistic position to the people whom they ruled.
统治者被认为（希腊的一些人民政府除外）必然与他们所统治的人民处于敌对地位。
They consisted of a governing One, or a governing tribe or caste, who derived their authority from inheritance or conquest, who, at all events, did not hold it at the pleasure of the governed, and whose supremacy men did not venture, perhaps did not desire, to contest, whatever precautions might be taken against its oppressive exercise.
他们由一个统治者、一个统治部落或种姓组成，他们的权力来自于继承或征服，无论如何，他们的权力并不是被统治者所喜悦的，而且人们不会冒险，也许也不想去争夺他们的至高无上的地位，无论采取什么预防措施来反对其压迫性的行使。
Their power was regarded as necessary, but also as highly dangerous; as a weapon which they would attempt to use against their subjects, no less than against external enemies.
他们的权力被认为是必要的，但也非常危险。作为他们试图用来对付他们的臣民的武器，不亚于对付外部敌人。
To prevent the weaker members of the community from being preyed upon by innumerable vultures, it was needful that there should be an animal of prey stronger than the rest, commissioned to keep them down.
为了防止社会中较弱的成员被无数秃鹰捕食，需要有一种比其他人更强大的猛兽来镇压他们。
But as the king of the vultures would be no less bent upon preying on the flock than any of the minor harpies, it was indispensable to be in a perpetual attitude of defence against his beak and claws.
但是，由于秃鹰之王对捕食羊群的热衷并不亚于任何小型鹰身女妖，因此必须始终保持防御态度，以抵御他的喙和爪。
The aim, therefore, of patriots, was to set limits to the power which the ruler should be suffered to exercise over the community; and this limitation was what they meant by liberty.
因此，爱国者的目标是限制统治者对社会行使的权力。而这种限制就是他们所说的自由。
It was attempted in two ways.
人们以两种方式进行了尝试。
First, by obtaining a recognition of certain immunities, called political liberties or rights, which it was to be regarded as a breach of duty in the ruler to infringe, and which if he did infringe, specific resistance, or general rebellion, was held to be justifiable.
首先，通过获得对某些称为政治自由或权利的豁免权的承认，侵犯这些豁免权将被视为统治者的失职，如果他确实侵犯了这些豁免权，则特定的抵抗或普遍的叛乱就被认为是正当的。
A second, and generally a later expedient, was the establishment of constitutional checks; by which the consent of the community, or of a body of some sort, supposed to represent its interests, was made a necessary condition to some of the more important acts of the governing power.
第二个，通常是后来的权宜之计，是建立宪法检查。根据该法，社会或某种被认为代表其利益的机构的同意成为治理权力某些更重要行为的必要条件。
To the first of these modes of limitation, the ruling power, in most European countries, was compelled, more or less, to submit.
对于第一种限制模式，大多数欧洲国家的统治权力都或多或少地被迫屈服。
It was not so with the second; and to attain this, or when already in some degree possessed, to attain it more completely, became everywhere the principal object of the lovers of liberty.
第二个则不然。实现这一目标，或者在某种程度上已经实现这一目标的情况下，更彻底地实现这一目标，成为各地自由爱好者的主要目标。
And so long as mankind were content to combat one enemy by another, and to be ruled by a master, on condition of being guaranteed more or less efficaciously against his tyranny, they did not carry their aspirations beyond this point.
只要人类满足于用一个敌人与另一个敌人作战，并接受一个主人的统治，条件是或多或少有效地保证反对他的暴政，他们的愿望就不会超出这一点。
A time, however, came, in the progress of human affairs, when men ceased to think it a necessity of nature that their governors should be an independent power, opposed in interest to themselves.
然而，在人类事务的进步中，有一天人们不再认为他们的统治者应该是一个独立的权力，与他们自己的利益相对立，这是自然的必然。
It appeared to them much better that the various magistrates of the State should be their tenants or delegates, revocable at their pleasure.
在他们看来，国家的各个行政长官应该成为他们的佃户或代表，并可以随意撤销，这似乎要好得多。
In that way alone, it seemed, could they have complete security that the powers of government would never be abused to their disadvantage.
似乎只有这样，他们才能完全保证政府的权力永远不会被滥用而对他们不利。
By degrees, this new demand for elective and temporary rulers became the prominent object of the exertions of the popular party, wherever any such party existed; and superseded, to a considerable extent, the previous efforts to limit the power of rulers.
渐渐地，这种对选举和临时统治者的新要求成为民众政党努力的突出目标，无论任何地方存在这样的政党。并在很大程度上取代了以前限制统治者权力的努力。
As the struggle proceeded for making the ruling power emanate from the periodical choice of the ruled, some persons began to think that too much importance had been attached to the limitation of the power itself.
随着争取统治权源自被统治者的周期性选择的斗争的进行，一些人开始认为过于重视权力本身的限制。
_That_ (it might seem) was a resource against rulers whose interests were habitually opposed to those of the people.
_那_（看起来）是一种针对统治者的资源，统治者的利益习惯上与人民的利益相对立。
What was now wanted was, that the rulers should be identified with the people; that their interest and will should be the interest and will of the nation.
现在需要的是，统治者应该与人民认同；他们的利益和意志应该是国家的利益和意志。
The nation did not need to be protected against its own will.
国家不需要违背自己的意愿而受到保护。
There was no fear of its tyrannising over itself.
不用担心它会对自己施暴。
Let the rulers be effectually responsible to it, promptly removable by it, and it could afford to trust them with power of which it could itself dictate the use to be made.
如果统治者对它负责，并迅速被它罢免，那么它就可以信任他们拥有权力，而它自己也可以决定如何使用这些权力。
Their power was but the nation's own power, concentrated, and in a form convenient for exercise.
他们的权力只是国家自己的权力，是集中的，并且是以一种便于行使的形式。
This mode of thought, or rather perhaps of feeling, was common among the last generation of European liberalism, in the Continental section of which it still apparently predominates.
这种思维方式，或者更确切地说是感觉方式，在最后一代欧洲自由主义中很常见，在欧洲大陆部分，它显然仍然占主导地位。
Those who admit any limit to what a government may do, except in the case of such governments as they think ought not to exist, stand out as brilliant exceptions among the political thinkers of the Continent.
那些承认政府行为有任何限制的人，除了他们认为不应该存在的政府之外，在欧洲大陆的政治思想家中脱颖而出，成为杰出的例外。
A similar tone of sentiment might by this time have been prevalent in our own country, if the circumstances which for a time encouraged it, had continued unaltered.
如果一度鼓励这种情绪的环境继续保持不变的话，此时我们自己的国家可能也会盛行类似的情绪。
But, in political and philosophical theories, as well as in persons, success discloses faults and infirmities which failure might have concealed from observation.
但是，在政治和哲学理论中，以及在个人中，成功暴露了失败可能掩盖起来的缺点和弱点。
The notion, that the people have no need to limit their power over themselves, might seem axiomatic, when popular government was a thing only dreamed about, or read of as having existed at some distant period of the past.
当人民政府只是一个梦想，或者被认为在过去某个遥远的时期就已经存在时，人民没有必要限制自己的权力这一观念似乎是不言自明的。
Neither was that notion necessarily disturbed by such temporary aberrations as those of the French Revolution, the worst of which were the work of a usurping few, and which, in any case, belonged, not to the permanent working of popular institutions, but to a sudden and convulsive outbreak against monarchical and aristocratic despotism.
这种观念也不一定会受到像法国大革命这样的暂时失常的干扰，其中最糟糕的是少数篡夺者的行为，而且无论如何，它不属于大众机构的永久运作，而是属于反对君主制和贵族专制主义的突然而剧烈的爆发。
In time, however, a democratic republic came to occupy a large portion of the earth's surface, and made itself felt as one of the most powerful members of the community of nations; and elective and responsible government became subject to the observations and criticisms which wait upon a great existing fact.
然而，随着时间的推移，一个民主共和国逐渐占据了地球表面的很大一部分，并让自己成为国际社会中最强大的成员之一。选举产生的负责任的政府开始受到观察和批评，而这些观察和批评都是基于一个伟大的现有事实。
It was now perceived that such phrases as "self-government," and "the power of the people over themselves," do not express the true state of the case.
现在人们认为，“自治”和“人民对自己的权力”等短语并不能表达案件的真实情况。
The "people" who exercise the power are not always the same people with those over whom it is exercised; and the "self-government" spoken of is not the government of each by himself, but of each by all the rest.
行使权力的“人民”并不总是与被行使权力的人是同一个人；这里所说的“自治”，不是每个人自己的政府，而是每个人对其他人的政府。
The will of the people, moreover, practically means, the will of the most numerous or the most active _part_ of the people; the majority, or those who succeed in making themselves accepted as the majority: the people, consequently, _may_ desire to oppress a part of their number; and precautions are as much needed against this, as against any other abuse of power.
而且，人民的意志实际上意味着最多数或最积极的人民的意志；多数人，或者那些成功地使自己被接受为多数人的人：因此，人民可能希望压迫他们中的一部分人；与防止任何其他滥用权力一样，也需要采取预防措施来防止这种情况的发生。
The limitation, therefore, of the power of government over individuals, loses none of its importance when the holders of power are regularly accountable to the community, that is, to the strongest party therein.
因此，当权力持有者定期对社会（即其中最强大的政党）负责时，政府对个人权力的限制就不会失去其重要性。
This view of things, recommending itself equally to the intelligence of thinkers and to the inclination of those important classes in European society to whose real or supposed interests democracy is adverse, has had no difficulty in establishing itself; and in political speculations "the tyranny of the majority" is now generally included among the evils against which society requires to be on its guard.
这种对事物的看法，同样符合思想家的智慧，也符合欧洲社会中那些民主不利于其真实或假定利益的重要阶级的倾向，因此毫无困难地确立了自己的观点。在政治思辨中，“多数人的暴政”现在普遍被包括在社会需要警惕的罪恶之中。
Like other tyrannies, the tyranny of the majority was at first, and is still vulgarly, held in dread, chiefly as operating through the acts of the public authorities.
与其他暴政一样，多数人的暴政最初是令人恐惧的，而且现在仍然是庸俗的，主要是通过公共当局的行为来实施的。
But reflecting persons perceived that when society is itself the tyrant--society collectively, over the separate individuals who compose it--its means of tyrannising are not restricted to the acts which it may do by the hands of its political functionaries.
但反思者认为，当社会本身就是暴君时——社会集体，凌驾于组成它的各个个人之上——它的暴政手段并不限于政治官员所能采取的行动。
Society can and does execute its own mandates: and if it issues wrong mandates instead of right, or any mandates at all in things with which it ought not to meddle, it practises a social tyranny more formidable than many kinds of political oppression, since, though not usually upheld by such extreme penalties, it leaves fewer means of escape, penetrating much more deeply into the details of life, and enslaving the soul itself.
社会能够而且确实执行自己的指令：如果它发出错误的指令而不是正确的指令，或者在它不应该干涉的事情上发出任何指令，那么它就会实行比许多种政治压迫更可怕的社会暴政，因为虽然通常不会受到这种极端惩罚的支持，但它留下的逃生途径却更少，更深入地渗透到生活的细节中，并奴役了灵魂本身。
Protection, therefore, against the tyranny of the magistrate is not enough: there needs protection also against the tyranny of the prevailing opinion and feeling; against the tendency of society to impose, by other means than civil penalties, its own ideas and practices as rules of conduct on those who dissent from them; to fetter the development, and, if possible, prevent the formation, of any individuality not in harmony with its ways, and compel all characters to fashion themselves upon the model of its own.
因此，仅仅保护自己免遭行政长官的暴政是不够的：还需要保护自己免受主流观点和感情的暴政；反对社会通过民事处罚以外的其他方式将其自己的思想和做法作为行为规则强加给那些持不同意见的人；限制发展，如果可能的话，阻止任何与其方式不和谐的个性的形成，并迫使所有性格按照其自己的模式塑造自己。
There is a limit to the legitimate interference of collective opinion with individual independence: and to find that limit, and maintain it against encroachment, is as indispensable to a good condition of human affairs, as protection against political despotism.
集体意见对个人独立的合法干涉是有限度的：找到这种限制并保持它免受侵犯，对于人类事务的良好状况是必不可少的，就像防止政治专制一样。
But though this proposition is not likely to be contested in general terms, the practical question, where to place the limit--how to make the fitting adjustment between individual independence and social control--is a subject on which nearly everything remains to be done.
但是，尽管这个命题不太可能在一般意义上受到质疑，但实际问题是，限制在哪里——如何在个人独立性和社会控制之间做出适当的调整——是一个几乎所有事情都有待解决的问题。
All that makes existence valuable to any one, depends on the enforcement of restraints upon the actions of other people.
任何人的存在都具有价值，这一切都取决于对其他人行为的限制。
Some rules of conduct, therefore, must be imposed, by law in the first place, and by opinion on many things which are not fit subjects for the operation of law.
因此，一些行为规则必须首先由法律强加，并通过对许多不适合法律运作的主题的事物的意见来强加。
What these rules should be, is the principal question in human affairs; but if we except a few of the most obvious cases, it is one of those which least progress has been made in resolving.
这些规则应该是什么，是人类事务的首要问题；但如果我们排除一些最明显的案例，那么这就是解决问题方面进展最少的案例之一。
No two ages, and scarcely any two countries, have decided it alike; and the decision of one age or country is a wonder to another.
没有两个时代，也几乎没有任何两个国家，做出了相同的决定。一个时代或国家的决定对另一个时代或国家来说是一个奇迹。
Yet the people of any given age and country no more suspect any difficulty in it, than if it were a subject on which mankind had always been agreed.
然而，任何特定时代和国家的人民都不再怀疑其中有任何困难，就像这是一个人类一直同意的主题一样。
The rules which obtain among themselves appear to them self-evident and self-justifying.
在他们看来，他们之间制定的规则是不言而喻的、不证自明的。
This all but universal illusion is one of the examples of the magical influence of custom, which is not only, as the proverb says, a second nature, but is continually mistaken for the first.
这种几乎普遍存在的幻觉是习惯的神奇影响的例子之一，正如谚语所说，习惯不仅是第二天性，而且不断被误认为是第一性。
The effect of custom, in preventing any misgiving respecting the rules of conduct which mankind impose on one another, is all the more complete because the subject is one on which it is not generally considered necessary that reasons should be given, either by one person to others, or by each to himself.
习惯在防止对人类强加给他人的行为规则产生任何疑虑方面，其作用就更加彻底，因为人们普遍认为在这个问题上没有必要给出理由，无论是一个人向他人，还是每个人向自己提出理由。
People are accustomed to believe, and have been encouraged in the belief by some who aspire to the character of philosophers, that their feelings, on subjects of this nature, are better than reasons, and render reasons unnecessary.
人们习惯于相信，并且受到一些渴望成为哲学家品格的人的鼓励，相信在这种性质的主题上，他们的感情比理性更好，并且使理性变得不必要。
The practical principle which guides them to their opinions on the regulation of human conduct, is the feeling in each person's mind that everybody should be required to act as he, and those with whom he sympathises, would like them to act.
指导他们对人类行为规范发表意见的实际原则是每个人心中的感觉，即每个人都应该按照他和他所同情的人希望他们行事的方式行事。
No one, indeed, acknowledges to himself that his standard of judgment is his own liking; but an opinion on a point of conduct, not supported by reasons, can only count as one person's preference; and if the reasons, when given, are a mere appeal to a similar preference felt by other people, it is still only many people's liking instead of one.
事实上，没有人承认他的判断标准是他自己的喜好。但对某一行为观点的看法，如果没有理由支持，只能算作一个人的偏好；如果给出的理由仅仅是为了诉诸其他人的类似偏好，那么它仍然只是许多人的喜好，而不是一个人的喜好。
To an ordinary man, however, his own preference, thus supported, is not only a perfectly satisfactory reason, but the only one he generally has for any of his notions of morality, taste, or propriety, which are not expressly written in his religious creed; and his chief guide in the interpretation even of that.
然而，对于一个普通人来说，他自己的偏好，得到如此支持，不仅是一个完全令人满意的理由，而且是他对道德、品味或礼节的任何观念普遍拥有的唯一理由，而这些观念并没有明确写在他的宗教信条中。以及他对此的解释的主要指导。
Men's opinions, accordingly, on what is laudable or blamable, are affected by all the multifarious causes which influence their wishes in regard to the conduct of others, and which are as numerous as those which determine their wishes on any other subject.
因此，人们对什么是值得赞扬或该应受谴责的看法，受到影响他们对他人行为的愿望的各种原因的影响，这些原因与决定他们在任何其他问题上的愿望的因素一样多。
Sometimes their reason--at other times their prejudices or superstitions: often their social affections, not seldom their anti-social ones, their envy or jealousy, their arrogance or contemptuousness: but most commonly, their desires or fears for themselves--their legitimate or illegitimate self-interest.
有时是他们的理性，有时是他们的偏见或迷信：通常是他们的社会情感，不少是他们的反社会情感，他们的羡慕或嫉妒，他们的傲慢或轻蔑：但最常见的是他们对自己的欲望或恐惧——他们合法或非法的自身利益。
Wherever there is an ascendant class, a large portion of the morality of the country emanates from its class interests, and its feelings of class superiority.
凡是有上升阶级的地方，国家的道德有很大一部分来源于它的阶级利益和阶级优越感。
The morality between Spartans and Helots, between planters and negroes, between princes and subjects, between nobles and roturiers, between men and women, has been for the most part the creation of these class interests and feelings: and the sentiments thus generated, react in turn upon the moral feelings of the members of the ascendant class, in their relations among themselves.
斯巴达人和黑劳人之间、种植园主和黑人之间、王子和臣民之间、贵族和贵族之间、男人和女人之间的道德，在很大程度上是这些阶级利益和情感的创造：而由此产生的情感，反过来又对上升阶级成员及其相互关系中的道德情感产生反作用。
Where, on the other hand, a class, formerly ascendant, has lost its ascendancy, or where its ascendancy is unpopular, the prevailing moral sentiments frequently bear the impress of an impatient dislike of superiority.
另一方面，如果一个以前占优势的阶级已经失去了它的优势，或者它的优势不受欢迎，那么盛行的道德情感常常带有对优越感的不耐烦的厌恶。
Another grand determining principle of the rules of conduct, both in act and forbearance, which have been enforced by law or opinion, has been the servility of mankind towards the supposed preferences or aversions of their temporal masters, or of their gods.
由法律或舆论强制执行的行为规则（无论是行为还是克制）的另一个重要决定原则是，人类对他们的世俗主人或他们的神所假定的偏好或厌恶的奴性。
This servility, though essentially selfish, is not hypocrisy; it gives rise to perfectly genuine sentiments of abhorrence; it made men burn magicians and heretics.
这种奴性虽然本质上是自私的，但并不是虚伪；而是一种虚伪。它会引起完全真实的憎恶情绪；它使人们烧死魔术师和异教徒。
Among so many baser influences, the general and obvious interests of society have of course had a share, and a large one, in the direction of the moral sentiments: less, however, as a matter of reason, and on their own account, than as a consequence of the sympathies and antipathies which grew out of them: and sympathies and antipathies which had little or nothing to do with the interests of society, have made themselves felt in the establishment of moralities with quite as great force.
在如此众多的卑鄙影响中，社会的普遍而明显的利益当然在道德情感方面占有一席之地，而且是很大的一部分：然而，与其说是出于理性，也不是出于道德情感本身，而是出于对道德情感的同情和反感，而更多的是从道德情感中产生的同情和反感：而与社会利益关系不大或根本没有关系的同情和反感在道德的建立中也具有同样强大的力量。
The likings and dislikings of society, or of some powerful portion of it, are thus the main thing which has practically determined the rules laid down for general observance, under the penalties of law or opinion.
因此，社会或社会中某些有权势的部分的好恶，实际上是决定普遍遵守的规则的主要因素，但受到法律或舆论的惩罚。
And in general, those who have been in advance of society in thought and feeling have left this condition of things unassailed in principle, however they may have come into conflict with it in some of its details.
一般来说，那些在思想和感情上走在社会前面的人在原则上不会对这种情况提出质疑，尽管他们可能在某些细节上与之发生冲突。
They have occupied themselves rather in inquiring what things society ought to like or dislike, than in questioning whether its likings or dislikings should be a law to individuals.
他们更多地致力于询问社会应该喜欢什么或不喜欢什么，而不是质疑社会的喜欢或不喜欢是否应该成为个人的法律。
They preferred endeavouring to alter the feelings of mankind on the particular points on which they were themselves heretical, rather than make common cause in defence of freedom, with heretics generally.
他们更愿意努力改变人类在他们自己是异端的特定观点上的感受，而不是与一般的异端共同捍卫自由。
The only case in which the higher ground has been taken on principle and maintained with consistency, by any but an individual here and there, is that of religious belief: a case instructive in many ways, and not least so as forming a most striking instance of the fallibility of what is called the moral sense: for the _odium theologicum_, in a sincere bigot, is one of the most unequivocal cases of moral feeling.
宗教信仰是唯一一个在原则上被任何人（除了个人以外）坚持下来并保持一致的例子：这个例子在很多方面都有启发性，尤其是形成了所谓道德感的易错性的最引人注目的例子：因为在一个真诚的偏执狂中，神学是最明确的道德感觉的例子之一。
Those who first broke the yoke of what called itself the Universal Church, were in general as little willing to permit difference of religious opinion as that church itself.
那些首先打破自称为普世教会的枷锁的人一般都像该教会本身一样不愿意允许宗教观点存在分歧。
But when the heat of the conflict was over, without giving a complete victory to any party, and each church or sect was reduced to limit its hopes to retaining possession of the ground it already occupied; minorities, seeing that they had no chance of becoming majorities, were under the necessity of pleading to those whom they could not convert, for permission to differ.
但当冲突的激烈程度结束后，任何一方都没有取得完全的胜利，每个教会或教派都将希望限制在保留其已经占领的土地上；少数派看到自己没有机会成为多数派，因此必须恳求那些他们无法皈依的人，以允许他们表达不同意见。
It is accordingly on this battle-field, almost solely, that the rights of the individual against society have been asserted on broad grounds of principle, and the claim of society to exercise authority over dissentients, openly controverted.
因此，几乎完全是在这个战场上，个人反对社会的权利在广泛的原则基础上得到主张，而社会对异议者行使权威的要求却受到了公开的争议。
The great writers to whom the world owes what religious liberty it possesses, have mostly asserted freedom of conscience as an indefeasible right, and denied absolutely that a human being is accountable to others for his religious belief.
世界拥有宗教自由的伟大作家大多声称良心自由是一项不可剥夺的权利，并绝对否认一个人因其宗教信仰而对其他人负责。
Yet so natural to mankind is intolerance in whatever they really care about, that religious freedom has hardly anywhere been practically realised, except where religious indifference, which dislikes to have its peace disturbed by theological quarrels, has added its weight to the scale.
然而，人类对他们真正关心的事物的不宽容是很自然的，以至于宗教自由几乎没有在任何地方得到实际实现，除非宗教冷漠（不喜欢神学争论扰乱其和平）增加了其重要性。
In the minds of almost all religious persons, even in the most tolerant countries, the duty of toleration is admitted with tacit reserves.
在几乎所有宗教人士的心目中，即使是在最宽容的国家，宽容的义务也是被默认的。
One person will bear with dissent in matters of church government, but not of dogma; another can tolerate everybody, short of a Papist or a Unitarian; another, every one who believes in revealed religion; a few extend their charity a little further, but stop at the belief in a God and in a future state.
一个人可以容忍对教会治理问题的异议，但不能容忍对教条的异议；另一个人可以容忍所有人，除了天主教徒或一神论者；另一个是每一个信仰天启宗教的人；有些人将他们的慈善事业延伸得更远，但只停留在对上帝和未来状态的信仰上。
Wherever the sentiment of the majority is still genuine and intense, it is found to have abated little of its claim to be obeyed.
只要大多数人的情绪仍然真诚而强烈，人们就会发现，其要求被服从的要求几乎没有减弱。
In England, from the peculiar circumstances of our political history, though the yoke of opinion is perhaps heavier, that of law is lighter, than in most other countries of Europe; and there is considerable jealousy of direct interference, by the legislative or the executive power, with private conduct; not so much from any just regard for the independence of the individual, as from the still subsisting habit of looking on the government as representing an opposite interest to the public.
在英国，从我们政治历史的特殊情况来看，与大多数欧洲其他国家相比，虽然舆论的枷锁可能更重，但法律的枷锁却更轻。人们对立法或行政权力直接干预私人行为怀有相当大的嫉妒心；与其说是出于对个人独立性的公正考虑，不如说是因为将政府视为代表与公众相反利益的仍然存在的习惯。
The majority have not yet learnt to feel the power of the government their power, or its opinions their opinions.
大多数人还没有学会将政府的权力视为自己的权力，将政府的观点视为自己的观点。
When they do so, individual liberty will probably be as much exposed to invasion from the government, as it already is from public opinion.
当他们这样做时，个人自由可能会像公众舆论一样受到政府的侵犯。
But, as yet, there is a considerable amount of feeling ready to be called forth against any attempt of the law to control individuals in things in which they have not hitherto been accustomed to be controlled by it; and this with very little discrimination as to whether the matter is, or is not, within the legitimate sphere of legal control; insomuch that the feeling, highly salutary on the whole, is perhaps quite as often misplaced as well grounded in the particular instances of its application.
但是，到目前为止，人们已经准备好反对任何法律试图在人们迄今不习惯受法律控制的事情上控制个人的行为。并且对于此事是否在法律控制的合法范围内几乎没有区别；就整体而言，这种感觉是非常有益的，但在其应用的特定情况下，这种感觉可能常常被错误地使用，也常常被错误地扎根。
There is, in fact, no recognised principle by which the propriety or impropriety of government interference is customarily tested.
事实上，并没有公认的原则来通常检验政府干预是否适当。
People decide according to their personal preferences.
人们根据个人喜好来决定。
Some, whenever they see any good to be done, or evil to be remedied, would willingly instigate the government to undertake the business; while others prefer to bear almost any amount of social evil, rather than add one to the departments of human interests amenable to governmental control.
有些人，只要看到有什么好事可以做，或者有什么坏事可以补救，就愿意怂恿政府来承担这项业务；而另一些人宁愿承担几乎任何数量的社会罪恶，也不愿在受政府控制的人类利益部门中增加一个。
And men range themselves on one or the other side in any particular case, according to this general direction of their sentiments; or according to the degree of interest which they feel in the particular thing which it is proposed that the government should do, or according to the belief they entertain that the government would, or would not, do it in the manner they prefer; but very rarely on account of any opinion to which they consistently adhere, as to what things are fit to be done by a government.
在任何特定情况下，人们都会根据他们的情感的总体方向来选择站在一边或另一边。或者根据他们对建议政府应该做的具体事情的兴趣程度，或者根据他们认为政府会或不会以他们喜欢的方式做这件事的信念；但很少是因为他们一贯坚持的任何观点，即政府应该做哪些事情。
And it seems to me that in consequence of this absence of rule or principle, one side is at present as often wrong as the other; the interference of government is, with about equal frequency, improperly invoked and improperly condemned.
在我看来，由于缺乏规则或原则，目前一方和另一方一样经常犯错；政府的干预几乎同样频繁地遭到不当援引和不当谴责。
The object of this Essay is to assert one very simple principle, as entitled to govern absolutely the dealings of society with the individual in the way of compulsion and control, whether the means used be physical force in the form of legal penalties, or the moral coercion of public opinion.
本文的目的是主张一个非常简单的原则，即有权以强制和控制的方式绝对支配社会与个人的交往，无论所使用的手段是法律惩罚形式的武力，还是舆论的道德强制。
That principle is, that the sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number, is self-protection.
该原则是，人类单独或集体干涉任何人的行动自由的唯一目的是自我保护。
That the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilised community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others.
可以违背文明社会任何成员的意愿，对他正确行使权力的唯一目的是防止对他人造成伤害。
His own good, either physical or moral, is not a sufficient warrant.
他自己的利益，无论是身体上的还是精神上的，都不足以保证。
He cannot rightfully be compelled to do or forbear because it will be better for him to do so, because it will make him happier, because, in the opinions of others, to do so would be wise, or even right.
他不能正当地被迫去做或克制，因为这样做对他更好，因为这会让他更快乐，因为在别人看来这样做是明智的，甚至是正确的。
These are good reasons for remonstrating with him, or reasoning with him, or persuading him, or entreating him, but not for compelling him, or visiting him with any evil in case he do otherwise.
这些都是很好的理由来规劝他，或与他讲道理，或说服他，或恳求他，但不能强迫他，或以任何邪恶来惩罚他，以防他不这样做。
To justify that, the conduct from which it is desired to deter him must be calculated to produce evil to some one else.
为了证明这一点是合理的，想要阻止他的行为必须经过精心设计，以给他人带来邪恶。
The only part of the conduct of any one, for which he is amenable to society, is that which concerns others.
任何人的行为中唯一对社会负责的部分是与他人有关的行为。
In the part which merely concerns himself, his independence is, of right, absolute.
在只涉及他自己的部分，他的独立性当然是绝对的。
Over himself, over his own body and mind, the individual is sovereign.
对于他自己，对于他自己的身体和思想，个人拥有主权。
It is, perhaps, hardly necessary to say that this doctrine is meant to apply only to human beings in the maturity of their faculties.
或许，几乎没有必要说这一学说只适用于能力成熟的人类。
We are not speaking of children, or of young persons below the age which the law may fix as that of manhood or womanhood.
我们所说的不是儿童，也不是法律规定的成年年龄以下的年轻人。
Those who are still in a state to require being taken care of by others, must be protected against their own actions as well as against external injury.
那些仍处于需要他人照顾状态的人，必须受到保护，使其免受自身行为以及外部伤害。
For the same reason, we may leave out of consideration those backward states of society in which the race itself may be considered as in its nonage.
出于同样的原因，我们可以不考虑那些落后的社会状态，在这些状态下，种族本身可能被认为还处于幼年期。
The early difficulties in the way of spontaneous progress are so great, that there is seldom any choice of means for overcoming them; and a ruler full of the spirit of improvement is warranted in the use of any expedients that will attain an end, perhaps otherwise unattainable.
自发进步的早期困难是如此之大，以至于很少有任何办法可以选择克服它们；一个充满进取精神的统治者有理由使用任何权宜之计来达到目的，否则也许是无法实现的。
Despotism is a legitimate mode of government in dealing with barbarians, provided the end be their improvement, and the means justified by actually effecting that end.
专制主义是政府对待野蛮人的合法模式，只要其目的是改善他们的生活，并且通过实际实现这一目的而采取的手段是合理的。
Liberty, as a principle, has no application to any state of things anterior to the time when mankind have become capable of being improved by free and equal discussion.
自由作为一项原则，不适用于人类能够通过自由平等的讨论而得到改善之前的任何事物状态。
Until then, there is nothing for them but implicit obedience to an Akbar or a Charlemagne, if they are so fortunate as to find one.
在那之前，他们除了绝对服从阿克巴或查理曼大帝之外别无他法，如果他们有幸找到这样的人的话。
But as soon as mankind have attained the capacity of being guided to their own improvement by conviction or persuasion (a period long since reached in all nations with whom we need here concern ourselves), compulsion, either in the direct form or in that of pains and penalties for non-compliance, is no longer admissible as a means to their own good, and justifiable only for the security of others.
但是，一旦人类获得了通过信念或说服来引导自身进步的能力（这一时期在我们在此需要关注的所有国家中早已达到），强制，无论是直接形式还是对不服从的痛苦和惩罚，就不再被允许作为谋求自身利益的手段，而只能为了他人的安全而合理。
It is proper to state that I forego any advantage which could be derived to my argument from the idea of abstract right, as a thing independent of utility.
正确地说，我放弃了从抽象权利的观念中可以为我的论证带来的任何优势，因为抽象权利是一种独立于效用的东西。
I regard utility as the ultimate appeal on all ethical questions; but it must be utility in the largest sense, grounded on the permanent interests of man as a progressive being.
我认为实用性是所有伦理问题的最终诉求；但它必须是最大意义上的效用，以人类作为进步存在的永久利益为基础。
Those interests, I contend, authorise the subjection of individual spontaneity to external control, only in respect to those actions of each, which concern the interest of other people.
我认为，这些利益授权个人的自发性服从外部控制，但仅限于每个人的那些涉及他人利益的行为。
If any one does an act hurtful to others, there is a _primâ facie_ case for punishing him, by law, or, where legal penalties are not safely applicable, by general disapprobation.
如果任何人做了伤害他人的行为，显然有理由通过法律来惩罚他，或者，在法律处罚不能安全适用的情况下，通过普遍反对来惩罚他。
There are also many positive acts for the benefit of others, which he may rightfully be compelled to perform; such as, to give evidence in a court of justice; to bear his fair share in the common defence, or in any other joint work necessary to the interest of the society of which he enjoys the protection; and to perform certain acts of individual beneficence, such as saving a fellow-creature's life, or interposing to protect the defenceless against ill-usage, things which whenever it is obviously a man's duty to do, he may rightfully be made responsible to society for not doing.
还有许多有益于他人的积极行为，他可能有理由被迫这样做；例如，在法庭上作证；在共同防卫或为他所受保护的社会利益所必需的任何其他联合工作中承担应有的责任；并执行某些个人善行，例如拯救同胞的生命，或介入保护手无寸铁的人免遭虐待，只要这些事情显然是一个人有义务做的，他就可以因不做而对社会负责。
A person may cause evil to others not only by his actions but by his inaction, and in either case he is justly accountable to them for the injury.
一个人不仅可以通过他的行为，也可以通过他的不作为而对他人造成邪恶，无论哪种情况，他都应对他人造成的伤害承担公正的责任。
The latter case, it is true, requires a much more cautious exercise of compulsion than the former.
诚然，后一种情况需要比前一种情况更加谨慎地实施强制。
To make any one answerable for doing evil to others, is the rule; to make him answerable for not preventing evil, is, comparatively speaking, the exception.
让任何人对他人的恶行承担责任，这是规则；相对而言，让他对没有阻止邪恶负责是一个例外。
Yet there are many cases clear enough and grave enough to justify that exception.
然而，有许多足够清楚、足够严重的案例证明这种例外是合理的。
In all things which regard the external relations of the individual, he is _de jure_ amenable to those whose interests are concerned, and if need be, to society as their protector.
在所有涉及个人外部关系的事情上，他在法律上服从于那些利益相关者，如果需要的话，服从于作为他们的保护者的社会。
There are often good reasons for not holding him to the responsibility; but these reasons must arise from the special expediencies of the case: either because it is a kind of case in which he is on the whole likely to act better, when left to his own discretion, than when controlled in any way in which society have it in their power to control him; or because the attempt to exercise control would produce other evils, greater than those which it would prevent.
通常有充分的理由不让他承担责任；但这些理由必须源于该案件的特殊权宜之计：或者是因为在这种情况下，总体而言，如果让他自行决定，他可能会比以社会有能力控制他的任何方式受到控制时采取更好的行动；或者因为试图实施控制会产生比它所能防止的更严重的其他祸害。
When such reasons as these preclude the enforcement of responsibility, the conscience of the agent himself should step into the vacant judgment seat, and protect those interests of others which have no external protection; judging himself all the more rigidly, because the case does not admit of his being made accountable to the judgment of his fellow-creatures.
当诸如此类的原因妨碍了责任的执行时，代理人自己的良心应该登上空缺的审判席，保护那些没有外在保护的他人的利益；他对自己的判断更加严格，因为这个案子不承认他要对他的同胞的判断负责。
But there is a sphere of action in which society, as distinguished from the individual, has, if any, only an indirect interest; comprehending all that portion of a person's life and conduct which affects only himself, or if it also affects others, only with their free, voluntary, and undeceived consent and participation.
但是，在一个行动领域中，社会与个人不同，即使有的话，也只是间接的利益。理解一个人的生活和行为的所有部分，这些部分仅影响他自己，或者如果它也影响他人，则只有在他们自由、自愿和不欺骗的同意和参与的情况下。
When I say only himself, I mean directly, and in the first instance: for whatever affects himself, may affect others _through_ himself; and the objection which may be grounded on this contingency, will receive consideration in the sequel.
当我只说他自己时，我的意思是直接的，首先是：因为任何影响他自己的事情，都可能通过他自己影响别人；基于这种意外情况而提出的反对意见将在后续中得到考虑。
This, then, is the appropriate region of human liberty.
那么，这就是人类自由的适当领域。
It comprises, first, the inward domain of consciousness; demanding liberty of conscience, in the most comprehensive sense; liberty of thought and feeling; absolute freedom of opinion and sentiment on all subjects, practical or speculative, scientific, moral, or theological.
首先，它包括意识的内在领域；要求最全面意义上的良心自由；思想和感情的自由；对所有主题（无论是实践的还是思辨的、科学的、道德的或神学的）绝对的意见和情感自由。
The liberty of expressing and publishing opinions may seem to fall under a different principle, since it belongs to that part of the conduct of an individual which concerns other people; but, being almost of as much importance as the liberty of thought itself, and resting in great part on the same reasons, is practically inseparable from it.
表达和发表意见的自由似乎属于不同的原则，因为它属于个人行为中涉及他人的部分；但是，它几乎与思想自由本身同样重要，并且在很大程度上基于同样的原因，实际上与思想自由是不可分割的。
Secondly, the principle requires liberty of tastes and pursuits; of framing the plan of our life to suit our own character; of doing as we like, subject to such consequences as may follow: without impediment from our fellow-creatures, so long as what we do does not harm them, even though they should think our conduct foolish, perverse, or wrong.
其次，该原则要求品味和追求的自由；制定适合我们自己性格的人生计划；我们可以随心所欲地做我们喜欢做的事，并受到可能产生的后果：不受我们同胞的阻碍，只要我们的行为不伤害他们，即使他们认为我们的行为是愚蠢的、反常的或错误的。
Thirdly, from this liberty of each individual, follows the liberty, within the same limits, of combination among individuals; freedom to unite, for any purpose not involving harm to others: the persons combining being supposed to be of full age, and not forced or deceived.
第三，从每个人的自由中，可以得出在相同限度内个人之间的组合自由；出于不伤害他人的任何目的自由结社：结社者应已成年，且不受强迫或欺骗。
No society in which these liberties are not, on the whole, respected, is free, whatever may be its form of government; and none is completely free in which they do not exist absolute and unqualified.
总的来说，如果这些自由不受尊重，任何社会都是自由的，无论其政府形式如何；如果它们不绝对且无条件地存在，则没有一个是完全自由的。
The only freedom which deserves the name, is that of pursuing our own good in our own way, so long as we do not attempt to deprive others of theirs, or impede their efforts to obtain it.
唯一名副其实的自由，就是以我们自己的方式追求我们自己的利益，只要我们不试图剥夺他人的自由，或阻碍他们获得自由的努力。
Each is the proper guardian of his own health, whether bodily, or mental and spiritual.
每个人都是自己健康的适当守护者，无论是身体健康还是精神健康。
Mankind are greater gainers by suffering each other to live as seems good to themselves, than by compelling each to live as seems good to the rest.
人类通过让彼此按照对自己有利的方式生活，而不是强迫每个人按照对其他人有利的方式生活，从而获得更大的利益。
Though this doctrine is anything but new, and, to some persons, may have the air of a truism, there is no doctrine which stands more directly opposed to the general tendency of existing opinion and practice.
虽然这个学说一点也不新鲜，而且对某些人来说可能有一种不言而喻的感觉，但没有任何学说比现有观点和实践的普遍趋势更直接地相反。
Society has expended fully as much effort in the attempt (according to its lights) to compel people to conform to its notions of personal, as of social excellence.
社会在试图（根据它的观点）强迫人们遵守其个人观念和社会卓越观念方面付出了同样多的努力。
The ancient commonwealths thought themselves entitled to practise, and the ancient philosophers countenanced, the regulation of every part of private conduct by public authority, on the ground that the State had a deep interest in the whole bodily and mental discipline of every one of its citizens; a mode of thinking which may have been admissible in small republics surrounded by powerful enemies, in constant peril of being subverted by foreign attack or internal commotion, and to which even a short interval of relaxed energy and self-command might so easily be fatal, that they could not afford to wait for the salutary permanent effects of freedom.
古代联邦认为自己有权实行公共权力对私人行为各个部分的监管，古代哲学家也赞成这样做，理由是国家对其每一位公民的整个身体和精神纪律都有着深刻的兴趣；这种思维模式在被强大敌人包围的小共和国中可能是可以接受的，这些共和国经常面临着被外国攻击或内部骚乱颠覆的危险，而且即使是短暂的放松精力和自我控制也可能很容易致命，以至于他们无法等待自由带来的有益的永久影响。
In the modern world, the greater size of political communities, and above all, the separation between spiritual and temporal authority (which placed the direction of men's consciences in other hands than those which controlled their worldly affairs), prevented so great an interference by law in the details of private life; but the engines of moral repression have been wielded more strenuously against divergence from the reigning opinion in self-regarding, than even in social matters; religion, the most powerful of the elements which have entered into the formation of moral feeling, having almost always been governed either by the ambition of a hierarchy, seeking control over every department of human conduct, or by the spirit of Puritanism.
在现代世界，政治共同体规模的扩大，尤其是精神权威和世俗权威的分离（这使得人们的良心的指导权交到了其他人的手中，而不是那些控制他们世俗事务的人手中），阻止了法律对私人生活细节的如此大的干预；但是，道德压制的引擎在自我关注方面比在社会事务中更强烈地用于反对与主流观点的分歧。宗教是形成道德情感的最强大的因素，它几乎总是受到等级制度野心的控制，寻求控制人类行为的各个部门，或者受到清教精神的控制。
And some of those modern reformers who have placed themselves in strongest opposition to the religions of the past, have been noway behind either churches or sects in their assertion of the right of spiritual domination: M.
一些现代改革者坚决反对过去的宗教，但他们在主张精神统治权方面却远远落后于教会或教派：M.
Comte, in particular, whose social system, as unfolded in his _Traité de Politique Positive_, aims at establishing (though by moral more than by legal appliances) a despotism of society over the individual, surpassing anything contemplated in the political ideal of the most rigid disciplinarian among the ancient philosophers.
尤其是孔德，他的社会制度，正如他的《积极政治特征》中所阐述的那样，旨在建立（尽管更多地通过道德而不是法律手段）社会对个人的专制，超越了古代哲学家中最严格的纪律主义者的政治理想中所设想的一切。
Apart from the peculiar tenets of individual thinkers, there is also in the world at large an increasing inclination to stretch unduly the powers of society over the individual, both by the force of opinion and even by that of legislation: and as the tendency of all the changes taking place in the world is to strengthen society, and diminish the power of the individual, this encroachment is not one of the evils which tend spontaneously to disappear, but, on the contrary, to grow more and more formidable.
除了个别思想家特有的信条之外，世界上还存在一种日益增长的倾向，即通过舆论的力量，甚至通过立法的力量，过度地将社会权力强加于个人之上：由于世界上发生的所有变化的趋势都是加强社会，削弱个人的权力，因此这种侵犯并不是一种自然消失的罪恶，相反，它会变得越来越可怕。
The disposition of mankind, whether as rulers or as fellow-citizens to impose their own opinions and inclinations as a rule of conduct on others, is so energetically supported by some of the best and by some of the worst feelings incident to human nature, that it is hardly ever kept under restraint by anything but want of power; and as the power is not declining, but growing, unless a strong barrier of moral conviction can be raised against the mischief, we must expect, in the present circumstances of the world, to see it increase.
人类的倾向，无论是作为统治者还是作为公民，将自己的观点和倾向作为行为准则强加于他人，受到人性中一些最好的和一些最坏的情感的大力支持，以至于除了缺乏权力之外，它几乎不会受到任何限制；由于这种力量并没有减弱，而是在增强，除非能够建立起强有力的道德信念屏障来抵御这种危害，否则在目前世界的情况下，我们必须期待看到它的增强。
It will be convenient for the argument, if, instead of at once entering upon the general thesis, we confine ourselves in the first instance to a single branch of it, on which the principle here stated is, if not fully, yet to a certain point, recognised by the current opinions.
如果我们不立即进入一般论点，而是首先将自己限制在它的一个分支上，那么这里阐述的原则即使不完全，但在某种程度上也得到了当前观点的认可，这对于论证来说将是方便的。
This one branch is the Liberty of Thought: from which it is impossible to separate the cognate liberty of speaking and of writing.
这一分支就是思想自由：与它同源的言论自由和写作自由是不可能分开的。
Although these liberties, to some considerable amount, form part of the political morality of all countries which profess religious toleration and free institutions, the grounds, both philosophical and practical, on which they rest, are perhaps not so familiar to the general mind, nor so thoroughly appreciated by many even of the leaders of opinion, as might have been expected.
尽管这些自由在很大程度上构成了所有宣称宗教宽容和自由制度的国家政治道德的一部分，但它们所依据的哲学和实践基础可能并不像人们所期望的那样为一般人所熟悉，甚至连舆论领袖也没有那么彻底地理解。
Those grounds, when rightly understood, are of much wider application than to only one division of the subject, and a thorough consideration of this part of the question will be found the best introduction to the remainder.
如果正确理解，这些理由的应用范围比仅适用于主题的一个部分要广泛得多，并且对问题的这一部分的彻底考虑将发现对其余部分的最好介绍。
Those to whom nothing which I am about to say will be new, may therefore, I hope, excuse me, if on a subject which for now three centuries has been so often discussed, I venture on one discussion more.
对于那些我要说的内容并不新鲜的人来说，我希望，如果我在一个三个世纪以来一直被频繁讨论的主题上冒昧地再讨论一次，请原谅。
CHAPTER II.
第二章。
OF THE LIBERTY OF THOUGHT AND DISCUSSION.
思想和讨论自由。
The time, it is to be hoped, is gone by, when any defence would be necessary of the "liberty of the press" as one of the securities against corrupt or tyrannical government.
我们希望，“新闻自由”作为对抗腐败或专制政府的保障之一而需要任何辩护的时代已经过去了。
No argument, we may suppose, can now be needed, against permitting a legislature or an executive, not identified in interest with the people, to prescribe opinions to them, and determine what doctrines or what arguments they shall be allowed to hear.
我们可以认为，现在不需要任何争论来反对允许不关心人民利益的立法机关或行政机关向人民提出意见，并确定他们应被允许听到哪些学说或哪些论点。
This aspect of the question, besides, has been so often and so triumphantly enforced by preceding writers, that it need not be specially insisted on in this place.
此外，这个问题的这一方面已经被前人多次成功地强调过，因此无需在此特别强调。
Though the law of England, on the subject of the press, is as servile to this day as it was in the time of the Tudors, there is little danger of its being actually put in force against political discussion, except during some temporary panic, when fear of insurrection drives ministers and judges from their propriety;[6] and, speaking generally, it is not, in constitutional countries, to be apprehended that the government, whether completely responsible to the people or not, will often attempt to control the expression of opinion, except when in doing so it makes itself the organ of the general intolerance of the public.
尽管英国法律在新闻问题上至今仍像都铎王朝时期一样受奴役，但它实际上反对政治讨论的危险几乎没有，除非在暂时的恐慌期间，当对叛乱的恐惧驱使部长和法官失去其正当性时；[6]而且，一般来说，在宪政国家中，不应该担心政府，无论是否完全对人民负责，都会经常试图控制新闻的表达。意见，除非这样做时它使自己成为公众普遍不容忍的机构。
Let us suppose, therefore, that the government is entirely at one with the people, and never thinks of exerting any power of coercion unless in agreement with what it conceives to be their voice.
因此，让我们假设政府完全与人民同心协力，除非同意政府认为人民的声音，否则绝不会考虑施加任何强制力量。
But I deny the right of the people to exercise such coercion, either by themselves or by their government.
但我否认人民行使这种强制的权利，无论是由他们自己还是由他们的政府。
The power itself is illegitimate.
权力本身就是非法的。
The best government has no more title to it than the worst.
最好的政府并不比最差的政府拥有更多的权利。
It is as noxious, or more noxious, when exerted in accordance with public opinion, than when in or opposition to it.
当它符合公众舆论时，它与支持或反对公众舆论时一样有害，甚至更有害。
If all mankind minus one, were of one opinion, and only one person were of the contrary opinion, mankind would be no more justified in silencing that one person, than he, if he had the power, would be justified in silencing mankind.
如果全人类除一之外都持有一种意见，而只有一个人持有相反的意见，那么人类就没有理由让一个人保持沉默，就像他如果有权力的话就没有理由让人类保持沉默一样。
Were an opinion a personal possession of no value except to the owner; if to be obstructed in the enjoyment of it were simply a private injury, it would make some difference whether the injury was inflicted only on a few persons or on many.
意见是否属于除所有者之外没有任何价值的个人财产？如果享受权利受到阻碍只是一种私人伤害，那么这种伤害是只对少数人造成还是对许多人造成，就会有所不同。
But the peculiar evil of silencing the expression of an opinion is, that it is robbing the human race; posterity as well as the existing generation; those who dissent from the opinion, still more than those who hold it.
但压制意见表达的特殊邪恶之处在于，它正在掠夺人类。后代以及当代人；持不同意见的人仍然多于持该意见的人。
If the opinion is right, they are deprived of the opportunity of exchanging error for truth: if wrong, they lose, what is almost as great a benefit, the clearer perception and livelier impression of truth, produced by its collision with error.
如果观点是正确的，他们就被剥夺了用错误换取真理的机会；如果错误，他们就失去了几乎同样大的好处，即通过真理与错误的碰撞而产生的对真理的更清晰的感知和更生动的印象。
It is necessary to consider separately these two hypotheses, each of which has a distinct branch of the argument corresponding to it.
有必要分别考虑这两个假设，每个假设都有一个与其相对应的独特论证分支。
We can never be sure that the opinion we are endeavouring to stifle is a false opinion; and if we were sure, stifling it would be an evil still.
我们永远无法确定我们极力压制的观点是否是错误的观点；如果我们确定的话，扼杀它仍然是一种邪恶。
First: the opinion which it is attempted to suppress by authority may possibly be true.
第一：权威试图压制的观点可能是正确的。
Those who desire to suppress it, of course deny its truth; but they are not infallible.
那些想要压制它的人，当然会否认它的真实性；但它们并非绝对正确。
They have no authority to decide the question for all mankind, and exclude every other person from the means of judging.
他们没有权力为全人类决定这个问题，并将其他所有人排除在判断之外。
To refuse a hearing to an opinion, because they are sure that it is false, is to assume that _their_ certainty is the same thing as _absolute_ certainty.
因为他们确信某意见是错误的而拒绝听取意见，就等于假设他们的确定性与绝对确定性是同一回事。
All silencing of discussion is an assumption of infallibility.
所有讨论的沉默都是对正确无误的假设。
Its condemnation may be allowed to rest on this common argument, not the worse for being common.
它的谴责可能会基于这个共同的论点，而不是因为普遍而变得更糟。
Unfortunately for the good sense of mankind, the fact of their fallibility is far from carrying the weight in their practical judgment, which is always allowed to it in theory; for while every one well knows himself to be fallible, few think it necessary to take any precautions against their own fallibility, or admit the supposition that any opinion, of which they feel very certain, may be one of the examples of the error to which they acknowledge themselves to be liable.
不幸的是，对于人类的良好判断力来说，他们的错误这一事实远不足以影响他们的实际判断，而这在理论上总是被允许的。因为虽然每个人都清楚自己会犯错，但很少有人认为有必要采取任何预防措施来防止自己犯错，或者承认这样的假设：他们确信自己的任何观点可能是他们承认自己可能犯的错误的例子之一。
Absolute princes, or others who are accustomed to unlimited deference, usually feel this complete confidence in their own opinions on nearly all subjects.
绝对的君主，或者其他习惯于无限尊重的人，通常对自己在几乎所有问题上的观点都充满信心。
People more happily situated, who sometimes hear their opinions disputed, and are not wholly unused to be set right when they are wrong, place the same unbounded reliance only on such of their opinions as are shared by all who surround them, or to whom they habitually defer: for in proportion to a man's want of confidence in his own solitary judgment, does he usually repose, with implicit trust, on the infallibility of "the world" in general.
处境比较幸福的人，有时会听到自己的观点受到争议，而且在错误时也并非完全不习惯被纠正，他们只会同样无限地依赖周围所有人都认同的观点，或者习惯性服从的人：因为一个人对自己的独立判断缺乏信心，他通常会隐含地信任“世界”总体上的无误性。
And the world, to each individual, means the part of it with which he comes in contact; his party, his sect, his church, his class of society: the man may be called, by comparison, almost liberal and large-minded to whom it means anything so comprehensive as his own country or his own age.
对于每个人来说，世界意味着他所接触到的世界的一部分。他的政党，他的教派，他的教会，他的社会阶层：相比之下，这个人可以被称为近乎自由主义和胸怀宽广的人，对他来说，这意味着任何像他自己的国家或他自己的时代这样广泛的东西。
Nor is his faith in this collective authority at all shaken by his being aware that other ages, countries, sects, churches, classes, and parties have thought, and even now think, the exact reverse.
他对这种集体权威的信心也没有因为他意识到其他时代、国家、教派、教会、阶级和政党的想法、甚至现在的想法完全相反而动摇。
He devolves upon his own world the responsibility of being in the right against the dissentient worlds of other people; and it never troubles him that mere accident has decided which of these numerous worlds is the object of his reliance, and that the same causes which make him a Churchman in London, would have made him a Buddhist or a Confucian in Pekin.
他把与其他人持不同政见的世界作对的责任交给了自己的世界。他从来不会因为偶然而决定了他所依赖的对象是这众多的世界中的哪一个，而使他在伦敦成为一名教士的同样原因，也会使他在北京成为一名佛教徒或儒教徒。
Yet it is as evident in itself as any amount of argument can make it, that ages are no more infallible than individuals; every age having held many opinions which subsequent ages have deemed not only false but absurd; and it is as certain that many opinions, now general, will be rejected by future ages, as it is that many, once general, are rejected by the present.
然而，无论多少争论都可以证明，年龄并不比个人更绝对正确；这一点本身就很明显。每个时代都持有许多观点，而后来的时代却认为这些观点不仅是错误的，而且是荒谬的。可以肯定的是，许多现在普遍的观点将被未来的时代所拒绝，就像许多曾经普遍的观点被现在所拒绝一样。
The objection likely to be made to this argument, would probably take some such form as the following.
对这一论点可能提出的反对意见可能会采取如下形式。
There is no greater assumption of infallibility in forbidding the propagation of error, than in any other thing which is done by public authority on its own judgment and responsibility.
禁止错误传播比公共当局根据自己的判断和责任所做的任何其他事情更能确保绝对正确。
Judgment is given to men that they may use it.
审判被赋予人，以便他们可以使用它。
Because it may be used erroneously, are men to be told that they ought not to use it at all?
因为它可能被错误地使用，是否应该告诉人们根本不应该使用它？
To prohibit what they think pernicious, is not claiming exemption from error, but fulfilling the duty incumbent on them, although fallible, of acting on their conscientious conviction.
禁止他们认为有害的事情，并不是要求免于错误，而是履行他们义不容辞的责任，尽管可能会犯错，但要按照自己的良心信念行事。
If we were never to act on our opinions, because those opinions may be wrong, we should leave all our interests uncared for, and all our duties unperformed.
如果我们永远不按照我们的意见行事，因为这些意见可能是错误的，那么我们就应该不关心我们的所有利益，不履行我们的所有义务。
An objection which applies to all conduct, can be no valid objection to any conduct in particular.
适用于所有行为的反对意见不能成为对任何特定行为的有效反对意见。
It is the duty of governments, and of individuals, to form the truest opinions they can; to form them carefully, and never impose them upon others unless they are quite sure of being right.
政府和个人有责任尽可能形成最真实的意见；仔细地制定它们，除非非常确定它们是正确的，否则决不要将它们强加给别人。
But when they are sure (such reasoners may say), it is not conscientiousness but cowardice to shrink from acting on their opinions, and allow doctrines which they honestly think dangerous to the welfare of mankind, either in this life or in another, to be scattered abroad without restraint, because other people, in less enlightened times, have persecuted opinions now believed to be true.
但当他们确定时（这样的推理家可能会说），不敢按照自己的观点行事，并允许他们真诚地认为对人类福祉有害的教义（无论是今生还是来世）不受限制地散布到各处，这不是良心而是懦弱，因为其他人在不太开明的时代曾迫害过现在被认为是正确的观点。
Let us take care, it may be said, not to make the same mistake: but governments and nations have made mistakes in other things, which are not denied to be fit subjects for the exercise of authority: they have laid on bad taxes, made unjust wars.
也许有人会说，让我们小心，不要犯同样的错误：但是政府和国家在其他事情上也犯过错误，这些错误不否认是行使权力的适当主体：他们征收了错误的税收，发动了不公正的战争。
Ought we therefore to lay on no taxes, and, under whatever provocation, make no wars?
因此，我们是否应该不征税，并且无论受到什么挑衅，都不发动战争？
Men, and governments, must act to the best of their ability.
人和政府必须尽其所能采取行动。
There is no such thing as absolute certainty, but there is assurance sufficient for the purposes of human life.
没有绝对的确定性，但对于人类生活的目的来说，有足够的保证。
We may, and must, assume our opinion to be true for the guidance of our own conduct: and it is assuming no more when we forbid bad men to pervert society by the propagation of opinions which we regard as false and pernicious.
我们可以而且必须假设我们的观点是真实的，以指导我们自己的行为：当我们禁止坏人通过传播我们认为错误和有害的观点来歪曲社会时，这就不再是假设了。
I answer that it is assuming very much more.
我的回答是，它的假设要多得多。
There is the greatest difference between presuming an opinion to be true, because, with every opportunity for contesting it, it has not been refuted, and assuming its truth for the purpose of not permitting its refutation.
假设某个观点是正确的，因为尽管有一切机会质疑它，但它没有被反驳，与假设它的真实性是为了不允许它被反驳，这两者之间存在着最大的区别。
Complete liberty of contradicting and disproving our opinion, is the very condition which justifies us in assuming its truth for purposes of action; and on no other terms can a being with human faculties have any rational assurance of being right.
完全自由地反驳和反驳我们的观点，正是我们为行动目的而假设其真实性的条件。除此之外，一个具有人类能力的生物无法合理地保证其正确性。
When we consider either the history of opinion, or the ordinary conduct of human life, to what is it to be ascribed that the one and the other are no worse than they are?
当我们考虑观点的历史或人类生活的日常行为时，可以将其中一个和另一个并不比它们更糟糕归因于什么？
Not certainly to the inherent force of the human understanding; for, on any matter not self-evident, there are ninety-nine persons totally incapable of judging of it, for one who is capable; and the capacity of the hundredth person is only comparative; for the majority of the eminent men of every past generation held many opinions now known to be erroneous, and did or approved numerous things which no one will now justify.
不一定是人类理解力的内在力量；因为，对于任何不言而喻的事情，对于有能力的人来说，有九十九个人完全无法做出判断；而第一百人的能力只是比较性的；因为过去每一代的大多数杰出人士都持有许多现在已知是错误的观点，并且做过或批准了许多现在没有人会证明其合理性的事情。
Why is it, then, that there is on the whole a preponderance among mankind of rational opinions and rational conduct?
那么，为什么人类总体上理性观点和理性行为占优势呢？
If there really is this preponderance--which there must be, unless human affairs are, and have always been, in an almost desperate state--it is owing to a quality of the human mind, the source of everything respectable in man either as an intellectual or as a moral being, namely, that his errors are corrigible.
如果真的存在这种优势的话——这是必然存在的，除非人类事务现在并且一直处于近乎绝望的状态——那是由于人类心灵的品质，即人类作为知识分子或道德存在的一切值得尊敬的源泉，也就是说，他的错误是可以纠正的。
He is capable of rectifying his mistakes, by discussion and experience.
他有能力通过讨论和经验纠正自己的错误。
Not by experience alone.
不是单靠经验。
There must be discussion, to show how experience is to be interpreted.
必须进行讨论，以表明如何解释经验。
Wrong opinions and practices gradually yield to fact and argument: but facts and arguments, to produce any effect on the mind, must be brought before it.
错误的观点和做法逐渐屈服于事实和论证：但事实和论证若要对心灵产生任何影响，就必须将其摆在头脑面前。
Very few facts are able to tell their own story, without comments to bring out their meaning.
很少有事实能够讲述自己的故事，而无需评论来阐明其含义。
The whole strength and value, then, of human judgment, depending on the one property, that it can be set right when it is wrong, reliance can be placed on it only when the means of setting it right are kept constantly at hand.
那么，人类判断力的全部力量和价值，取决于一个特性，即当它是错误的时候它可以被纠正，只有当纠正它的手段总是在手边时，才可以依赖它。
In the case of any person whose judgment is really deserving of confidence, how has it become so?
一个人的判断确实值得信任，怎么会变成这样呢？
Because he has kept his mind open to criticism of his opinions and conduct.
因为他对对其观点和行为的批评持开放态度。
Because it has been his practice to listen to all that could be said against him; to profit by as much of it as was just, and expound to himself, and upon occasion to others, the fallacy of what was fallacious.
因为他的习惯是倾听所有可能反对他的言论；尽可能多地从中获利，并向自己、有时向他人阐述谬论中的谬误。
Because he has felt, that the only way in which a human being can make some approach to knowing the whole of a subject, is by hearing what can be said about it by persons of every variety of opinion, and studying all modes in which it can be looked at by every character of mind.
因为他觉得，一个人要想全面了解一个主题，唯一的方法就是聆听不同观点的人对这个主题的看法，并研究每个人看待这个主题的所有模式。
No wise man ever acquired his wisdom in any mode but this; nor is it in the nature of human intellect to become wise in any other manner.
除了这种方式之外，没有一个智者能够以任何方式获得他的智慧。人类智力的本质也不是以任何其他方式变得聪明。
The steady habit of correcting and completing his own opinion by collating it with those of others, so far from causing doubt and hesitation in carrying it into practice, is the only stable foundation for a just reliance on it: for, being cognisant of all that can, at least obviously, be said against him, and having taken up his position against all gainsayers--knowing that he has sought for objections and difficulties, instead of avoiding them, and has shut out no light which can be thrown upon the subject from any quarter--he has a right to think his judgment better than that of any person, or any multitude, who have not gone through a similar process.
通过将自己的观点与他人的观点进行比较来纠正和完善自己的观点的稳定习惯，远不会在将其付诸实践时引起怀疑和犹豫，而是公正地依赖它的唯一稳定的基础：因为，认识到所有可能（至少是明显地）对他不利的言论，并采取反对所有反对者的立场——知道他一直在寻求反对意见和困难，而不是回避它们，并且不排除任何人可以向这个主题提出的任何线索。他有权认为自己的判断比没有经历过类似过程的任何人或任何群体的判断更好。
It is not too much to require that what the wisest of mankind, those who are best entitled to trust their own judgment, find necessary to warrant their relying on it, should be submitted to by that miscellaneous collection of a few wise and many foolish individuals, called the public.
要求人类中最聪明的人、那些最有资格相信自己判断的人认为有必要依赖自己的判断的东西，应该由少数聪明人和许多愚蠢的个人（称为公众）组成的杂七杂八的集合所服从，这并不过分。
The most intolerant of churches, the Roman Catholic Church, even at the canonisation of a saint, admits, and listens patiently to, a "devil's advocate." The holiest of men, it appears, cannot be admitted to posthumous honours, until all that the devil could say against him is known and weighed.
最不宽容的教会是罗马天主教会，即使在封圣一位圣人时，也承认并耐心地倾听“魔鬼代言人”的说法。看来，在魔鬼对他的所有反对意见都被了解和权衡之前，最神圣的人不能被授予死后的荣誉。
If even the Newtonian philosophy were not permitted to be questioned, mankind could not feel as complete assurance of its truth as they now do.
如果连牛顿哲学都不允许受到质疑，人类就无法像现在这样完全确信其真理性。
The beliefs which we have most warrant for, have no safeguard to rest on, but a standing invitation to the whole world to prove them unfounded.
我们最有保证的信念没有任何保障可以依靠，而是向全世界发出长期邀请，以证明它们是没有根据的。
If the challenge is not accepted, or is accepted and the attempt fails, we are far enough from certainty still; but we have done the best that the existing state of human reason admits of; we have neglected nothing that could give the truth a chance of reaching us: if the lists are kept open, we may hope that if there be a better truth, it will be found when the human mind is capable of receiving it; and in the meantime we may rely on having attained such approach to truth, as is possible in our own day.
如果挑战没有被接受，或者被接受但尝试失败，那么我们还远远没有确定性；但我们已经做了人类理性现有状态所允许的最好的事情；我们没有忽视任何能让真理有机会到达我们身边的事情：如果这些清单保持开放，我们可能希望，如果有更好的真理，当人类的思想有能力接受它时，我们就会发现它；与此同时，我们可以相信我们已经达到了接近真理的目的，这在我们这个时代是可能的。
This is the amount of certainty attainable by a fallible being, and this the sole way of attaining it.
这是一个容易犯错的人所能获得的确定性，也是获得它的唯一方法。
Strange it is, that men should admit the validity of the arguments for free discussion, but object to their being "pushed to an extreme;" not seeing that unless the reasons are good for an extreme case, they are not good for any case.
奇怪的是，人们承认自由讨论论点的有效性，但却反对这些论点被“推向极端”；没有看到除非这些理由对极端情况有好处，否则它们对任何情况都没有好处。
Strange that they should imagine that they are not assuming infallibility, when they acknowledge that there should be free discussion on all subjects which can possibly be _doubtful_, but think that some particular principle or doctrine should be forbidden to be questioned because it is _so certain_, that is, because _they are certain_ that it is certain.
奇怪的是，当他们承认应该对所有可能有疑问的主题进行自由讨论时，他们却认为自己没有假设自己是绝对正确的，但认为某些特定的原则或学说应该禁止受到质疑，因为它是“如此确定”，也就是说，因为“他们确信”它是确定的。
To call any proposition certain, while there is any one who would deny its certainty if permitted, but who is not permitted, is to assume that we ourselves, and those who agree with us, are the judges of certainty, and judges without hearing the other side.
称任何命题为确定性，尽管有人在允许的情况下会否认其确定性，但谁又不被允许，那就是假设我们自己以及那些同意我们的人是确定性的法官，并且是在不听取另一方意见的情况下做出的判断。
In the present age--which has been described as "destitute of faith, but terrified at scepticism"--in which people feel sure, not so much that their opinions are true, as that they should not know what to do without them--the claims of an opinion to be protected from public attack are rested not so much on its truth, as on its importance to society.
在当今时代——被描述为“缺乏信仰，但害怕怀疑”——人们确信自己的观点不是真实的，而是不知道没有这些观点该怎么办——主张保护观点免受公众攻击的主张与其说是基于其真实性，不如说是基于其对社会的重要性。
There are, it is alleged, certain beliefs, so useful, not to say indispensable to well-being, that it is as much the duty of governments to uphold those beliefs, as to protect any other of the interests of society.
据称，某些信念非常有用，更不用说对于福祉来说是不可或缺的，因此政府有责任维护这些信念，就像保护社会的任何其他利益一样。
In a case of such necessity, and so directly in the line of their duty, something less than infallibility may, it is maintained, warrant, and even bind, governments, to act on their own opinion, confirmed by the general opinion of mankind.
在这种必要性的情况下，并且直接在其职责范围内，人们认为，一些并非绝对正确的事情可以保证，甚至约束政府按照自己的意见行事，并得到人类普遍意见的确认。
It is also often argued, and still oftener thought, that none but bad men would desire to weaken these salutary beliefs; and there can be nothing wrong, it is thought, in restraining bad men, and prohibiting what only such men would wish to practise.
人们也经常争论，甚至更经常地认为，除了坏人之外，没有人愿意削弱这些有益的信念。人们认为，限制坏人并禁止只有坏人才愿意做的事情并没有什么错。
This mode of thinking makes the justification of restraints on discussion not a question of the truth of doctrines, but of their usefulness; and flatters itself by that means to escape the responsibility of claiming to be an infallible judge of opinions.
这种思维模式使得限制讨论的合理性不再是教义真实性的问题，而是其有用性的问题。并通过这种方式来自吹自擂，以逃避自称是绝对正确的意见判断者的责任。
But those who thus satisfy themselves, do not perceive that the assumption of infallibility is merely shifted from one point to another.
但那些如此满足自己的人，并没有意识到无误的假设只是从一个点转移到另一个点。
The usefulness of an opinion is itself matter of opinion: as disputable, as open to discussion, and requiring discussion as much, as the opinion itself.
意见的有用性本身就是意见的问题：与意见本身一样有争议、可以讨论、需要讨论。
There is the same need of an infallible judge of opinions to decide an opinion to be noxious, as to decide it to be false, unless the opinion condemned has full opportunity of defending itself.
除非被谴责的观点有充分的机会为自己辩护，否则同样需要一个绝对正确的观点判断者来判定一个观点是否有害，就像判定一个观点是错误的一样。
And it will not do to say that the heretic may be allowed to maintain the utility or harmlessness of his opinion, though forbidden to maintain its truth.
而且，如果说异教徒可以保持其观点的实用性或无害性，但禁止其保持其真实性，那也是不行的。
The truth of an opinion is part of its utility.
观点的真实性是其效用的一部分。
If we would know whether or not it is desirable that a proposition should be believed, is it possible to exclude the consideration of whether or not it is true?
如果我们想知道一个命题是否值得相信，是否可以排除它是否真实的考虑？
In the opinion, not of bad men, but of the best men, no belief which is contrary to truth can be really useful: and can you prevent such men from urging that plea, when they are charged with culpability for denying some doctrine which they are told is useful, but which they believe to be false?
不是坏人，而是最优秀的人认为，任何与真理相反的信仰都不会真正有用：当这些人因否认某些教义而被指控有罪时，你能阻止他们提出这样的辩护吗？他们被告知这些教义是有用的，但他们认为这些教义是错误的？
Those who are on the side of received opinions, never fail to take all possible advantage of this plea; you do not find _them_ handling the question of utility as if it could be completely abstracted from that of truth: on the contrary, it is, above all, because their doctrine is "the truth," that the knowledge or the belief of it is held to be so indispensable.
那些站在公认观点一边的人总是会尽可能地利用这一请求。你不会发现他们处理功利问题的方式就好像功利问题可以完全从真理问题中抽象出来一样：相反，最重要的是，因为他们的学说是“真理”，所以对它的知识或信仰被认为是不可或缺的。
There can be no fair discussion of the question of usefulness, when an argument so vital may be employed on one side, but not on the other.
当一个如此重要的论点可以用于一方，但不能用于另一方时，就不可能公平地讨论有用性问题。
And in point of fact, when law or public feeling do not permit the truth of an opinion to be disputed, they are just as little tolerant of a denial of its usefulness.
事实上，当法律或公众感情不允许对某个观点的真实性提出争议时，他们也同样不会容忍否认其有用性。
The utmost they allow is an extenuation of its absolute necessity, or of the positive guilt of rejecting it.
他们最多允许的是减轻其绝对必要性，或减轻拒绝它的积极罪恶感。
In order more fully to illustrate the mischief of denying a hearing to opinions because we, in our own judgment, have condemned them, it will be desirable to fix down the discussion to a concrete case; and I choose, by preference, the cases which are least favourable to me--in which the argument against freedom of opinion, both on the score of truth and on that of utility, is considered the strongest.
为了更充分地说明因为我们根据自己的判断谴责了意见而拒绝听取意见的危害，最好将讨论固定在一个具体的案例上；我会优先选择对我最不利的案例——在这些案例中，无论是从真理还是从实用性的角度来看，反对意见自由的论点都被认为是最有力的。
Let the opinions impugned be the belief in a God and in a future state, or any of the commonly received doctrines of morality.
让受到质疑的观点是对上帝和未来状态的信仰，或任何普遍接受的道德教义。
To fight the battle on such ground, gives a great advantage to an unfair antagonist; since he will be sure to say (and many who have no desire to be unfair will say it internally), Are these the doctrines which you do not deem sufficiently certain to be taken under the protection of law?
在这样的场地上进行战斗，会给不公平的对手带来很大的优势；因为他肯定会说（许多不想不公平的人会在内心这么说），你认为这些学说没有足够的确定性而不能受到法律的保护吗？
Is the belief in a God one of the opinions, to feel sure of which, you hold to be assuming infallibility?
对上帝的信仰是一种观点，为了确信这一点，你认为假设是无误的吗？
But I must be permitted to observe, that it is not the feeling sure of a doctrine (be it what it may) which I call an assumption of infallibility.
但我必须被允许观察到，我所说的绝对正确的假设并不是对某种学说（无论它可能是什么）的确信感。
It is the undertaking to decide that question _for others_, without allowing them to hear what can be said on the contrary side.
这是为其他人决定这个问题的承诺，而不让他们听到相反的观点。
And I denounce and reprobate this pretension not the less, if put forth on the side of my most solemn convictions.
如果这种主张是站在我最庄严的信念一边的话，我同样会谴责和斥责这种主张。
However positive any one's persuasion may be, not only of the falsity, but of the pernicious consequences--not only of the pernicious consequences, but (to adopt expressions which I altogether condemn) the immorality and impiety of an opinion; yet if, in pursuance of that private judgment, though backed by the public judgment of his country or his contemporaries, he prevents the opinion from being heard in its defence, he assumes infallibility.
无论任何人的说服力多么积极，不仅是错误的，而且是有害的后果——不仅是有害的后果，而且（采用我完全谴责的表达方式）观点的不道德和不虔诚；然而，如果他根据个人判断，尽管得到了他的国家或同时代人的公共判断的支持，却阻止了人们听取他的辩护意见，那么他就认为自己是正确的。
And so far from the assumption being less objectionable or less dangerous because the opinion is called immoral or impious, this is the case of all others in which it is most fatal.
到目前为止，这种假设并不那么令人反感或不那么危险，因为这种观点被称为不道德或不虔诚，在所有其他情况下，这种观点都是最致命的。
These are exactly the occasions on which the men of one generation commit those dreadful mistakes, which excite the astonishment and horror of posterity.
正是在这些场合，一代人犯下了那些令后人感到震惊和恐惧的可怕错误。
It is among such that we find the instances memorable in history, when the arm of the law has been employed to root out the best men and the noblest doctrines; with deplorable success as to the men, though some of the doctrines have survived to be (as if in mockery) invoked, in defence of similar conduct towards those who dissent from _them_, or from their received interpretation.
正是在这样的例子中，我们发现了历史上令人难忘的例子，当法律的力量被用来根除最优秀的人和最崇高的学说时；对于这些人来说，取得了令人遗憾的成功，尽管有些学说幸存下来并被（仿佛在嘲笑中）援引，以捍卫对那些反对他们或他们所接受的解释的人的类似行为。
Mankind can hardly be too often reminded that there was once a man named Socrates, between whom and the legal authorities and public opinion of his time, there took place a memorable collision.
人们不禁想起，曾经有一个名叫苏格拉底的人，他与当时的法律权威和舆论之间，发生了一场令人难忘的碰撞。
Born in an age and country abounding in individual greatness, this man has been handed down to us by those who best knew both him and the age, as the most virtuous man in it; while _we_ know him as the head and prototype of all subsequent teachers of virtue, the source equally of the lofty inspiration of Plato and the judicious utilitarianism of Aristotle, "_i maëstri di color che sanno_," the two headsprings of ethical as of all other philosophy.
这个人出生在一个充满个人伟大的时代和国家，他是由那些最了解他和这个时代的人传授给我们的，是这个时代最有道德的人；我们知道他是后来所有美德教师的领袖和原型，是柏拉图的崇高灵感和亚里士多德明智的功利主义的源泉，“i maëstri di color che sanno_”，是伦理学和所有其他哲学的两个源泉。
This acknowledged master of all the eminent thinkers who have since lived--whose fame, still growing after more than two thousand years, all but outweighs the whole remainder of the names which make his native city illustrious--was put to death by his countrymen, after a judicial conviction, for impiety and immorality.
这位自古以来所有杰出思想家公认的大师——他的名声在两千多年后仍然与日俱增，几乎超过了使他的家乡变得辉煌的所有其他名字——在司法定罪后，他的同胞因不敬虔和不道德而被处以死刑。
Impiety, in denying the gods recognised by the State; indeed his accuser asserted (see the "Apologia") that he believed in no gods at all.
不敬神，否认国家所承认的诸神；事实上，他的原告声称（见“辩护”）他根本不相信神。
Immorality, in being, by his doctrines and instructions, a "corruptor of youth." Of these charges the tribunal, there is every ground for believing, honestly found him guilty, and condemned the man who probably of all then born had deserved best of mankind, to be put to death as a criminal.
根据他的教义和指示，他的道德败坏是“青少年的腐蚀者”。对于这些指控，法庭有充分的理由相信，诚实地判定他有罪，并谴责这个可能是当时出生的所有人中最好的人，作为罪犯被处以死刑。
To pass from this to the only other instance of judicial iniquity, the mention of which, after the condemnation of Socrates, would not be an anticlimax: the event which took place on Calvary rather more than eighteen hundred years ago.
从这里转到司法不公正的唯一另一个例子，在苏格拉底被定罪之后，提及这一例子也不会令人感到扫兴：一千八百年前发生在加略山的事件。
The man who left on the memory of those who witnessed his life and conversation, such an impression of his moral grandeur, that eighteen subsequent centuries have done homage to him as the Almighty in person, was ignominiously put to death, as what?
这个人给那些目睹他的生活和谈话的人留下了道德崇高的印象，以至于随后的十八个世纪都将他视为全能的真主，他被耻辱地处死了，因为什么？
As a blasphemer.
作为一个亵渎者。
Men did not merely mistake their benefactor; they mistook him for the exact contrary of what he was, and treated him as that prodigy of impiety, which they themselves are now held to be, for their treatment of him.
人们不仅误解了他们的恩人，而且还误解了他们的恩人。他们误认为他与他的本来面目完全相反，并把他视为不虔诚的神童，而他们自己现在也因为对待他的方式而被认为是这样。
The feelings with which mankind now regard these lamentable transactions, especially the later of the two, render them extremely unjust in their judgment of the unhappy actors.
人类现在看待这些可悲的交易的感情，尤其是两者中的后者，使他们对不幸的行为者的判断变得极其不公正。
These were, to all appearance, not bad men--not worse than men commonly are, but rather the contrary; men who possessed in a full, or somewhat more than a full measure, the religious, moral, and patriotic feelings of their time and people: the very kind of men who, in all times, our own included, have every chance of passing through life blameless and respected.
从表面上看，这些人都不是坏人——并不比一般人更坏，而是恰恰相反。这些人拥有充分的、或者稍微超过充分的程度的宗教、道德和爱国情感，他们的时代和人民：正是这样的人，在所有时代，包括我们自己的时代，都有机会过着无可指责和受人尊敬的生活。
The high-priest who rent his garments when the words were pronounced, which, according to all the ideas of his country, constituted the blackest guilt, was in all probability quite as sincere in his horror and indignation, as the generality of respectable and pious men now are in the religious and moral sentiments they profess; and most of those who now shudder at his conduct, if they had lived in his time, and been born Jews, would have acted precisely as he did.
在宣布这句话时，那位大祭司撕裂了自己的衣服，根据他的国家的所有观念，这构成了最黑暗的罪孽，他的恐惧和愤慨很可能是真诚的，就像现在一般受人尊敬和虔诚的人在他们所宣称的宗教和道德情感中一样。大多数现在对他的行为感到不寒而栗的人，如果他们生活在他的时代，并且生来就是犹太人，就会像他一样行事。
Orthodox Christians who are tempted to think that those who stoned to death the first martyrs must have been worse men than they themselves are, ought to remember that one of those persecutors was Saint Paul.
东正教徒可能会认为那些用石头砸死第一批殉道者的人一定比他们自己更糟糕，但他们应该记住，其中一个迫害者就是圣保罗。
Let us add one more example, the most striking of all, if the impressiveness of an error is measured by the wisdom and virtue of him who falls into it.
让我们再举一个例子，这是最引人注目的一个例子，如果错误的严重程度是用犯错误的人的智慧和美德来衡量的话。
If ever any one, possessed of power, had grounds for thinking himself the best and most enlightened among his cotemporaries, it was the Emperor Marcus Aurelius.
如果说有谁拥有权力，有理由认为自己是同时代人中最优秀、最开明的人，那就是马可·奥勒留皇帝。
Absolute monarch of the whole civilised world, he preserved through life not only the most unblemished justice, but what was less to be expected from his Stoical breeding, the tenderest heart.
作为整个文明世界的绝对君主，他一生不仅保留了最完美的正义，而且还保留了他斯多葛派教养中意想不到的东西——最温柔的心。
The few failings which are attributed to him, were all on the side of indulgence: while his writings, the highest ethical product of the ancient mind, differ scarcely perceptibly, if they differ at all, from the most characteristic teachings of Christ.
归咎于他的少数失误，全都是放纵的一面：而他的著作，古代思想的最高道德产物，与基督最具特色的教义即使有任何不同，也几乎没有明显的不同。
This man, a better Christian in all but the dogmatic sense of the word, than almost any of the ostensibly Christian sovereigns who have since reigned, persecuted Christianity.
这个人在所有方面都是一个更好的基督徒，除了这个词的教条意义之外，他比几乎所有自此统治后迫害基督教的表面上的基督教君主都要好。
Placed at the summit of all the previous attainments of humanity, with an open, unfettered intellect, and a character which led him of himself to embody in his moral writings the Christian ideal, he yet failed to see that Christianity was to be a good and not an evil to the world, with his duties to which he was so deeply penetrated.
他处于人类先前所有成就的顶峰，具有开放、不受约束的智力，以及使他自己在道德著作中体现基督教理想的性格，但他却未能看到基督教对世界来说是善而不是恶，因为他的职责如此深刻。
Existing society he knew to be in a deplorable state.
他知道现有社会处于悲惨状态。
But such as it was, he saw, or thought he saw, that it was held together, and prevented from being worse, by belief and reverence of the received divinities.
但无论如何，他看到，或者认为他看到，通过对公认的神灵的信仰和尊敬，它被维系在一起，并防止变得更糟。
As a ruler of mankind, he deemed it his duty not to suffer society to fall in pieces; and saw not how, if its existing ties were removed, any others could be formed which could again knit it together.
作为人类的统治者，他认为不让社会分崩离析是他的职责；他们不知道，如果现有的联系被消除，任何其他联系都可以再次将其编织在一起。
The new religion openly aimed at dissolving these ties: unless, therefore, it was his duty to adopt that religion, it seemed to be his duty to put it down.
新宗教公开旨在消除这些联系：因此，除非他有责任接受该宗教，否则放弃它似乎就是他的责任。
Inasmuch then as the theology of Christianity did not appear to him true or of divine origin; inasmuch as this strange history of a crucified God was not credible to him, and a system which purported to rest entirely upon a foundation to him so wholly unbelievable, could not be foreseen by him to be that renovating agency which, after all abatements, it has in fact proved to be; the gentlest and most amiable of philosophers and rulers, under a solemn sense of duty, authorised the persecution of Christianity.
因为在他看来，基督教神学并不真实，也没有神圣的起源。因为上帝被钉在十字架上的这段奇怪的历史对他来说是不可信的，而一个声称完全建立在他完全难以置信的基础上的体系，他无法预见到，在经过所有的削弱之后，它实际上已经被证明是一个革新的机构。最温和、最和蔼可亲的哲学家和统治者，出于庄严的责任感，授权对基督教进行迫害。
To my mind this is one of the most tragical facts in all history.
在我看来，这是历史上最悲惨的事实之一。
It is a bitter thought, how different a thing the Christianity of the world might have been, if the Christian faith had been adopted as the religion of the empire under the auspices of Marcus Aurelius instead of those of Constantine.
这是一个痛苦的想法，如果基督教信仰在马可·奥勒留而不是君士坦丁的支持下被采纳为帝国的宗教，那么世界上的基督教将会是多么不同。
But it would be equally unjust to him and false to truth, to deny, that no one plea which can be urged for punishing anti-Christian teaching, was wanting to Marcus Aurelius for punishing, as he did, the propagation of Christianity.
但是，如果否认没有人要求马库斯·奥勒留像他那样惩罚基督教的传播，那么就对他来说同样是不公正的，也是违背真理的。
No Christian more firmly believes that Atheism is false, and tends to the dissolution of society, than Marcus Aurelius believed the same things of Christianity; he who, of all men then living, might have been thought the most capable of appreciating it.
没有哪个基督徒比马库斯·奥勒留更坚信无神论是错误的，并且会导致社会解体。他可能被认为是当时活着的所有人中最有能力欣赏它的人。
Unless any one who approves of punishment for the promulgation of opinions, flatters himself that he is a wiser and better man than Marcus Aurelius--more deeply versed in the wisdom of his time, more elevated in his intellect above it--more earnest in his search for truth, or more single-minded in his devotion to it when found;--let him abstain from that assumption of the joint infallibility of himself and the multitude, which the great Antoninus made with so unfortunate a result.
除非有人赞同因发表意见而受到惩罚，并自诩为比马可·奥勒留更聪明、更优秀的人——更深入地了解他那个时代的智慧，他的智力高于那个时代——他更热心地寻求真理，或者在发现真理时更专心致志地致力于真理；否则他就应该放弃那种认为他自己和大众共同正确的假设，而伟大的安东尼正是这样做的。不幸的结果。
Aware of the impossibility of defending the use of punishment for restraining irreligious opinions, by any argument which will not justify Marcus Antoninus, the enemies of religious freedom, when hard pressed, occasionally accept this consequence, and say, with Dr. Johnson, that the persecutors of Christianity were in the right; that persecution is an ordeal through which truth ought to pass, and always passes successfully, legal penalties being, in the end, powerless against truth, though sometimes beneficially effective against mischievous errors.
意识到不可能通过任何不能为宗教自由的敌人马库斯·安东尼辩护的论点来为使用惩罚来限制非宗教意见辩护，当宗教自由的敌人受到压力时，偶尔会接受这种结果，并与约翰逊博士一起说，基督教的迫害者是正确的；迫害是真理应该通过的考验，而且总是成功地通过，法律惩罚最终对真理无能为力，尽管有时对恶作剧的错误有效。
This is a form of the argument for religious intolerance, sufficiently remarkable not to be passed without notice.
这是宗教不宽容的一种论证形式，非常引人注目，不容忽视。
A theory which maintains that truth may justifiably be persecuted because persecution cannot possibly do it any harm, cannot be charged with being intentionally hostile to the reception of new truths; but we cannot commend the generosity of its dealing with the persons to whom mankind are indebted for them.
一个理论认为，真理可能会受到迫害，因为迫害不可能对它造成任何伤害，因此它不能被指控为故意敌视新真理的接受。但我们不能赞扬它对待人类欠下的人的慷慨态度。
To discover to the world something which deeply concerns it, and of which it was previously ignorant; to prove to it that it had been mistaken on some vital point of temporal or spiritual interest, is as important a service as a human being can render to his fellow-creatures, and in certain cases, as in those of the early Christians and of the Reformers, those who think with Dr. Johnson believe it to have been the most precious gift which could be bestowed on mankind.
向世界发现一些与它密切相关、而它以前却一无所知的东西；向它证明它在世俗或精神利益的某些关键点上是错误的，是人类为其同胞提供的一项重要服务，在某些情况下，就像早期基督徒和宗教改革者的情况一样，那些与约翰逊博士一样思考的人相信这是可以赐予人类的最珍贵的礼物。
That the authors of such splendid benefits should be requited by martyrdom; that their reward should be to be dealt with as the vilest of criminals, is not, upon this theory, a deplorable error and misfortune, for which humanity should mourn in sackcloth and ashes, but the normal and justifiable state of things.
如此巨大的利益的作者应该以殉难作为回报；根据这一理论，他们的奖赏应该是作为最卑鄙的罪犯来处理，这并不是一个令人遗憾的错误和不幸，人类应该为此哀悼，而是正常和合理的状态。
The propounder of a new truth, according to this doctrine, should stand, as stood, in the legislation of the Locrians, the proposer of a new law, with a halter round his neck, to be instantly tightened if the public assembly did not, on hearing his reasons, then and there adopt his proposition.
根据这一学说，新真理的提出者应该像洛克里人的立法一样，在新法律的提出者脖子上套上缰绳，如果公众议会在听取他的理由后不立即采纳他的提议，那么他的脖子上就会立即被勒紧。
People who defend this mode of treating benefactors, cannot be supposed to set much value on the benefit; and I believe this view of the subject is mostly confined to the sort of persons who think that new truths may have been desirable once, but that we have had enough of them now.
那些捍卫这种对待施主的方式的人，不能被认为对利益给予太多的重视。我相信对这个问题的这种观点主要局限于那些认为新的真理曾经是令人向往的人，但现在我们已经受够了。
But, indeed, the dictum that truth always triumphs over persecution, is one of those pleasant falsehoods which men repeat after one another till they pass into commonplaces, but which all experience refutes.
但是，事实上，真理总是战胜迫害这一格言，是人们不断重复的令人愉快的谎言之一，直到它们变得司空见惯，但所有的经验都驳斥了它。
History teems with instances of truth put down by persecution.
历史上充满了因迫害而揭露真相的事例。
If not suppressed for ever, it may be thrown back for centuries.
如果不永远压制，它可能会倒退几个世纪。
To speak only of religious opinions: the Reformation broke out at least twenty times before Luther, and was put down.
仅就宗教观点而言：宗教改革在路德之前至少爆发过二十次，并被镇压。
Arnold of Brescia was put down.
布雷西亚的阿诺德被镇压。
Fra Dolcino was put down.
弗拉·多尔西诺被安乐死。
Savonarola was put down.
萨沃纳罗拉被镇压。
The Albigeois were put down.
阿尔比乔派被镇压了。
The Vaudois were put down.
沃州人被镇压了。
The Lollards were put down.
罗拉德派被镇压了。
The Hussites were put down.
胡斯派被镇压了。
Even after the era of Luther, wherever persecution was persisted in, it was successful.
即使在路德时代之后，凡是坚持迫害的地方，都是成功的。
In Spain, Italy, Flanders, the Austrian empire, Protestantism was rooted out; and, most likely, would have been so in England, had Queen Mary lived, or Queen Elizabeth died.
在西班牙、意大利、佛兰德斯、奥地利帝国，新教被铲除；如果玛丽女王还活着，或者伊丽莎白女王去世了，英国很可能也会如此。
Persecution has always succeeded, save where the heretics were too strong a party to be effectually persecuted.
迫害总是成功的，除非异端势力太强大而无法受到有效迫害。
No reasonable person can doubt that Christianity might have been extirpated in the Roman Empire.
任何有理智的人都不会怀疑基督教可能已经在罗马帝国被消灭了。
It spread, and became predominant, because the persecutions were only occasional, lasting but a short time, and separated by long intervals of almost undisturbed propagandism.
它之所以得以传播，并成为主导，是因为迫害只是偶尔发生的，持续的时间也很短，并且中间间隔着很长一段几乎不受干扰的宣传活动。
It is a piece of idle sentimentality that truth, merely as truth, has any inherent power denied to error, of prevailing against the dungeon and the stake.
认为真理本身就具有战胜错误、战胜地牢和火刑柱的内在力量，这只是一种无意义的感伤。
Men are not more zealous for truth than they often are for error, and a sufficient application of legal or even of social penalties will generally succeed in stopping the propagation of either.
人们对真理的热情并不比对错误的热情高，充分运用法律甚至社会惩罚通常会成功地阻止任何一种错误的传播。
The real advantage which truth has, consists in this, that when an opinion is true, it may be extinguished once, twice, or many times, but in the course of ages there will generally be found persons to rediscover it, until some one of its reappearances falls on a time when from favourable circumstances it escapes persecution until it has made such head as to withstand all subsequent attempts to suppress it.
真理的真正优势在于，当一种观点是正确的时，它可能会被消灭一次、两次或多次，但随着时间的推移，通常会有人重新发现它，直到它的某个重新出现恰逢有利的环境，它逃脱了迫害，直到它的头脑能够抵挡住随后所有压制它的企图。
It will be said, that we do not now put to death the introducers of new opinions: we are not like our fathers who slew the prophets, we even build sepulchres to them.
有人会说，我们现在并没有处死新观点的提出者：我们不像我们的祖先那样杀害先知，我们甚至为他们建造坟墓。
It is true we no longer put heretics to death; and the amount of penal infliction which modern feeling would probably tolerate, even against the most obnoxious opinions, is not sufficient to extirpate them.
确实，我们不再处死异端分子；即使是针对最令人厌恶的观点，现代人可能会容忍的惩罚力度也不足以根除它们。
But let us not flatter ourselves that we are yet free from the stain even of legal persecution.
但我们不要自以为我们还没有受到法律迫害的玷污。
Penalties for opinion, or at least for its expression, still exist by law; and their enforcement is not, even in these times, so unexampled as to make it at all incredible that they may some day be revived in full force.
法律仍然存在对意见或至少对其表达的处罚；即使在当今时代，它们的执行也并非史无前例，以至于令人难以置信，它们有一天可能会全面恢复。
In the year 1857, at the summer assizes of the county of Cornwall, an unfortunate man,[7] said to be of unexceptionable conduct in all relations of life, was sentenced to twenty-one months' imprisonment, for uttering, and writing on a gate, some offensive words concerning Christianity.
1857年，在康沃尔郡的夏季巡回法庭上，一名不幸的人[7]，据说在所有生活关系中都表现得无可挑剔，却因在门上说出或在门上写下一些冒犯基督教的言论而被判处二十一个月的监禁。
Within a month of the same time, at the Old Bailey, two persons, on two separate occasions,[8] were rejected as jurymen, and one of them grossly insulted by the judge and by one of the counsel, because they honestly declared that they had no theological belief; and a third, a foreigner,[9] for the same reason, was denied justice against a thief.
在同一时间的一个月内，在老贝利，两个人[8]在两个不同的场合被拒绝担任陪审员，其中一人受到法官和一名律师的严重侮辱，因为他们诚实地宣称自己没有神学信仰；第三个是外国人，[9] 出于同样的原因，他被剥夺了对小偷伸张正义的机会。
This refusal of redress took place in virtue of the legal doctrine, that no person can be allowed to give evidence in a court of justice, who does not profess belief in a God (any god is sufficient) and in a future state; which is equivalent to declaring such persons to be outlaws, excluded from the protection of the tribunals; who may not only be robbed or assaulted with impunity, if no one but themselves, or persons of similar opinions, be present, but any one else may be robbed or assaulted with impunity, if the proof of the fact depends on their evidence.
这种拒绝补救的行为是根据法律原则进行的，即任何人不承认信仰上帝（任何上帝就足够了）和未来状态，就不得在法庭上提供证据；这相当于宣布这些人为不法之徒，被排除在法庭的保护之外；如果除了他们自己或持类似观点的人在场之外没有人在场，他们不仅可能被抢劫或袭击而不受惩罚，而且如果事实证明取决于他们的证据，任何其他人都可能被抢劫或袭击而不受惩罚。
The assumption on which this is grounded, is that the oath is worthless, of a person who does not believe in a future state; a proposition which betokens much ignorance of history in those who assent to it (since it is historically true that a large proportion of infidels in all ages have been persons of distinguished integrity and honour); and would be maintained by no one who had the smallest conception how many of the persons in greatest repute with the world, both for virtues and for attainments, are well known, at least to their intimates, to be unbelievers.
其依据的假设是，一个不相信未来状态的人的誓言毫无价值；这一主张表明赞同它的人对历史非常无知（因为从历史上看，各个时代的大部分异教徒都是具有杰出正直和荣誉的人）；任何一个人都不会认为，世界上有多少在美德和成就上享有盛誉的人，至少对他们的密友来说，是众所周知的不信者。
The rule, besides, is suicidal, and cuts away its own foundation.
此外，该规则是自杀性的，会切断其自身的基础。
Under pretence that atheists must be liars, it admits the testimony of all atheists who are willing to lie, and rejects only those who brave the obloquy of publicly confessing a detested creed rather than affirm a falsehood.
它假装无神论者一定是骗子，承认所有愿意撒谎的无神论者的证词，并且只拒绝那些敢于公开承认令人厌恶的信条而不是肯定谎言的诽谤者。
A rule thus self-convicted of absurdity so far as regards its professed purpose, can be kept in force only as a badge of hatred, a relic of persecution; a persecution, too, having the peculiarity, that the qualification for undergoing it, is the being clearly proved not to deserve it.
就其公开宣称的目的而言，这样自认为荒谬的规则只能作为仇恨的徽章、迫害的遗物而继续有效。迫害也有其特殊性，即明确证明不值得遭受迫害的人才有资格遭受迫害。
The rule, and the theory it implies, are hardly less insulting to believers than to infidels.
该规则及其所隐含的理论对信徒的侮辱并不亚于对异教徒的侮辱。
For if he who does not believe in a future state, necessarily lies, it follows that they who do believe are only prevented from lying, if prevented they are, by the fear of hell.
因为，如果不相信未来状态的人必然会撒谎，那么相信的人也只能因为对地狱的恐惧而阻止说谎（如果阻止的话）。
We will not do the authors and abettors of the rule the injury of supposing, that the conception which they have formed of Christian virtue is drawn from their own consciousness.
我们不会伤害这一规则的制定者和教唆者，因为他们认为他们所形成的基督教美德观念是从他们自己的意识中得出的。
These, indeed, are but rags and remnants of persecution, and may be thought to be not so much an indication of the wish to persecute, as an example of that very frequent infirmity of English minds, which makes them take a preposterous pleasure in the assertion of a bad principle, when they are no longer bad enough to desire to carry it really into practice.
事实上，这些不过是迫害的残骸和残余，与其说是迫害意愿的表现，倒不如说是英国人头脑中经常出现的弱点的一个例子，这使得他们在主张一个坏原则时感到荒谬的快乐，而当他们不再坏到渴望将其真正付诸实践时。
But unhappily there is no security in the state of the public mind, that the suspension of worse forms of legal persecution, which has lasted for about the space of a generation, will continue.
但不幸的是，公众的心态并没有保障，即已经持续了大约一代人时间的更恶劣形式的法律迫害将继续中止。
In this age the quiet surface of routine is as often ruffled by attempts to resuscitate past evils, as to introduce new benefits.
在这个时代，平静的日常生活表面经常会因为试图复兴过去的罪恶以及引入新的好处而被扰乱。
What is boasted of at the present time as the revival of religion, is always, in narrow and uncultivated minds, at least as much the revival of bigotry; and where there is the strong permanent leaven of intolerance in the feelings of a people, which at all times abides in the middle classes of this country, it needs but little to provoke them into actively persecuting those whom they have never ceased to think proper objects of persecution.[10] For it is this--it is the opinions men entertain, and the feelings they cherish, respecting those who disown the beliefs they deem important, which makes this country not a place of mental freedom.
目前所吹嘘的宗教复兴，在狭隘和未受教养的头脑中，至少总是偏执的复兴。如果一个民族的感情中存在着强烈的、持久的不宽容的酵母，而这个国家的中产阶级始终存在着这种不宽容的情绪，那么几乎不需要激怒他们就可以积极迫害那些他们从未停止认为适当的迫害对象的人。 [10]因为正是这样——正是人们所持有的观点、他们珍视的感情、尊重那些否认他们认为重要的信仰的人，使得这个国家不是一个精神自由的地方。
For a long time past, the chief mischief of the legal penalties is that they strengthen the social stigma.
长期以来，法律处罚的主要危害在于强化了社会耻辱感。
It is that stigma which is really effective, and so effective is it that the profession of opinions which are under the ban of society is much less common in England, than is, in many other countries, the avowal of those which incur risk of judicial punishment.
正是这种耻辱才是真正有效的，而且如此有效，以至于在英国，公开表达受到社会禁止的观点比在许多其他国家更不常见，而公开那些会招致司法惩罚风险的观点则要少得多。
In respect to all persons but those whose pecuniary circumstances make them independent of the good will of other people, opinion, on this subject, is as efficacious as law; men might as well be imprisoned, as excluded from the means of earning their bread.
对于所有人来说，除了那些因经济状况而独立于他人善意的人之外，在这个问题上的意见与法律一样有效。人类还不如被监禁，因为被排除在谋生手段之外。
Those whose bread is already secured, and who desire no favours from men in power, or from bodies of men, or from the public, have nothing to fear from the open avowal of any opinions, but to be ill-thought of and ill-spoken of, and this it ought not to require a very heroic mould to enable them to bear.
那些已经有饭吃的人，不希望得到当权者、团体或公众的青睐，不用担心公开表达任何意见，而是会受到恶意的思想和恶意的诽谤，而这并不需要非常英雄的模范才能让他们承受。
There is no room for any appeal _ad misericordiam_ in behalf of such persons.
对于这些人来说，没有任何上诉的余地。
But though we do not now inflict so much evil on those who think differently from us, as it was formerly our custom to do, it may be that we do ourselves as much evil as ever by our treatment of them.
但是，尽管我们现在不再像以前那样对那些与我们想法不同的人施加如此多的邪恶，但我们对待他们的方式可能会像以前一样给自己带来邪恶。
Socrates was put to death, but the Socratic philosophy rose like the sun in heaven, and spread its illumination over the whole intellectual firmament.
苏格拉底被处死，但苏格拉底哲学却像天上的太阳一样升起，照亮了整个知识界。
Christians were cast to the lions, but the Christian church grew up a stately and spreading tree, overtopping the older and less vigorous growths, and stifling them by its shade.
基督徒被扔到狮子面前，但基督教会长成了一棵庄严而伸展的树，超越了较老的、不那么旺盛的树，并被树荫窒息了。
Our merely social intolerance kills no one, roots out no opinions, but induces men to disguise them, or to abstain from any active effort for their diffusion.
我们纯粹的社会不宽容不会杀死任何人，也不会根除任何观点，但会诱使人们掩盖这些观点，或者放弃任何传播这些观点的积极努力。
With us, heretical opinions do not perceptibly gain, or even lose, ground in each decade or generation; they never blaze out far and wide, but continue to smoulder in the narrow circles of thinking and studious persons among whom they originate, without ever lighting up the general affairs of mankind with either a true or a deceptive light.
对我们来说，异端观点并不会在每一十年或每一代人中明显获得，甚至失去立足点；它们从来不会远方和广泛地燃烧，而是继续在它们所起源的思想和勤奋之人的狭隘圈子里闷烧，从来没有用真实的或欺骗性的光芒照亮人类的一般事务。
And thus is kept up a state of things very satisfactory to some minds, because, without the unpleasant process of fining or imprisoning anybody, it maintains all prevailing opinions outwardly undisturbed, while it does not absolutely interdict the exercise of reason by dissentients afflicted with the malady of thought.
因此，它保持了一种对某些人来说非常令人满意的状态，因为，没有罚款或监禁任何人的令人不快的过程，它保持了所有流行观点表面上不受干扰，同时它也没有绝对禁止患有思想疾病的持不同政见者运用理性。
A convenient plan for having peace in the intellectual world, and keeping all things going on therein very much as they do already.
一个方便的计划，可以在知识世界中实现和平，并让其中的所有事情都像已经发生的那样继续进行。
But the price paid for this sort of intellectual pacification, is the sacrifice of the entire moral courage of the human mind.
但这种思想安抚所付出的代价是牺牲人类心灵的全部道德勇气。
A state of things in which a large portion of the most active and inquiring intellects find it advisable to keep the genuine principles and grounds of their convictions within their own breasts, and attempt, in what they address to the public, to fit as much as they can of their own conclusions to premises which they have internally renounced, cannot send forth the open, fearless characters, and logical, consistent intellects who once adorned the thinking world.
在这种情况下，大部分最活跃和好奇的知识分子发现最好将他们的信念的真正原则和基础保留在自己的胸中，并试图在他们向公众发表的讲话中尽可能地将自己的结论与他们内心放弃的前提相一致，这样就无法培养出曾经装饰思想世界的开放、无畏的性格和逻辑、一致的知识分子。
The sort of men who can be looked for under it, are either mere conformers to commonplace, or time-servers for truth, whose arguments on all great subjects are meant for their hearers, and are not those which have convinced themselves.
在它之下可以寻找的人，要么只是平淡无奇的人，要么是真理的守时者，他们关于所有伟大主题的论点都是为了听众，而不是那些说服自己的人。
Those who avoid this alternative, do so by narrowing their thoughts and interest to things which can be spoken of without venturing within the region of principles, that is, to small practical matters, which would come right of themselves, if but the minds of mankind were strengthened and enlarged, and which will never be made effectually right until then: while that which would strengthen and enlarge men's minds, free and daring speculation on the highest subjects, is abandoned.
那些避免这种选择的人，是通过将他们的思想和兴趣缩小到那些无需在原则范围内冒险就能谈论的事情上来做到这一点的，也就是说，只关注小的实际问题，只要人类的思想得到加强和扩大，这些问题就会自然而然地变得正确，但在那之前它们永远不会有效地变得正确：而那些会加强和扩大人们的思想的东西，对最高主题的自由和大胆的思考则被放弃了。
Those in whose eyes this reticence on the part of heretics is no evil, should consider in the first place, that in consequence of it there is never any fair and thorough discussion of heretical opinions; and that such of them as could not stand such a discussion, though they may be prevented from spreading, do not disappear.
在那些认为异端分子的沉默并非邪恶的人看来，他们首先应该考虑到，由此而来的后果是，异端观点从来没有得到过公正和彻底的讨论。那些经不起这样讨论的人，尽管可能会被阻止传播，但不会消失。
But it is not the minds of heretics that are deteriorated most, by the ban placed on all inquiry which does not end in the orthodox conclusions.
但是，由于禁止所有不以正统结论结束的调查，最恶化的并不是异端分子的思想。
The greatest harm done is to those who are not heretics, and whose whole mental development is cramped, and their reason cowed, by the fear of heresy.
受到最大伤害的是那些不是异端的人，他们的整个心智发展受到限制，他们的理智因对异端的恐惧而受到畏缩。
Who can compute what the world loses in the multitude of promising intellects combined with timid characters, who dare not follow out any bold, vigorous, independent train of thought, lest it should land them in something which would admit of being considered irreligious or immoral?
谁能计算出这个世界在众多有前途的知识分子和胆怯的性格中失去了什么，他们不敢遵循任何大胆、有力、独立的思想路线，以免他们陷入被认为不宗教或不道德的境地？
Among them we may occasionally see some man of deep conscientiousness, and subtle and refined understanding, who spends a life in sophisticating with an intellect which he cannot silence, and exhausts the resources of ingenuity in attempting to reconcile the promptings of his conscience and reason with orthodoxy, which yet he does not, perhaps, to the end succeed in doing.
在他们中间，我们偶尔会看到一些尽职尽责、理解力敏锐、精明的人，他一生都在用一种他无法沉默的智慧来磨练，并用尽聪明才智，试图将他的良心和理性的推动与正统相调和，但他也许最终没有成功。
No one can be a great thinker who does not recognise, that as a thinker it is his first duty to follow his intellect to whatever conclusions it may lead.
没有人能够成为一名伟大的思想家，除非他认识到，作为一名思想家，追随他的智力得出任何可能得出的结论是他的首要职责。
Truth gains more even by the errors of one who, with due study and preparation, thinks for himself, than by the true opinions of those who only hold them because they do not suffer themselves to think.
即使是经过适当的研究和准备、独立思考的人所犯的错误，也比那些仅仅因为不允许自己思考而持有这些观点的人的真实观点更能获得真理。
Not that it is solely, or chiefly, to form great thinkers, that freedom of thinking is required.
并不是说培养伟大的思想家仅仅或主要需要思想自由。
On the contrary, it is as much, and even more indispensable, to enable average human beings to attain the mental stature which they are capable of.
相反，让普通人获得他们能够达到的精神高度同样重要，甚至更加不可或缺。
There have been, and may again be, great individual thinkers, in a general atmosphere of mental slavery.
在精神奴役的普遍氛围中，曾经出现过、也可能再次出现过伟大的个人思想家。
But there never has been, nor ever will be, in that atmosphere, an intellectually active people.
但在那种气氛下，从来没有、也永远不会有智力活跃的民族。
Where any people has made a temporary approach to such a character, it has been because the dread of heterodox speculation was for a time suspended.
如果有人暂时接近这样的人物，那是因为对异端投机的恐惧暂时被搁置了。
Where there is a tacit convention that principles are not to be disputed; where the discussion of the greatest questions which can occupy humanity is considered to be closed, we cannot hope to find that generally high scale of mental activity which has made some periods of history so remarkable.
存在原则不容争议的默契；当对人类所关心的最重大问题的讨论被认为已经结束时，我们就不能指望发现使某些历史时期如此引人注目的普遍大规模的心理活动。
Never when controversy avoided the subjects which are large and important enough to kindle enthusiasm, was the mind of a people stirred up from its foundations, and the impulse given which raised even persons of the most ordinary intellect to something of the dignity of thinking beings.
当争议回避那些足以激发热情的大而重要的主题时，一个民族的思想不会从根本上被激发起来，所产生的冲动甚至将最普通的智力的人提升到有思想的人的尊严。
Of such we have had an example in the condition of Europe during the times immediately following the Reformation; another, though limited to the Continent and to a more cultivated class, in the speculative movement of the latter half of the eighteenth century; and a third, of still briefer duration, in the intellectual fermentation of Germany during the Goethian and Fichtean period.
关于这一点，我们可以从宗教改革之后的欧洲的情况中得到一个例子。另一个，虽然仅限于欧洲大陆和更有教养的阶级，但发生在十八世纪下半叶的投机运动中；第三个，持续时间更短，是在歌德和费希特时期德国思想的发酵中。
These periods differed widely in the particular opinions which they developed; but were alike in this, that during all three the yoke of authority was broken.
这些时期所形成的具体观点差异很大。但在这一点上我们是相似的，即在这三个时期，权威的枷锁都被打破了。
In each, an old mental despotism had been thrown off, and no new one had yet taken its place.
在每一个地方，旧的精神专制都被抛弃了，而且还没有新的专制取而代之。
The impulse given at these three periods has made Europe what it now is.
这三个时期的推动造就了现在的欧洲。
Every single improvement which has taken place either in the human mind or in institutions, may be traced distinctly to one or other of them.
人类思想或制度中发生的每一项进步都可以明显地追溯到其中的一个或另一个。
Appearances have for some time indicated that all three impulses are well-nigh spent; and we can expect no fresh start, until we again assert our mental freedom.
一段时间以来，种种迹象表明，这三种冲动几乎都已耗尽。在我们再次维护我们的精神自由之前，我们不能期望有新的开始。
Let us now pass to the second division of the argument, and dismissing the supposition that any of the received opinions may be false, let us assume them to be true, and examine into the worth of the manner in which they are likely to be held, when their truth is not freely and openly canvassed.
现在让我们转到论证的第二部分，驳回任何所接受的观点可能是错误的假设，让我们假设它们是真实的，并研究当它们的真理没有被自由和公开地探讨时，它们可能被持有的方式的价值。
However unwillingly a person who has a strong opinion may admit the possibility that his opinion may be false, he ought to be moved by the consideration that however true it may be, if it is not fully, frequently, and fearlessly discussed, it will be held as a dead dogma, not a living truth.
无论一个拥有强烈观点的人多么不情愿地承认他的观点可能是错误的，他都应该考虑到无论它多么真实，如果它没有得到充分、频繁和无畏的讨论，它就会被视为死的教条，而不是活的真理。
There is a class of persons (happily not quite so numerous as formerly) who think it enough if a person assents undoubtingly to what they think true, though he has no knowledge whatever of the grounds of the opinion, and could not make a tenable defence of it against the most superficial objections.
有这样一类人（幸好数量不如以前那么多）认为，如果一个人毫无疑问地同意他们认为正确的观点就足够了，尽管他对这种观点的理由一无所知，也无法针对最肤浅的反对意见对其进行站得住脚的辩护。
Such persons, if they can once get their creed taught from authority, naturally think that no good, and some harm, comes of its being allowed to be questioned.
这些人一旦能够从权威那里得到他们的信条，自然会认为允许对其提出质疑并没有什么好处，反而会带来一些坏处。
Where their influence prevails, they make it nearly impossible for the received opinion to be rejected wisely and considerately, though it may still be rejected rashly and ignorantly; for to shut out discussion entirely is seldom possible, and when it once gets in, beliefs not grounded on conviction are apt to give way before the slightest semblance of an argument.
在他们的影响力盛行的地方，他们几乎不可能明智而周到地拒绝所收到的意见，尽管仍然可能会轻率而无知地拒绝；因为完全排除讨论几乎是不可能的，而且一旦讨论进入，没有基于信念的信念很容易在最轻微的争论面前让步。
Waiving, however, this possibility--assuming that the true opinion abides in the mind, but abides as a prejudice, a belief independent of, and proof against, argument--this is not the way in which truth ought to be held by a rational being.
然而，放弃这种可能性——假设真实的观点存在于头脑中，但作为一种偏见、一种独立于论证并反对论证的信念而存在——这并不是一个理性存在持有真理的方式。
This is not knowing the truth.
这就是不知道真相。
Truth, thus held, is but one superstition the more, accidentally clinging to the words which enunciate a truth.
因此，真理只不过是一种迷信，无意中坚持阐明真理的话语。
If the intellect and judgment of mankind ought to be cultivated, a thing which Protestants at least do not deny, on what can these faculties be more appropriately exercised by any one, than on the things which concern him so much that it is considered necessary for him to hold opinions on them?
如果人类的智力和判断力应该得到培养（新教徒至少不否认这一点），那么，除了那些与他密切相关、以至于他被认为有必要对这些事情持有意见的事情之外，还有什么比一个人更适合运用这些能力的呢？
If the cultivation of the understanding consists in one thing more than in another, it is surely in learning the grounds of one's own opinions.
如果理解力的培养更多地在于一件事而不是另一件事，那么肯定是了解自己观点的基础。
Whatever people believe, on subjects on which it is of the first importance to believe rightly, they ought to be able to defend against at least the common objections.
无论人们相信什么，在正确相信最重要的主题上，他们至少应该能够抵御常见的反对意见。
But, some one may say, "Let them be _taught_ the grounds of their opinions.
但是，有人可能会说：“让他们了解他们观点的依据。
It does not follow that opinions must be merely parroted because they are never heard controverted.
这并不意味着观点就必须仅仅人云亦云，因为它们从未受到争议。
Persons who learn geometry do not simply commit the theorems to memory, but understand and learn likewise the demonstrations; and it would be absurd to say that they remain ignorant of the grounds of geometrical truths, because they never hear any one deny, and attempt to disprove them." Undoubtedly: and such teaching suffices on a subject like mathematics, where there is nothing at all to be said on the wrong side of the question.
学习几何的人并不是简单地记住定理，而是同样地理解和学习演示；如果说他们仍然对几何真理的基础一无所知，那是荒谬的，因为他们从未听到任何人否认或试图反驳它们。”毫无疑问：对于像数学这样的学科来说，这样的教学就足够了，在这个学科上根本没有什么可以说是错误的。
The peculiarity of the evidence of mathematical truths is, that all the argument is on one side.
数学真理证据的独特之处在于，所有的论证都只站在一边。
There are no objections, and no answers to objections.
没有反对意见，也没有对反对意见的答复。
But on every subject on which difference of opinion is possible, the truth depends on a balance to be struck between two sets of conflicting reasons.
但对于每个可能存在意见分歧的主题，真相取决于两组相互冲突的理由之间的平衡。
Even in natural philosophy, there is always some other explanation possible of the same facts; some geocentric theory instead of heliocentric, some phlogiston instead of oxygen; and it has to be shown why that other theory cannot be the true one: and until this is shown, and until we know how it is shown, we do not understand the grounds of our opinion.
即使在自然哲学中，同样的事实也总是可能有其他的解释。一些地心说代替日心说，一些燃素代替氧；必须证明为什么其他理论不可能是正确的理论：直到这一点得到证明，直到我们知道它是如何被证明的，我们才明白我们观点的根据。
But when we turn to subjects infinitely more complicated, to morals, religion, politics, social relations, and the business of life, three-fourths of the arguments for every disputed opinion consist in dispelling the appearances which favour some opinion different from it.
但是，当我们转向更加复杂的主题，例如道德、宗教、政治、社会关系和生活事务时，每种有争议的观点的四分之三的论据都在于消除有利于与其不同的观点的表象。
The greatest orator, save one, of antiquity, has left it on record that he always studied his adversary's case with as great, if not with still greater, intensity than even his own.
古代最伟大的演说家，除了一位之外，都留下了这样的记录：他总是以与他自己一样强烈（如果不是甚至更大的话）的强度来研究对手的情况。
What Cicero practised as the means of forensic success, requires to be imitated by all who study any subject in order to arrive at the truth.
西塞罗所实践的作为法医成功手段的做法，要求所有研究任何学科的人都效仿，才能得出真相。
He who knows only his own side of the case, knows little of that.
只知道自己这边情况的人对此知之甚少。
His reasons may be good, and no one may have been able to refute them.
他的理由也许很好，可能没有人能够反驳。
But if he is equally unable to refute the reasons on the opposite side; if he does not so much as know what they are, he has no ground for preferring either opinion.
但如果他同样无法反驳对方的理由；如果他根本不知道它们是什么，那么他就没有理由偏爱任何一种观点。
The rational position for him would be suspension of judgment, and unless he contents himself with that, he is either led by authority, or adopts, like the generality of the world, the side to which he feels most inclination.
对他来说，理性的立场是悬置判断，除非他对此感到满意，否则他要么被权威所引导，要么像世界上的普遍情况一样，选择他最倾向于的一方。
Nor is it enough that he should hear the arguments of adversaries from his own teachers, presented as they state them, and accompanied by what they offer as refutations.
他从自己的老师那里听到对手的论点也是不够的，这些论点是按他们的陈述方式提出的，并附有他们提供的反驳内容。
That is not the way to do justice to the arguments, or bring them into real contact with his own mind.
这不是公正对待这些论点的方式，也不是让这些论点与他自己的思想真正接触的方式。
He must be able to hear them from persons who actually believe them; who defend them in earnest, and do their very utmost for them.
他必须能够从真正相信这些话的人那里听到这些话；他们真诚地捍卫他们，并为他们竭尽全力。
He must know them in their most plausible and persuasive form; he must feel the whole force of the difficulty which the true view of the subject has to encounter and dispose of; else he will never really possess himself of the portion of truth which meets and removes that difficulty.
他必须以最合理、最有说服力的形式了解它们；他必须感受到对这个主题的正确看法必须遇到和解决的困难的全部力量；否则，他永远无法真正掌握能够解决并消除这一困难的那部分真理。
Ninety-nine in a hundred of what are called educated men are in this condition; even of those who can argue fluently for their opinions.
百分之九十九的所谓受过教育的人都处于这种状态。即使是那些能够流利地表达自己观点的人。
Their conclusion may be true, but it might be false for anything they know: they have never thrown themselves into the mental position of those who think differently from them, and considered what such persons may have to say; and consequently they do not, in any proper sense of the word, know the doctrine which they themselves profess.
他们的结论可能是正确的，但对于他们所知道的任何事情来说，可能都是错误的：他们从未将自己置于那些与他们想法不同的人的心理位置上，并考虑过这些人可能会说什么；因此，从任何正确的意义上来说，他们并不了解他们自己所宣称的教义。
They do not know those parts of it which explain and justify the remainder; the considerations which show that a fact which seemingly conflicts with another is reconcilable with it, or that, of two apparently strong reasons, one and not the other ought to be preferred.
他们不知道其中的哪些部分可以解释并证明其余部分的合理性；这些考虑表明，看似与另一个事实相冲突的事实实际上是可以调和的，或者在两个明显强有力的理由中，应优先考虑其中一个而不是另一个。
All that part of the truth which turns the scale, and decides the judgment of a completely informed mind, they are strangers to; nor is it ever really known, but to those who have attended equally and impartially to both sides, and endeavoured to see the reasons of both in the strongest light.
他们对那些改变天平并决定完全知情的头脑的判断的真理部分感到陌生。除了那些平等而公正地参与双方并努力以最强烈的眼光看待双方理由的人之外，人们也从未真正了解过这一点。
So essential is this discipline to a real understanding of moral and human subjects, that if opponents of all important truths do not exist, it is indispensable to imagine them, and supply them with the strongest arguments which the most skilful devil's advocate can conjure up.
这种纪律对于真正理解道德和人类主题来说是如此重要，以至于如果所有重要真理的反对者都不存在，那么就必须想象它们，并为它们提供最熟练的魔鬼拥护者所能想到的最有力的论据。
To abate the force of these considerations, an enemy of free discussion may be supposed to say, that there is no necessity for mankind in general to know and understand all that can be said against or for their opinions by philosophers and theologians.
为了削弱这些考虑的力量，自由讨论的敌人可能会说，一般人类没有必要知道和理解哲学家和神学家反对或支持他们的观点的所有内容。
That it is not needful for common men to be able to expose all the misstatements or fallacies of an ingenious opponent.
普通人没有必要能够揭露一个聪明的对手的所有错误陈述或谬误。
That it is enough if there is always somebody capable of answering them, so that nothing likely to mislead uninstructed persons remains unrefuted.
如果总有人能够回答这些问题就足够了，这样任何可能误导外行人的事情都不会被驳倒。
That simple minds, having been taught the obvious grounds of the truths inculcated on them, may trust to authority for the rest, and being aware that they have neither knowledge nor talent to resolve every difficulty which can be raised, may repose in the assurance that all those which have been raised have been or can be answered, by those who are specially trained to the task.
头脑简单的人，在接受了灌输给他们的真理的明显基础之后，可能会相信其他问题的权威，并且意识到他们既没有知识也没有能力来解决可能提出的每一个困难，他们可以放心地保证所有已经提出的问题已经或可以由那些受过专门训练的人来回答。
Conceding to this view of the subject the utmost that can be claimed for it by those most easily satisfied with the amount of understanding of truth which ought to accompany the belief of it; even so, the argument for free discussion is no way weakened.
那些最容易满足于对真理的理解程度的人可以最大限度地承认这一主题的观点，而这种理解应该伴随着对真理的信仰；即便如此，自由讨论的论点丝毫没有减弱。
For even this doctrine acknowledges that mankind ought to have a rational assurance that all objections have been satisfactorily answered; and how are they to be answered if that which requires to be answered is not spoken?
因为即使这个学说也承认人类应该有一个理性的保证，所有的反对意见都已经得到了令人满意的答复。如果需要回答的问题没有被说出，又该如何回答呢？
or how can the answer be known to be satisfactory, if the objectors have no opportunity of showing that it is unsatisfactory?
或者，如果反对者没有机会表明答案不满意，如何才能知道答案是令人满意的？
If not the public, at least the philosophers and theologians who are to resolve the difficulties, must make themselves familiar with those difficulties in their most puzzling form; and this cannot be accomplished unless they are freely stated, and placed in the most advantageous light which they admit of.
即使不是公众，至少要解决这些困难的哲学家和神学家也必须以最令人费解的形式熟悉这些困难；除非它们被自由地陈述并置于它们所承认的最有利的角度，否则这是不可能实现的。
The Catholic Church has its own way of dealing with this embarrassing problem.
天主教会有自己的方式来处理这个尴尬的问题。
It makes a broad separation between those who can be permitted to receive its doctrines on conviction, and those who must accept them on trust.
它对那些可以被允许凭信念接受其教义的人和那些必须凭信任接受其教义的人进行了广泛的区分。
Neither, indeed, are allowed any choice as to what they will accept; but the clergy, such at least as can be fully confided in, may admissibly and meritoriously make themselves acquainted with the arguments of opponents, in order to answer them, and may, therefore, read heretical books; the laity, not unless by special permission, hard to be obtained.
事实上，他们都不能选择接受什么。但是，神职人员，至少是可以完全信任的神职人员，可以合理地、有功绩地熟悉反对者的论点，以便回答他们，因此可以阅读异端书籍。俗人，除非得到特别许可，否则很难获得。
This discipline recognises a knowledge of the enemy's case as beneficial to the teachers, but finds means, consistent with this, of denying it to the rest of the world: thus giving to the _élite_ more mental culture, though not more mental freedom, than it allows to the mass.
这一学科承认了解敌人的情况对教师来说是有益的，但同时也找到了与此相一致的方法，向世界其他地方否认这一点：从而给予精英更多的精神文化，尽管没有给予大众更多的精神自由。
By this device it succeeds in obtaining the kind of mental superiority which its purposes require; for though culture without freedom never made a large and liberal mind, it can make a clever _nisi prius_ advocate of a cause.
通过这种手段，它成功地获得了其目的所需的精神优势。因为，虽然没有自由的文化永远不会造就一个宽广而自由的思想，但它可以造就一个事业的聪明的_nisi prius_倡导者。
But in countries professing Protestantism, this resource is denied; since Protestants hold, at least in theory, that the responsibility for the choice of a religion must be borne by each for himself, and cannot be thrown off upon teachers.
但在信奉新教的国家，这种资源却被剥夺了。因为新教徒至少在理论上认为，选择宗教的责任必须由每个人自己承担，而不能推卸给教师。
Besides, in the present state of the world, it is practically impossible that writings which are read by the instructed can be kept from the uninstructed.
此外，在目前的世界状况下，让受过教育的人阅读的著作几乎不可能不让未受过教育的人阅读。
If the teachers of mankind are to be cognisant of all that they ought to know, everything must be free to be written and published without restraint.
如果人类的老师要认识到他们应该知道的一切，那么一切都必须可以不受限制地自由写作和出版。
If, however, the mischievous operation of the absence of free discussion, when the received opinions are true, were confined to leaving men ignorant of the grounds of those opinions, it might be thought that this, if an intellectual, is no moral evil, and does not affect the worth of the opinions, regarded in their influence on the character.
然而，如果缺乏自由讨论的恶作剧，当所收到的意见是真实的时，仅限于让人们无知这些意见的基础，那么，如果一个知识分子，这可能会被认为不是道德上的邪恶，并且不会影响这些意见的价值，因为它们对性格的影响。
The fact, however, is, that not only the grounds of the opinion are forgotten in the absence of discussion, but too often the meaning of the opinion itself.
然而事实是，由于缺乏讨论，不仅观点的依据被遗忘，而且观点本身的含义也常常被遗忘。
The words which convey it, cease to suggest ideas, or suggest only a small portion of those they were originally employed to communicate.
传达它的词语不再暗示想法，或者只暗示它们最初用来传达的想法的一小部分。
Instead of a vivid conception and a living belief, there remain only a few phrases retained by rote; or, if any part, the shell and husk only of the meaning is retained, the finer essence being lost.
没有生动的观念和活生生的信念，只剩下死记硬背的几句话；或者，如果有任何部分的话，也只是保留了意义的外壳，而失去了更精细的本质。
The great chapter in human history which this fact occupies and fills, cannot be too earnestly studied and meditated on.
这一事实占据并填补了人类历史上的伟大篇章，无论怎样认真研究和思考都不为过。
It is illustrated in the experience of almost all ethical doctrines and religious creeds.
几乎所有伦理学说和宗教信条的经验都说明了这一点。
They are all full of meaning and vitality to those who originate them, and to the direct disciples of the originators.
对于它们的创始人和创始人的亲传弟子来说，它们都充满了意义和生命力。
Their meaning continues to be felt in undiminished strength, and is perhaps brought out into even fuller consciousness, so long as the struggle lasts to give the doctrine or creed an ascendency over other creeds.
只要为赋予该教义或信条超越其他信条而进行的斗争持续下去，它们的意义就会继续以不减的力量被人感受到，甚至可能被带入更充分的意识中。
At last it either prevails, and becomes the general opinion, or its progress stops; it keeps possession of the ground it has gained, but ceases to spread further.
最后，它要么占上风，成为普遍意见，要么停止前进。它继续占有已取得的阵地，但不再进一步扩张。
When either of these results has become apparent, controversy on the subject flags, and gradually dies away.
当这些结果中的任何一个变得明显时，有关该主题的争议就会平息并逐渐消失。
The doctrine has taken its place, if not as a received opinion, as one of the admitted sects or divisions of opinion: those who hold it have generally inherited, not adopted it; and conversion from one of these doctrines to another, being now an exceptional fact, occupies little place in the thoughts of their professors.
该学说即使不是作为一种公认的观点，也已经作为一种公认的教派或观点分歧而取代了它的地位：那些持有它的人普遍继承了它，而不是采纳了它；从这些学说中的一种到另一种学说的转变现在已成为一个例外的事实，在他们的教授们的思想中占据了很少的位置。
Instead of being, as at first, constantly on the alert either to defend themselves against the world, or to bring the world over to them, they have subsided into acquiescence, and neither listen, when they can help it, to arguments against their creed, nor trouble dissentients (if there be such) with arguments in its favour.
他们不再像最初那样时刻保持警惕，要么保护自己免受世界的侵害，要么让世界屈服于他们，而是屈服于默许，当他们可以帮助时，既不倾听反对他们的信条的论点，也不用有利于其信条的论点来困扰持不同政见者（如果有的话）。
From this time may usually be dated the decline in the living power of the doctrine.
从这个时候开始，这一学说的生命力通常就开始衰落了。
We often hear the teachers of all creeds lamenting the difficulty of keeping up in the minds of believers a lively apprehension of the truth which they nominally recognise, so that it may penetrate the feelings, and acquire a real mastery over the conduct.
我们经常听到所有信经的导师们哀叹，要在信徒的心中保持对他们名义上承认的真理的生动理解，以便真理能够渗透到感情中，并真正掌握他们的行为，这是多么困难。
No such difficulty is complained of while the creed is still fighting for its existence: even the weaker combatants then know and feel what they are fighting for, and the difference between it and other doctrines; and in that period of every creed's existence, not a few persons may be found, who have realised its fundamental principles in all the forms of thought, have weighed and considered them in all their important bearings, and have experienced the full effect on the character, which belief in that creed ought to produce in a mind thoroughly imbued with it.
当这个信条仍在为自己的存在而战时，就不会抱怨这样的困难：即使是较弱的战斗者也会知道并感受到他们在为了什么而战，以及它与其他教义之间的区别；在每一种信条存在的那个时期，都可以找到不少人，他们以各种思想形式认识到其基本原则，权衡和考虑了它们的所有重要意义，并体验到了对该信条的信仰应该在一个完全充满该信条的心灵中产生的品格影响。
But when it has come to be a hereditary creed, and to be received passively, not actively--when the mind is no longer compelled, in the same degree as at first, to exercise its vital powers on the questions which its belief presents to it, there is a progressive tendency to forget all of the belief except the formularies, or to give it a dull and torpid assent, as if accepting it on trust dispensed with the necessity of realising it in consciousness, or testing it by personal experience; until it almost ceases to connect itself at all with the inner life of the human being.
但是，当它成为一种世袭的信条，并且被动地而不是主动地被接受时——当心灵不再像最初那样被迫在其信仰向它提出的问题上运用其生命力时，就会有一种渐进的趋势，即忘记除公式之外的所有信仰，或者给予它迟钝而迟钝的同意，仿佛信任地接受它，无需在意识中实现它，或通过个人经验来检验它；直到它几乎完全停止与人类的内在生活联系。
Then are seen the cases, so frequent in this age of the world as almost to form the majority, in which the creed remains as it were outside the mind, encrusting and petrifying it against all other influences addressed to the higher parts of our nature; manifesting its power by not suffering any fresh and living conviction to get in, but itself doing nothing for the mind or heart, except standing sentinel over them to keep them vacant.
然后我们可以看到这样的情况，在当今世界如此频繁，几乎占了大多数，其中信条仍然存在于心灵之外，将其包裹起来并使其僵化，以对抗所有其他针对我们本性的更高部分的影响。它的力量体现在，它不让任何新鲜而生动的信念进入，但它本身对思想或心灵没有任何作用，除了站在他们的哨兵上，让他们保持空虚。
To what an extent doctrines intrinsically fitted to make the deepest impression upon the mind may remain in it as dead beliefs, without being ever realised in the imagination, the feelings, or the understanding, is exemplified by the manner in which the majority of believers hold the doctrines of Christianity.
本质上适合在心灵上留下最深刻印象的教义在多大程度上可能作为死信仰保留在人们的心中，而从未在想象、情感或理解中实现，大多数信徒持有基督教教义的方式就证明了这一点。
By Christianity I here mean what is accounted such by all churches and sects--the maxims and precepts contained in the New Testament.
我这里所说的基督教指的是所有教会和教派所认为的基督教——新约圣经中所包含的格言和戒律。
These are considered sacred, and accepted as laws, by all professing Christians.
这些被所有自称基督徒的人视为神圣的，并接受为法律。
Yet it is scarcely too much to say that not one Christian in a thousand guides or tests his individual conduct by reference to those laws.
然而，可以毫不夸张地说，一千名基督徒中没有一个会参考这些法律来指导或检验自己的个人行为。
The standard to which he does refer it, is the custom of his nation, his class, or his religious profession.
他所参考的标准是他的国家、他的阶级或他的宗教信仰的习俗。
He has thus, on the one hand, a collection of ethical maxims, which he believes to have been vouchsafed to him by infallible wisdom as rules for his government; and on the other, a set of every-day judgments and practices, which go a certain length with some of those maxims, not so great a length with others, stand in direct opposition to some, and are, on the whole, a compromise between the Christian creed and the interests and suggestions of worldly life.
因此，一方面，他拥有一系列道德格言，他相信这些格言是由绝对正确的智慧赋予他的，作为他的政府的规则；另一方面，一套日常判断和实践，与其中一些格言有一定的长度，与另一些格言的长度不那么长，与某些格言直接对立，总体上来说，是基督教信条与世俗生活的利益和建议之间的妥协。
To the first of these standards he gives his homage; to the other his real allegiance.
他对第一个标准表示敬意；向对方表达他真正的忠诚。
All Christians believe that the blessed are the poor and humble, and those who are ill-used by the world; that it is easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of heaven; that they should judge not, lest they be judged; that they should swear not at all; that they should love their neighbour as themselves; that if one take their cloak, they should give him their coat also; that they should take no thought for the morrow; that if they would be perfect, they should sell all that they have and give it to the poor.
所有基督徒都相信，穷人、卑微的人和被世人虐待的人是有福的；骆驼穿过针眼比财主进天国还容易；叫他们不要论断，免得他们被论断；他们根本不应该发誓；他们应该爱人如己；如果有人拿走了他们的斗篷，他们也应该把自己的斗篷也给他；他们不应该考虑明天；如果他们想要完美，就应该卖掉他们所有的一切，分给穷人。
They are not insincere when they say that they believe these things.
当他们说他们相信这些事情时，他们并不是虚伪的。
They do believe them, as people believe what they have always heard lauded and never discussed.
他们确实相信他们，就像人们相信他们一直听到的称赞但从未讨论过的东西一样。
But in the sense of that living belief which regulates conduct, they believe these doctrines just up to the point to which it is usual to act upon them.
但就规范行为的活泼信念而言，他们相信这些教义，直到通常按照这些教义行事的程度。
The doctrines in their integrity are serviceable to pelt adversaries with; and it is understood that they are to be put forward (when possible) as the reasons for whatever people do that they think laudable.
这些学说的完整性对于攻击对手是有用的。并且人们理解，它们将被提出（如果可能的话）作为人们所做的任何他们认为值得称赞的事情的理由。
But any one who reminded them that the maxims require an infinity of things which they never even think of doing, would gain nothing but to be classed among those very unpopular characters who affect to be better than other people.
但是，如果有人提醒他们，这些格言要求他们做无数他们从未想过要做的事情，那么他除了被归入那些假装比其他人更好的非常不受欢迎的人物之外，一无所获。
The doctrines have no hold on ordinary believers--are not a power in their minds.
这些教义对普通信徒没有任何影响——在他们的头脑中不是一种力量。
They have a habitual respect for the sound of them, but no feeling which spreads from the words to the things signified, and forces the mind to take _them_ in, and make them conform to the formula.
他们习惯性地尊重它们的声音，但没有感觉从文字传播到所指的事物，迫使心灵接受它们，并使它们符合公式。
Whenever conduct is concerned, they look round for Mr. A and B to direct them how far to go in obeying Christ.
每当涉及行为时，他们都会四处寻找A先生和B先生来指导他们在服从基督方面应该走多远。
Now we may be well assured that the case was not thus, but far otherwise, with the early Christians.
现在我们可以确信，早期基督徒的情况并非如此，而是截然不同。
Had it been thus, Christianity never would have expanded from an obscure sect of the despised Hebrews into the religion of the Roman empire.
如果真是这样，基督教就永远不会从受人鄙视的希伯来人的一个不起眼的教派扩展到罗马帝国的宗教。
When their enemies said, "See how these Christians love one another" (a remark not likely to be made by anybody now), they assuredly had a much livelier feeling of the meaning of their creed than they have ever had since.
当他们的敌人说：“看看这些基督徒如何彼此相爱”（现在任何人都不太可能说出这样的话）时，他们对自己的信条的意义无疑比以往任何时候都更加生动地感受到了。
And to this cause, probably, it is chiefly owing that Christianity now makes so little progress in extending its domain, and after eighteen centuries, is still nearly confined to Europeans and the descendants of Europeans.
正是由于这个原因，基督教现在在扩展其领域方面进展甚微，并且在十八个世纪之后，仍然几乎局限于欧洲人和欧洲人的后裔。
Even with the strictly religious, who are much in earnest about their doctrines, and attach a greater amount of meaning to many of them than people in general, it commonly happens that the part which is thus comparatively active in their minds is that which was made by Calvin, or Knox, or some such person much nearer in character to themselves.
即使对于严格的宗教人士来说，他们对自己的教义非常认真，并且比一般人更重视其中的许多教义，但通常会发生这样的情况：在他们的头脑中相对活跃的部分是由加尔文，或诺克斯，或一些性格更接近他们的人所创造的。
The sayings of Christ coexist passively in their minds, producing hardly any effect beyond what is caused by mere listening to words so amiable and bland.
基督的话语被动地共存于他们的脑海中，除了仅仅聆听如此和蔼可亲、平淡无奇的话语所产生的效果之外，几乎没有产生任何效果。
There are many reasons, doubtless, why doctrines which are the badge of a sect retain more of their vitality than those common to all recognised sects, and why more pains are taken by teachers to keep their meaning alive; but one reason certainly is, that the peculiar doctrines are more questioned, and have to be oftener defended against open gainsayers.
毫无疑问，有很多原因可以解释为什么作为一个教派标志的教义比所有公认教派共有的教义更具有生命力，为什么老师们更努力地保持其意义。但肯定有一个原因是，这些特殊的学说受到了更多的质疑，并且必须经常针对公开的反对者进行辩护。
Both teachers and learners go to sleep at their post, as soon as there is no enemy in the field.
一旦战场上没有敌人，教师和学生就各自在自己的岗位上睡觉。
The same thing holds true, generally speaking, of all traditional doctrines--those of prudence and knowledge of life, as well as of morals or religion.
一般来说，同样的情况也适用于所有传统教义——那些关于生活的谨慎和知识，以及道德或宗教的教义。
All languages and literatures are full of general observations on life, both as to what it is, and how to conduct oneself in it; observations which everybody knows, which everybody repeats, or hears with acquiescence, which are received as truisms, yet of which most people first truly learn the meaning, when experience, generally of a painful kind, has made it a reality to them.
所有的语言和文学都充满了对生活的普遍观察，包括生活是什么以及如何在生活中做人。每个人都知道、每个人都重复或默认听到的观察结果，这些观察结果被视为不言而喻，但大多数人首先真正了解其中的含义，是在经历（通常是痛苦的）使他们成为现实时。
How often, when smarting under some unforeseen misfortune or disappointment, does a person call to mind some proverb or common saying, familiar to him all his life, the meaning of which, if he had ever before felt it as he does now, would have saved him from the calamity.
有多少次，当一个人因某种不可预见的不幸或失望而痛苦时，他会想起一些他一生都熟悉的谚语或俗语，如果他以前像现在一样感受到它的含义，就会使他免于灾难。
There are indeed reasons for this, other than the absence of discussion: there are many truths of which the full meaning _cannot_ be realised, until personal experience has brought it home.
除了缺乏讨论之外，这确实是有原因的：有许多真理，只有在个人经验带入后才能理解其全部含义。
But much more of the meaning even of these would have been understood, and what was understood would have been far more deeply impressed on the mind, if the man had been accustomed to hear it argued _pro_ and _con_ by people who did understand it.
但是，如果这个人习惯于听到那些真正理解它的人对它进行赞成和反对的争论，那么即使是这些内容的更多含义也会被理解，并且所理解的内容也会在头脑中留下更深刻的印象。
The fatal tendency of mankind to leave off thinking about a thing when it is no longer doubtful, is the cause of half their errors.
人类有一种致命的倾向，即当事情不再有疑问时就停止思考，这是他们一半错误的原因。
A contemporary author has well spoken of "the deep slumber of a decided opinion."
一位当代作家很好地谈到了“坚定的意见的沉睡”。
But what!
但什么！
(it may be asked) Is the absence of unanimity an indispensable condition of true knowledge?
（可能有人会问）缺乏一致意见是真知的必要条件吗？
Is it necessary that some part of mankind should persist in error, to enable any to realise the truth?
人类的某些部分是否必须坚持错误才能使任何人认识到真理？
Does a belief cease to be real and vital as soon as it is generally received--and is a proposition never thoroughly understood and felt unless some doubt of it remains?
一个信念是否一旦被普遍接受就不再是真实的和重要的——并且一个命题是否永远不会被彻底理解和感受到，除非对它仍然存在一些怀疑？
As soon as mankind have unanimously accepted a truth, does the truth perish within them?
一旦人类一致接受了一个真理，真理就在他们内部消亡了吗？
The highest aim and best result of improved intelligence, it has hitherto been thought, is to unite mankind more and more in the acknowledgment of all important truths: and does the intelligence only last as long as it has not achieved its object?
迄今为止，人们一直认为，提高智力的最高目标和最佳结果是使人类越来越团结起来，承认所有重要的真理：智力只有在没有实现其目标的时候才能持续吗？
Do the fruits of conquest perish by the very completeness of the victory?
征服的果实会因为胜利的彻底而消失吗？
I affirm no such thing.
我断言没有这样的事情。
As mankind improve, the number of doctrines which are no longer disputed or doubted will be constantly on the increase: and the well-being of mankind may almost be measured by the number and gravity of the truths which have reached the point of being uncontested.
随着人类的进步，不再有争议或怀疑的学说的数量将不断增加：人类的福祉几乎可以通过已达到无可争议的真理的数量和严重程度来衡量。
The cessation, on one question after another, of serious controversy, is one of the necessary incidents of the consolidation of opinion; a consolidation as salutary in the case of true opinions, as it is dangerous and noxious when the opinions are erroneous.
在一个又一个问题上停止激烈的争论，是巩固意见的必要事件之一。如果意见正确，合并是有益的，而如果意见错误，合并则是危险和有害的。
But though this gradual narrowing of the bounds of diversity of opinion is necessary in both senses of the term, being at once inevitable and indispensable, we are not therefore obliged to conclude that all its consequences must be beneficial.
但是，尽管这种意见多样性范围的逐渐缩小在这两个意义上都是必要的，既是不可避免的又是不可或缺的，但我们没有义务因此得出结论说它的所有后果都一定是有益的。
The loss of so important an aid to the intelligent and living apprehension of a truth, as is afforded by the necessity of explaining it to, or defending it against, opponents, though not sufficient to outweigh, is no trifling drawback from, the benefit of its universal recognition.
失去对真理的明智而生动的理解如此重要的帮助，就像向反对者解释真理或捍卫真理的必要性所提供的那样，虽然不足以抵消普遍承认的好处，但这并不是一个微不足道的缺点。
Where this advantage can no longer be had, I confess I should like to see the teachers of mankind endeavouring to provide a substitute for it; some contrivance for making the difficulties of the question as present to the learner's consciousness, as if they were pressed upon him by a dissentient champion, eager for his conversion.
当这种优势不再存在时，我承认我希望看到人类的老师们努力提供一种替代品；一些使问题的困难呈现在学习者意识中的设计，就好像这些困难是由一个持不同政见的拥护者强加给他的，渴望他的转变。
But instead of seeking contrivances for this purpose, they have lost those they formerly had.
但他们并没有为此目的寻求办法，而是失去了以前拥有的东西。
The Socratic dialectics, so magnificently exemplified in the dialogues of Plato, were a contrivance of this description.
在柏拉图对话录中得到如此精彩例证的苏格拉底辩证法就是这种描述的产物。
They were essentially a negative discussion of the great questions of philosophy and life, directed with consummate skill to the purpose of convincing any one who had merely adopted the commonplaces of received opinion, that he did not understand the subject--that he as yet attached no definite meaning to the doctrines he professed; in order that, becoming aware of his ignorance, he might be put in the way to attain a stable belief, resting on a clear apprehension both of the meaning of doctrines and of their evidence.
它们本质上是对哲学和生活的重大问题的消极讨论，以精湛的技巧指导，目的是让任何一个仅仅采用了公认观点的人相信他不理解这个主题——他还没有赋予他所宣称的学说明确的含义；这样，当他意识到自己的无知时，他就可以在对教义及其证据的清晰理解的基础上获得稳定的信仰。
The school disputations of the middle ages had a somewhat similar object.
中世纪的学校争论也有类似的目的。
They were intended to make sure that the pupil understood his own opinion, and (by necessary correlation) the opinion opposed to it, and could enforce the grounds of the one and confute those of the other.
它们的目的是确保学生理解他自己的观点，以及（通过必要的关联）反对它的观点，并且能够强化一个观点的理由并反驳另一个观点。
These last-mentioned contests had indeed the incurable defect, that the premises appealed to were taken from authority, not from reason; and, as a discipline to the mind, they were in every respect inferior to the powerful dialectics which formed the intellects of the "Socratici viri": but the modern mind owes far more to both than it is generally willing to admit, and the present modes of education contain nothing which in the smallest degree supplies the place either of the one or of the other.
最后提到的这些争论确实有一个无法治愈的缺陷，即所诉诸的前提是来自权威，而不是来自理性。而且，作为心灵的一门学科，它们在各方面都不如形成“苏格拉底式智慧”的思想的强大辩证法：但现代心灵对这两者的贡献远远超出了人们普遍愿意承认的程度，而目前的教育模式在最小程度上没有包含其中任何一种的地位。
A person who derives all his instruction from teachers or books, even if he escape the besetting temptation of contenting himself with cram, is under no compulsion to hear both sides; accordingly it is far from a frequent accomplishment, even among thinkers, to know both sides; and the weakest part of what everybody says in defence of his opinion, is what he intends as a reply to antagonists.
一个从老师或书本上获得所有指导的人，即使他摆脱了满足于补习班的诱惑，也不会被迫听取双方的意见；因此，即使在思想家中，了解双方也不是一件常见的事。每个人为自己的观点辩护时所说的话中最薄弱的部分是他打算对对手做出的回应。
It is the fashion of the present time to disparage negative logic--that which points out weaknesses in theory or errors in practice, without establishing positive truths.
贬低消极逻辑是当今时代的时尚，即指出理论中的弱点或实践中的错误，而不建立积极的真理。
Such negative criticism would indeed be poor enough as an ultimate result; but as a means to attaining any positive knowledge or conviction worthy the name, it cannot be valued too highly; and until people are again systematically trained to it, there will be few great thinkers, and a low general average of intellect, in any but the mathematical and physical departments of speculation.
这种负面批评的最终结果确实是很糟糕的。但作为获得名副其实的积极知识或信念的一种手段，它的价值不能太高。在人们再次接受系统的训练之前，除了数学和物理学的思辨领域外，任何伟大的思想家都将很少见，智力的总体平均水平也会很低。
On any other subject no one's opinions deserve the name of knowledge, except so far as he has either had forced upon him by others, or gone through of himself, the same mental process which would have been required of him in carrying on an active controversy with opponents.
在任何其他主题上，没有人的观点值得被称为知识，除非他是被别人强加给他的，或者是他自己经历过的，与他与对手进行积极争论所需要的相同的心理过程。
That, therefore, which when absent, it is so indispensable, but so difficult, to create, how worse than absurd is it to forego, when spontaneously offering itself!
因此，当它不存在时，创造它是如此不可或缺，但却如此困难，而当它自发地提供它自己时，放弃它是多么荒谬啊！
If there are any persons who contest a received opinion, or who will do so if law or opinion will let them, let us thank them for it, open our minds to listen to them, and rejoice that there is some one to do for us what we otherwise ought, if we have any regard for either the certainty or the vitality of our convictions, to do with much greater labour for ourselves.
如果有人对公认的观点提出异议，或者如果法律或观点允许的话，他们会这样做，让我们为此感谢他们，敞开心扉倾听他们的意见，并为有人为我们做我们应该做的事情而感到高兴，如果我们考虑到我们信念的确定性或活力的话，我们应该为自己做更多的工作。
It still remains to speak of one of the principal causes which make diversity of opinion advantageous, and will continue to do so until mankind shall have entered a stage of intellectual advancement which at present seems at an incalculable distance.
仍然需要谈到使意见多样性有利的主要原因之一，并将继续这样做，直到人类进入目前看来距离不可估量的智力进步阶段。
We have hitherto considered only two possibilities: that the received opinion may be false, and some other opinion, consequently, true; or that, the received opinion being true, a conflict with the opposite error is essential to a clear apprehension and deep feeling of its truth.
迄今为止，我们只考虑了两种可能性：收到的意见可能是错误的，而其他一些意见因此是正确的；或者说，所接受的观点是正确的，与相反的错误相冲突对于清楚地理解和深刻地感受其真实性至关重要。
But there is a commoner case than either of these; when the conflicting doctrines, instead of being one true and the other false, share the truth between them; and the nonconforming opinion is needed to supply the remainder of the truth, of which the received doctrine embodies only a part.
但还有一个比这两种情况更常见的情况：当相互冲突的教义不是一个正确另一个错误时，它们之间共享真理；需要不一致的意见来提供其余的真理，而公认的教义仅体现了其中的一部分。
Popular opinions, on subjects not palpable to sense, are often true, but seldom or never the whole truth.
对于无法感知的主题的流行观点往往是真实的，但很少或从来不是全部真相。
They are a part of the truth; sometimes a greater, sometimes a smaller part, but exaggerated, distorted, and disjoined from the truths by which they ought to be accompanied and limited.
它们是真理的一部分；有时是较大的部分，有时是较小的部分，但都被夸大、扭曲，并脱离了它们应该伴随和限制的真理。
Heretical opinions, on the other hand, are generally some of these suppressed and neglected truths, bursting the bonds which kept them down, and either seeking reconciliation with the truth contained in the common opinion, or fronting it as enemies, and setting themselves up, with similar exclusiveness, as the whole truth.
另一方面，异端观点通常是这些被压制和忽视的真理中的一些，冲破了束缚它们的束缚，要么寻求与共同观点中包含的真理和解，要么将其视为敌人，并以类似的排他性将自己树立为全部真理。
The latter case is hitherto the most frequent, as, in the human mind, one-sidedness has always been the rule, and many-sidedness the exception.
后一种情况是迄今为止最常见的，因为在人类思维中，片面性始终是规则，而多面性则是例外。
Hence, even in revolutions of opinion, one part of the truth usually sets while another rises.
因此，即使在舆论革命中，真理的一部分通常会确立，而另一部分则会兴起。
Even progress, which ought to superadd, for the most part only substitutes one partial and incomplete truth for another; improvement consisting chiefly in this, that the new fragment of truth is more wanted, more adapted to the needs of the time, than that which it displaces.
即使是应该叠加的进步，在很大程度上也只是用一个部分的、不完整的真理替代了另一个真理。改进主要在于，新的真理片段比它所取代的真理更受欢迎，更适应时代的需要。
Such being the partial character of prevailing opinions, even when resting on a true foundation; every opinion which embodies somewhat of the portion of truth which the common opinion omits, ought to be considered precious, with whatever amount of error and confusion that truth may be blended.
这就是主流观点的片面性，即使它是有真实基础的。每一种观点，如果包含了普遍观点所遗漏的部分真理，就应该被认为是宝贵的，无论真理可能混杂多少错误和混乱。
No sober judge of human affairs will feel bound to be indignant because those who force on our notice truths which we should otherwise have overlooked, overlook some of those which we see.
任何一个对人类事务进行清醒判断的人都不会感到愤慨，因为那些强行让我们注意我们本来应该忽视的真理的人却忽视了我们所看到的一些真理。
Rather, he will think that so long as popular truth is one-sided, it is more desirable than otherwise that unpopular truth should have one-sided asserters too; such being usually the most energetic, and the most likely to compel reluctant attention to the fragment of wisdom which they proclaim as if it were the whole.
相反，他会认为，只要流行的真理是片面的，那么不受欢迎的真理也应该有片面的主张者，这比其他情况更可取。这些人通常是最有活力的，也最有可能迫使人们不情愿地关注他们宣称的智慧的片段，就好像它是整体一样。
Thus, in the eighteenth century, when nearly all the instructed, and all those of the uninstructed who were led by them, were lost in admiration of what is called civilisation, and of the marvels of modern science, literature, and philosophy, and while greatly overrating the amount of unlikeness between the men of modern and those of ancient times, indulged the belief that the whole of the difference was in their own favour; with what a salutary shock did the paradoxes of Rousseau explode like bombshells in the midst, dislocating the compact mass of one-sided opinion, and forcing its elements to recombine in a better form and with additional ingredients.
因此，在十八世纪，几乎所有受过教育的人和受他们领导的所有未受过教育的人都迷失在对所谓文明以及现代科学、文学和哲学奇迹的钦佩之中，在极大地高估了现代人与古代人之间的差异的同时，却沉迷于相信整个差异都对他们自己有利；卢梭的悖论像重磅炸弹一样在中间爆炸，扰乱了片面观点的紧凑性，并迫使其元素以更好的形式和附加成分重新组合，这是多么有益的冲击啊。
Not that the current opinions were on the whole farther from the truth than Rousseau's were; on the contrary, they were nearer to it; they contained more of positive truth, and very much less of error.
这并不是说当前的观点总体上比卢梭的观点更远离事实；相反，相反，他们离它更近了；它们包含更多的积极真理，而错误则少得多。
Nevertheless there lay in Rousseau's doctrine, and has floated down the stream of opinion along with it, a considerable amount of exactly those truths which the popular opinion wanted; and these are the deposit which was left behind when the flood subsided.
尽管如此，卢梭的学说中仍然存在着相当多的大众观点所需要的真理，而且这些真理也随之随舆论的潮流而流淌。这些是洪水退去时留下的沉积物。
The superior worth of simplicity of life, the enervating and demoralising effect of the trammels and hypocrisies of artificial society, are ideas which have never been entirely absent from cultivated minds since Rousseau wrote; and they will in time produce their due effect, though at present needing to be asserted as much as ever, and to be asserted by deeds, for words, on this subject, have nearly exhausted their power.
自卢梭写作以来，朴素生活的优越价值、人造社会的束缚和虚伪所带来的令人衰弱和士气低落的观念，这些观念从未在有教养的头脑中完全消失过。它们将及时产生其应有的效果，尽管目前仍需要像以往一样加以主张，并通过行动来加以主张，因为在这个问题上，言语几乎已经耗尽了它们的力量。
In politics, again, it is almost a commonplace, that a party of order or stability, and a party of progress or reform, are both necessary elements of a healthy state of political life; until the one or the other shall have so enlarged its mental grasp as to be a party equally of order and of progress, knowing and distinguishing what is fit to be preserved from what ought to be swept away.
在政治领域，秩序或稳定的政党和进步或改革的政党都是政治生活健康状态的必要要素，这几乎是司空见惯的事。直到一方或另一方扩大了自己的思想认识，成为秩序和进步的一方，知道并区分什么是适合保留的，什么是应该被清除的。
Each of these modes of thinking derives its utility from the deficiencies of the other; but it is in a great measure the opposition of the other that keeps each within the limits of reason and sanity.
这些思维模式中的每一种都从另一种思维模式的缺陷中获得了其效用。但在很大程度上，正是对方的反对才使双方保持在理性和理智的范围内。
Unless opinions favourable to democracy and to aristocracy, to property and to equality, to co-operation and to competition, to luxury and to abstinence, to sociality and individuality, to liberty and discipline, and all the other standing antagonisms of practical life, are expressed with equal freedom, and enforced and defended with equal talent and energy, there is no chance of both elements obtaining their due; one scale is sure to go up and the other down.
除非有利于民主和贵族、有利于财产和平等、有利于合作和竞争、有利于奢侈和节制、有利于社会性和个性、有利于自由和纪律，以及现实生活中所有其他长期对立的意见，都以平等的自由表达，并以平等的才能和精力执行和捍卫，否则这两种因素就没有机会获得其应有的地位；一个尺度肯定会上升，另一个尺度肯定会下降。
Truth, in the great practical concerns of life, is so much a question of the reconciling and combining of opposites, that very few have minds sufficiently capacious and impartial to make the adjustment with an approach to correctness, and it has to be made by the rough process of a struggle between combatants fighting under hostile banners.
在生活的重大实际问题中，真理在很大程度上是一个对立面的调和和结合的问题，以至于很少有人有足够的能力和公正的头脑来以正确的方式进行调整，它必须通过在敌对旗帜下战斗的战斗人员之间的斗争的艰难过程来实现。
On any of the great open questions just enumerated, if either of the two opinions has a better claim than the other, not merely to be tolerated, but to be encouraged and countenanced, it is the one which happens at the particular time and place to be in a minority.
在刚才列举的任何一个重大的开放性问题上，如果两种观点中的任何一种比另一种有更好的主张，不仅值得容忍，而且值得鼓励和支持，那么在特定的时间和地点发生的就是少数派。
That is the opinion which, for the time being, represents the neglected interests, the side of human well-being which is in danger of obtaining less than its share.
这种观点目前代表了被忽视的利益，即人类福祉的一方面临着获得少于其份额的危险。
I am aware that there is not, in this country, any intolerance of differences of opinion on most of these topics.
我知道，在这个国家，对于大多数这些话题的意见分歧并不存在任何不能容忍的情况。
They are adduced to show, by admitted and multiplied examples, the universality of the fact, that only through diversity of opinion is there, in the existing state of human intellect, a chance of fair-play to all sides of the truth.
引用它们是为了通过公认的和大量的例子来表明事实的普遍性，即在人类智力的现有状态下，只有通过意见的多样性，才有机会公平对待真理的各个方面。
When there are persons to be found, who form an exception to the apparent unanimity of the world on any subject, even if the world is in the right, it is always probable that dissentients have something worth hearing to say for themselves, and that truth would lose something by their silence.
当有人在任何问题上成为世界表面上一致的例外时，即使世界是正确的，持不同政见者也总是可能有一些值得听的东西为自己说话，而真理会因他们的沉默而失去一些东西。
It may be objected, "But _some_ received principles, especially on the highest and most vital subjects, are more than half-truths.
有人可能会反对，“但是一些公认的原则，尤其是在最高和最重要的主题上，是半真半假的。
The Christian morality, for instance, is the whole truth on that subject, and if any one teaches a morality which varies from it, he is wholly in error." As this is of all cases the most important in practice, none can be fitter to test the general maxim.
例如，基督教道德就是关于这个问题的全部真理，如果有人教导一种与基督教道德不同的道德，那么他就完全错误了。”由于这是实践中最重要的所有情况，因此没有人比这更适合测试一般准则。
But before pronouncing what Christian morality is or is not, it would be desirable to decide what is meant by Christian morality.
但在宣布基督教道德是什么或不是什么之前，最好先确定基督教道德的含义。
If it means the morality of the New Testament, I wonder that any one who derives his knowledge of this from the book itself, can suppose that it was announced, or intended, as a complete doctrine of morals.
如果它指的是《新约》的道德，我想知道任何从这本书本身中获得这方面知识的人都可以认为它是作为一种完整的道德学说而被宣布或有意为之的。
The Gospel always refers to a pre-existing morality, and confines its precepts to the particulars in which that morality was to be corrected, or superseded by a wider and higher; expressing itself, moreover, in terms most general, often impossible to be interpreted literally, and possessing rather the impressiveness of poetry or eloquence than the precision of legislation.
福音总是提到一种预先存在的道德，并将其戒律限制在那些道德将被纠正或被更广泛和更高的道德所取代的细节上。此外，它以最笼统的术语表达自己，往往无法按字面解释，并且具有诗歌或雄辩的令人印象深刻的效果，而不是立法的精确性。
To extract from it a body of ethical doctrine, has ever been possible without eking it out from the Old Testament, that is, from a system elaborate indeed, but in many respects barbarous, and intended only for a barbarous people.
从中提炼出一套伦理学说，是可能的，无需从《旧约》中寻找，也就是说，从一个确实详尽的体系中提取出来，但在许多方面都是野蛮的，而且只针对野蛮的民族。
St. Paul, a declared enemy to this Judaical mode of interpreting the doctrine and filling up the scheme of his Master, equally assumes a pre-existing morality, namely, that of the Greeks and Romans; and his advice to Christians is in a great measure a system of accommodation to that; even to the extent of giving an apparent sanction to slavery.
圣保罗公开反对这种解释教义和实现他的主人计划的犹太模式，他同样假定了一种预先存在的道德，即希腊人和罗马人的道德。他对基督徒的建议在很大程度上是一种适应这一点的制度。甚至到了对奴隶制给予明显制裁的程度。
What is called Christian, but should rather be termed theological, morality, was not the work of Christ or the Apostles, but is of much later origin, having been gradually built up by the Catholic church of the first five centuries, and though not implicitly adopted by moderns and Protestants, has been much less modified by them than might have been expected.
所谓的基督教，更确切地说应该被称为神学、道德，不是基督或使徒的作品，而是起源更晚的东西，是由前五个世纪的天主教会逐渐建立起来的，虽然没有被现代人和新教徒暗中采用，但他们对它的修改比预期的要少得多。
For the most part, indeed, they have contented themselves with cutting off the additions which had been made to it in the middle ages, each sect supplying the place by fresh additions, adapted to its own character and tendencies.
事实上，在大多数情况下，他们满足于砍掉中世纪添加的内容，每个教派都根据自己的特点和倾向添加新的内容来填补这个位置。
That mankind owe a great debt to this morality, and to its early teachers, I should be the last person to deny; but I do not scruple to say of it, that it is, in many important points, incomplete and one-sided, and that unless ideas and feelings, not sanctioned by it, had contributed to the formation of European life and character, human affairs would have been in a worse condition than they now are.
人类对这种道德及其早期老师负有很大的责任，我应该是最不会否认的人。但我毫不犹豫地说，它在许多重要方面都是不完整的和片面的，除非未经它认可的思想和感情有助于欧洲人生活和性格的形成，否则人类事务的状况将会比现在更糟糕。
Christian morality (so called) has all the characters of a reaction; it is, in great part, a protest against Paganism.
基督教道德（所谓的）具有反应的所有特征；这在很大程度上是对异教的抗议。
Its ideal is negative rather than positive; passive rather than active; Innocence rather than Nobleness; Abstinence from Evil, rather than energetic Pursuit of Good: in its precepts (as has been well said) "thou shalt not" predominates unduly over "thou shalt." In its horror of sensuality, it made an idol of asceticism, which has been gradually compromised away into one of legality.
它的理想是消极的而不是积极的；被动而非主动；纯真胜过高贵；戒恶，而不是积极追求善：在它的戒律中（正如人们所说的那样），“你不应该”过度地凌驾于“你应该”之上。由于对肉欲的恐惧，它创造了禁欲主义的偶像，而禁欲主义已逐渐被妥协为合法性的偶像。
It holds out the hope of heaven and the threat of hell, as the appointed and appropriate motives to a virtuous life: in this falling far below the best of the ancients, and doing what lies in it to give to human morality an essentially selfish character, by disconnecting each man's feelings of duty from the interests of his fellow-creatures, except so far as a self-interested inducement is offered to him for consulting them.
它提出了天堂的希望和地狱的威胁，作为高尚生活的指定和适当的动机：在这种情况下，它远远低于最优秀的古代人，并且通过将每个人的责任感与他的同胞的利益分开，除非向他提供自利的诱因来咨询他们，从而使人类道德具有本质上自私的性格。
It is essentially a doctrine of passive obedience; it inculcates submission to all authorities found established; who indeed are not to be actively obeyed when they command what religion forbids, but who are not to be resisted, far less rebelled against, for any amount of wrong to ourselves.
它本质上是一种被动服从的学说。它反复强调要服从所有已成立的当局；当他们发出宗教所禁止的命令时，我们确实不应该积极服从他们，但我们也不应该因为对我们自己有任何错误而抵制他们，更不用说反抗他们了。
And while, in the morality of the best Pagan nations, duty to the State holds even a disproportionate place, infringing on the just liberty of the individual; in purely Christian ethics, that grand department of duty is scarcely noticed or acknowledged.
然而，在最好的异教国家的道德中，对国家的责任甚至占据了不成比例的地位，侵犯了个人的正当自由；在纯粹的基督教伦理中，这一重大职责几乎没有被注意到或承认。
It is in the Koran, not the New Testament, that we read the maxim--"A ruler who appoints any man to an office, when there is in his dominions another man better qualified for it, sins against God and against the State." What little recognition the idea of obligation to the public obtains in modern morality, is derived from Greek and Roman sources, not from Christian; as, even in the morality of private life, whatever exists of magnanimity, high-mindedness, personal dignity, even the sense of honour, is derived from the purely human, not the religious part of our education, and never could have grown out of a standard of ethics in which the only worth, professedly recognised, is that of obedience.
我们在《古兰经》而不是《新约》中读到了这句格言：“一个统治者任命任何人担任某个职务，如果他的领土上有另一个人更适合担任这一职位，那么他就是得罪真主和国家的罪过。”现代道德中对公共义务的观念几乎没有得到认可，但这种观念源自希腊和罗马，而不是基督教。因为，即使在私人生活的道德中，任何存在的宽宏大量、高尚的品格、个人尊严，甚至荣誉感，都源于纯粹的人性，而不是我们教育中的宗教部分，而且永远不可能产生于一种道德标准，在这种道德标准中，唯一被承认的价值是服从。
I am as far as any one from pretending that these defects are necessarily inherent in the Christian ethics, in every manner in which it can be conceived, or that the many requisites of a complete moral doctrine which it does not contain, do not admit of being reconciled with it.
我绝不会假装这些缺陷必然是基督教伦理学所固有的，无论以何种方式来理解它，或者假装基督教伦理学中不包含的完整道德教义的许多必要条件都不承认与基督教伦理学相调和。
Far less would I insinuate this of the doctrines and precepts of Christ himself.
我更不会暗示基督本人的教义和戒律。
I believe that the sayings of Christ are all, that I can see any evidence of their having been intended to be; that they are irreconcilable with nothing which a comprehensive morality requires; that everything which is excellent in ethics may be brought within them, with no greater violence to their language than has been done to it by all who have attempted to deduce from them any practical system of conduct whatever.
我相信基督的话就是全部，我可以看到任何证据表明它们是有意为之的；它们与全面道德所要求的任何东西都是不可调和的；道德上的一切优秀的东西都可以被带入他们的内心，而对他们的语言的暴力不会比那些试图从他们身上推导出任何实际的行为体系的人对语言的暴力更大。
But it is quite consistent with this, to believe that they contain, and were meant to contain, only a part of the truth; that many essential elements of the highest morality are among the things which are not provided for, nor intended to be provided for, in the recorded deliverances of the Founder of Christianity, and which have been entirely thrown aside in the system of ethics erected on the basis of those deliverances by the Christian Church.
但与此完全一致的是，相信它们只包含并且应该包含事实的一部分；最高道德的许多基本要素在基督教创始人记录的拯救中没有规定，也没有打算规定，并且在基督教会基于这些拯救建立的道德体系中完全被抛弃了。
And this being so, I think it a great error to persist in attempting to find in the Christian doctrine that complete rule for our guidance, which its author intended it to sanction and enforce, but only partially to provide.
既然如此，我认为坚持试图在基督教教义中找到指导我们的完整规则是一个巨大的错误，其作者希望它批准和执行，但只是部分提供。
I believe, too, that this narrow theory is becoming a grave practical evil, detracting greatly from the value of the moral training and instruction, which so many well-meaning persons are now at length exerting themselves to promote.
我还相信，这种狭隘的理论正在成为一种严重的实际罪恶，极大地损害了道德训练和指导的价值，而许多好心人现在正在竭尽全力推动道德训练和指导。
I much fear that by attempting to form the mind and feelings on an exclusively religious type, and discarding those secular standards (as for want of a better name they may be called) which heretofore co-existed with and supplemented the Christian ethics, receiving some of its spirit, and infusing into it some of theirs, there will result, and is even now resulting, a low, abject, servile type of character, which, submit itself as it may to what it deems the Supreme Will, is incapable of rising to or sympathising in the conception of Supreme Goodness.
我非常担心，如果试图以一种纯粹的宗教类型来形成思想和情感，并抛弃那些迄今为止与基督教伦理共存并补充的世俗标准（因为缺乏更好的名称，它们可以被称为），接受基督教伦理的一些精神，并注入其中的一些精神，就会导致，甚至现在正在产生一种低下的，卑鄙的，奴性的性格类型，这种性格如果可能服从它认为的最高意志，是无法做到的。上升到或同情至善的概念。
I believe that other ethics than any which can be evolved from exclusively Christian sources, must exist side by side with Christian ethics to produce the moral regeneration of mankind; and that the Christian system is no exception to the rule, that in an imperfect state of the human mind, the interests of truth require a diversity of opinions.
我相信，除了纯粹从基督教根源演变而来的道德之外，其他道德必须与基督教道德并存，以实现人类道德的重生。基督教体系也不例外，在人类思想的不完美状态下，真理的利益需要不同的意见。
It is not necessary that in ceasing to ignore the moral truths not contained in Christianity, men should ignore any of those which it does contain.
人们不必在不再忽视基督教中未包含的道德真理的同时，也应该忽视它所包含的任何道德真理。
Such prejudice, or oversight, when it occurs, is altogether an evil; but it is one from which we cannot hope to be always exempt, and must be regarded as the price paid for an inestimable good.
这种偏见或疏忽一旦发生，就完全是一种罪恶。但我们不能希望总是免受这种影响，必须将其视为获得不可估量的好处所付出的代价。
The exclusive pretension made by a part of the truth to be the whole, must and ought to be protested against, and if a reactionary impulse should make the protestors unjust in their turn, this one-sidedness, like the other, may be lamented, but must be tolerated.
部分事实假装是全部的排他性假装，必须也应该受到抗议，如果反动冲动使抗议者反过来变得不公正，那么这种片面性，就像其他片面性一样，可能会令人遗憾，但必须容忍。
If Christians would teach infidels to be just to Christianity, they should themselves be just to infidelity.
如果基督徒教导异教徒要公正地对待基督教，那么他们自己也应该公正地对待不忠行为。
It can do truth no service to blink the fact, known to all who have the most ordinary acquaintance with literary history, that a large portion of the noblest and most valuable moral teaching has been the work, not only of men who did not know, but of men who knew and rejected, the Christian faith.
对文学史有最普通了解的人都知道，大部分最高尚和最有价值的道德教义不仅是那些不知道基督教信仰的人的作品，而且是那些知道但拒绝基督教信仰的人的作品，忽视这个事实对真理没有任何帮助。
I do not pretend that the most unlimited use of the freedom of enunciating all possible opinions would put an end to the evils of religious or philosophical sectarianism.
我并不假装最不受限制地使用表达所有可能意见的自由会结束宗教或哲学宗派主义的罪恶。
Every truth which men of narrow capacity are in earnest about, is sure to be asserted, inculcated, and in many ways even acted on, as if no other truth existed in the world, or at all events none that could limit or qualify the first.
能力有限的人所热衷的每一条真理都肯定会被断言、灌输，甚至在许多方面都被付诸实践，就好像世界上不存在其他真理，或者无论如何没有任何真理可以限制或限定第一个真理。
I acknowledge that the tendency of all opinions to become sectarian is not cured by the freest discussion, but is often heightened and exacerbated thereby; the truth which ought to have been, but was not, seen, being rejected all the more violently because proclaimed by persons regarded as opponents.
我承认，最自由的讨论并不能治愈所有观点的宗派倾向，反而往往会因此而加剧和加剧。本来应该被看到却没有被看到的真理，由于被视为反对者的人所宣扬而遭到更加猛烈的拒绝。
But it is not on the impassioned partisan, it is on the calmer and more disinterested bystander, that this collision of opinions works its salutary effect.
但这种意见的碰撞不会对热情的党派产生有益的影响，而是对更冷静、更公正的旁观者产生有益的影响。
Not the violent conflict between parts of the truth, but the quiet suppression of half of it, is the formidable evil: there is always hope when people are forced to listen to both sides; it is when they attend only to one that errors harden into prejudices, and truth itself ceases to have the effect of truth, by being exaggerated into falsehood.
可怕的罪恶不是部分真相之间的暴力冲突，而是对一半真相的悄悄压制：当人们被迫听取双方的意见时，总是有希望；当人们被迫听取双方的意见时，总会有希望；当他们只关注某一点时，错误就会变成偏见，而真理本身就会因被夸大而不再具有真理的效果，变成谎言。
And since there are few mental attributes more rare than that judicial faculty which can sit in intelligent judgment between two sides of a question, of which only one is represented by an advocate before it, truth has no chance but in proportion as every side of it, every opinion which embodies any fraction of the truth, not only finds advocates, but is so advocated as to be listened to.
由于很少有司法能力比司法能力更罕见，司法能力可以在问题的两方之间做出明智的判断，其中只有一方由辩护人代表，因此真理没有机会，而是与它的每一方成比例，每一种体现真理任何部分的意见，不仅找到支持者，而且得到如此提倡以便被倾听。
We have now recognised the necessity to the mental well-being of mankind (on which all their other well-being depends) of freedom of opinion, and freedom of the expression of opinion, on four distinct grounds; which we will now briefly recapitulate.
我们现在已经认识到，对于人类的精神福祉（他们所有其他福祉都依赖于此），意见自由和意见表达自由的必要性有四个不同的理由：我们现在将简要回顾一下。
First, if any opinion is compelled to silence, that opinion may, for aught we can certainly know, be true.
首先，如果任何观点被迫保持沉默，那么就我们所知，该观点可能是真实的。
To deny this is to assume our own infallibility.
否认这一点就是假设我们自己是正确的。
Secondly, though the silenced opinion be an error, it may, and very commonly does, contain a portion of truth; and since the general or prevailing opinion on any subject is rarely or never the whole truth, it is only by the collision of adverse opinions, that the remainder of the truth has any chance of being supplied.
其次，尽管沉默的观点是错误的，但它可能而且通常确实包含一部分事实；由于对任何主题的一般或普遍观点很少或永远不是全部真相，因此只有通过相反意见的冲突，才有机会提供其余的真相。
Thirdly, even if the received opinion be not only true, but the whole truth; unless it is suffered to be, and actually is, vigorously and earnestly contested, it will, by most of those who receive it, be held in the manner of a prejudice, with little comprehension or feeling of its rational grounds.
第三，即使收到的意见不仅是真实的，而且是全部事实；除非它被容忍，而且事实上也确实受到了激烈而认真的争论，否则，大多数接受它的人都会以偏见的方式持有它，而对其理性基础知之甚少，也知之甚少。
And not only this, but, fourthly, the meaning of the doctrine itself will be in danger of being lost, or enfeebled, and deprived of its vital effect on the character and conduct: the dogma becoming a mere formal profession, inefficacious for good, but cumbering the ground, and preventing the growth of any real and heartfelt conviction, from reason or personal experience.
不仅如此，第四，教义本身的意义将面临迷失或削弱的危险，并被剥夺了对品格和行为的重要影响：教义变成了一种纯粹的正式职业，永远无效，反而阻碍了基础，并阻碍了任何来自理性或个人经验的真正和衷心的信念的发展。
Before quitting the subject of freedom of opinion, it is fit to take some notice of those who say, that the free expression of all opinions should be permitted, on condition that the manner be temperate, and do not pass the bounds of fair discussion.
在结束言论自由这个话题之前，我们应该注意一下那些认为应该允许所有意见自由表达的人，但条件是方式要温和，并且不超越公平讨论的界限。
Much might be said on the impossibility of fixing where these supposed bounds are to be placed; for if the test be offence to those whose opinion is attacked, I think experience testifies that this offence is given whenever the attack is telling and powerful, and that every opponent who pushes them hard, and whom they find it difficult to answer, appears to them, if he shows any strong feeling on the subject, an intemperate opponent.
关于如何确定这些假定的界限是不可能的，可以说很多。因为如果这个测试对那些观点受到攻击的人来说是一种冒犯，我认为经验证明，只要攻击是有说服力的、有力的，就会出现这种冒犯，每一个对他们施加压力的对手，他们发现很难回答的人，如果他在这个问题上表现出任何强烈的感情，那么在他们看来，他就是一个不节制的对手。
But this, though an important consideration in a practical point of view, merges in a more fundamental objection.
但这虽然从实际角度来看是一个重要的考虑因素，但却包含了一个更根本的反对意见。
Undoubtedly the manner of asserting an opinion, even though it be a true one, may be very objectionable, and may justly incur severe censure.
毫无疑问，提出意见的方式，即使是真实的意见，也可能会非常令人反感，并可能理所当然地招致严厉谴责。
But the principal offences of the kind are such as it is mostly impossible, unless by accidental self-betrayal, to bring home to conviction.
但这类主要罪行是，除非偶然的自我背叛，否则几乎不可能被定罪。
The gravest of them is, to argue sophistically, to suppress facts or arguments, to misstate the elements of the case, or misrepresent the opposite opinion.
其中最严重的是狡辩、隐瞒事实或论据、歪曲事实或歪曲相反意见。
But all this, even to the most aggravated degree, is so continually done in perfect good faith, by persons who are not considered, and in many other respects may not deserve to be considered, ignorant or incompetent, that it is rarely possible on adequate grounds conscientiously to stamp the misrepresentation as morally culpable; and still less could law presume to interfere with this kind of controversial misconduct.
但是，所有这一切，甚至在最严重的程度上，都是由那些不被认为是无知或无能的人，并且在许多其他方面可能不值得被认为是无知或无能的人，以完全善意的方式不断进行的，因此很少有可能有充分的理由认真地将歪曲事实标记为道德上有罪的；法律更不可能干涉这种有争议的不当行为。
With regard to what is commonly meant by intemperate discussion, namely invective, sarcasm, personality, and the like, the denunciation of these weapons would deserve more sympathy if it were ever proposed to interdict them equally to both sides; but it is only desired to restrain the employment of them against the prevailing opinion: against the unprevailing they may not only be used without general disapproval, but will be likely to obtain for him who uses them the praise of honest zeal and righteous indignation.
对于通常所说的无节制的讨论，即谩骂、讽刺、个性化等等，如果双方都提议平等地禁止使用这些武器，那么对这些武器的谴责将更值得同情；但我们只想限制对流行观点的使用：反对不流行的观点时，它们不仅可以在没有普遍反对的情况下使用，而且可能会为使用它们的人赢得诚实的热情和正义的愤慨的赞扬。
Yet whatever mischief arises from their use, is greatest when they are employed against the comparatively defenceless; and whatever unfair advantage can be derived by any opinion from this mode of asserting it, accrues almost exclusively to received opinions.
然而，无论使用它们会产生什么危害，当它们被用来对付相对毫无防御能力的人时，危害是最大的。任何意见从这种主张方式中可以获得任何不公平的优势，几乎完全取决于所收到的意见。
The worst offence of this kind which can be committed by a polemic, is to stigmatise those who hold the contrary opinion as bad and immoral men.
争论中最严重的罪行就是将持相反意见的人污蔑为坏人和不道德的人。
To calumny of this sort, those who hold any unpopular opinion are peculiarly exposed, because they are in general few and uninfluential, and nobody but themselves feel much interest in seeing justice done them; but this weapon is, from the nature of the case, denied to those who attack a prevailing opinion: they can neither use it with safety to themselves, nor, if they could, would it do anything but recoil on their own cause.
那些持有不受欢迎观点的人尤其容易受到此类诽谤，因为他们一般人数很少，影响力也较小，除了他们自己之外，没有人对看到正义得到公正的对待有多大兴趣。但是，从案件的性质来看，这种武器对于那些攻击主流观点的人来说是被拒绝的：他们既不能安全地使用它，而且即使可以，也不会做任何事，除非他们自己的事业退缩。
In general, opinions contrary to those commonly received can only obtain a hearing by studied moderation of language, and the most cautious avoidance of unnecessary offence, from which they hardly ever deviate even in a slight degree without losing ground: while unmeasured vituperation employed on the side of the prevailing opinion, really does deter people from professing contrary opinions, and from listening to those who profess them.
一般而言，与普遍接受的观点相反的观点只有通过刻意克制的语言和最谨慎地避免不必要的冒犯才能获得倾听，即使是轻微的偏离也不会失落：而对主流观点的无节制的谩骂确实会阻止人们公开表达相反的观点，也阻止人们倾听那些表达这些观点的人。
For the interest, therefore, of truth and justice, it is far more important to restrain this employment of vituperative language than the other; and, for example, if it were necessary to choose, there would be much more need to discourage offensive attacks on infidelity, than on religion.
因此，为了真理和正义的利益，限制这种谩骂语言的使用比其他语言更为重要。例如，如果必须做出选择的话，那么与宗教相比，更需要阻止对不忠行为的攻击性攻击。
It is, however, obvious that law and authority have no business with restraining either, while opinion ought, in every instance, to determine its verdict by the circumstances of the individual case; condemning every one, on whichever side of the argument he places himself, in whose mode of advocacy either want of candour, or malignity, bigotry, or intolerance of feeling manifest themselves; but not inferring these vices from the side which a person takes, though it be the contrary side of the question to our own: and giving merited honour to every one, whatever opinion he may hold, who has calmness to see and honesty to state what his opponents and their opinions really are, exaggerating nothing to their discredit, keeping nothing back which tells, or can be supposed to tell, in their favour.
然而，很明显，法律和权威也无权进行限制，而舆论在任何情况下都应该根据个案的具体情况做出裁决；谴责每一个人，无论他站在论点的哪一边，在其倡导方式中，要么缺乏坦诚，要么恶意、偏执或不宽容的情感表现出来；但不要从一个人所采取的方面来推断这些恶习，尽管这与我们自己的问题相反：并给予每个人应得的荣誉，无论他持有什么意见，只要冷静地看待并诚实地陈述他的对手和他们的观点的真实情况，不夸大他们的名誉，不隐瞒任何表明或可能表明对他们有利的事情。
This is the real morality of public discussion; and if often violated, I am happy to think that there are many controversialists who to a great extent observe it, and a still greater number who conscientiously strive towards it.
这才是公众讨论的真正道德；如果它经常被违反，我很高兴地认为有许多争议者在很大程度上遵守它，并且有更多的人认真地为它而努力。
FOOTNOTES:
脚注：
[6] These words had scarcely been written, when, as if to give them an emphatic contradiction, occurred the Government Press Prosecutions of 1858.
[6] 这些话刚写完，1858 年政府新闻起诉就发生了，仿佛是为了给这些话带来强烈的矛盾。
That ill-judged interference with the liberty of public discussion has not, however, induced me to alter a single word in the text, nor has it at all weakened my conviction that, moments of panic excepted, the era of pains and penalties for political discussion has, in our own country, passed away.
然而，这种对公共讨论自由的错误干涉并没有促使我改变文本中的一个字，也没有削弱我的信念，即除了恐慌时刻，政治讨论的痛苦和惩罚时代在我们自己的国家已经过去了。
For, in the first place, the prosecutions were not persisted in; and, in the second, they were never, properly speaking, political prosecutions.
因为，首先，起诉并没有坚持下去；其次，严格来说，它们从来都不是政治起诉。
The offence charged was not that of criticising institutions, or the acts or persons of rulers, but of circulating what was deemed an immoral doctrine, the lawfulness of Tyrannicide.
被指控的罪行不是批评制度、统治者的行为或个人，而是传播被认为是不道德的学说，即弑君者的合法性。
If the arguments of the present chapter are of any validity, there ought to exist the fullest liberty of professing and discussing, as a matter of ethical conviction, any doctrine, however immoral it may be considered.
如果本章的论点具有任何有效性，那么作为道德信念的问题，就应该存在宣扬和讨论任何学说的最充分的自由，无论它被认为是多么不道德。
It would, therefore, be irrelevant and out of place to examine here, whether the doctrine of Tyrannicide deserves that title.
因此，在这里讨论“弑君者”学说是否配得上这个称号是无关紧要的，也是不合适的。
I shall content myself with saying, that the subject has been at all times one of the open questions of morals; that the act of a private citizen in striking down a criminal, who, by raising himself above the law, has placed himself beyond the reach of legal punishment or control, has been accounted by whole nations, and by some of the best and wisest of men, not a crime, but an act of exalted virtue; and that, right or wrong, it is not of the nature of assassination, but of civil war.
我只想说，这个主题一直是道德的开放问题之一。整个国家以及一些最优秀和最聪明的人都认为，普通公民打击罪犯的行为不是犯罪，而是崇高的美德行为，而罪犯却将自己凌驾于法律之上，使自己超出了法律的惩罚或控制范围。而且，无论对错，这不是暗杀的性质，而是内战的性质。
As such, I hold that the instigation to it, in a specific case, may be a proper subject of punishment, but only if an overt act has followed, and at least a probable connection can be established between the act and the instigation.
因此，我认为，在特定情况下，煽动行为可能是适当的惩罚对象，但前提是随后发生了公开行为，并且至少可以在行为和煽动之间建立可能的联系。
Even then, it is not a foreign government, but the very government assailed, which alone, in the exercise of self-defence, can legitimately punish attacks directed against its own existence.
即便如此，它也不是外国政府，而是被攻击的政府本身，只有在行使自卫时，该政府才能合法地惩罚针对其自身存在的攻击。
[7] Thomas Pooley, Bodmin Assizes, July 31, 1857.
[7] 托马斯·普利 (Thomas Pooley)，博德明巡回法院，1857 年 7 月 31 日。
In December following, he received a free pardon from the Crown.
随后的 12 月，他获得了皇室的免费赦免。
[8] George Jacob Holyoake, August 17, 1857; Edward Truelove, July, 1857.
[8] 乔治·雅各布·霍利奥克，1857 年 8 月 17 日；爱德华·特鲁洛夫，1857 年 7 月。
[9] Baron de Gleichen, Marlborough-Street Police Court, August 4, 1857.
[9] Baron de Gleichen，马尔堡街警察法庭，1857 年 8 月 4 日。
[10] Ample warning may be drawn from the large infusion of the passions of a persecutor, which mingled with the general display of the worst parts of our national character on the occasion of the Sepoy insurrection.
[10] 迫害者的激情的大量注入可以得出充分的警告，这种激情与在印度兵起义时普遍表现出的我们民族性格中最糟糕的部分混合在一起。
The ravings of fanatics or charlatans from the pulpit may be unworthy of notice; but the heads of the Evangelical party have announced as their principle, for the government of Hindoos and Mahomedans, that no schools be supported by public money in which the Bible is not taught, and by necessary consequence that no public employment be given to any but real or pretended Christians.
讲坛上的狂热分子或江湖骗子的胡言乱语可能不值一提；但福音派的领导人已经宣布，对于印度教徒和伊斯兰教徒的政府来说，他们的原则是，任何不教授《圣经》的学校都不会得到公共资金的支持，因此，除了真正的或假装的基督徒之外，不得向任何人提供公共就业机会。
An Under-Secretary of State, in a speech delivered to his constituents on the 12th of November, 1857, is reported to have said: "Toleration of their faith" (the faith of a hundred millions of British subjects), "the superstition which they called religion, by the British Government, had had the effect of retarding the ascendency of the British name, and preventing the salutary growth of Christianity....
据报道，一位副国务卿在 1857 年 11 月 12 日向选民发表的演讲中说道：“英国政府对他们的信仰的宽容”（一亿英国臣民的信仰），“英国政府将他们称为宗教的迷信起到了阻碍英国名声上升的作用，并阻止了基督教的有益发展......
Toleration was the great corner-stone of the religious liberties of this country; but do not let them abuse that precious word toleration.
宽容是这个国家宗教自由的伟大基石。但不要让他们滥用宽容这个宝贵的词。
As he understood it, it meant the complete liberty to all, freedom of worship, _among Christians, who worshipped upon the same foundation_.
按照他的理解，这意味着所有人的完全自由，即在同一基础上崇拜的基督徒之间的崇拜自由。
It meant toleration of all sects and denominations of _Christians who believed in the one mediation_." I desire to call attention to the fact, that a man who has been deemed fit to fill a high office in the government of this country, under a liberal Ministry, maintains the doctrine that all who do not believe in the divinity of Christ are beyond the pale of toleration.
这意味着对相信单一调解的基督徒的所有教派和教派的宽容。”我希望提请大家注意这样一个事实：一个被认为适合在这个国家政府中担任高级职务、在一个自由派内阁领导下的人，坚持这样一种教义：所有不相信基督神性的人都是不可容忍的。
Who, after this imbecile display, can indulge the illusion that religious persecution has passed away, never to return?
在这种愚蠢的表现之后，谁还能沉迷于宗教迫害已经过去、再也不会回来的幻想呢？
CHAPTER III.
第三章。
OF INDIVIDUALITY, AS ONE OF THE ELEMENTS OF WELL-BEING.
个性，作为幸福的要素之一。
Such being the reasons which make it imperative that human beings should be free to form opinions, and to express their opinions without reserve; and such the baneful consequences to the intellectual, and through that to the moral nature of man, unless this liberty is either conceded, or asserted in spite of prohibition; let us next examine whether the same reasons do not require that men should be free to act upon their opinions--to carry these out in their lives, without hindrance, either physical or moral, from their fellow-men, so long as it is at their own risk and peril.
正因如此，人类必须自由地形成意见，并毫无保留地表达他们的意见；除非承认这种自由，或者不顾禁止地坚持这种自由，否则这将对知识分子产生有害的后果，并由此对人的道德本性产生有害的后果。接下来让我们考察一下，同样的理由是否不要求人们能够自由地按照自己的意见行事——在生活中实现这些意见，不受同胞的身体或精神上的阻碍，只要他们自己承担风险和危险。
This last proviso is of course indispensable.
这最后一个附带条件当然是必不可少的。
No one pretends that actions should be as free as opinions.
没有人假装行动应该像意见一样自由。
On the contrary, even opinions lose their immunity, when the circumstances in which they are expressed are such as to constitute their expression a positive instigation to some mischievous act.
相反，当表达意见的环境足以构成其表达对某种恶作剧的积极煽动时，即使意见也失去了豁免权。
An opinion that corn-dealers are starvers of the poor, or that private property is robbery, ought to be unmolested when simply circulated through the press, but may justly incur punishment when delivered orally to an excited mob assembled before the house of a corn-dealer, or when handed about among the same mob in the form of a placard.
认为玉米商人是穷人的挨饿者，或者私有财产是抢劫的观点，如果只是通过媒体传播，就应该不受干扰，但如果向聚集在玉米商人家前的兴奋的暴民口头表达，或者以标语牌的形式在同一群暴民中传播，可能会受到公正的惩罚。
Acts, of whatever kind, which, without justifiable cause, do harm to others, may be, and in the more important cases absolutely require to be, controlled by the unfavourable sentiments, and, when needful, by the active interference of mankind.
任何类型的无正当理由伤害他人的行为，都可以而且在更重要的情况下绝对需要受到不利情绪的控制，并且在必要时受到人类的积极干预。
The liberty of the individual must be thus far limited; he must not make himself a nuisance to other people.
迄今为止，个人的自由必须受到限制；他不能让自己成为别人的麻烦。
But if he refrains from molesting others in what concerns them, and merely acts according to his own inclination and judgment in things which concern himself, the same reasons which show that opinion should be free, prove also that he should be allowed, without molestation, to carry his opinions into practice at his own cost.
但是，如果他在与他人有关的事情上不去骚扰他人，而在与自己有关的事情上只按照自己的倾向和判断行事，那么表明意见应该是自由的同样的理由也证明，应该允许他在不受骚扰的情况下将自己的意见付诸实践，但要付出自己的代价。
That mankind are not infallible; that their truths, for the most part, are only half-truths; that unity of opinion, unless resulting from the fullest and freest comparison of opposite opinions, is not desirable, and diversity not an evil, but a good, until mankind are much more capable than at present of recognising all sides of the truth, are principles applicable to men's modes of action, not less than to their opinions.
人类并非绝对正确；他们的真理在很大程度上只是半真半假；意见的统一除非是对相反意见进行最充分和最自由的比较，否则是不可取的；在人类比现在更有能力认识到真理的各个方面之前，多样性不是坏事，而是好事，这些原则适用于人们的行为方式，而不是少于他们的意见。
As it is useful that while mankind are imperfect there should be different opinions, so is it that there should be different experiments of living; that free scope should be given to varieties of character, short of injury to others; and that the worth of different modes of life should be proved practically, when any one thinks fit to try them.
尽管人类不完美，但应该有不同的观点，这也是有用的，因此，应该有不同的生活实验，这也是有用的。应给予不同性格的自由发挥空间，以免伤害他人；当任何人认为适合尝试时，不同生活方式的价值应该得到实际证明。
It is desirable, in short, that in things which do not primarily concern others, individuality should assert itself.
简而言之，在与他人无关的事情上，个性应该表现出来，这是可取的。
Where, not the person's own character, but the traditions or customs of other people are the rule of conduct, there is wanting one of the principal ingredients of human happiness, and quite the chief ingredient of individual and social progress.
如果行为准则不是一个人自己的性格，而是其他人的传统或习俗，那么就缺乏人类幸福的主要成分之一，而且也是个人和社会进步的主要成分。
In maintaining this principle, the greatest difficulty to be encountered does not lie in the appreciation of means towards an acknowledged end, but in the indifference of persons in general to the end itself.
在坚持这一原则时，遇到的最大困难并不在于对实现公认目标的手段的评价，而在于一般人对目标本身的冷漠。
If it were felt that the free development of individuality is one of the leading essentials of well-being; that it is not only a co-ordinate element with all that is designated by the terms civilisation, instruction, education, culture, but is itself a necessary part and condition of all those things; there would be no danger that liberty should be under-valued, and the adjustment of the boundaries between it and social control would present no extraordinary difficulty.
如果人们认为个性的自由发展是幸福的主要要素之一；它不仅是文明、教育、文化等术语所指称的所有事物的并列要素，而且其本身也是所有这些事物的必要组成部分和条件；自由不会被低估，调整自由与社会控制之间的界限也不会有什么特别的困难。
But the evil is, that individual spontaneity is hardly recognised by the common modes of thinking, as having any intrinsic worth, or deserving any regard on its own account.
但不幸的是，普遍的思维模式几乎不承认个人的自发性具有任何内在价值，或因其本身值得任何尊重。
The majority, being satisfied with the ways of mankind as they now are (for it is they who make them what they are), cannot comprehend why those ways should not be good enough for everybody; and what is more, spontaneity forms no part of the ideal of the majority of moral and social reformers, but is rather looked on with jealousy, as a troublesome and perhaps rebellious obstruction to the general acceptance of what these reformers, in their own judgment, think would be best for mankind.
大多数人对人类现在的生活方式感到满意（因为是他们造就了现在的样子），无法理解为什么这些方式对每个人来说都不够好；更重要的是，自发性并不构成大多数道德和社会改革者理想的一部分，而是被人们以嫉妒的眼光看待，认为这是对这些改革者根据他们自己的判断认为对人类最好的普遍接受的一个麻烦的、也许是叛逆的障碍。
Few persons, out of Germany, even comprehend the meaning of the doctrine which Wilhelm von Humboldt, so eminent both as a _savant_ and as a politician, made the text of a treatise--that "the end of man, or that which is prescribed by the eternal or immutable dictates of reason, and not suggested by vague and transient desires, is the highest and most harmonious development of his powers to a complete and consistent whole;" that, therefore, the object "towards which every human being must ceaselessly direct his efforts, and on which especially those who design to influence their fellow-men must ever keep their eyes, is the individuality of power and development;" that for this there are two requisites, "freedom, and a variety of situations;" and that from the union of these arise "individual vigour and manifold diversity," which combine themselves in "originality."[11]
在德国，很少有人能理解作为学者和政治家都如此杰出的威廉·冯·洪堡在一篇论文中提出的学说的含义——“人的终结，或者说是由永恒或不变的理性支配所规定的，而不是由模糊和短暂的欲望所暗示的，是他的权力向完整和一致的整体的最高和最和谐的发展；”因此，“每个人都必须不断努力的目标，特别是那些打算影响同胞的人必须时刻关注的目标，就是权力和发展的个性”；为此有两个必要条件：“自由和各种情况”；这些的结合产生了“个体活力和多样性”，它们在“原创性”中结合在一起。[11]
Little, however, as people are accustomed to a doctrine like that of Von Humboldt, and surprising as it may be to them to find so high a value attached to individuality, the question, one must nevertheless think, can only be one of degree.
然而，由于人们已经习惯了冯·洪堡这样的学说，而且他们可能会惊讶地发现个性具有如此高的价值，所以我们必须认为，这个问题只能是一个程度的问题。
No one's idea of excellence in conduct is that people should do absolutely nothing but copy one another.
没有人认为优秀的行为是人们除了互相模仿之外什么都不应该做。
No one would assert that people ought not to put into their mode of life, and into the conduct of their concerns, any impress whatever of their own judgment, or of their own individual character.
没有人会断言，人们不应该在他们的生活方式和他们关心的事情中加入任何他们自己的判断或他们自己的个性的印象。
On the other hand, it would be absurd to pretend that people ought to live as if nothing whatever had been known in the world before they came into it; as if experience had as yet done nothing towards showing that one mode of existence, or of conduct, is preferable to another.
另一方面，假装人们应该像在来到这个世界之前对这个世界一无所知一样生活，那是荒谬的。就好像经验还没有表明一种存在方式或行为方式比另一种方式更可取。
Nobody denies that people should be so taught and trained in youth, as to know and benefit by the ascertained results of human experience.
没有人否认人们应该在青年时期接受这样的教育和培训，以便了解人类经验的确定结果并从中受益。
But it is the privilege and proper condition of a human being, arrived at the maturity of his faculties, to use and interpret experience in his own way.
但这是一个人在其能力成熟后以自己的方式使用和解释经验的特权和适当条件。
It is for him to find out what part of recorded experience is properly applicable to his own circumstances and character.
他需要找出所记录的经验的哪一部分适合他自己的情况和性格。
The traditions and customs of other people are, to a certain extent, evidence of what their experience has taught _them_; presumptive evidence, and as such, have a claim to his deference: but, in the first place, their experience may be too narrow; or they may not have interpreted it rightly.
在某种程度上，其他人的传统和习俗是他们的经验所教给他们的证据；推定证据本身值得他尊重：但是，首先，他们的经验可能太狭隘；或者他们可能没有正确解释它。
Secondly, their interpretation of experience may be correct, but unsuitable to him.
其次，他们对经验的解释可能是正确的，但不适合他。
Customs are made for customary circumstances, and customary characters: and his circumstances or his character may be uncustomary.
习惯是针对习惯情况和习惯性格而制定的：他的情况或性格可能是不习惯的。
Thirdly, though the customs be both good as customs, and suitable to him, yet to conform to custom, merely _as_ custom, does not educate or develop in him any of the qualities which are the distinctive endowment of a human being.
第三，虽然习俗对于他来说既是好的，又适合他，但仅仅作为习俗而遵守习俗，并不能教育或发展他的任何人类独特的天赋品质。
The human faculties of perception, judgment, discriminative feeling, mental activity, and even moral preference, are exercised only in making a choice.
人类的知觉、判断、辨别力、心理活动、甚至道德偏好等能力，只有在做出选择时才会得到运用。
He who does anything because it is the custom, makes no choice.
凡是因为习俗而做任何事情的人，都没有选择。
He gains no practice either in discerning or in desiring what is best.
他在辨别或渴望什么是最好的方面没有获得任何练习。
The mental and moral, like the muscular powers, are improved only by being used.
精神和道德就像肌肉力量一样，只有通过使用才能得到提高。
The faculties are called into no exercise by doing a thing merely because others do it, no more than by believing a thing only because others believe it.
仅仅因为别人做了一件事而做某事，就不会锻炼我们的能力，就像仅仅因为别人相信一件事而相信它一样。
If the grounds of an opinion are not conclusive to the person's own reason, his reason cannot be strengthened, but is likely to be weakened by his adopting it: and if the inducements to an act are not such as are consentaneous to his own feelings and character (where affection, or the rights of others, are not concerned), it is so much done towards rendering his feelings and character inert and torpid, instead of active and energetic.
如果一种意见的根据对于一个人自己的理性来说不是决定性的，那么他的理性就不能得到加强，反而可能会因他采用这种意见而被削弱：如果某种行为的诱因与他自己的感情和性格不相一致（不涉及情感或他人的权利），那么他的感情和性格就变得迟钝和迟钝，而不是积极和充满活力。
He who lets the world, or his own portion of it, choose his plan of life for him, has no need of any other faculty than the ape-like one of imitation.
如果一个人让世界或他自己的世界为他选择自己的生活计划，那么他除了像猿一样的模仿能力外，不需要任何其他能力。
He who chooses his plan for himself, employs all his faculties.
为自己选择计划的人，会运用他所有的才能。
He must use observation to see, reasoning and judgment to foresee, activity to gather materials for decision, discrimination to decide, and when he has decided, firmness and self-control to hold to his deliberate decision.
他必须用观察来观察，用推理和判断来预见，用活动来收集材料来做出决定，用辨别来做出决定，当他做出决定时，用坚定和自制来坚持他深思熟虑的决定。
And these qualities he requires and exercises exactly in proportion as the part of his conduct which he determines according to his own judgment and feelings is a large one.
他所要求和运用的这些品质，与他根据自己的判断和感受所决定的行为部分的大小成正比。
It is possible that he might be guided in some good path, and kept out of harm's way, without any of these things.
即使没有这些东西，他也可能会被引导走上一些好的道路，并远离伤害。
But what will be his comparative worth as a human being?
但他作为一个人的相对价值是什么呢？
It really is of importance, not only what men do, but also what manner of men they are that do it.
确实重要的是，不仅男人做什么，而且男人以什么样的方式做这件事。
Among the works of man, which human life is rightly employed in perfecting and beautifying, the first in importance surely is man himself.
在人类的生命正确地用来完善和美化人类的作品中，最重要的无疑是人本身。
Supposing it were possible to get houses built, corn grown, battles fought, causes tried, and even churches erected and prayers said, by machinery--by automatons in human form--it would be a considerable loss to exchange for these automatons even the men and women who at present inhabit the more civilised parts of the world, and who assuredly are but starved specimens of what nature can and will produce.
假设可以通过机器——通过人类形态的自动机——建造房屋、种植玉米、打仗、尝试事业、甚至建立教堂和祈祷，那么换取这些自动机将是一个相当大的损失，即使是目前居住在世界上更文明地区的男人和女人，他们肯定只是饥饿的样本，自然可以和将要生产。
Human nature is not a machine to be built after a model, and set to do exactly the work prescribed for it, but a tree, which requires to grow and develop itself on all sides, according to the tendency of the inward forces which make it a living thing.
人性不是一台按照模型建造的机器，并被设置为完全完成为其规定的工作，而是一棵树，它需要根据使其成为生物的内在力量的倾向，在各个方面生长和发展。
It will probably be conceded that it is desirable people should exercise their understandings, and that an intelligent following of custom, or even occasionally an intelligent deviation from custom, is better than a blind and simply mechanical adhesion to it.
人们可能会承认，人们应该运用自己的理解力，明智地遵循习惯，甚至偶尔明智地偏离习惯，比盲目地、简单地机械地遵守习惯要好。
To a certain extent it is admitted, that our understanding should be our own: but there is not the same willingness to admit that our desires and impulses should be our own likewise; or that to possess impulses of our own, and of any strength, is anything but a peril and a snare.
在某种程度上，人们承认我们的理解应该是我们自己的，但是却没有同样的意愿承认我们的欲望和冲动也应该是我们自己的。或者说，拥有我们自己的、任何力量的冲动，绝非危险和陷阱。
Yet desires and impulses are as much a part of a perfect human being, as beliefs and restraints: and strong impulses are only perilous when not properly balanced; when one set of aims and inclinations is developed into strength, while others, which ought to co-exist with them, remain weak and inactive.
然而，欲望和冲动就像信念和克制一样，是完美人类的一部分：强烈的冲动只有在没有得到适当平衡时才会变得危险。当一套目标和倾向发展成为力量时，而其他应该与它们共存的目标和倾向却仍然软弱和不活跃。
It is not because men's desires are strong that they act ill; it is because their consciences are weak.
人之所以做出坏事，并不是因为欲望强烈，而是因为欲望强烈。这是因为他们的良心软弱。
There is no natural connection between strong impulses and a weak conscience.
强烈的冲动和软弱的良心之间没有天然的联系。
The natural connection is the other way.
自然的联系却是另一种方式。
To say that one person's desires and feelings are stronger and more various than those of another, is merely to say that he has more of the raw material of human nature, and is therefore capable, perhaps of more evil, but certainly of more good.
说一个人的欲望和情感比另一个人更强烈、更多样化，只不过是说他拥有更多的人性原材料，因此能够做出更多的恶事，但肯定也能做出更多的善事。
Strong impulses are but another name for energy.
强烈的冲动只是能量的另一个名称。
Energy may be turned to bad uses; but more good may always be made of an energetic nature, than of an indolent and impassive one.
能源可能会被用于不良用途；但精力旺盛的性格总是比懒惰、冷漠的性格更能带来好处。
Those who have most natural feeling, are always those whose cultivated feelings may be made the strongest.
那些拥有最自然情感的人，往往是那些培养的情感最强烈的人。
The same strong susceptibilities which make the personal impulses vivid and powerful, are also the source from whence are generated the most passionate love of virtue, and the sternest self-control.
同样强烈的感受性使个人的冲动变得生动而有力，也是产生对美德最热烈的热爱和最严格的自我控制的源泉。
It is through the cultivation of these, that society both does its duty and protects its interests: not by rejecting the stuff of which heroes are made, because it knows not how to make them.
正是通过对这些的培养，社会既履行了自己的义务，又保护了自己的利益：不是通过拒绝英雄的材料，因为它不知道如何造就英雄。
A person whose desires and impulses are his own--are the expression of his own nature, as it has been developed and modified by his own culture--is said to have a character.
一个人的欲望和冲动是他自己的——是他自己本性的表达，因为它是由他自己的文化发展和改变的——被认为是有性格的。
One whose desires and impulses are not his own, has no character, no more than a steam-engine has a character.
一个人如果没有自己的欲望和冲动，就没有性格，就像蒸汽机没有性格一样。
If, in addition to being his own, his impulses are strong, and are under the government of a strong will, he has an energetic character.
如果他除了自己之外，还有强烈的冲动，并受到坚强意志的支配，那么他就是一个精力充沛的性格。
Whoever thinks that individuality of desires and impulses should not be encouraged to unfold itself, must maintain that society has no need of strong natures--is not the better for containing many persons who have much character--and that a high general average of energy is not desirable.
任何认为不应鼓励欲望和冲动的个性展现出来的人，都必须坚持认为，社会不需要坚强的本性——容纳许多有个性的人并不是更好——并且总体平均能量高是不可取的。
In some early states of society, these forces might be, and were, too much ahead of the power which society then possessed of disciplining and controlling them.
在某些早期的社会状态中，这些力量可能而且过去都远远超出了当时社会所拥有的约束和控制它们的力量。
There has been a time when the element of spontaneity and individuality was in excess, and the social principle had a hard struggle with it.
曾经有一段时间，自发性和个性的因素过多，社会原则与之进行了艰苦的斗争。
The difficulty then was, to induce men of strong bodies or minds to pay obedience to any rules which required them to control their impulses.
当时的困难在于，如何引导身体或思想坚强的人遵守任何要求他们控制冲动的规则。
To overcome this difficulty, law and discipline, like the Popes struggling against the Emperors, asserted a power over the whole man, claiming to control all his life in order to control his character--which society had not found any other sufficient means of binding.
为了克服这一困难，法律和纪律，就像教皇与皇帝的斗争一样，主张对整个人有一种权力，声称要控制他的一生，以控制他的性格——社会还没有找到任何其他充分的约束手段。
But society has now fairly got the better of individuality; and the danger which threatens human nature is not the excess, but the deficiency, of personal impulses and preferences.
但现在社会已经完全战胜了个性。威胁人性的危险不是个人冲动和偏好的过度，而是个人冲动和偏好的缺乏。
Things are vastly changed, since the passions of those who were strong by station or by personal endowment were in a state of habitual rebellion against laws and ordinances, and required to be rigorously chained up to enable the persons within their reach to enjoy any particle of security.
情况发生了巨大的变化，因为那些因地位或个人禀赋而强烈的人的激情处于习惯性反抗法律和法令的状态，并且需要被严格束缚，以使他们所能触及的人享有一丝安全感。
In our times, from the highest class of society down to the lowest, every one lives as under the eye of a hostile and dreaded censorship.
在我们这个时代，从社会的最高阶层到最低阶层，每个人都生活在充满敌意和可怕的审查制度的监视之下。
Not only in what concerns others, but in what concerns only themselves, the individual, or the family, do not ask themselves--what do I prefer?
不仅在关系到别人的事情上，而且在只关系到自己、个人、家庭的事情上，不要问自己——我更喜欢什么？
or, what would suit my character and disposition?
或者说，什么适合我的性格和性格？
or, what would allow the best and highest in me to have fair-play, and enable it to grow and thrive?
或者，什么才能让我身上最优秀、最高尚的部分能够公平竞争，并使其成长和繁荣？
They ask themselves, what is suitable to my position?
他们问自己，什么适合我的职位？
what is usually done by persons of my station and pecuniary circumstances?
像我这样的地位和经济状况的人通常会做什么？
or (worse still) what is usually done by persons of a station and circumstances superior to mine?
或者（更糟糕的是）地位和环境比我优越的人通常会做什么？
I do not mean that they choose what is customary, in preference to what suits their own inclination.
我并不是说他们选择习惯的东西，而不是适合自己喜好的东西。
It does not occur to them to have any inclination, except for what is customary.
除了习惯之外，他们不会有任何倾向。
Thus the mind itself is bowed to the yoke: even in what people do for pleasure, conformity is the first thing thought of; they live in crowds; they exercise choice only among things commonly done: peculiarity of taste, eccentricity of conduct, are shunned equally with crimes: until by dint of not following their own nature, they have no nature to follow: their human capacities are withered and starved: they become incapable of any strong wishes or native pleasures, and are generally without either opinions or feelings of home growth, or properly their own.
因此，心灵本身就屈服于枷锁：即使人们为了享乐而做的事情，顺从也是首先想到的；他们生活在人群中；他们只在常见的事情中进行选择：独特的品味，古怪的行为，与犯罪一样被回避：直到由于不遵循自己的本性，他们才没有本性可遵循：他们的人类能力枯萎和饥饿：他们变得无法实现任何强烈的愿望或与生俱来的快乐，并且通常没有对家庭成长的意见或感觉，或者完全没有他们自己的意见或感觉。
Now is this, or is it not, the desirable condition of human nature?
这是否是人性的理想状态？
It is so, on the Calvinistic theory.
根据加尔文主义的理论，情况确实如此。
According to that, the one great offence of man is Self-will.
据此，人的一大罪过就是任性。
All the good of which humanity is capable, is comprised in Obedience.
人类所能实现的一切善行都包含在服从之中。
You have no choice; thus you must do, and no otherwise: "whatever is not a duty, is a sin." Human nature being radically corrupt, there is no redemption for any one until human nature is killed within him.
你别无选择；因此你必须这样做，别无选择：“凡不是义务的，都是罪过。”人性是彻底败坏的，任何人在人性被消灭之前都无法得到救赎。
To one holding this theory of life, crushing out any of the human faculties, capacities, and susceptibilities, is no evil: man needs no capacity, but that of surrendering himself to the will of God: and if he uses any of his faculties for any other purpose but to do that supposed will more effectually, he is better without them.
对于持有这一生命理论的人来说，消灭人类的任何能力、能力和敏感性，并不是什么邪恶：人不需要能力，而是将自己投降于上帝的意志：如果他将自己的任何能力用于任何其他目的，而不是为了更有效地实现假定的意志，那么没有这些能力他会更好。
That is the theory of Calvinism; and it is held, in a mitigated form, by many who do not consider themselves Calvinists; the mitigation consisting in giving a less ascetic interpretation to the alleged will of God; asserting it to be his will that mankind should gratify some of their inclinations; of course not in the manner they themselves prefer, but in the way of obedience, that is, in a way prescribed to them by authority; and, therefore, by the necessary conditions of the case, the same for all.
这就是加尔文主义的理论；许多不认为自己是加尔文主义者的人也以温和的方式持有这种观点。缓解措施在于对所谓的上帝意志给予不那么禁欲的解释；宣称人类应该满足他们的某些倾向是他的意愿；当然不是以他们自己喜欢的方式，而是以服从的方式，即以权威规定的方式；因此，根据案件的必要条件，对所有人来说都是一样的。
In some such insidious form there is at present a strong tendency to this narrow theory of life, and to the pinched and hidebound type of human character which it patronises.
目前，这种狭隘的生活理论及其所推崇的狭隘和墨守成规的人类性格，以某种这种阴险的形式出现了一种强烈的倾向。
Many persons, no doubt, sincerely think that human beings thus cramped and dwarfed, are as their Maker designed them to be; just as many have thought that trees are a much finer thing when clipped into pollards, or cut out into figures of animals, than as nature made them.
毫无疑问，许多人真诚地认为，人类如此狭窄和矮小，正是造物主所设计的。正如许多人认为，将树木剪成树桩或剪成动物形状时，比大自然创造的树木要精美得多。
But if it be any part of religion to believe that man was made by a good being, it is more consistent with that faith to believe, that this Being gave all human faculties that they might be cultivated and unfolded, not rooted out and consumed, and that he takes delight in every nearer approach made by his creatures to the ideal conception embodied in them, every increase in any of their capabilities of comprehension, of action, or of enjoyment.
但是，如果相信人类是由善良的存在创造的，这是宗教的一部分，那么更符合这种信仰的是，相信这个存在赋予了人类所有的才能，使它们可以被培养和展现，而不是被根除和消耗，并且他对他的创造物每一次接近他们所体现的理想概念，每一次他们理解、行动或享受能力的增强感到高兴。
There is a different type of human excellence from the Calvinistic; a conception of humanity as having its nature bestowed on it for other purposes than merely to be abnegated.
人类的卓越有一种与加尔文主义不同的类型。一种将人性赋予其本性的概念，其本性是为了其他目的而不仅仅是为了被放弃。
"Pagan self-assertion" is one of the elements of human worth, as well as "Christian self-denial."[12] There is a Greek ideal of self-development, which the Platonic and Christian ideal of self-government blends with, but does not supersede.
“异教的自我主张”和“基督教的自我否定”一样，都是人类价值的要素之一。[12]希腊有一种自我发展的理想，柏拉图和基督教的自治理想与它相融合，但并没有取代。
It may be better to be a John Knox than an Alcibiades, but it is better to be a Pericles than either; nor would a Pericles, if we had one in these days, be without anything good which belonged to John Knox.
成为约翰·诺克斯（John Knox）可能比成为阿尔西比亚德（Alcibiades）更好，但成为伯里克利（Pericles）比两者都好；如果我们现在有伯里克利这样的人，他也不会没有任何属于约翰·诺克斯的好东西。
It is not by wearing down into uniformity all that is individual in themselves, but by cultivating it and calling it forth, within the limits imposed by the rights and interests of others, that human beings become a noble and beautiful object of contemplation; and as the works partake the character of those who do them, by the same process human life also becomes rich, diversified, and animating, furnishing more abundant aliment to high thoughts and elevating feelings, and strengthening the tie which binds every individual to the race, by making the race infinitely better worth belonging to.
人类并不是通过削弱其自身的个体性而变得统一，而是通过在他人的权利和利益所强加的限度内培养和激发它，使人类成为崇高而美丽的沉思对象；当作品具有创作者的性格时，人类的生活也通过同样的过程而变得丰富、多样化和生机勃勃，为崇高的思想和高尚的情感提供了更丰富的营养，并通过使种族无限地更值得归属，加强了每个人与种族的联系。
In proportion to the development of his individuality, each person becomes more valuable to himself, and is therefore capable of being more valuable to others.
随着个性的发展，每个人对自己变得更有价值，因此也能够对他人更有价值。
There is a greater fulness of life about his own existence, and when there is more life in the units there is more in the mass which is composed of them.
他自身的存在就具有更丰富的生命力，而当单位中有更多的生命力时，由它们组成的整体也有更多的生命力。
As much compression as is necessary to prevent the stronger specimens of human nature from encroaching on the rights of others, cannot be dispensed with; but for this there is ample compensation even in the point of view of human development.
为了防止更强大的人性侵犯他人的权利，必须采取尽可能多的压缩措施；但即使从人类发展的角度来看，这一点也得到了充分的补偿。
The means of development which the individual loses by being prevented from gratifying his inclinations to the injury of others, are chiefly obtained at the expense of the development of other people.
个人因无法满足自己的倾向而损失了伤害他人的发展手段，而这些发展手段主要是以牺牲他人的发展为代价获得的。
And even to himself there is a full equivalent in the better development of the social part of his nature, rendered possible by the restraint put upon the selfish part.
甚至对他自己来说，他本性中的社会部分也得到了充分的同等发展，这通过对自私部分的限制而得以实现。
To be held to rigid rules of justice for the sake of others, develops the feelings and capacities which have the good of others for their object.
为了他人而遵守严格的正义规则，会培养以他人利益为目标的感情和能力。
But to be restrained in things not affecting their good, by their mere displeasure, develops nothing valuable, except such force of character as may unfold itself in resisting the restraint.
但是，仅仅因为他们的不满而在不影响他们利益的事情上受到限制，除了在抵制限制时可能展现出来的性格力量之外，不会发展出任何有价值的东西。
If acquiesced in, it dulls and blunts the whole nature.
如果默许，它就会使整个本性变得迟钝和迟钝。
To give any fair-play to the nature of each, it is essential that different persons should be allowed to lead different lives.
为了公平对待每个人的本性，必须允许不同的人过不同的生活。
In proportion as this latitude has been exercised in any age, has that age been noteworthy to posterity.
在任何时代，这一自由度的行使与否，该时代是否值得后人关注。
Even despotism does not produce its worst effects, so long as Individuality exists under it; and whatever crushes individuality is despotism, by whatever name it may be called, and whether it professes to be enforcing the will of God or the injunctions of men.
即使专制主义也不会产生最坏的影响，只要个性存在于它之下。凡是压制个性的就是专制主义，不管它叫什么名字，也不管它自称是在执行上帝的意志还是人的禁令。
Having said that Individuality is the same thing with development, and that it is only the cultivation of individuality which produces, or can produce, well-developed human beings, I might here close the argument: for what more or better can be said of any condition of human affairs, than that it brings human beings themselves nearer to the best thing they can be?
既然说过个性与发展是一回事，而且只有个性的培养才能产生或能够产生充分发展的人类，那么我可以在这里结束这个论点：对于人类事务的任何条件，除了它使人类本身更接近他们所能达到的最好状态之外，还能有什么更多或更好的说法呢？
or what worse can be said of any obstruction to good, than that it prevents this?
或者说，对于任何对美好事物的阻碍，还有什么比它阻止了这一点更糟糕的呢？
Doubtless, however, these considerations will not suffice to convince those who most need convincing; and it is necessary further to show, that these developed human beings are of some use to the undeveloped--to point out to those who do not desire liberty, and would not avail themselves of it, that they may be in some intelligible manner rewarded for allowing other people to make use of it without hindrance.
然而，毫无疑问，这些考虑不足以说服那些最需要说服的人。有必要进一步表明，这些发达的人类对不发达的人是有一定用处的——向那些不渴望自由、也不愿意利用自由的人指出，他们可能会因允许其他人不受阻碍地利用自由而以某种可理解的方式获得奖励。
In the first place, then, I would suggest that they might possibly learn something from them.
首先，我建议他们可以从他们身上学到一些东西。
It will not be denied by anybody, that originality is a valuable element in human affairs.
任何人都不会否认，原创性是人类事务的宝贵元素。
There is always need of persons not only to discover new truths, and point out when what were once truths are true no longer, but also to commence new practices, and set the example of more enlightened conduct, and better taste and sense in human life.
人们总是不仅需要发现新的真理，指出曾经的真理何时不再真实，而且还需要开始新的实践，为人类生活树立更开明的行为、更好的品味和感觉的榜样。
This cannot well be gainsaid by anybody who does not believe that the world has already attained perfection in all its ways and practices.
任何不相信世界在所有方式和实践上都已达到完美的人都无法反驳这一点。
It is true that this benefit is not capable of being rendered by everybody alike: there are but few persons, in comparison with the whole of mankind, whose experiments, if adopted by others, would be likely to be any improvement on established practice.
确实，这种好处并不是每个人都能够得到的：与整个人类相比，只有极少数人的实验如果被其他人采用，很可能会对既定实践产生任何改进。
But these few are the salt of the earth; without them, human life would become a stagnant pool.
但这些人是地球上的中坚力量。没有它们，人类的生活就会变成一潭死水。
Not only is it they who introduce good things which did not before exist; it is they who keep the life in those which already existed.
他们不仅介绍了以前不存在的好东西，而且还介绍了以前不存在的好东西。是他们让那些已经存在的事物保持生命。
If there were nothing new to be done, would human intellect cease to be necessary?
如果没有什么新的事情可做，人类的智力是否就不再需要了？
Would it be a reason why those who do the old things should forget why they are done, and do them like cattle, not like human beings?
这难道是那些做旧事的人应该忘记他们所做的事情的原因，而让他们像牛一样，而不像人一样吗？
There is only too great a tendency in the best beliefs and practices to degenerate into the mechanical; and unless there were a succession of persons whose ever-recurring originality prevents the grounds of those beliefs and practices from becoming merely traditional, such dead matter would not resist the smallest shock from anything really alive, and there would be no reason why civilisation should not die out, as in the Byzantine Empire.
最好的信念和实践很容易退化为机械的。除非有一系列人不断地发挥自己的独创性，阻止这些信仰和实践的基础变得仅仅是传统的，否则这种死亡的物质将无法抵御任何真正活着的东西的最小冲击，并且文明也没有理由不消亡，就像在拜占庭帝国一样。
Persons of genius, it is true, are, and are always likely to be, a small minority; but in order to have them, it is necessary to preserve the soil in which they grow.
诚然，天才者现在是而且很可能永远是少数。但为了拥有它们，就必须保护它们生长的土壤。
Genius can only breathe freely in an _atmosphere_ of freedom.
天才只能在自由的_氛围_中自由呼吸。
Persons of genius are, _ex vi termini_, _more_ individual than any other people--less capable, consequently, of fitting themselves, without hurtful compression, into any of the small number of moulds which society provides in order to save its members the trouble of forming their own character.
天才的人，从第六方面来说，比任何其他人都更具个性——因此，在不造成伤害性的压力的情况下，他们不太能够适应社会提供的任何少数模式，以使其成员免去形成自己性格的麻烦。
If from timidity they consent to be forced into one of these moulds, and to let all that part of themselves which cannot expand under the pressure remain unexpanded, society will be little the better for their genius.
如果出于胆怯，他们同意被迫进入其中一种模式，并让自己在压力下无法扩展的部分保持不扩展，那么社会对他们的天才来说也不会好多少。
If they are of a strong character, and break their fetters, they become a mark for the society which has not succeeded in reducing them to commonplace, to point at with solemn warning as "wild," "erratic," and the like; much as if one should complain of the Niagara river for not flowing smoothly between its banks like a Dutch canal.
如果他们性格坚强，挣脱了束缚，他们就会成为社会的一个标志，社会还没有成功地将他们贬低为平凡，并以“狂野”、“古怪”等来严厉警告他们；就像人们应该抱怨尼亚加拉河不像荷兰运河一样在两岸之间顺畅地流淌一样。
I insist thus emphatically on the importance of genius, and the necessity of allowing it to unfold itself freely both in thought and in practice, being well aware that no one will deny the position in theory, but knowing also that almost every one, in reality, is totally indifferent to it.
因此，我强调天才的重要性，以及允许天才在思想和实践中自由展现的必要性，我清楚地知道没有人会在理论上否认这一立场，但也知道几乎每个人在现实中都对此完全漠不关心。
People think genius a fine thing if it enables a man to write an exciting poem, or paint a picture.
人们认为天才是一件好事，如果它能让一个人写出一首激动人心的诗，或者画一幅画。
But in its true sense, that of originality in thought and action, though no one says that it is not a thing to be admired, nearly all, at heart, think that they can do very well without it.
但真正意义上的思想和行动的原创性，虽然没有人说这不是一件值得钦佩的事情，但几乎所有人内心都认为，没有它，他们也能做得很好。
Unhappily this is too natural to be wondered at.
不幸的是，这太自然了，不值得奇怪。
Originality is the one thing which unoriginal minds cannot feel the use of.
独创性是没有独创性的头脑无法感受到其用途的一件事。
They cannot see what it is to do for them: how should they?
他们看不到这对他们有什么好处：他们应该怎么做？
If they could see what it would do for them, it would not be originality.
如果他们能看到它会给他们带来什么，那它就不是原创了。
The first service which originality has to render them, is that of opening their eyes: which being once fully done, they would have a chance of being themselves original.
原创性必须为他们提供的第一个服务是睁开他们的眼睛：一旦完全做到这一点，他们将有机会成为自己的原创者。
Meanwhile, recollecting that nothing was ever yet done which some one was not the first to do, and that all good things which exist are the fruits of originality, let them be modest enough to believe that there is something still left for it to accomplish, and assure themselves that they are more in need of originality, the less they are conscious of the want.
同时，记住，没有什么事情不是有人第一个做的，所有存在的美好事物都是原创性的成果，让他们足够谦虚，相信还有一些事情需要完成，并向自己保证，他们越不意识到这种需要，他们就越需要原创性。
In sober truth, whatever homage may be professed, or even paid, to real or supposed mental superiority, the general tendency of things throughout the world is to render mediocrity the ascendant power among mankind.
清醒的事实是，无论对真正的或假定的精神优越性表示什么敬意，甚至表示什么敬意，世界各地事物的总体趋势都是使平庸成为人类中的优势力量。
In ancient history, in the middle ages, and in a diminishing degree through the long transition from feudality to the present time, the individual was a power in himself; and if he had either great talents or a high social position, he was a considerable power.
在古代历史中，在中世纪，以及从封建社会到现在的漫长过渡过程中，个人本身就是一种力量，其程度在逐渐减弱。如果他具有伟大的才能或较高的社会地位，那么他就是一个相当大的权力。
At present individuals are lost in the crowd.
目前，个人已迷失在人群中。
In politics it is almost a triviality to say that public opinion now rules the world.
在政治上，说现在舆论统治世界几乎是一件小事。
The only power deserving the name is that of masses, and of governments while they make themselves the organ of the tendencies and instincts of masses.
唯一名副其实的权力是群众和政府的权力，而政府则使自己成为群众倾向和本能的机关。
This is as true in the moral and social relations of private life as in public transactions.
无论是在私人生活的道德和社会关系中，还是在公共交易中，都是如此。
Those whose opinions go by the name of public opinion, are not always the same sort of public: in America they are the whole white population; in England, chiefly the middle class.
那些以舆论名义发表意见的人并不总是同一类公众：在美国，他们是所有白人；在美国，他们是所有白人；在英国，主要是中产阶级。
But they are always a mass, that is to say, collective mediocrity.
但他们始终是大众，也就是说，集体平庸。
And what is a still greater novelty, the mass do not now take their opinions from dignitaries in Church or State, from ostensible leaders, or from books.
更新颖的是，群众现在不再从教会或国家的显要人物、表面上的领导人或书本上获取意见。
Their thinking is done for them by men much like themselves, addressing them or speaking in their name, on the spur of the moment, through the newspapers.
他们的思考是由与他们非常相似的人为他们完成的，通过报纸一时冲动地向他们讲话或以他们的名义发言。
I am not complaining of all this.
我并不是在抱怨这一切。
I do not assert that anything better is compatible, as a general rule, with the present low state of the human mind.
作为一般规则，我并不断言任何更好的东西都可以与人类心灵目前的低级状态兼容。
But that does not hinder the government of mediocrity from being mediocre government.
但这并不妨碍平庸的政府成为平庸的政府。
No government by a democracy or a numerous aristocracy, either in its political acts or in the opinions, qualities, and tone of mind which it fosters, ever did or could rise above mediocrity, except in so far as the sovereign Many have let themselves be guided (which in their best times they always have done) by the counsels and influence of a more highly gifted and instructed One or Few.
民主国家或众多贵族组成的政府，无论是在其政治行为上，还是在其所培养的观点、品质和心态上，都曾经或可能超越平庸，除非主权者许多人让自己受到更有才华和受过教育的一人或少数人的建议和影响的指导（在他们最好的时代他们总是这样做）。
The initiation of all wise or noble things, comes and must come from individuals; generally at first from some one individual.
一切智慧或崇高事物的启动，都来自且必须来自个人；通常一开始来自某个人。
The honour and glory of the average man is that he is capable of following that initiative; that he can respond internally to wise and noble things, and be led to them with his eyes open.
普通人的荣誉和光荣在于他有能力遵循这一倡议；他能够对明智和高尚的事物做出内在反应，并睁开眼睛被引导到它们。
I am not countenancing the sort of "hero-worship" which applauds the strong man of genius for forcibly seizing on the government of the world and making it do his bidding in spite of itself.
我并不赞成那种“英雄崇拜”，这种崇拜是为天才强者强行夺取世界政府并使其不由自主地听从他的命令而喝彩。
All he can claim is, freedom to point out the way.
他所能要求的只是指出道路的自由。
The power of compelling others into it, is not only inconsistent with the freedom and development of all the rest, but corrupting to the strong man himself.
强迫他人参与的权力，不仅不符合其他人的自由和发展，而且腐蚀强者本人。
It does seem, however, that when the opinions of masses of merely average men are everywhere become or becoming the dominant power, the counterpoise and corrective to that tendency would be, the more and more pronounced individuality of those who stand on the higher eminences of thought.
然而，当普通人群众的意见到处成为或正在成为主导力量时，对这种趋势的制衡和纠正将是那些站在思想的更高地位的人越来越明显的个性。
It is in these circumstances most especially, that exceptional individuals, instead of being deterred, should be encouraged in acting differently from the mass.
尤其是在这种情况下，不应阻止杰出个人，而应鼓励其采取与大众不同的行动。
In other times there was no advantage in their doing so, unless they acted not only differently, but better.
在其他时候，他们这样做并没有什么好处，除非他们的行为不仅不同，而且更好。
In this age the mere example of nonconformity, the mere refusal to bend the knee to custom, is itself a service.
在这个时代，仅仅不墨守成规、拒绝屈服于习俗本身就是一种服务。
Precisely because the tyranny of opinion is such as to make eccentricity a reproach, it is desirable, in order to break through that tyranny, that people should be eccentric.
正因为舆论的暴政使得古怪成为一种耻辱，所以为了打破这种暴政，人们应该变得古怪。
Eccentricity has always abounded when and where strength of character has abounded; and the amount of eccentricity in a society has generally been proportional to the amount of genius, mental vigour, and moral courage which it contained.
每当性格坚强的人、在哪里，就会出现古怪的事。一个社会中古怪的程度通常与该社会所蕴含的天才、精神活力和道德勇气的多少成正比。
That so few now dare to be eccentric, marks the chief danger of the time.
现在敢于古怪的人如此之少，这标志着这个时代的主要危险。
I have said that it is important to give the freest scope possible to uncustomary things, in order that it may in time appear which of these are fit to be converted into customs.
我说过，重要的是要给予非常规事物尽可能自由的空间，以便及时发现哪些事物适合转化为习惯。
But independence of action, and disregard of custom are not solely deserving of encouragement for the chance they afford that better modes of action, and customs more worthy of general adoption, may be struck out; nor is it only persons of decided mental superiority who have a just claim to carry on their lives in their own way.
但是，行动的独立性和对习俗的漠视不仅值得鼓励，因为它们提供了可能被淘汰的更好的行动方式和更值得普遍采用的习俗的机会；并非只有精神上绝对优越的人才有权以自己的方式生活。
There is no reason that all human existences should be constructed on some one, or some small number of patterns.
没有理由认为所有人类的存在都应该建立在某种或少数几种模式之上。
If a person possesses any tolerable amount of common-sense and experience, his own mode of laying out his existence is the best, not because it is the best in itself, but because it is his own mode.
如果一个人拥有一定程度的常识和经验，他自己的存在方式就是最好的，不是因为它本身是最好的，而是因为它就是他自己的方式。
Human beings are not like sheep; and even sheep are not undistinguishably alike.
人类不像羊；甚至绵羊也并非毫无区别。
A man cannot get a coat or a pair of boots to fit him, unless they are either made to his measure, or he has a whole warehouseful to choose from: and is it easier to fit him with a life than with a coat, or are human beings more like one another in their whole physical and spiritual conformation than in the shape of their feet?
一个人不可能得到一件适合他的外套或一双靴子，除非它们是按照他的尺寸制作的，或者他有一大堆可供选择的东西：让他适应生活比穿外套更容易，或者人类在整个身体和精神构造上比在脚的形状上更相似吗？
If it were only that people have diversities of taste, that is reason enough for not attempting to shape them all after one model.
如果只是因为人们有不同的品味，那就足以有理由不试图按照一种模式来塑造所有人。
But different persons also require different conditions for their spiritual development; and can no more exist healthily in the same moral, than all the variety of plants can in the same physical, atmosphere and climate.
但不同的人，其精神发展也需要不同的条件；正如所有种类的植物不能在相同的物理、大气和气候下健康地存在一样，它们也不能在同一道德中健康地存在。
The same things which are helps to one person towards the cultivation of his higher nature, are hindrances to another.
同样的事情有助于一个人培养其更高的本性，却会阻碍另一个人。
The same mode of life is a healthy excitement to one, keeping all his faculties of action and enjoyment in their best order, while to another it is a distracting burthen, which suspends or crushes all internal life.
同样的生活方式对一个人来说是一种健康的兴奋，使他所有的行动能力和享受处于最佳状态，而对另一个人来说，它是一种分散注意力的负担，它暂停或压垮所有的内在生活。
Such are the differences among human beings in their sources of pleasure, their susceptibilities of pain, and the operation on them of different physical and moral agencies, that unless there is a corresponding diversity in their modes of life, they neither obtain their fair share of happiness, nor grow up to the mental, moral, and aesthetic stature of which their nature is capable.
人类在快乐的来源、对痛苦的敏感性以及不同的身体和道德机构对他们的运作方面存在着如此大的差异，除非他们的生活方式存在相应的多样性，否则他们就无法获得应有的幸福，也无法成长到他们的本性所能达到的精神、道德和审美境界。
Why then should tolerance, as far as the public sentiment is concerned, extend only to tastes and modes of life which extort acquiescence by the multitude of their adherents?
那么，就公众情绪而言，为什么宽容只能延伸到那些迫使其众多追随者默许的品味和生活方式呢？
Nowhere (except in some monastic institutions) is diversity of taste entirely unrecognised; a person may, without blame, either like or dislike rowing, or smoking, or music, or athletic exercises, or chess, or cards, or study, because both those who like each of these things, and those who dislike them, are too numerous to be put down.
任何地方（除了一些修道院机构）都完全承认品味的多样性。一个人可以毫无怨言地喜欢或不喜欢划船、抽烟、音乐、运动、下棋、打牌、学习，因为喜欢这些事情的人和不喜欢这些事情的人都多得数不过来。
But the man, and still more the woman, who can be accused either of doing "what nobody does," or of not doing "what everybody does," is the subject of as much depreciatory remark as if he or she had committed some grave moral delinquency.
但是男人，尤其是女人，可能被指责做“没人做的事”，或者没有做“每个人都做的事”，因此成为贬低性言论的对象，就好像他或她犯了一些严重的道德犯罪一样。
Persons require to possess a title, or some other badge of rank, or of the consideration of people of rank, to be able to indulge somewhat in the luxury of doing as they like without detriment to their estimation.
人们需要拥有头衔，或其他一些等级徽章，或获得有地位的人的尊重，才能在不损害自己评价的情况下，在某种程度上沉迷于随心所欲的奢侈行为。
To indulge somewhat, I repeat: for whoever allow themselves much of that indulgence, incur the risk of something worse than disparaging speeches--they are in peril of a commission _de lunatico_, and of having their property taken from them and given to their relations.[13]
为了稍微放纵，我再说一遍：对于那些允许自己过多放纵的人来说，他们会面临比贬低言论更糟糕的风险——他们面临着“疯狂委员会”的危险，他们的财产会被夺走并交给他们的亲戚。 [13]
There is one characteristic of the present direction of public opinion, peculiarly calculated to make it intolerant of any marked demonstration of individuality.
目前的舆论导向有一个特点，特别是为了使其不能容忍任何明显的个性表现。
The general average of mankind are not only moderate in intellect, but also moderate in inclinations: they have no tastes or wishes strong enough to incline them to do anything unusual, and they consequently do not understand those who have, and class all such with the wild and intemperate whom they are accustomed to look down upon.
人类的普遍平均水平不仅在智力上是中等的，而且在倾向上也是中等的：他们没有足够强烈的品味或愿望来促使他们做任何不寻常的事情，因此他们不理解那些有这些的人，并将所有这些人归为他们习惯上瞧不起的狂野和不节制的人。
Now, in addition to this fact which is general, we have only to suppose that a strong movement has set in towards the improvement of morals, and it is evident what we have to expect.
现在，除了这个普遍事实之外，我们只需假设一场强有力的运动已经开始推动道德的提高，而且我们所期待的事情是显而易见的。
In these days such a movement has set in; much has actually been effected in the way of increased regularity of conduct, and discouragement of excesses; and there is a philanthropic spirit abroad, for the exercise of which there is no more inviting field than the moral and prudential improvement of our fellow-creatures.
如今，这样的运动已经开始了。实际上，在加强行为规范和阻止过度行为方面已经取得了很大的效果。国外存在着一种博爱精神，要发挥这种精神，没有比我们同胞的道德和审慎进步更有吸引力的领域了。
These tendencies of the times cause the public to be more disposed than at most former periods to prescribe general rules of conduct, and endeavour to make every one conform to the approved standard.
这些时代趋势使公众比以前的大多数时期更愿意制定一般行为规则，并努力使每个人都遵守批准的标准。
And that standard, express or tacit, is to desire nothing strongly.
这个标准，无论是明示的还是默示的，都是不强烈渴望任何东西。
Its ideal of character is to be without any marked character; to maim by compression, like a Chinese lady's foot, every part of human nature which stands out prominently, and tends to make the person markedly dissimilar in outline to commonplace humanity.
其理想的性格是没有任何明显的性格；通过压迫，像中国女士的脚一样，伤害人性中突出的每一个部分，并且往往使人在轮廓上与普通人性明显不同。
As is usually the case with ideals which exclude one-half of what is desirable, the present standard of approbation produces only an inferior imitation of the other half.
正如通常的情况，理想排除了一半的理想，目前的认可标准只能产生对另一半的低劣模仿。
Instead of great energies guided by vigorous reason, and strong feelings strongly controlled by a conscientious will, its result is weak feelings and weak energies, which therefore can be kept in outward conformity to rule without any strength either of will or of reason.
其结果不是由强有力的理性引导的强大能量和由认真的意志强烈控制的强烈情感，而是弱情感和弱能量，因此可以在没有任何意志或理性力量的情况下保持表面上的服从统治。
Already energetic characters on any large scale are becoming merely traditional.
任何大规模的充满活力的人物都变得仅仅传统。
There is now scarcely any outlet for energy in this country except business.
现在这个国家除了商业之外几乎没有任何能源出口。
The energy expended in that may still be regarded as considerable.
其中所消耗的能量，或许还是相当可观的。
What little is left from that employment, is expended on some hobby; which may be a useful, even a philanthropic hobby, but is always some one thing, and generally a thing of small dimensions.
这份工作所剩无几，都花在了一些爱好上；这可能是一种有用的，甚至是一种慈善的爱好，但总是某件事，而且通常是一件小事。
The greatness of England is now all collective: individually small, we only appear capable of anything great by our habit of combining; and with this our moral and religious philanthropists are perfectly contented.
英格兰的伟大现在完全是集体的：个体很小，我们只有通过我们的团结习惯才能成就伟大的事情；我们的道德和宗教慈善家对此感到非常满意。
But it was men of another stamp than this that made England what it has been; and men of another stamp will be needed to prevent its decline.
但正是那些具有与此不同的特征的人才造就了现在的英格兰。需要另一种风格的人来阻止它的衰落。
The despotism of custom is everywhere the standing hindrance to human advancement, being in unceasing antagonism to that disposition to aim at something better than customary, which is called, according to circumstances, the spirit of liberty, or that of progress or improvement.
习惯的专制主义在任何地方都是人类进步的长期障碍，它不断地对抗追求比习惯更好的事物的倾向，根据情况，这种倾向被称为自由精神，或进步或改良精神。
The spirit of improvement is not always a spirit of liberty, for it may aim at forcing improvements on an unwilling people; and the spirit of liberty, in so far as it resists such attempts, may ally itself locally and temporarily with the opponents of improvement; but the only unfailing and permanent source of improvement is liberty, since by it there are as many possible independent centres of improvement as there are individuals.
改进精神并不总是自由精神，因为它可能旨在迫使不情愿的人民进行改进；自由精神只要抵制这种企图，就可能在局部和暂时与进步的反对者结盟；但进步的唯一可靠和永久的源泉是自由，因为有了自由，就有多少个人就有多少个可能的独立进步中心。
The progressive principle, however, in either shape, whether as the love of liberty or of improvement, is antagonistic to the sway of Custom, involving at least emancipation from that yoke; and the contest between the two constitutes the chief interest of the history of mankind.
然而，无论以何种形式，进步原则，无论是对自由的热爱还是对进步的热爱，都与习俗的影响相对立，至少涉及从这种束缚中解放出来。两者之间的较量构成了人类历史的主要利益。
The greater part of the world has, properly speaking, no history, because the despotism of Custom is complete.
确切地说，世界大部分地区都没有历史，因为习俗的专制是彻底的。
This is the case over the whole East.
整个东方都是这样。
Custom is there, in all things, the final appeal; justice and right mean conformity to custom; the argument of custom no one, unless some tyrant intoxicated with power, thinks of resisting.
习惯是一切事物的最终诉求；正义和正义意味着符合习惯；除非是某个醉心于权力的暴君，否则没有人会想到反抗习俗的争论。
And we see the result.
我们看到了结果。
Those nations must once have had originality; they did not start out of the ground populous, lettered, and versed in many of the arts of life; they made themselves all this, and were then the greatest and most powerful nations in the world.
这些民族一定曾经有过独创性；他们一开始并不是人口稠密、受过教育、精通许多生活艺术的。他们创造了这一切，成为当时世界上最伟大、最强大的国家。
What are they now?
他们现在是什么情况？
The subjects or dependants of tribes whose forefathers wandered in the forests when theirs had magnificent palaces and gorgeous temples, but over whom custom exercised only a divided rule with liberty and progress.
部落的臣民或家属，他们的祖先曾在森林中徘徊，而他们的祖先拥有宏伟的宫殿和华丽的寺庙，但习俗对他们仅行使自由和进步的分裂统治。
A people, it appears, may be progressive for a certain length of time, and then stop: when does it stop?
一个民族似乎可以在一定时间内进步，然后停止：什么时候停止？
When it ceases to possess individuality.
当它不再拥有个性时。
If a similar change should befall the nations of Europe, it will not be in exactly the same shape: the despotism of custom with which these nations are threatened is not precisely stationariness.
如果类似的变化发生在欧洲各国，其形式也不会完全相同：这些国家受到威胁的习惯专制主义并不完全是静止的。
It proscribes singularity, but it does not preclude change, provided all change together.
它禁止单一性，但并不排除变化，只要所有变化都在一起。
We have discarded the fixed costumes of our forefathers; every one must still dress like other people, but the fashion may change once or twice a year.
我们抛弃了祖先固定的服装；每个人的穿着仍然必须像其他人一样，但时尚每年可能会改变一两次。
We thus take care that when there is change, it shall be for change's sake, and not from any idea of beauty or convenience; for the same idea of beauty or convenience would not strike all the world at the same moment, and be simultaneously thrown aside by all at another moment.
因此，我们注意，当发生变化时，应该是为了变化而变化，而不是出于任何美观或方便的想法；因为同一个关于美丽或便利的想法不会在同一时刻震惊全世界，并在另一个时刻同时被所有人抛弃。
But we are progressive as well as changeable: we continually make new inventions in mechanical things, and keep them until they are again superseded by better; we are eager for improvement in politics, in education, even in morals, though in this last our idea of improvement chiefly consists in persuading or forcing other people to be as good as ourselves.
但我们既进步又多变：我们不断地在机械事物上做出新的发明，并保留它们，直到它们再次被更好的事物所取代；我们渴望在政治、教育、甚至道德方面有所进步，尽管在这方面我们的进步主要在于说服或强迫别人和我们一样优秀。
It is not progress that we object to; on the contrary, we flatter ourselves that we are the most progressive people who ever lived.
我们反对的不是进步；而是进步。相反，我们自以为我们是有史以来最进步的人。
It is individuality that we war against: we should think we had done wonders if we had made ourselves all alike; forgetting that the unlikeness of one person to another is generally the first thing which draws the attention of either to the imperfection of his own type, and the superiority of another, or the possibility, by combining the advantages of both, of producing something better than either.
我们反对的是个性：如果我们让自己变得相似，我们就应该认为我们已经创造了奇迹；我们应该认为我们已经创造了奇迹。忘记了一个人与另一个人的不同之处通常是引起他自己类型的不完美和另一个人的优越性的第一件事，或者通过结合两者的优点，产生比任何一个更好的东西的可能性。
We have a warning example in China--a nation of much talent, and, in some respects, even wisdom, owing to the rare good fortune of having been provided at an early period with a particularly good set of customs, the work, in some measure, of men to whom even the most enlightened European must accord, under certain limitations, the title of sages and philosophers.
我们在中国有一个警示性的例子——一个才华横溢的国家，在某些方面甚至是智慧的国家，由于在早期就拥有一套特别好的习俗，在某种程度上，即使是最开明的欧洲人在某些限制下也必须给予他们圣人和哲学家的称号。
They are remarkable, too, in the excellence of their apparatus for impressing, as far as possible, the best wisdom they possess upon every mind in the community, and securing that those who have appropriated most of it shall occupy the posts of honour and power.
他们的卓越之处还在于，他们拥有卓越的机构，能够尽可能地将他们所拥有的最好的智慧铭记在社区的每个人的心中，并确保那些掌握了大部分智慧的人将占据荣誉和权力的职位。
Surely the people who did this have discovered the secret of human progressiveness, and must have kept themselves steadily at the head of the movement of the world.
毫无疑问，这样做的人们已经发现了人类进步的秘密，并且一定使自己始终保持在世界运动的领先地位。
On the contrary, they have become stationary--have remained so for thousands of years; and if they are ever to be farther improved, it must be by foreigners.
相反，它们已经变得静止不动——几千年来一直如此；如果要进一步改进它们，就必须由外国人来完成。
They have succeeded beyond all hope in what English philanthropists are so industriously working at--in making a people all alike, all governing their thoughts and conduct by the same maxims and rules; and these are the fruits.
他们在英国慈善家如此辛勤工作的事情上取得了超出所有人希望的成功——使人民变得相似，所有人都用相同的格言和规则来管理他们的思想和行为；这些就是水果。
The modern _régime_ of public opinion is, in an unorganised form, what the Chinese educational and political systems are in an organised; and unless individuality shall be able successfully to assert itself against this yoke, Europe, notwithstanding its noble antecedents and its professed Christianity, will tend to become another China.
现代舆论政权是一种无组织的形式，而中国的教育和政治制度则是有组织的。除非个性能够成功地反抗这一枷锁，否则欧洲尽管有着崇高的前身和自称的基督教，但仍将倾向于成为另一个中国。
What is it that has hitherto preserved Europe from this lot?
迄今为止，是什么让欧洲免于遭受这样的命运呢？
What has made the European family of nations an improving, instead of a stationary portion of mankind?
是什么使欧洲国家大家庭成为人类中不断进步的一部分，而不是停滞不前的一部分？
Not any superior excellence in them, which, when it exists, exists as the effect, not as the cause; but their remarkable diversity of character and culture.
它们没有任何卓越的优点，当这种优点存在时，只是作为结果而不是原因而存在；但他们的性格和文化具有显着的多样性。
Individuals, classes, nations, have been extremely unlike one another: they have struck out a great variety of paths, each leading to something valuable; and although at every period those who travelled in different paths have been intolerant of one another, and each would have thought it an excellent thing if all the rest could have been compelled to travel his road, their attempts to thwart each other's development have rarely had any permanent success, and each has in time endured to receive the good which the others have offered.
个人、阶级、国家彼此之间极为不同：他们开辟了多种多样的道路，每一条道路都通向有价值的东西；尽管在每个时期，走不同道路的人都互相不能容忍，而且每个人都认为如果其他人都被迫走他的路是一件好事，但他们阻碍彼此发展的企图很少能取得永久的成功，每个人都及时忍受了其他人所提供的好处。
Europe is, in my judgment, wholly indebted to this plurality of paths for its progressive and many-sided development.
在我看来，欧洲的进步和多方面发展完全归功于这种多元化的道路。
But it already begins to possess this benefit in a considerably less degree.
但它已经开始在相当小的程度上拥有这种好处。
It is decidedly advancing towards the Chinese ideal of making all people alike.
它正在坚定地朝着“人人平等”的中国理想迈进。
M.
M。
de Tocqueville, in his last important work, remarks how much more the Frenchmen of the present day resemble one another, than did those even of the last generation.
托克维尔在他的最后一部重要著作中指出，当今的法国人彼此之间的相似程度甚至比上一代人还要多。
The same remark might be made of Englishmen in a far greater degree.
同样的评论也适用于英国人，程度要大得多。
In a passage already quoted from Wilhelm von Humboldt, he points out two things as necessary conditions of human development, because necessary to render people unlike one another; namely, freedom, and variety of situations.
在已经引用过威廉·冯·洪堡的一段话中，他指出两件事是人类发展的必要条件，因为这是使人们彼此不同的必要条件；即自由和各种情况。
The second of these two conditions is in this country every day diminishing.
这两个条件中的第二个在这个国家每天都在减少。
The circumstances which surround different classes and individuals, and shape their characters, are daily becoming more assimilated.
不同阶级和个人所处的环境以及塑造他们性格的环境日益同化。
Formerly, different ranks, different neighbourhoods, different trades and professions, lived in what might be called different worlds; at present, to a great degree in the same.
从前，不同的阶层、不同的街区、不同的行业、职业，生活在所谓不同的世界里。目前，在很大程度上也是如此。
Comparatively speaking, they now read the same things, listen to the same things, see the same things, go to the same places, have their hopes and fears directed to the same objects, have the same rights and liberties, and the same means of asserting them.
相比而言，他们现在读的是同样的东西，听的是同样的东西，看到的是同样的东西，去的是同样的地方，他们的希望和恐惧指向同样的对象，拥有同样的权利和自由，以及维护它们的同样的手段。
Great as are the differences of position which remain, they are nothing to those which have ceased.
尽管仍然存在着巨大的立场分歧，但对于那些已经停止的立场分歧来说，它们算不了什么。
And the assimilation is still proceeding.
并且同化仍在进行中。
All the political changes of the age promote it, since they all tend to raise the low and to lower the high.
这个时代的所有政治变革都促进了这一点，因为它们都倾向于抬高低点并降低高点。
Every extension of education promotes it, because education brings people under common influences, and gives them access to the general stock of facts and sentiments.
教育的每一次延伸都促进了这一点，因为教育使人们受到共同的影响，并使他们能够了解普遍的事实和情感。
Improvements in the means of communication promote it, by bringing the inhabitants of distant places into personal contact, and keeping up a rapid flow of changes of residence between one place and another.
通讯手段的改进促进了这一点，使远方的居民能够进行个人接触，并保持一地与另一地之间居住地的快速流动。
The increase of commerce and manufactures promotes it, by diffusing more widely the advantages of easy circumstances, and opening all objects of ambition, even the highest, to general competition, whereby the desire of rising becomes no longer the character of a particular class, but of all classes.
商业和制造业的增长促进了这种进步，因为它更广泛地传播了安逸环境的优势，并将所有雄心勃勃的目标，甚至是最高的目标，开放给普遍的竞争，由此，崛起的愿望不再是某个特定阶级的特征，而是所有阶级的特征。
A more powerful agency than even all these, in bringing about a general similarity among mankind, is the complete establishment, in this and other free countries, of the ascendency of public opinion in the State.
在使人类之间产生普遍相似性方面，比所有这些更强大的机构是在这个国家和其他自由国家中完全建立国家舆论的优势。
As the various social eminences which enabled persons entrenched on them to disregard the opinion of the multitude, gradually become levelled; as the very idea of resisting the will of the public, when it is positively known that they have a will, disappears more and more from the minds of practical politicians; there ceases to be any social support for non-conformity--any substantive power in society, which, itself opposed to the ascendency of numbers, is interested in taking under its protection opinions and tendencies at variance with those of the public.
随着各种社会显赫地位的确立，人们可以无视大众的意见，逐渐变得平等；当人们明确知道公众有意愿时，抵制公众意愿的想法就越来越从务实的政治家的头脑中消失了。不再有任何社会对不服从行为的支持——社会上任何实质性权力本身就反对人数的优势，有兴趣将与公众不同的意见和倾向置于其保护之下。
The combination of all these causes forms so great a mass of influences hostile to Individuality, that it is not easy to see how it can stand its ground.
所有这些原因的结合形成了如此巨大的敌视个体性的影响力，以至于很难看出它如何能够站稳脚跟。
It will do so with increasing difficulty, unless the intelligent part of the public can be made to feel its value--to see that it is good there should be differences, even though not for the better, even though, as it may appear to them, some should be for the worse.
这样做的难度会越来越大，除非公众中聪明的部分能够感受到它的价值——看到它是好的，应该存在差异，即使不是更好，尽管，正如他们可能认为的那样，有些应该变得更糟。
If the claims of Individuality are ever to be asserted, the time is now, while much is still wanting to complete the enforced assimilation.
如果要断言个性的主张，现在就是时候了，而许多人仍然希望完成强制同化。
It is only in the earlier stages that any stand can be successfully made against the encroachment.
只有在早期阶段，任何对抗侵犯的立场才能成功。
The demand that all other people shall resemble ourselves, grows by what it feeds on.
对所有其他人都应该与我们相似的要求随着其所依赖的内容而增长。
If resistance waits till life is reduced _nearly_ to one uniform type, all deviations from that type will come to be considered impious, immoral, even monstrous and contrary to nature.
如果等到生命几乎沦为一种统一类型时才进行抵抗，那么所有偏离该类型的行为都会被认为是不虔诚的、不道德的，甚至是可怕的和违背自然的。
Mankind speedily become unable to conceive diversity, when they have been for some time unaccustomed to see it.
当人类已经有一段时间不习惯看到多样性时，他们很快就会变得无法想象多样性。
FOOTNOTES:
脚注：
[11] _The Sphere and Duties of Government_, from the German of Baron Wilhelm von Humboldt, pp.
[11] _政府的范围和职责_，来自威廉·冯·洪堡男爵的德语，第 174 页。
11-13.
11-13。
[12] Sterling's _Essays_.
[12] 斯特林的_随笔_。
[13] There is something both contemptible and frightful in the sort of evidence on which, of late years, any person can be judicially declared unfit for the management of his affairs; and after his death, his disposal of his property can be set aside, if there is enough of it to pay the expenses of litigation--which are charged on the property itself.
[13]近年来，任何人都可以在司法上被宣布不适合管理自己的事务，这种证据既可鄙又可怕。在他去世后，如果他的财产足以支付诉讼费用（这些费用计入财产本身），那么他对财产的处置可以搁置。
All the minute details of his daily life are pried into, and whatever is found which, seen through the medium of the perceiving and describing faculties of the lowest of the low, bears an appearance unlike absolute commonplace, is laid before the jury as evidence of insanity, and often with success; the jurors being little, if at all, less vulgar and ignorant than the witnesses; while the judges, with that extraordinary want of knowledge of human nature and life which continually astonishes us in English lawyers, often help to mislead them.
他日常生活中的所有细节都被窥探，而通过最低下的感知和描述能力的媒介看到的任何东西，都具有不同于绝对平常的外观，被提交给陪审团作为精神错乱的证据，而且往往是成功的；陪审员即使有的话，也比证人少一些粗俗和无知；而法官们对人性和生活的了解却极其匮乏，这让英国律师们不断地感到惊讶，但他们常常帮助误导他们。
These trials speak volumes as to the state of feeling and opinion among the vulgar with regard to human liberty.
这些审判充分说明了普通民众对人类自由的感受和看法。
So far from setting any value on individuality--so far from respecting the rights of each individual to act, in things indifferent, as seems good to his own judgment and inclinations, judges and juries cannot even conceive that a person in a state of sanity can desire such freedom.
法官和陪审团根本没有对个性赋予任何价值，也没有尊重每个人在无关紧要的事情上根据自己的判断和倾向采取行动的权利，他们甚至无法想象一个神志清醒的人会渴望这种自由。
In former days, when it was proposed to burn atheists, charitable people used to suggest putting them in a madhouse instead: it would be nothing surprising nowadays were we to see this done, and the doers applauding themselves, because, instead of persecuting for religion, they had adopted so humane and Christian a mode of treating these unfortunates, not without a silent satisfaction at their having thereby obtained their deserts.
以前，当有人提议烧死无神论者时，慈善人士常常建议把他们关进疯人院：如果我们现在看到这样做，实干家们为自己鼓掌，也就不足为奇了，因为他们不是为了宗教而迫害，而是采取了如此人道和基督教的方式来对待这些不幸的人，对他们由此获得的应得而不无一种默默的满足。
CHAPTER IV.
第四章。
OF THE LIMITS TO THE AUTHORITY OF SOCIETY OVER THE INDIVIDUAL.
社会对个人的权威的限制。
What, then, is the rightful limit to the sovereignty of the individual over himself?
那么，个人对自己的主权的合理限制是什么？
Where does the authority of society begin?
社会的权威从哪里开始？
How much of human life should be assigned to individuality, and how much to society?
人类生活的多少应该属于个性，多少属于社会？
Each will receive its proper share, if each has that which more particularly concerns it.
如果每个人都有更特别关注的事情，每个人都会得到自己适当的份额。
To individuality should belong the part of life in which it is chiefly the individual that is interested; to society, the part which chiefly interests society.
个性应该属于生活的一部分，其中主要是个人感兴趣的。对社会，主要是社会感兴趣的部分。
Though society is not founded on a contract, and though no good purpose is answered by inventing a contract in order to deduce social obligations from it, every one who receives the protection of society owes a return for the benefit, and the fact of living in society renders it indispensable that each should be bound to observe a certain line of conduct towards the rest.
尽管社会不是建立在契约之上的，虽然通过发明契约来推导出社会义务并不能满足良好的目的，但每一个受到社会保护的人都应该得到利益的回报，而生活在社会中的事实使得每个人都必须遵守对其他人的某种行为准则。
This conduct consists, first, in not injuring the interests of one another; or rather certain interests which, either by express legal provision or by tacit understanding, ought to be considered as rights; and secondly, in each person's bearing his share (to be fixed on some equitable principle) of the labours and sacrifices incurred for defending the society or its members from injury and molestation.
这种行为首先在于不损害彼此的利益；或者更确切地说，某些利益，无论是通过明确的法律规定还是通过默契，都应被视为权利；其次，每个人为保护社会或其成员免遭伤害和骚扰而承担自己的份额（根据某种公平原则确定）的劳动和牺牲。
These conditions society is justified in enforcing, at all costs to those who endeavour to withhold fulfilment.
社会有理由强制执行这些条件，对于那些试图拒绝履行的人来说，不惜一切代价。
Nor is this all that society may do.
这还不是社会所能做的全部。
The acts of an individual may be hurtful to others, or wanting in due consideration for their welfare, without going the length of violating any of their constituted rights.
个人的行为可能会伤害他人，或者需要适当考虑他人的福利，但又不会侵犯他们的任何法定权利。
The offender may then be justly punished by opinion though not by law.
然后，犯罪者可能会受到舆论的公正惩罚，而不是法律的惩罚。
As soon as any part of a person's conduct affects prejudicially the interests of others, society has jurisdiction over it, and the question whether the general welfare will or will not be promoted by interfering with it, becomes open to discussion.
一旦一个人的行为的任何部分损害了他人的利益，社会就对其具有管辖权，并且通过干涉是否会促进公共福利的问题就成为公开讨论的话题。
But there is no room for entertaining any such question when a person's conduct affects the interests of no persons besides himself, or needs not affect them unless they like (all the persons concerned being of full age, and the ordinary amount of understanding).
但是，当一个人的行为不影响除了他自己之外的任何人的利益，或者不需要影响他们，除非他们愿意（所有有关的人都已成年，并且具有一般的理解力）时，就没有考虑任何此类问题的余地。
In all such cases there should be perfect freedom, legal and social, to do the action and stand the consequences.
在所有这些情况下，都应该有完全的法律和社会自由来采取行动并承担后果。
It would be a great misunderstanding of this doctrine, to suppose that it is one of selfish indifference, which pretends that human beings have no business with each other's conduct in life, and that they should not concern themselves about the well-doing or well-being of one another, unless their own interest is involved.
如果认为这一学说是一种自私的冷漠，那就是对这一学说的极大误解，它假装人类在生活中与彼此的行为无关，并且他们不应该关心彼此的行善或福祉，除非涉及他们自己的利益。
Instead of any diminution, there is need of a great increase of disinterested exertion to promote the good of others.
我们需要大量增加无私的努力来促进他人的利益，而不是减少。
But disinterested benevolence can find other instruments to persuade people to their good, than whips and scourges, either of the literal or the metaphorical sort.
但是，除了鞭子和鞭子之外，无私的仁慈可以找到其他工具来劝说人们向善，无论是字面上的还是隐喻的。
I am the last person to undervalue the self-regarding virtues; they are only second in importance, if even second, to the social.
我是最不会低估自私美德的人。它们的重要性仅次于社交，甚至是第二位。
It is equally the business of education to cultivate both.
培养两者同样是教育的职责。
But even education works by conviction and persuasion as well as by compulsion, and it is by the former only that, when the period of education is past, the self-regarding virtues should be inculcated.
但即使是教育，也需要信念、说服和强制，只有前者，当教育期结束后，才应该灌输自私的美德。
Human beings owe to each other help to distinguish the better from the worse, and encouragement to choose the former and avoid the latter.
人类彼此亏欠有助于区分好与坏，并鼓励选择前者并避免后者。
They should be for ever stimulating each other to increased exercise of their higher faculties, and increased direction of their feelings and aims towards wise instead of foolish, elevating instead of degrading, objects and contemplations.
他们应该永远互相激励，以增加对更高能力的锻炼，并增加他们的感情和目标的方向，以明智而不是愚蠢，提升而不是降低目标和沉思。
But neither one person, nor any number of persons, is warranted in saying to another human creature of ripe years, that he shall not do with his life for his own benefit what he chooses to do with it.
但是，无论是一个人还是任何数量的人，都没有理由对另一位成熟的人说，他不能为了自己的利益而利用自己的生命去做他选择做的事情。
He is the person most interested in his own well-being: the interest which any other person, except in cases of strong personal attachment, can have in it, is trifling, compared with that which he himself has; the interest which society has in him individually (except as to his conduct to others) is fractional, and altogether indirect: while, with respect to his own feelings and circumstances, the most ordinary man or woman has means of knowledge immeasurably surpassing those that can be possessed by any one else.
他是对自己的幸福最感兴趣的人：除非有强烈的个人依恋，否则任何其他人对自己的幸福的兴趣与他自己相比都是微不足道的；社会对他个人的兴趣（除了他对他人的行为之外）是零星的，而且完全是间接的：而就他自己的感受和处境而言，最普通的男人或女人所拥有的知识手段远远超过任何其他人所能拥有的知识手段。
The interference of society to overrule his judgment and purposes in what only regards himself, must be grounded on general presumptions; which may be altogether wrong, and even if right, are as likely as not to be misapplied to individual cases, by persons no better acquainted with the circumstances of such cases than those are who look at them merely from without.
社会对他的判断和目的进行干预，以推翻他只关心他自己的事情，必须建立在一般推定的基础上；这些可能是完全错误的，即使是正确的，也很可能不会被那些不比那些仅仅从外部看待案件的人更了解案件情况的人误用于个别案件。
In this department, therefore, of human affairs, Individuality has its proper field of action.
因此，在人类事务的这个部门中，个性有其适当的作用范围。
In the conduct of human beings towards one another, it is necessary that general rules should for the most part be observed, in order that people may know what they have to expect; but in each person's own concerns, his individual spontaneity is entitled to free exercise.
在人类彼此之间的行为中，有必要在很大程度上遵守一般规则，以便人们知道他们所期望的是什么；但在每个人自己的关切上，他个人的自发性都有权自由发挥。
Considerations to aid his judgment, exhortations to strengthen his will, may be offered to him, even obtruded on him, by others; but he himself is the final judge.
其他人可能会向他提出帮助他判断的考虑，加强他的意志的劝告，甚至强加给他；但他自己才是最终的评判者。
All errors which he is likely to commit against advice and warning, are far outweighed by the evil of allowing others to constrain him to what they deem his good.
他不顾劝告和警告而可能犯下的所有错误，都比允许别人强迫他做他们认为对他有利的事情的罪恶要严重得多。
I do not mean that the feelings with which a person is regarded by others, ought not to be in any way affected by his self-regarding qualities or deficiencies.
我的意思并不是说，他人对一个人的看法不应受到他自私的品质或缺陷的影响。
This is neither possible nor desirable.
这是不可能的，也是不可取的。
If he is eminent in any of the qualities which conduce to his own good, he is, so far, a proper object of admiration.
如果他在任何有助于他自身利益的品质上表现出色，那么到目前为止，他就是一个值得钦佩的对象。
He is so much the nearer to the ideal perfection of human nature.
他非常接近人性的理想完美。
If he is grossly deficient in those qualities, a sentiment the opposite of admiration will follow.
如果他严重缺乏这些品质，就会产生一种与钦佩相反的情绪。
There is a degree of folly, and a degree of what may be called (though the phrase is not unobjectionable) lowness or depravation of taste, which, though it cannot justify doing harm to the person who manifests it, renders him necessarily and properly a subject of distaste, or, in extreme cases, even of contempt: a person could not have the opposite qualities in due strength without entertaining these feelings.
有一定程度的愚蠢，以及一定程度的所谓（尽管这个词并非无可争议）低俗或堕落的品味，虽然它不能证明对表现出这种行为的人造成伤害是正当的，但却必然使他成为厌恶的对象，或者在极端情况下，甚至是蔑视的对象：一个人如果不怀有这些感觉，就不可能在适当的程度上拥有相反的品质。
Though doing no wrong to any one, a person may so act as to compel us to judge him, and feel to him, as a fool, or as a being of an inferior order: and since this judgment and feeling are a fact which he would prefer to avoid, it is doing him a service to warn him of it beforehand, as of any other disagreeable consequence to which he exposes himself.
尽管一个人没有对任何人做错事，但他的行为可能会迫使我们评判他，感觉他是个傻瓜，或者是一个低等的人：既然这种评判和感觉是他宁愿避免的事实，那么提前警告他这一点对他是有帮助的，就像他暴露自己的任何其他不愉快的后果一样。
It would be well, indeed, if this good office were much more freely rendered than the common notions of politeness at present permit, and if one person could honestly point out to another that he thinks him in fault, without being considered unmannerly or presuming.
事实上，如果这种斡旋能够比目前普遍的礼貌观念所允许的更加自由地进行，并且一个人能够诚实地向另一个人指出他认为他有错，而不被认为是不礼貌或自以为是，那就太好了。
We have a right, also, in various ways, to act upon our unfavourable opinion of any one, not to the oppression of his individuality, but in the exercise of ours.
我们也有权以各种方式根据我们对任何人的不利意见采取行动，不是压制他的个性，而是行使我们的个性。
We are not bound, for example, to seek his society; we have a right to avoid it (though not to parade the avoidance), for we have a right to choose the society most acceptable to us.
例如，我们没有义务去寻求他的陪伴；我们有权避免它（尽管不是炫耀避免），因为我们有权选择我们最能接受的社会。
We have a right, and it may be our duty, to caution others against him, if we think his example or conversation likely to have a pernicious effect on those with whom he associates.
如果我们认为他的榜样或谈话可能对与他交往的人产生有害影响，我们就有权利，而且可能是我们的责任，警告其他人提防他。
We may give others a preference over him in optional good offices, except those which tend to his improvement.
在可选的斡旋中，我们可能会优先考虑其他人，但那些有助于他进步的活动除外。
In these various modes a person may suffer very severe penalties at the hands of others, for faults which directly concern only himself; but he suffers these penalties only in so far as they are the natural, and, as it were, the spontaneous consequences of the faults themselves, not because they are purposely inflicted on him for the sake of punishment.
在这些不同的模式中，一个人可能会因为只与他本人直接相关的过失而受到他人的非常严厉的惩罚。但他之所以遭受这些惩罚，只是因为它们是自然的，可以说是过失本身的自发后果，而不是因为这些惩罚是为了惩罚而故意强加给他的。
A person who shows rashness, obstinacy, self-conceit--who cannot live within moderate means--who cannot restrain himself from hurtful indulgences--who pursues animal pleasures at the expense of those of feeling and intellect--must expect to be lowered in the opinion of others, and to have a less share of their favourable sentiments; but of this he has no right to complain, unless he has merited their favour by special excellence in his social relations, and has thus established a title to their good offices, which is not affected by his demerits towards himself.
一个表现出鲁莽、固执、自负的人，一个不能节俭生活的人，一个无法克制自己有害的放纵的人，一个以牺牲情感和智力为代价来追求动物性快乐的人，他必然会受到别人的贬低，也不会得到别人的好感；但他无权对此提出抱怨，除非他在社会关系中表现出色，赢得了他们的青睐，并由此确立了接受他们斡旋的权利，而这种权利不受他对自己的过错所影响。
What I contend for is, that the inconveniences which are strictly inseparable from the unfavourable judgment of others, are the only ones to which a person should ever be subjected for that portion of his conduct and character which concerns his own good, but which does not affect the interests of others in their relations with him.
我主张的是，一个人的行为和性格中涉及到他自己的利益，但不影响他人与他的关系中的利益时，他唯一应该遭受的不便是与他人的不利判断严格密不可分的。
Acts injurious to others require a totally different treatment.
伤害他人的行为需要完全不同的对待。
Encroachment on their rights; infliction on them of any loss or damage not justified by his own rights; falsehood or duplicity in dealing with them; unfair or ungenerous use of advantages over them; even selfish abstinence from defending them against injury--these are fit objects of moral reprobation, and, in grave cases, of moral retribution and punishment.
侵犯他们的权利；给他们造成任何与其自身权利无关的损失或损害；与他们打交道时撒谎或口是心非；不公平或不慷慨地利用相对于他们的优势；即使是自私的节制，不保护他们免受伤害，这些都是道德谴责的适当对象，在严重的情况下，是道德报应和惩罚的对象。
And not only these acts, but the dispositions which lead to them, are properly immoral, and fit subjects of disapprobation which may rise to abhorrence.
不仅这些行为，而且导致这些行为的倾向，都是完全不道德的，并且适合成为不赞成的对象，甚至可能引起憎恶。
Cruelty of disposition; malice and ill-nature; that most anti-social and odious of all passions, envy; dissimulation and insincerity; irascibility on insufficient cause, and resentment disproportioned to the provocation; the love of domineering over others; the desire to engross more than one's share of advantages (the [Greek: pleonexia] of the Greeks); the pride which derives gratification from the abasement of others; the egotism which thinks self and its concerns more important than everything else, and decides all doubtful questions in its own favour;--these are moral vices, and constitute a bad and odious moral character: unlike the self-regarding faults previously mentioned, which are not properly immoralities, and to whatever pitch they may be carried, do not constitute wickedness.
性情残忍；恶意和恶意；所有激情中最反社会、最令人厌恶的就是嫉妒；掩饰和不真诚；没有充分理由的暴躁，以及与挑衅不成比例的怨恨；爱支配别人；渴望占有超过自己份额的优势（希腊人的[希腊语：pleonexia]）；从他人的屈辱中获得满足的骄傲；自我主义认为自我及其利益比其他一切都重要，并以对自己有利的方式决定所有可疑的问题；这些都是道德恶习，并构成了不良和可憎的道德品格：与前面提到的自私的过失不同，这些过失并不是真正的不道德，无论它们达到何种程度，都不构成邪恶。
They may be proofs of any amount of folly, or want of personal dignity and self-respect; but they are only a subject of moral reprobation when they involve a breach of duty to others, for whose sake the individual is bound to have care for himself.
它们可能是任何愚蠢行为或缺乏个人尊严和自尊的证据；但只有当它们涉及对他人的不负责任时，它们才会受到道德谴责，而为了他人的利益，个人必须照顾自己。
What are called duties to ourselves are not socially obligatory, unless circumstances render them at the same time duties to others.
所谓对自己的义务并不是社会义务，除非环境同时赋予它们对他人的义务。
The term duty to oneself, when it means anything more than prudence, means self-respect or self-development; and for none of these is any one accountable to his fellow-creatures, because for none of them is it for the good of mankind that he be held accountable to them.
对自己的责任一词，当它不仅仅意味着谨慎时，意味着自尊或自我发展；因为这些人中没有一个人对他的同胞负责，因为对他们来说，他对他们负责并不是为了人类的利益。
The distinction between the loss of consideration which a person may rightly incur by defect of prudence or of personal dignity, and the reprobation which is due to him for an offence against the rights of others, is not a merely nominal distinction.
一个人由于谨慎或个人尊严的缺陷而可能理所当然地遭受的损失，与他因侵犯他人权利而应受的谴责之间的区别不仅仅是名义上的区别。
It makes a vast difference both in our feelings and in our conduct towards him, whether he displeases us in things in which we think we have a right to control him, or in things in which we know that we have not.
无论他是否在我们认为自己有权控制他的事情上让我们不高兴，或者在我们知道我们没有权利控制他的事情上让我们不高兴，这都会对我们的感情和我们对他的行为产生巨大的影响。
If he displeases us, we may express our distaste, and we may stand aloof from a person as well as from a thing that displeases us; but we shall not therefore feel called on to make his life uncomfortable.
如果他令我们不高兴，我们可能会表达我们的厌恶，并且我们可能会对令我们不高兴的人或事物保持距离；但我们不会因此觉得有必要让他的生活变得不舒服。
We shall reflect that he already bears, or will bear, the whole penalty of his error; if he spoils his life by mismanagement, we shall not, for that reason, desire to spoil it still further: instead of wishing to punish him, we shall rather endeavour to alleviate his punishment, by showing him how he may avoid or cure the evils his conduct tends to bring upon him.
我们将反思，他已经或将承担他的错误的全部惩罚；如果他因管理不善而毁掉了自己的生活，我们就不会因此而想要进一步毁掉它：与其希望惩罚他，不如努力减轻对他的惩罚，向他展示如何避免或治愈他的行为可能给他带来的祸害。
He may be to us an object of pity, perhaps of dislike, but not of anger or resentment; we shall not treat him like an enemy of society: the worst we shall think ourselves justified in doing is leaving him to himself, if we do not interfere benevolently by showing interest or concern for him.
对我们来说，他可能是一个怜悯的对象，也许是厌恶的对象，但不是愤怒或怨恨的对象。我们不应该把他当作社会的敌人来对待：如果我们不通过对他表现出兴趣或关心来进行仁慈的干预，那么我们认为自己合理的最糟糕的做法就是让他独自一人。
It is far otherwise if he has infringed the rules necessary for the protection of his fellow-creatures, individually or collectively.
如果他违反了保护他的同胞（无论是个人还是集体）所必需的规则，情况就大不相同了。
The evil consequences of his acts do not then fall on himself, but on others; and society, as the protector of all its members, must retaliate on him; must inflict pain on him for the express purpose of punishment, and must take care that it be sufficiently severe.
他的行为所带来的恶果就不会落在他自己身上，而是落在别人身上。社会作为所有成员的保护者，必须对他进行报复；必须出于惩罚的明确目的而对他造成痛苦，并且必须注意其程度足够严重。
In the one case, he is an offender at our bar, and we are called on not only to sit in judgment on him, but, in one shape or another, to execute our own sentence: in the other case, it is not our part to inflict any suffering on him, except what may incidentally follow from our using the same liberty in the regulation of our own affairs, which we allow to him in his.
在第一种情况下，他是我们律师事务所的罪犯，我们不仅被要求对他进行审判，而且以某种形式执行我们自己的判决：在另一种情况下，我们没有责任给他造成任何痛苦，除非我们在管理我们自己的事务时使用同样的自由，而我们允许他在他的事务中使用同样的自由。
The distinction here pointed out between the part of a person's life which concerns only himself, and that which concerns others, many persons will refuse to admit.
这里指出了一个人的生活中只与自己有关的部分和与他人有关的部分之间的区别，许多人会拒绝承认。
How (it may be asked) can any part of the conduct of a member of society be a matter of indifference to the other members?
（可能有人会问）一个社会成员的行为的任何部分怎么可能对其他成员漠不关心呢？
No person is an entirely isolated being; it is impossible for a person to do anything seriously or permanently hurtful to himself, without mischief reaching at least to his near connections, and often far beyond them.
没有人是完全孤立的存在；一个人不可能做任何严重或永久伤害自己的事情，而不会造成伤害，至少影响到他的亲密关系，而且常常远远超出他们的范围。
If he injures his property, he does harm to those who directly or indirectly derived support from it, and usually diminishes, by a greater or less amount, the general resources of the community.
如果他损害了自己的财产，他也就伤害了那些直接或间接从中获得支持的人，并且通常或多或少地减少了社区的总体资源。
If he deteriorates his bodily or mental faculties, he not only brings evil upon all who depended on him for any portion of their happiness, but disqualifies himself for rendering the services which he owes to his fellow-creatures generally; perhaps becomes a burthen on their affection or benevolence; and if such conduct were very frequent, hardly any offence that is committed would detract more from the general sum of good.
如果他的身体或精神能力退化，他不仅会给所有依赖他获得幸福的人带来不幸，而且使他自己失去了为同胞提供服务的资格；也许成为他们感情或仁慈的负担；如果这种行为非常频繁，那么几乎没有任何犯罪行为会进一步损害总体利益。
Finally, if by his vices or follies a person does no direct harm to others, he is nevertheless (it may be said) injurious by his example; and ought to be compelled to control himself, for the sake of those whom the sight or knowledge of his conduct might corrupt or mislead.
最后，如果一个人的恶行或愚蠢行为没有对他人造成直接伤害，那么他（可以说）仍然通过他的榜样造成了伤害；为了那些看到或了解他的行为可能会腐蚀或误导的人，他应该被迫控制自己。
And even (it will be added) if the consequences of misconduct could be confined to the vicious or thoughtless individual, ought society to abandon to their own guidance those who are manifestly unfit for it?
甚至（将补充）如果不当行为的后果可能仅限于恶毒或轻率的个人，那么社会是否应该放弃那些明显不适合这样做的人？
If protection against themselves is confessedly due to children and persons under age, is not society equally bound to afford it to persons of mature years who are equally incapable of self-government?
如果儿童和未成年人确实需要保护自己免受伤害，那么社会是否同样有义务向同样没有自治能力的成年人提供这种保护？
If gambling, or drunkenness, or incontinence, or idleness, or uncleanliness, are as injurious to happiness, and as great a hindrance to improvement, as many or most of the acts prohibited by law, why (it may be asked) should not law, so far as is consistent with practicability and social convenience, endeavour to repress these also?
如果赌博、酗酒、失禁、懒惰、不洁等行为与法律所禁止的许多或大多数行为一样，都对幸福有害，并且对进步有很大的阻碍，那么为什么（可能有人会问）法律不应该在符合实用性和社会便利性的情况下努力压制这些行为呢？
And as a supplement to the unavoidable imperfections of law, ought not opinion at least to organise a powerful police against these vices, and visit rigidly with social penalties those who are known to practise them?
作为对法律不可避免的缺陷的补充，舆论难道不应该至少组织一支强大的警察来打击这些恶行，并对那些已知有这些恶行的人进行严厉的社会惩罚吗？
There is no question here (it may be said) about restricting individuality, or impeding the trial of new and original experiments in living.
这里不存在（可以说）限制个性或阻碍新的、原创的生活实验的问题。
The only things it is sought to prevent are things which have been tried and condemned from the beginning of the world until now; things which experience has shown not to be useful or suitable to any person's individuality.
它唯一想要阻止的事情是从世界开始到现在一直受到尝试和谴责的事情；经验表明对任何人的个性没有用处或不适合的事物。
There must be some length of time and amount of experience, after which a moral or prudential truth may be regarded as established: and it is merely desired to prevent generation after generation from falling over the same precipice which has been fatal to their predecessors.
必须有一段时间和一定的经验，之后道德或审慎的真理才可以被认为是成立的：它只是希望防止一代又一代人跌入对他们的前辈来说是致命的同样的悬崖。
I fully admit that the mischief which a person does to himself, may seriously affect, both through their sympathies and their interests, those nearly connected with him, and in a minor degree, society at large.
我完全承认，一个人对自己所做的恶行，可能会通过他们的同情心和利益，严重影响那些与他有密切关系的人，并在较小程度上影响整个社会。
When, by conduct of this sort, a person is led to violate a distinct and assignable obligation to any other person or persons, the case is taken out of the self-regarding class, and becomes amenable to moral disapprobation in the proper sense of the term.
当一个人因这种行为而违反了对任何其他人或其他人的明确且可转让的义务时，该案件就被排除在自利类别之外，并在该术语的正确意义上受到道德上的谴责。
If, for example, a man, through intemperance or extravagance, becomes unable to pay his debts, or, having undertaken the moral responsibility of a family, becomes from the same cause incapable of supporting or educating them, he is deservedly reprobated, and might be justly punished; but it is for the breach of duty to his family or creditors, not for the extravagance.
例如，如果一个人由于不节制或奢侈浪费而无法偿还债务，或者在承担了家庭的道德责任后，由于同样的原因而无法养活或教育他们，那么他就应该受到谴责，并可能受到公正的惩罚；但这是因为他对家人或债权人不负责任，而不是因为铺张浪费。
If the resources which ought to have been devoted to them, had been diverted from them for the most prudent investment, the moral culpability would have been the same.
如果本应投入到他们身上的资源被挪用于最审慎的投资，那么道德上的罪责也会是一样的。
George Barnwell murdered his uncle to get money for his mistress, but if he had done it to set himself up in business, he would equally have been hanged.
乔治·巴恩韦尔谋杀了他的叔叔，为他的情妇赚钱，但如果他这样做是为了自己做生意，他同样会被绞死。
Again, in the frequent case of a man who causes grief to his family by addiction to bad habits, he deserves reproach for his unkindness or ingratitude; but so he may for cultivating habits not in themselves vicious, if they are painful to those with whom he passes his life, or who from personal ties are dependent on him for their comfort.
同样，在经常发生的情况下，一个人因沉迷于坏习惯而给家人带来痛苦，他应该因他的不友善或忘恩负义而受到谴责；但是，如果他所养成的习惯本身并不邪恶，那么他也可能会这样做，如果这些习惯对那些与他共度一生的人来说是痛苦的，或者对那些因个人关系而依赖他来获得安慰的人来说是痛苦的。
Whoever fails in the consideration generally due to the interests and feelings of others, not being compelled by some more imperative duty, or justified by allowable self-preference, is a subject of moral disapprobation for that failure, but not for the cause of it, nor for the errors, merely personal to himself, which may have remotely led to it.
凡是由于他人的利益和感受而未能考虑到他人的利益和感受，而不是被某些更迫切的义务所强迫，或因允许的自我偏好而被证明是正当的，他就会因这种失败而受到道德谴责，但不是因为失败的原因，也不是因为错误，而仅仅是他个人的错误，这些错误可能远程导致了这种失败。
In like manner, when a person disables himself, by conduct purely self-regarding, from the performance of some definite duty incumbent on him to the public, he is guilty of a social offence.
同样，当一个人纯粹出于自利的行为而无法履行他对公众所负有的某种明确职责时，他就犯了社会犯罪。
No person ought to be punished simply for being drunk; but a soldier or a policeman should be punished for being drunk on duty.
任何人都不应该仅仅因为喝醉而受到惩罚；但士兵或警察在执勤时醉酒应该受到惩罚。
Whenever, in short, there is a definite damage, or a definite risk of damage, either to an individual or to the public, the case is taken out of the province of liberty, and placed in that of morality or law.
简而言之，每当对个人或公众造成明确的损害或存在明确的损害风险时，该案件就会脱离自由的范畴，而被置于道德或法律的范畴内。
But with regard to the merely contingent, or, as it may be called, constructive injury which a person causes to society, by conduct which neither violates any specific duty to the public, nor occasions perceptible hurt to any assignable individual except himself; the inconvenience is one which society can afford to bear, for the sake of the greater good of human freedom.
但是，对于一个人因既不违反对公众的任何特定义务，也不对除他本人之外的任何可转让个人造成明显伤害的行为而对社会造成的纯粹偶然的损害，或者可以称为推定损害；为了人类自由的更大利益，社会可以承受这种不便。
If grown persons are to be punished for not taking proper care of themselves, I would rather it were for their own sake, than under pretence of preventing them from impairing their capacity of rendering to society benefits which society does not pretend it has a right to exact.
如果成年人因没有适当照顾自己而受到惩罚，我宁愿这是为了他们自己，而不是借口阻止他们损害他们为社会提供福利的能力，而社会并不假装自己有权索取这些福利。
But I cannot consent to argue the point as if society had no means of bringing its weaker members up to its ordinary standard of rational conduct, except waiting till they do something irrational, and then punishing them, legally or morally, for it.
但我不能同意这样的观点，就好像社会没有办法让较弱的成员达到其理性行为的普通标准，除非等到他们做出非理性的事情，然后在法律上或道德上惩罚他们。
Society has had absolute power over them during all the early portion of their existence: it has had the whole period of childhood and nonage in which to try whether it could make them capable of rational conduct in life.
在他们存在的早期阶段，社会对他们拥有绝对的权力：社会在他们的整个童年和未成年时期都在尝试是否能让他们在生活中做出理性的行为。
The existing generation is master both of the training and the entire circumstances of the generation to come; it cannot indeed make them perfectly wise and good, because it is itself so lamentably deficient in goodness and wisdom; and its best efforts are not always, in individual cases, its most successful ones; but it is perfectly well able to make the rising generation, as a whole, as good as, and a little better than, itself.
当代人既掌握了下一代的训练，又掌握了整个环境；它确实不能使他们完全明智和善良，因为它本身在善良和智慧方面有如此可悲的缺陷。在个别情况下，它的最大努力并不总是最成功的；但它完全能够使正在崛起的一代作为一个整体，与自己一样优秀，甚至比自己更好一些。
If society lets any considerable number of its members grow up mere children, incapable of being acted on by rational consideration of distant motives, society has itself to blame for the consequences.
如果社会让相当多的成员在成长过程中只是孩子，无法通过理性考虑遥远的动机来采取行动，那么社会就应该为后果负责。
Armed not only with all the powers of education, but with the ascendency which the authority of a received opinion always exercises over the minds who are least fitted to judge for themselves; and aided by the _natural_ penalties which cannot be prevented from falling on those who incur the distaste or the contempt of those who know them; let not society pretend that it needs, besides all this, the power to issue commands and enforce obedience in the personal concerns of individuals, in which, on all principles of justice and policy, the decision ought to rest with those who are to abide the consequences.
不仅拥有教育的所有力量，而且拥有公认观点的权威总是对最不适合自己判断的人施加的优势；并辅之以自然惩罚，这些惩罚不可避免地落在那些招致认识他们的人的厌恶或蔑视的人身上；不要让社会假装除此之外还需要有权力就个人的个人关切发出命令并强制服从，其中，根据所有正义和政策原则，决定权应由那些要承担后果的人做出。
Nor is there anything which tends more to discredit and frustrate the better means of influencing conduct, than a resort to the worse.
没有什么比采取更糟糕的手段更容易抹黑和挫败影响行为的更好手段了。
If there be among those whom it is attempted to coerce into prudence or temperance, any of the material of which vigorous and independent characters are made, they will infallibly rebel against the yoke.
如果有人试图强迫那些人变得谨慎或节制，而他们中的任何人都具有造就坚强和独立性格的材料，那么他们将毫无疑问地反抗枷锁。
No such person will ever feel that others have a right to control him in his concerns, such as they have to prevent him from injuring them in theirs; and it easily comes to be considered a mark of spirit and courage to fly in the face of such usurped authority, and do with ostentation the exact opposite of what it enjoins; as in the fashion of grossness which succeeded, in the time of Charles II., to the fanatical moral intolerance of the Puritans.
这样的人永远不会觉得别人有权利在他的事情上控制他，比如他们必须阻止他在他们的事情上伤害他们；面对这种篡夺的权威，并炫耀地做与它所要求的完全相反的事情，很容易被认为是精神和勇气的标志。正如查理二世时代的粗暴风潮，继而导致了清教徒狂热的道德不宽容。
With respect to what is said of the necessity of protecting society from the bad example set to others by the vicious or the self-indulgent; it is true that bad example may have a pernicious effect, especially the example of doing wrong to others with impunity to the wrong-doer.
关于保护社会免受邪恶或自我放纵者给他人树立坏榜样的必要性的说法；确实，坏榜样可能会产生有害影响，尤其是对他人做错事而肇事者却不受惩罚的例子。
But we are now speaking of conduct which, while it does no wrong to others, is supposed to do great harm to the agent himself: and I do not see how those who believe this, can think otherwise than that the example, on the whole, must be more salutary than hurtful, since, if it displays the misconduct, it displays also the painful or degrading consequences which, if the conduct is justly censured, must be supposed to be in all or most cases attendant on it.
但我们现在谈论的行为虽然对他人没有任何伤害，却应该对行为人本人造成极大伤害：我看不出那些相信这一点的人会怎么想，而不是认为这个例子总体上一定是有益的而不是有害的，因为，如果它表现出不当行为，它也会表现出痛苦或有辱人格的后果，如果该行为受到公正的谴责，那么在所有或大多数情况下，这些后果必定会伴随而来。
But the strongest of all the arguments against the interference of the public with purely personal conduct, is that when it does interfere, the odds are that it interferes wrongly, and in the wrong place.
但反对公众干涉纯粹个人行为的所有论据中最有力的论据是，当公众确实进行干涉时，很可能是在错误的地方进行了错误的干涉。
On questions of social morality, of duty to others, the opinion of the public, that is, of an overruling majority, though often wrong, is likely to be still oftener right; because on such questions they are only required to judge of their own interests; of the manner in which some mode of conduct, if allowed to be practised, would affect themselves.
在社会道德、对他人的责任问题上，公众的意见，即绝大多数的意见，虽然常常是错误的，但可能更经常是正确的。因为在这些问题上他们只需要根据自己的利益来判断；如果允许实施某种行为方式，将会以何种方式影响他们自己。
But the opinion of a similar majority, imposed as a law on the minority, on questions of self-regarding conduct, is quite as likely to be wrong as right; for in these cases public opinion means, at the best, some people's opinion of what is good or bad for other people; while very often it does not even mean that; the public, with the most perfect indifference, passing over the pleasure or convenience of those whose conduct they censure, and considering only their own preference.
但是，类似的多数人的意见，如果作为法律强加给少数人，在涉及利己行为的问题上，则很可能是错误的，也可能是正确的。因为在这些情况下，公众舆论最多意味着某些人对其他人有利或不利的看法；但很多时候它甚至并不意味着这个；公众以最完全的冷漠态度，忽略那些他们所谴责的行为的人的快乐或便利，而只考虑他们自己的偏好。
There are many who consider as an injury to themselves any conduct which they have a distaste for, and resent it as an outrage to their feelings; as a religious bigot, when charged with disregarding the religious feelings of others, has been known to retort that they disregard his feelings, by persisting in their abominable worship or creed.
许多人认为任何他们厌恶的行为都是对自己的伤害，并认为这是对他们感情的侮辱，因此感到愤恨。作为一个宗教偏执者，当被指控无视他人的宗教感情时，众所周知，他会反驳说，他们坚持其可憎的崇拜或信条，无视他的感情。
But there is no parity between the feeling of a person for his own opinion, and the feeling of another who is offended at his holding it; no more than between the desire of a thief to take a purse, and the desire of the right owner to keep it.
但是，一个人对自己的观点的感受与另一个人因自己的观点而受到冒犯的感受是不一样的。只不过是小偷想要拿走钱包的愿望与权利所有者保留钱包的愿望之间的关系。
And a person's taste is as much his own peculiar concern as his opinion or his purse.
一个人的品味就像他的观点或他的钱包一样，是他自己独特的关注点。
It is easy for any one to imagine an ideal public, which leaves the freedom and choice of individuals in all uncertain matters undisturbed, and only requires them to abstain from modes of conduct which universal experience has condemned.
任何人都很容易想象一个理想的公共，它让个人在所有不确定的事情上的自由和选择不受干扰，只要求他们放弃普遍经验所谴责的行为方式。
But where has there been seen a public which set any such limit to its censorship?
但哪里见过公众对其审查制度设置这样的限制呢？
or when does the public trouble itself about universal experience?
或者公众何时会为普遍经验而烦恼？
In its interferences with personal conduct it is seldom thinking of anything but the enormity of acting or feeling differently from itself; and this standard of judgment, thinly disguised, is held up to mankind as the dictate of religion and philosophy, by nine-tenths of all moralists and speculative writers.
在干扰个人行为时，它很少考虑任何事情，只考虑与自身不同的行为或感受的严重性；十分之九的道德家和思辨作家都将这种毫不掩饰的判断标准视为宗教和哲学的指令。
These teach that things are right because they are right; because we feel them to be so.
这些教导说，事物之所以正确，是因为它们是正确的；因为我们觉得他们就是这样。
They tell us to search in our own minds and hearts for laws of conduct binding on ourselves and on all others.
它们告诉我们要在自己的思想和内心中寻找对我们自己和所有人都有约束力的行为法则。
What can the poor public do but apply these instructions, and make their own personal feelings of good and evil, if they are tolerably unanimous in them, obligatory on all the world?
可怜的公众除了应用这些指示，并让他们自己对善恶的个人感受（如果他们在这些指示上还算一致的话）对全世界都具有义务之外，还能做什么呢？
The evil here pointed out is not one which exists only in theory; and it may perhaps be expected that I should specify the instances in which the public of this age and country improperly invests its own preferences with the character of moral laws.
这里所指出的弊端并不是只存在于理论上的，而是存在于理论上的。也许我应该具体说明这个时代和这个国家的公众不恰当地将自己的偏好与道德法则的特征结合起来的例子。
I am not writing an essay on the aberrations of existing moral feeling.
我并不是在写一篇关于现有道德情感失常的文章。
That is too weighty a subject to be discussed parenthetically, and by way of illustration.
这是一个太重要的主题，无法通过插入和说明的方式进行讨论。
Yet examples are necessary, to show that the principle I maintain is of serious and practical moment, and that I am not endeavouring to erect a barrier against imaginary evils.
然而，例子是必要的，以表明我所坚持的原则是严肃而实际的，并且我并不是在努力建立一道屏障来抵御想象中的邪恶。
And it is not difficult to show, by abundant instances, that to extend the bounds of what may be called moral police, until it encroaches on the most unquestionably legitimate liberty of the individual, is one of the most universal of all human propensities.
不难通过大量实例表明，扩大所谓道德警察的范围，直到它侵犯个人最无可置疑的合法自由，是所有人类最普遍的倾向之一。
As a first instance, consider the antipathies which men cherish on no better grounds than that persons whose religious opinions are different from theirs, do not practise their religious observances, especially their religious abstinences.
首先，考虑一下人们所怀有的反感，其理由无非是那些宗教观点与自己不同的人不实行宗教仪式，特别是不实行宗教禁欲。
To cite a rather trivial example, nothing in the creed or practice of Christians does more to envenom the hatred of Mahomedans against them, than the fact of their eating pork.
举一个相当微不足道的例子，在基督徒的信条或实践中，没有什么比穆斯林吃猪肉这一事实更能加深穆斯林对他们的仇恨了。
There are few acts which Christians and Europeans regard with more unaffected disgust, than Mussulmans regard this particular mode of satisfying hunger.
基督徒和欧洲人对这种满足饥饿的特殊方式的看法，很少有比穆斯林更不加掩饰的厌恶的了。
It is, in the first place, an offence against their religion; but this circumstance by no means explains either the degree or the kind of their repugnance; for wine also is forbidden by their religion, and to partake of it is by all Mussulmans accounted wrong, but not disgusting.
首先，这是对他们宗教信仰的冒犯；但这种情况并不能解释他们的反感程度或种类。因为他们的宗教也禁止饮酒，所有穆斯林人都认为饮酒是错误的，但并不令人厌恶。
Their aversion to the flesh of the "unclean beast" is, on the contrary, of that peculiar character, resembling an instinctive antipathy, which the idea of uncleanness, when once it thoroughly sinks into the feelings, seems always to excite even in those whose personal habits are anything but scrupulously cleanly, and of which the sentiment of religious impurity, so intense in the Hindoos, is a remarkable example.
相反，他们对“不洁净的野兽”的肉体的厌恶具有一种特殊的性质，类似于一种本能的反感，当不洁净的想法彻底深入感情时，即使在那些个人习惯一点也不干净的人身上，似乎总是会激发这种反感，而印度人对宗教不洁的情感如此强烈，就是一个显着的例子。
Suppose now that in a people, of whom the majority were Mussulmans, that majority should insist upon not permitting pork to be eaten within the limits of the country.
现在假设在一个大多数是穆斯林的民族中，大多数人应该坚持不允许在该国境内食用猪肉。
This would be nothing new in Mahomedan countries.[14] Would it be a legitimate exercise of the moral authority of public opinion?
这对于伊斯兰教国家来说并不是什么新鲜事。[14]这是舆论道德权威的合法行使吗？
and if not, why not?
如果没有，为什么不呢？
The practice is really revolting to such a public.
这种做法确实令这样的公众感到反感。
They also sincerely think that it is forbidden and abhorred by the Deity.
他们也真诚地认为这是神所禁止和憎恶的。
Neither could the prohibition be censured as religious persecution.
这项禁令也不能被指责为宗教迫害。
It might be religious in its origin, but it would not be persecution for religion, since nobody's religion makes it a duty to eat pork.
它的起源可能是宗教性的，但这不会是对宗教的迫害，因为没有人的宗教信仰规定吃猪肉是一种义务。
The only tenable ground of condemnation would be, that with the personal tastes and self-regarding concerns of individuals the public has no business to interfere.
唯一站得住脚的谴责理由是，公众无权干涉个人的个人品味和自利问题。
To come somewhat nearer home: the majority of Spaniards consider it a gross impiety, offensive in the highest degree to the Supreme Being, to worship him in any other manner than the Roman Catholic; and no other public worship is lawful on Spanish soil.
言归正传：大多数西班牙人认为，以罗马天主教之外的任何其他方式崇拜至高无上者，都是一种严重的不敬行为，是对至高无上者的最高程度的冒犯。在西班牙领土上，任何其他公共礼拜都是合法的。
The people of all Southern Europe look upon a married clergy as not only irreligious, but unchaste, indecent, gross, disgusting.
整个南欧人民都认为已婚神职人员不仅不虔诚，而且不贞洁、不雅、粗俗、令人厌恶。
What do Protestants think of these perfectly sincere feelings, and of the attempt to enforce them against non-Catholics?
新教徒如何看待这些完全真诚的感情，以及对非天主教徒强加这些感情的企图？
Yet, if mankind are justified in interfering with each other's liberty in things which do not concern the interests of others, on what principle is it possible consistently to exclude these cases?
然而，如果人类在不涉及他人利益的事情上干涉彼此的自由是正当的，那么根据什么原则可以一致地排除这些情况呢？
or who can blame people for desiring to suppress what they regard as a scandal in the sight of God and man?
或者谁能责怪人们想要压制他们认为在上帝和人类看来是丑闻的事情呢？
No stronger case can be shown for prohibiting anything which is regarded as a personal immorality, than is made out for suppressing these practices in the eyes of those who regard them as impieties; and unless we are willing to adopt the logic of persecutors, and to say that we may persecute others because we are right, and that they must not persecute us because they are wrong, we must beware of admitting a principle of which we should resent as a gross injustice the application to ourselves.
禁止任何被视为个人不道德行为的行为，没有比在那些认为这些行为不虔诚的人眼中压制这些行为更强有力的理由了。除非我们愿意采用迫害者的逻辑，并说我们可以迫害别人，因为我们是对的，而他们不能迫害我们，因为他们是错的，否则我们必须警惕承认一项原则，如果我们将其应用于我们自己，我们会感到愤怒，认为这是一种严重的不公正。
The preceding instances may be objected to, although unreasonably, as drawn from contingencies impossible among us: opinion, in this country, not being likely to enforce abstinence from meats, or to interfere with people for worshipping, and for either marrying or not marrying, according to their creed or inclination.
前面的例子可能会受到反对，尽管不合理，因为我们不可能发生意外事件：在这个国家，舆论不太可能强制禁食肉，或干涉人们的崇拜，以及根据他们的信条或倾向结婚或不结婚。
The next example, however, shall be taken from an interference with liberty which we have by no means passed all danger of.
然而，下一个例子将取自对自由的干涉，而我们并没有排除所有危险。
Wherever the Puritans have been sufficiently powerful, as in New England, and in Great Britain at the time of the Commonwealth, they have endeavoured, with considerable success, to put down all public, and nearly all private, amusements: especially music, dancing, public games, or other assemblages for purposes of diversion, and the theatre.
在清教徒势力足够强大的地方，例如在新英格兰和英联邦时期的英国，他们都竭尽全力取缔所有公共和几乎所有私人娱乐活动：特别是音乐、舞蹈、公共游戏或其他以消遣为目的的集会和戏剧，并取得了相当大的成功。
There are still in this country large bodies of persons by whose notions of morality and religion these recreations are condemned; and those persons belonging chiefly to the middle class, who are the ascendant power in the present social and political condition of the kingdom, it is by no means impossible that persons of these sentiments may at some time or other command a majority in Parliament.
在这个国家，仍然有很多人的道德和宗教观念谴责这些娱乐活动。那些主要属于中产阶级的人，在王国目前的社会和政治状况中处于上升的权力，具有这些观点的人在某个时候或其他时候在议会中获得多数席位绝不是不可能的。
How will the remaining portion of the community like to have the amusements that shall be permitted to them regulated by the religious and moral sentiments of the stricter Calvinists and Methodists?
社会的其余部分会如何希望他们所允许的娱乐活动受到更严格的加尔文主义者和卫理公会的宗教和道德情感的约束？
Would they not, with considerable peremptoriness, desire these intrusively pious members of society to mind their own business?
难道他们不会以相当专横的态度要求这些过分虔诚的社会成员管好自己的事吗？
This is precisely what should be said to every government and every public, who have the pretension that no person shall enjoy any pleasure which they think wrong.
这正是应该对每个政府和每个公众说的话，他们声称任何人都不得享受他们认为错误的快乐。
But if the principle of the pretension be admitted, no one can reasonably object to its being acted on in the sense of the majority, or other preponderating power in the country; and all persons must be ready to conform to the idea of a Christian commonwealth, as understood by the early settlers in New England, if a religious profession similar to theirs should ever succeed in regaining its lost ground, as religions supposed to be declining have so often been known to do.
但是，如果承认主张原则，那么任何人都不能合理地反对以多数派或国家中其他占主导地位的力量的意义上采取行动；如果像新英格兰早期定居者所理解的那样，如果与他们类似的宗教职业能够成功地收复失地，那么所有人都必须准备好遵守基督教联邦的理念，正如人们所知道的那些被认为正在衰落的宗教经常所做的那样。
To imagine another contingency, perhaps more likely to be realised than the one last mentioned.
想象另一种意外情况，也许比最后提到的更有可能实现。
There is confessedly a strong tendency in the modern world towards a democratic constitution of society, accompanied or not by popular political institutions.
无可否认，现代世界存在着一种强烈的社会民主倾向，无论是否存在大众政治机构。
It is affirmed that in the country where this tendency is most completely realised--where both society and the government are most democratic--the United States--the feeling of the majority, to whom any appearance of a more showy or costly style of living than they can hope to rival is disagreeable, operates as a tolerably effectual sumptuary law, and that in many parts of the Union it is really difficult for a person possessing a very large income, to find any mode of spending it, which will not incur popular disapprobation.
可以肯定的是，在这种趋势最彻底地实现的国家——社会和政府都是最民主的——美国——大多数人的感觉是，任何比他们希望能够匹敌的更炫耀或更昂贵的生活方式都是令人不快的，这是一项相当有效的奢侈法，在联邦的许多地方，对于一个拥有大量收入的人来说，找到任何一种不会招致民众欢迎的消费方式确实很困难。不赞成。
Though such statements as these are doubtless much exaggerated as a representation of existing facts, the state of things they describe is not only a conceivable and possible, but a probable result of democratic feeling, combined with the notion that the public has a right to a veto on the manner in which individuals shall spend their incomes.
尽管这些陈述无疑被夸大为对现有事实的表述，但它们所描述的情况不仅是可以想象的和可能的，而且是民主感情的可能结果，与公众有权对个人支出方式拥有否决权的观念相结合。
We have only further to suppose a considerable diffusion of Socialist opinions, and it may become infamous in the eyes of the majority to possess more property than some very small amount, or any income not earned by manual labour.
我们只需进一步假设社会主义观点的广泛传播，在大多数人眼中，拥有比极少量的财产更多的财产或任何非体力劳动赚取的收入可能会变得臭名昭著。
Opinions similar in principle to these, already prevail widely among the artisan class, and weigh oppressively on those who are amenable to the opinion chiefly of that class, namely, its own members.
原则上与这些类似的观点已经在工匠阶级中广泛流行，并且对那些主要服从该阶级观点的人（即该阶级自己的成员）产生了沉重的压力。
It is known that the bad workmen who form the majority of the operatives in many branches of industry, are decidedly of opinion that bad workmen ought to receive the same wages as good, and that no one ought to be allowed, through piecework or otherwise, to earn by superior skill or industry more than others can without it.
众所周知，在许多工业部门中，坏工人占了工人的大多数，他们坚决认为，坏工人应该得到与好工人相同的工资，并且不应该允许任何人通过计件工作或其他方式，通过高超的技能或勤奋获得比其他人没有它的收入更多的收入。
And they employ a moral police, which occasionally becomes a physical one, to deter skilful workmen from receiving, and employers from giving, a larger remuneration for a more useful service.
他们还雇佣了道德警察（有时会变成实体警察）来阻止熟练工人为更有用的服务提供更高的报酬，也阻止雇主为更有用的服务提供更高的报酬。
If the public have any jurisdiction over private concerns, I cannot see that these people are in fault, or that any individual's particular public can be blamed for asserting the same authority over his individual conduct, which the general public asserts over people in general.
如果公众对私人问题有任何管辖权，我看不出这些人有错，或者任何个人的特定公众都可以因为对他的个人行为主张与公众对一般人主张的同样的权威而受到指责。
But, without dwelling upon supposititious cases, there are, in our own day, gross usurpations upon the liberty of private life actually practised, and still greater ones threatened with some expectation of success, and opinions proposed which assert an unlimited right in the public not only to prohibit by law everything which it thinks wrong, but in order to get at what it thinks wrong, to prohibit any number of things which it admits to be innocent.
但是，不说具体的假设案例，在我们这个时代，确实存在着对私人生活自由的严重侵犯，而且还有更大的侵犯，威胁着成功的预期，并且提出了主张公众拥有无限权利的意见，不仅可以用法律禁止一切他们认为错误的事情，而且为了制止他们认为错误的事情，禁止许多他们承认无辜的事情。
Under the name of preventing intemperance, the people of one English colony, and of nearly half the United States, have been interdicted by law from making any use whatever of fermented drinks, except for medical purposes: for prohibition of their sale is in fact, as it is intended to be, prohibition of their use.
在防止酗酒的名义下，一个英国殖民地和近一半美国的人民都被法律禁止使用发酵饮料，除非用于医疗目的：因为禁止销售实际上就是禁止使用发酵饮料。
And though the impracticability of executing the law has caused its repeal in several of the States which had adopted it, including the one from which it derives its name, an attempt has notwithstanding been commenced, and is prosecuted with considerable zeal by many of the professed philanthropists, to agitate for a similar law in this country.
尽管该法律的执行不切实际，导致该法律在几个已通过该法律的州（包括其名称来源州）被废除，但许多自称慈善家的人仍然开始尝试在该国推行类似的法律，并以相当大的热情进行起诉。
The association, or "Alliance" as it terms itself, which has been formed for this purpose, has acquired some notoriety through the publicity given to a correspondence between its Secretary and one of the very few English public men who hold that a politician's opinions ought to be founded on principles.
该协会，或称其为“联盟”，是为此目的而成立的，由于其秘书与极少数认为政治家的意见应建立在原则之上的英国公众人物之一之间的通信而受到公众的关注，从而获得了一些恶名。
Lord Stanley's share in this correspondence is calculated to strengthen the hopes already built on him, by those who know how rare such qualities as are manifested in some of his public appearances, unhappily are among those who figure in political life.
斯坦利勋爵写这封信的目的是为了加强人们对他已经建立的希望，因为那些人知道，他在一些公开露面中所表现出的这种品质在政治生活中的人物中是多么罕见。
The organ of the Alliance, who would "deeply deplore the recognition of any principle which could be wrested to justify bigotry and persecution," undertakes to point out the "broad and impassable barrier" which divides such principles from those of the association.
该联盟的机构“对任何可能被强行强行为偏执和迫害辩护的原则的承认深表遗憾”，并承诺指出这些原则与该协会的原则之间存在“广泛且不可逾越的障碍”。
"All matters relating to thought, opinion, conscience, appear to me," he says, "to be without the sphere of legislation; all pertaining to social act, habit, relation, subject only to a discretionary power vested in the State itself, and not in the individual, to be within it." No mention is made of a third class, different from either of these, viz.
他说：“在我看来，所有与思想、意见、良心有关的问题都不在立法范围内；所有与社会行为、习惯、关系有关的问题，只受国家本身授予的自由裁量权的约束，而不是个人的自由裁量权。”没有提到与其中任何一个不同的第三类，即。
acts and habits which are not social, but individual; although it is to this class, surely, that the act of drinking fermented liquors belongs.
非社会性而是个人性的行为和习惯；尽管饮用发酵酒的行为确实属于这一类。
Selling fermented liquors, however, is trading, and trading is a social act.
然而，销售发酵酒是一种交易，而交易是一种社会行为。
But the infringement complained of is not on the liberty of the seller, but on that of the buyer and consumer; since the State might just as well forbid him to drink wine, as purposely make it impossible for him to obtain it.
但被投诉的侵权行为并非针对卖方的自由，而是针对买方和消费者的自由；因为国家可能会禁止他喝酒，也可能会故意让他无法获得葡萄酒。
The Secretary, however, says, "I claim, as a citizen, a right to legislate whenever my social rights are invaded by the social act of another." And now for the definition of these "social rights." "If anything invades my social rights, certainly the traffic in strong drink does.
然而，国务卿表示，“作为一名公民，当我的社会权利受到他人的社会行为侵犯时，我主张有权立法。”现在来定义这些“社会权利”。 “如果说有什么侵犯了我的社会权利，那么烈性酒的贩运肯定会侵犯。
It destroys my primary right of security, by constantly creating and stimulating social disorder.
它不断制造和刺激社会混乱，从而破坏了我的基本安全权。
It invades my right of equality, by deriving a profit from the creation of a misery, I am taxed to support.
它侵犯了我的平等权利，通过制造痛苦来获取利润，我需要纳税来支持。
It impedes my right to free moral and intellectual development, by surrounding my path with dangers, and by weakening and demoralising society, from which I have a right to claim mutual aid and intercourse." A theory of "social rights," the like of which probably never before found its way into distinct language--being nothing short of this--that it is the absolute social right of every individual, that every other individual shall act in every respect exactly as he ought; that whosoever fails thereof in the smallest particular, violates my social right, and entitles me to demand from the legislature the removal of the grievance.
它阻碍了我自由道德和智力发展的权利，让我的道路充满了危险，削弱了社会的士气，使我有权要求互助和交往的社会。”一种“社会权利”理论，类似的理论可能以前从未出现在明确的语言中——正是如此——它是每个人的绝对社会权利，每个其他人都应在各个方面完全按照他应该的方式行事；任何人在最微小的细节上未能做到这一点，就侵犯了我的社会权利，并使我有权要求立法机关消除不满。
So monstrous a principle is far more dangerous than any single interference with liberty; there is no violation of liberty which it would not justify; it acknowledges no right to any freedom whatever, except perhaps to that of holding opinions in secret, without ever disclosing them: for the moment an opinion which I consider noxious, passes any one's lips, it invades all the "social rights" attributed to me by the Alliance.
如此可怕的原则比任何对自由的单一干涉都要危险得多。没有任何侵犯自由的行为是不正当的；它不承认任何自由的权利，除了秘密持有观点而不公开它们的权利：目前我认为有害的观点一旦通过任何人的嘴，它就侵犯了联盟赋予我的所有“社会权利”。
The doctrine ascribes to all mankind a vested interest in each other's moral, intellectual, and even physical perfection, to be defined by each claimant according to his own standard.
该学说认为，全人类都对彼此的道德、智力甚至身体完美享有既得利益，并由每个主张者根据自己的标准来定义。
Another important example of illegitimate interference with the rightful liberty of the individual, not simply threatened, but long since carried into triumphant effect, is Sabbatarian legislation.
非法干涉个人合法自由的另一个重要例子是安息日立法，它不仅受到威胁，而且早已取得胜利。
Without doubt, abstinence on one day in the week, so far as the exigencies of life permit, from the usual daily occupation, though in no respect religiously binding on any except Jews, is a highly beneficial custom.
毫无疑问，在生活紧急情况允许的情况下，一周中的某一天禁戒日常事务，尽管在任何方面对除犹太人之外的任何人都没有宗教约束力，但却是一种非常有益的习俗。
And inasmuch as this custom cannot be observed without a general consent to that effect among the industrious classes, therefore, in so far as some persons by working may impose the same necessity on others, it may be allowable and right that the law should guarantee to each, the observance by others of the custom, by suspending the greater operations of industry on a particular day.
由于这种习俗必须得到勤劳阶级的普遍同意才能遵守，因此，只要某些人通过工作可能将同样的必要性强加于其他人，那么法律应该通过在某一天暂停更大规模的工业活动来保证每个人遵守这一习俗，这可能是允许的，也是正确的。
But this justification, grounded on the direct interest which others have in each individual's observance of the practice, does not apply to the self-chosen occupations in which a person may think fit to employ his leisure; nor does it hold good, in the smallest degree, for legal restrictions on amusements.
但是，这种理由是基于其他人对每个人遵守惯例的直接兴趣，并不适用于一个人可能认为适合利用闲暇的自我选择的职业；在最小程度上，它也不适用于对娱乐的法律限制。
It is true that the amusement of some is the day's work of others; but the pleasure, not to say the useful recreation, of many, is worth the labour of a few, provided the occupation is freely chosen, and can be freely resigned.
确实，一些人的娱乐是另一些人一天的工作；但是，如果职业是自由选择的，并且可以自由辞职的话，许多人的快乐，更不用说有用的娱乐，值得少数人的劳动。
The operatives are perfectly right in thinking that if all worked on Sunday, seven days' work would have to be given for six days' wages: but so long as the great mass of employments are suspended, the small number who for the enjoyment of others must still work, obtain a proportional increase of earnings; and they are not obliged to follow those occupations, if they prefer leisure to emolument.
工人们的想法是完全正确的，如果所有人都在周日工作，那么七天的工作就必须换取六天的工资：但是，只要大量的就业被暂停，少数为了他人的享受而必须继续工作的人，就会获得按比例增加的收入；如果他们更喜欢闲暇而不是报酬，他们就没有义务从事这些职业。
If a further remedy is sought, it might be found in the establishment by custom of a holiday on some other day of the week for those particular classes of persons.
如果寻求进一步的补救措施，可以通过按照惯例为这些特定类别的人在一周中的其他日子设立假期来找到。
The only ground, therefore, on which restrictions on Sunday amusements can be defended, must be that they are religiously wrong; a motive of legislation which never can be too earnestly protested against.
因此，可以为周日娱乐活动的限制辩护的唯一理由是，这些限制在宗教上是错误的。立法的动机永远不会受到太强烈的反对。
"Deorum injuriæ Diis curæ." It remains to be proved that society or any of its officers holds a commission from on high to avenge any supposed offence to Omnipotence, which is not also a wrong to our fellow-creatures.
“Deorum injuriæ Diis curæ”。仍有待证明的是，社会或其任何官员都接受了来自高层的委托，以报复任何所谓的冒犯全能者的行为，这对我们的同胞来说并不是一种错误。
The notion that it is one man's duty that another should be religious, was the foundation of all the religious persecutions ever perpetrated, and if admitted, would fully justify them.
一个人有责任要求另一个人信教，这一观念是所有宗教迫害的基础，如果得到承认，就会完全证明这些迫害是正当的。
Though the feeling which breaks out in the repeated attempts to stop railway travelling on Sunday, in the resistance to the opening of Museums, and the like, has not the cruelty of the old persecutors, the state of mind indicated by it is fundamentally the same.
周日一再阻止铁路通行、抵制博物馆开放等活动所爆发的情感，虽然没有旧迫害者的残酷，但所表现出的心境基本是一样的。
It is a determination not to tolerate others in doing what is permitted by their religion, because it is not permitted by the persecutor's religion.
这是决心不容忍他人做其宗教所允许的事情，因为迫害者的宗教不允许这样做。
It is a belief that God not only abominates the act of the misbeliever, but will not hold us guiltless if we leave him unmolested.
人们相信，上帝不仅憎恶异教徒的行为，而且如果我们不打扰他，上帝也不会认为我们无罪。
I cannot refrain from adding to these examples of the little account commonly made of human liberty, the language of downright persecution which breaks out from the press of this country, whenever it feels called on to notice the remarkable phenomenon of Mormonism.
在这些例子中，我忍不住要补充一些关于人类自由的普遍报道，每当这个国家的媒体感到有必要注意到摩门教的非凡现象时，就会爆发出彻头彻尾的迫害语言。
Much might be said on the unexpected and instructive fact, that an alleged new revelation, and a religion founded on it, the product of palpable imposture, not even supported by the _prestige_ of extraordinary qualities in its founder, is believed by hundreds of thousands, and has been made the foundation of a society, in the age of newspapers, railways, and the electric telegraph.
关于这个意想不到的、有启发性的事实，可以说很多话，即一种所谓的新启示，以及一种建立在它之上的宗教，一种明显的欺骗的产物，甚至没有得到其创始人非凡品质的“威望”的支持，却被数十万人所相信，并已成为报纸、铁路和电报时代社会的基础。
What here concerns us is, that this religion, like other and better religions, has its martyrs; that its prophet and founder was, for his teaching, put to death by a mob; that others of its adherents lost their lives by the same lawless violence; that they were forcibly expelled, in a body, from the country in which they first grew up; while, now that they have been chased into a solitary recess in the midst of a desert, many in this country openly declare that it would be right (only that it is not convenient) to send an expedition against them, and compel them by force to conform to the opinions of other people.
我们关心的是，这个宗教和其他更好的宗教一样，也有它的殉道者。它的先知和创始人因其教导而被暴徒处死；其他其追随者也因同样的无法无天的暴力而丧生；他们被强行从他们最初长大的国家驱逐出来；而现在，他们已经被赶到了沙漠中的一个僻静的地方，这个国家的许多人公开宣称，派遣一支远征军来对付他们是正确的（只是不方便），并用武力迫使他们遵守其他人的意见。
The article of the Mormonite doctrine which is the chief provocative to the antipathy which thus breaks through the ordinary restraints of religious tolerance, is its sanction of polygamy; which, though permitted to Mahomedans, and Hindoos, and Chinese, seems to excite unquenchable animosity when practised by persons who speak English, and profess to be a kind of Christians.
摩门教教义的主要挑衅性条款是它对一夫多妻制的认可，从而突破了宗教宽容的一般限制。尽管伊斯兰教徒、印度教徒和中国人允许这样做，但当讲英语并自称是基督徒的人这样做时，似乎会激起难以抑制的敌意。
No one has a deeper disapprobation than I have of this Mormon institution; both for other reasons, and because, far from being in any way countenanced by the principle of liberty, it is a direct infraction of that principle, being a mere riveting of the chains of one half of the community, and an emancipation of the other from reciprocity of obligation towards them.
没有人比我更不赞成这个摩门教机构。一方面是出于其他原因，另一方面是因为它根本没有以任何方式得到自由原则的支持，而是直接违反了该原则，仅仅是将社会的一半的锁链铆在一起，并将另一半从对他们的相互义务中解放出来。
Still, it must be remembered that this relation is as much voluntary on the part of the women concerned in it, and who may be deemed the sufferers by it, as is the case with any other form of the marriage institution; and however surprising this fact may appear, it has its explanation in the common ideas and customs of the world, which teaching women to think marriage the one thing needful, make it intelligible that many a woman should prefer being one of several wives, to not being a wife at all.
不过，必须记住，这种关系对于涉及其中的妇女来说是自愿的，她们可能被视为受害者，就像任何其他形式的婚姻制度一样；无论这个事实看起来多么令人惊讶，它都可以从世界上的普遍观念和习俗中得到解释，这些观念和习俗教导妇女认为婚姻是唯一必要的事情，使许多妇女更愿意成为几个妻子之一，而不是根本不做妻子，这是可以理解的。
Other countries are not asked to recognise such unions, or release any portion of their inhabitants from their own laws on the score of Mormonite opinions.
其他国家没有被要求承认这样的联盟，或者根据摩门教徒的意见将其居民的任何部分从自己的法律中释放出来。
But when the dissentients have conceded to the hostile sentiments of others, far more than could justly be demanded; when they have left the countries to which their doctrines were unacceptable, and established themselves in a remote corner of the earth, which they have been the first to render habitable to human beings; it is difficult to see on what principles but those of tyranny they can be prevented from living there under what laws they please, provided they commit no aggression on other nations, and allow perfect freedom of departure to those who are dissatisfied with their ways.
但是，当持不同政见者向其他人的敌对情绪让步时，他们的要求就远远超出了合理的要求。当他们离开那些他们的教义不被接受的国家，并在地球的一个偏远角落定居下来时，他们是第一个使人类能够居住的地方；很难看出，除了暴政之外，还有什么原则可以阻止他们根据他们喜欢的法律生活在那里，只要他们不对其他国家进行侵略，并允许那些对他们的方式不满意的人完全自由地离开。
A recent writer, in some respects of considerable merit, proposes (to use his own words), not a crusade, but a _civilizade_, against this polygamous community, to put an end to what seems to him a retrograde step in civilisation.
最近的一位作家在某些方面颇有建树，他提出（用他自己的话说），不是一场十字军东征，而是一场反对这个一夫多妻制社会的文明运动，以结束在他看来是文明倒退的一步。
It also appears so to me, but I am not aware that any community has a right to force another to be civilised.
在我看来也是如此，但我不知道任何社区都有权强迫另一个社区变得文明。
So long as the sufferers by the bad law do not invoke assistance from other communities, I cannot admit that persons entirely unconnected with them ought to step in and require that a condition of things with which all who are directly interested appear to be satisfied, should be put an end to because it is a scandal to persons some thousands of miles distant, who have no part or concern in it.
只要恶劣法律的受害者不寻求其他社区的援助，我就不能承认与他们完全无关的人应该介入并要求结束所有直接感兴趣的人似乎都满意的事情，因为这对于相距数千英里之外的人来说是一个丑闻，他们与其中没有参与或关系。
Let them send missionaries, if they please, to preach against it; and let them, by any fair means (of which silencing the teachers is not one), oppose the progress of similar doctrines among their own people.
如果他们愿意的话，就可以派传教士去宣扬反对它；让他们通过任何公平的手段（其中不包括压制教师）来反对类似教义在自己的人民中传播。
If civilisation has got the better of barbarism when barbarism had the world to itself, it is too much to profess to be afraid lest barbarism, after having been fairly got under, should revive and conquer civilisation.
如果当野蛮独占世界时，文明就战胜了野蛮，那么就不能声称害怕野蛮在被公平地压制后会复兴并征服文明。
A civilisation that can thus succumb to its vanquished enemy, must first have become so degenerate, that neither its appointed priests and teachers, nor anybody else, has the capacity, or will take the trouble, to stand up for it.
一个文明如果能够向其被征服的敌人屈服，那么它首先必须变得如此堕落，以至于它指定的牧师和教师，以及其他任何人都没有能力，也不会不辞辛劳地支持它。
If this be so, the sooner such a civilisation receives notice to quit, the better.
如果是这样的话，这样的文明越早收到退出通知越好。
It can only go on from bad to worse, until destroyed and regenerated (like the Western Empire) by energetic barbarians.
它只会变得越来越糟，直到被精力充沛的野蛮人摧毁和再生（就像西方帝国一样）。
FOOTNOTE:
脚注：
[14] The case of the Bombay Parsees is a curious instance in point.
[14] 孟买帕西人的例子就是一个奇怪的例子。
When this industrious and enterprising tribe, the descendants of the Persian fire-worshippers, flying from their native country before the Caliphs, arrived in Western India, they were admitted to toleration by the Hindoo sovereigns, on condition of not eating beef.
当这个勤劳进取的波斯火崇拜者的后裔在哈里发之前从自己的祖国飞到西印度时，他们得到了印度君主的宽容，条件是不吃牛肉。
When those regions afterwards fell under the dominion of Mahomedan conquerors, the Parsees obtained from them a continuance of indulgence, on condition of refraining from pork.
当这些地区后来落入伊斯兰教征服者的统治之下时，帕西人从他们那里获得了继续的放纵，条件是不吃猪肉。
What was at first obedience to authority became a second nature, and the Parsees to this day abstain both from beef and pork.
最初服从权威变成了第二天性，帕西人至今仍不吃牛肉和猪肉。
Though not required by their religion, the double abstinence has had time to grow into a custom of their tribe; and custom, in the East, is a religion.
尽管他们的宗教并不要求这种双重禁欲，但这种双重禁欲已经逐渐成为他们部落的一种习俗。而习俗，在东方，就是一种宗教。
CHAPTER V.
第五章
APPLICATIONS.
应用。
The principles asserted in these pages must be more generally admitted as the basis for discussion of details, before a consistent application of them to all the various departments of government and morals can be attempted with any prospect of advantage.
这些页面中所主张的原则必须被更广泛地承认为细节讨论的基础，然后才能尝试将它们一致地应用于政府和道德的所有各个部门并获得任何好处。
The few observations I propose to make on questions of detail, are designed to illustrate the principles, rather than to follow them out to their consequences.
我建议就细节问题提出的几点意见旨在说明原则，而不是遵循它们得出结果。
I offer, not so much applications, as specimens of application; which may serve to bring into greater clearness the meaning and limits of the two maxims which together form the entire doctrine of this Essay, and to assist the judgment in holding the balance between them, in the cases where it appears doubtful which of them is applicable to the case.
我提供的与其说是应用程序，不如说是应用程序的样本；这可能有助于使这两个格言的含义和限制更加清晰，这两个格言共同构成了本文的整个原则，并在对其中哪一个适用于案件存在疑问的情况下，有助于法官在它们之间保持平衡。
The maxims are, first, that the individual is not accountable to society for his actions, in so far as these concern the interests of no person but himself.
格言首先是，个人不对自己的行为向社会负责，因为这些行为只关系到他自己的利益。
Advice, instruction, persuasion, and avoidance by other people if thought necessary by them for their own good, are the only measures by which society can justifiably express its dislike or disapprobation of his conduct.
如果其他人认为为了自己的利益有必要，建议、指导、说服和回避，是社会可以合理地表达其对他的行为的厌恶或不赞成的唯一措施。
Secondly, that for such actions as are prejudicial to the interests of others, the individual is accountable and may be subjected either to social or to legal punishments, if society is of opinion that the one or the other is requisite for its protection.
其次，对于损害他人利益的行为，个人负有责任，如果社会认为其中之一是其保护所必需的，则个人可能会受到社会或法律的惩罚。
In the first place, it must by no means be supposed, because damage, or probability of damage, to the interests of others, can alone justify the interference of society, that therefore it always does justify such interference.
首先，决不能这样认为，因为对他人利益的损害或损害的可能性，只能证明社会干预是正当的，因此它总是证明这种干预是正当的。
In many cases, an individual, in pursuing a legitimate object, necessarily and therefore legitimately causes pain or loss to others, or intercepts a good which they had a reasonable hope of obtaining.
在许多情况下，一个人在追求合法目标时，必然并因此合法地给他人造成痛苦或损失，或者截获他们有合理希望获得的物品。
Such oppositions of interest between individuals often arise from bad social institutions, but are unavoidable while those institutions last; and some would be unavoidable under any institutions.
个人之间的这种利益对立常常源于不良的社会制度，但当这些制度存在时，这是不可避免的。有些是在任何机构下都不可避免的。
Whoever succeeds in an overcrowded profession, or in a competitive examination; whoever is preferred to another in any contest for an object which both desire, reaps benefit from the loss of others, from their wasted exertion and their disappointment.
任何人在人满为患的职业或竞争性考试中取得成功；在争夺双方都渴望的目标的任何竞争中，无论谁比另一个人更受青睐，都会从他人的损失、他们的无用努力和失望中获益。
But it is, by common admission, better for the general interest of mankind, that persons should pursue their objects undeterred by this sort of consequences.
但人们普遍承认，为了人类的普遍利益，人们应该不受此类后果的阻碍而追求自己的目标。
In other words, society admits no rights, either legal or moral, in the disappointed competitors, to immunity from this kind of suffering; and feels called on to interfere, only when means of success have been employed which it is contrary to the general interest to permit--namely, fraud or treachery, and force.
换句话说，社会不承认失望的竞争对手有权利免受这种痛苦，无论是法律上的还是道德上的。只有当使用了违背普遍利益所允许的成功手段（即欺诈或背叛以及武力）时，才会感到有必要进行干预。
Again, trade is a social act.
再次强调，贸易是一种社会行为。
Whoever undertakes to sell any description of goods to the public, does what affects the interest of other persons, and of society in general; and thus his conduct, in principle, comes within the jurisdiction of society: accordingly, it was once held to be the duty of governments, in all cases which were considered of importance, to fix prices, and regulate the processes of manufacture.
任何人承诺向公众出售任何种类的商品，其行为会影响他人和整个社会的利益；因此，原则上，他的行为属于社会的管辖范围：因此，在所有被认为重要的情况下，政府曾经被认为有责任确定价格和规范制造过程。
But it is now recognised, though not till after a long struggle, that both the cheapness and the good quality of commodities are most effectually provided for by leaving the producers and sellers perfectly free, under the sole check of equal freedom to the buyers for supplying themselves elsewhere.
但现在人们认识到，尽管要经过长期的斗争，商品的廉价和优质才能最有效地提供，即让生产者和销售者完全自由，而唯一的限制是购买者在其他地方供应自己的平等自由。
This is the so-called doctrine of Free Trade, which rests on grounds different from, though equally solid with, the principle of individual liberty asserted in this Essay.
这就是所谓的自由贸易学说，其基础与本文所主张的个人自由原则不同，但同样牢固。
Restrictions on trade, or on production for purposes of trade, are indeed restraints; and all restraint, _quâ_ restraint, is an evil: but the restraints in question affect only that part of conduct which society is competent to restrain, and are wrong solely because they do not really produce the results which it is desired to produce by them.
对贸易或以贸易为目的的生产的限制确实是限制；所有的限制，无论是限制，都是邪恶的：但所讨论的限制只影响社会有能力限制的那部分行为，并且是错误的，仅仅因为它们没有真正产生人们希望产生的结果。
As the principle of individual liberty is not involved in the doctrine of Free Trade, so neither is it in most of the questions which arise respecting the limits of that doctrine: as for example, what amount of public control is admissible for the prevention of fraud by adulteration; how far sanitary precautions, or arrangements to protect work-people employed in dangerous occupations, should be enforced on employers.
由于自由贸易原则不涉及个人自由原则，因此在尊重该原则的限制而产生的大多数问题中也不涉及个人自由原则：例如，为了防止掺假欺诈，可以接受多少公共控制？雇主应在多大程度上实施卫生预防措施或保护从事危险职业的工人的安排。
Such questions involve considerations of liberty, only in so far as leaving people to themselves is always better, _cæteris paribus_, than controlling them: but that they may be legitimately controlled for these ends, is in principle undeniable.
这些问题涉及到对自由的考虑，只是在条件相同的情况下，让人们自行其是总是比控制他们更好：但原则上不可否认的是，为了这些目的，他们可以受到合法的控制。
On the other hand, there are questions relating to interference with trade, which are essentially questions of liberty; such as the Maine Law, already touched upon; the prohibition of the importation of opium into China; the restriction of the sale of poisons; all cases, in short, where the object of the interference is to make it impossible or difficult to obtain a particular commodity.
另一方面，存在与贸易干扰有关的问题，本质上是自由问题；例如已经谈到的缅因州法；禁止鸦片进口到中国；限制毒药的销售；简而言之，干扰的目的是使获得某种特定商品变得不可能或困难。
These interferences are objectionable, not as infringements on the liberty of the producer or seller, but on that of the buyer.
这些干扰是令人反感的，不是对生产者或销售者自由的侵犯，而是对购买者自由的侵犯。
One of these examples, that of the sale of poisons, opens a new question; the proper limits of what may be called the functions of police; how far liberty may legitimately be invaded for the prevention of crime, or of accident.
其中一个例子，即毒药的销售，提出了一个新问题；对所谓警察职能的适当限制；为了预防犯罪或事故，自由可以在多大程度上被合法地侵犯。
It is one of the undisputed functions of government to take precautions against crime before it has been committed, as well as to detect and punish it afterwards.
在犯罪发生之前采取预防措施，并在犯罪发生之后发现并惩罚犯罪，这是政府无可争议的职能之一。
The preventive function of government, however, is far more liable to be abused, to the prejudice of liberty, than the punitory function; for there is hardly any part of the legitimate freedom of action of a human being which would not admit of being represented, and fairly too, as increasing the facilities for some form or other of delinquency.
然而，政府的预防职能比惩罚职能更容易被滥用，从而损害自由。因为人类的合法行动自由几乎没有任何一部分不被代表，而且公平地说，增加了某种形式的犯罪的便利性。
Nevertheless, if a public authority, or even a private person, sees any one evidently preparing to commit a crime, they are not bound to look on inactive until the crime is committed, but may interfere to prevent it.
然而，如果公共当局，甚至私人，看到任何人明显准备犯罪，他们不一定会在犯罪发生之前袖手旁观，但可能会进行干预以防止犯罪。
If poisons were never bought or used for any purpose except the commission of murder, it would be right to prohibit their manufacture and sale.
如果毒药除了谋杀之外从未被购买或用于任何目的，那么禁止其制造和销售就是正确的。
They may, however, be wanted not only for innocent but for useful purposes, and restrictions cannot be imposed in the one case without operating in the other.
然而，它们不仅可能出于无辜目的，而且可能出于有用目的而被通缉，并且不能在一种情况下施加限制而不在另一种情况下实施限制。
Again, it is a proper office of public authority to guard against accidents.
再次强调，它是防止事故发生的公共权力机构。
If either a public officer or any one else saw a person attempting to cross a bridge which had been ascertained to be unsafe, and there were no time to warn him of his danger, they might seize him and turn him back, without any real infringement of his liberty; for liberty consists in doing what one desires, and he does not desire to fall into the river.
如果一名公职人员或任何其他人看到一个人试图穿过一座已被确定为不安全的桥梁，而没有时间警告他他的危险，他们可能会抓住他并把他赶回来，而不会真正侵犯他的自由；因为自由在于做自己想做的事，而他并不想掉进河里。
Nevertheless, when there is not a certainty, but only a danger of mischief, no one but the person himself can judge of the sufficiency of the motive which may prompt him to incur the risk: in this case, therefore (unless he is a child, or delirious, or in some state of excitement or absorption incompatible with the full use of the reflecting faculty), he ought, I conceive, to be only warned of the danger; not forcibly prevented from exposing himself to it.
然而，当存在不确定性，而只是存在恶作剧的危险时，除了该人本人之外，没有人能够判断可能促使他承担风险的动机是否充分：因此，在这种情况下（除非他是个孩子，或者精神错乱，或者处于某种兴奋或全神贯注的状态，与充分利用反思能力不相容），我认为，他应该只被警告危险；否则，他应该被警告。没有强行阻止自己暴露在其中。
Similar considerations, applied to such a question as the sale of poisons, may enable us to decide which among the possible modes of regulation are or are not contrary to principle.
类似的考虑，应用于毒药销售等问题，可能使我们能够决定哪些可能的监管模式是否违反原则。
Such a precaution, for example, as that of labelling the drug with some word expressive of its dangerous character, may be enforced without violation of liberty: the buyer cannot wish not to know that the thing he possesses has poisonous qualities.
例如，在药品上贴上一些表示其危险特性的文字的预防措施，可以在不侵犯自由的情况下强制执行：购买者不能希望不知道他所拥有的东西具有有毒品质。
But to require in all cases the certificate of a medical practitioner, would make it sometimes impossible, always expensive, to obtain the article for legitimate uses.
但在所有情况下都需要医生的证明，有时会导致无法获得用于合法用途的物品，而且价格总是昂贵。
The only mode apparent to me, in which difficulties may be thrown in the way of crime committed through this means, without any infringement, worth taking into account, upon the liberty of those who desire the poisonous substance for other purposes, consists in providing what, in the apt language of Bentham, is called "preappointed evidence." This provision is familiar to every one in the case of contracts.
在我看来，唯一明显的方式可能会给通过这种方式实施的犯罪带来困难，而不会侵犯那些希望将有毒物质用于其他目的的人的自由，值得考虑的是，这种方式在于提供用边沁恰当的语言所称的“预先指定的证据”。对于合同而言，这一规定是每个人都熟悉的。
It is usual and right that the law, when a contract is entered into, should require as the condition of its enforcing performance, that certain formalities should be observed, such as signatures, attestation of witnesses, and the like, in order that in case of subsequent dispute, there may be evidence to prove that the contract was really entered into, and that there was nothing in the circumstances to render it legally invalid: the effect being, to throw great obstacles in the way of fictitious contracts, or contracts made in circumstances which, if known, would destroy their validity.
通常情况下，法律在订立合同时，应要求履行一定的手续，如签名、见证人证明等，作为其强制履行的条件，这是通常且正确的，以便在以后发生争议时，有证据证明合同确实已订立，并且不存在任何情况使其在法律上无效：其效果是，对虚假合同或在已知的情况下订立的合同设置了很大的障碍。会破坏它们的有效性。
Precautions of a similar nature might be enforced in the sale of articles adapted to be instruments of crime.
在销售用作犯罪工具的物品时，可能会采取类似性质的预防措施。
The seller, for example, might be required to enter into a register the exact time of the transaction, the name and address of the buyer, the precise quality and quantity sold; to ask the purpose for which it was wanted, and record the answer he received.
例如，卖方可能需要在登记册中记录交易的确切时间、买方的姓名和地址、销售的准确质量和数量；询问想要的目的，并记录他收到的答案。
When there was no medical prescription, the presence of some third person might be required, to bring home the fact to the purchaser, in case there should afterwards be reason to believe that the article had been applied to criminal purposes.
如果没有医疗处方，可能需要第三人在场，以便向购买者说明事实，以防事后有理由相信该物品已被用于犯罪目的。
Such regulations would in general be no material impediment to obtaining the article, but a very considerable one to making an improper use of it without detection.
这些规定一般不会对获得该物品构成实质性障碍，但对于在不被发现的情况下不当使用该物品来说是一个非常大的障碍。
The right inherent in society, to ward off crimes against itself by antecedent precautions, suggests the obvious limitations to the maxim, that purely self-regarding misconduct cannot properly be meddled with in the way of prevention or punishment.
社会固有的权利，即通过事先的预防措施来避免针对自身的犯罪，表明了这条格言的明显局限性，即纯粹利己的不当行为不能通过预防或惩罚的方式得到适当的干预。
Drunkenness, for example, in ordinary cases, is not a fit subject for legislative interference; but I should deem it perfectly legitimate that a person, who had once been convicted of any act of violence to others under the influence of drink, should be placed under a special legal restriction, personal to himself; that if he were afterwards found drunk, he should be liable to a penalty, and that if when in that state he committed another offence, the punishment to which he would be liable for that other offence should be increased in severity.
例如，在一般情况下，醉酒就不是立法干预的合适对象。但我认为，如果一个人曾经因醉酒后对他人实施暴力行为而被定罪，那么他应该受到针对他个人的特殊法律限制，这是完全合法的；如果他后来被发现喝醉了，他应该受到处罚，如果在这种情况下他犯了另一项罪行，他因另一项罪行而受到的处罚应该更加严厉。
The making himself drunk, in a person whom drunkenness excites to do harm to others, is a crime against others.
一个人因醉酒而伤害他人，而使自己醉酒，则构成对他人的犯罪。
So, again, idleness, except in a person receiving support from the public, or except when it constitutes a breach of contract, cannot without tyranny be made a subject of legal punishment; but if either from idleness or from any other avoidable cause, a man fails to perform his legal duties to others, as for instance to support his children, it is no tyranny to force him to fulfil that obligation, by compulsory labour, if no other means are available.
因此，再说一次，闲散，除非一个人得到公众的支持，或者除非它构成违约，否则就不能在没有暴政的情况下成为法律惩罚的对象；但是，如果一个人由于懒惰或任何其他可避免的原因而未能履行对他人的法律义务，例如抚养他的孩子，那么在没有其他手段的情况下，强迫他通过强制劳动履行这一义务并不是暴政。
Again, there are many acts which, being directly injurious only to the agents themselves, ought not to be legally interdicted, but which, if done publicly, are a violation of good manners and coming thus within the category of offences against others may rightfully be prohibited.
同样，有许多行为仅对代理人本身造成直接伤害，不应受到法律禁止，但如果公开实施，则违反良好礼仪，因此属于针对他人的犯罪行为，可以理所当然地予以禁止。
Of this kind are offences against decency; on which it is unnecessary to dwell, the rather as they are only connected indirectly with our subject, the objection to publicity being equally strong in the case of many actions not in themselves condemnable, nor supposed to be so.
此类行为属于不道德行为；没有必要详细讨论这一点，因为它们只是与我们的主题间接相关，在许多行为本身不应该受到谴责的情况下，对公开的反对同样强烈。
There is another question to which an answer must be found, consistent with the principles which have been laid down.
还有另一个问题必须根据已制定的原则找到答案。
In cases of personal conduct supposed to be blamable, but which respect for liberty precludes society from preventing or punishing, because the evil directly resulting falls wholly on the agent; what the agent is free to do, ought other persons to be equally free to counsel or instigate?
在个人行为应该受到谴责的情况下，但对自由的尊重使社会无法阻止或惩罚，因为直接造成的邪恶完全落在代理人身上；代理人可以自由做什么，其他人是否也应该同样自由地建议或煽动？
This question is not free from difficulty.
这个问题并非没有困难。
The case of a person who solicits another to do an act, is not strictly a case of self-regarding conduct.
一个人教唆他人做某事的情况，严格来说并不是一种利己行为的情况。
To give advice or offer inducements to any one, is a social act, and may therefore, like actions in general which affect others, be supposed amenable to social control.
向任何人提供建议或提供诱因是一种社会行为，因此，就像影响他人的一般行为一样，可能会受到社会控制。
But a little reflection corrects the first impression, by showing that if the case is not strictly within the definition of individual liberty, yet the reasons on which the principle of individual liberty is grounded, are applicable to it.
但稍加反思就可以纠正第一印象，即如果案件不严格符合个人自由的定义，但个人自由原则所依据的理由却适用于该案件。
If people must be allowed, in whatever concerns only themselves, to act as seems best to themselves at their own peril, they must equally be free to consult with one another about what is fit to be so done; to exchange opinions, and give and receive suggestions.
如果必须允许人们在只与他们自己有关的事情上采取对自己来说最好的行动，而后果自负，那么他们就必须平等地自由地相互协商什么是适合这样做的；交换意见，提出和接受建议。
Whatever it is permitted to do, it must be permitted to advise to do.
无论它被允许做什么，它都必须被允许建议去做。
The question is doubtful, only when the instigator derives a personal benefit from his advice; when he makes it his occupation, for subsistence or pecuniary gain, to promote what society and the state consider to be an evil.
只有当煽动者从他的建议中获得个人利益时，这个问题才值得怀疑。当他为了生存或金钱利益而将促进社会和国家认为是邪恶的事情作为自己的职业时。
Then, indeed, a new element of complication is introduced; namely, the existence of classes of persons with an interest opposed to what is considered as the public weal, and whose mode of living is grounded on the counteraction of it.
然后，事实上，引入了一个新的复杂因素；也就是说，存在着与所谓的公共福利相反的利益的人群，他们的生活方式是建立在公共福利的反作用之上的。
Ought this to be interfered with, or not?
这是否应该受到干扰？
Fornication, for example, must be tolerated, and so must gambling; but should a person be free to be a pimp, or to keep a gambling-house?
例如，淫乱是必须容忍的，赌博也是如此。但是一个人应该有做皮条客或者开赌场的自由吗？
The case is one of those which lie on the exact boundary line between two principles, and it is not at once apparent to which of the two it properly belongs.
本案属于两个原则之间的确切边界线上的案件之一，而且很难立即看出它到底属于这两个原则中的哪一个。
There are arguments on both sides.
双方都有争论。
On the side of toleration it may be said, that the fact of following anything as an occupation, and living or profiting by the practice of it, cannot make that criminal which would otherwise be admissible; that the act should either be consistently permitted or consistently prohibited; that if the principles which we have hitherto defended are true, society has no business, _as_ society, to decide anything to be wrong which concerns only the individual; that it cannot go beyond dissuasion, and that one person should be as free to persuade, as another to dissuade.
从宽容的角度来看，可以说，以某种职业为职业，并通过从事这种职业谋生或从中获利，这一事实并不能构成犯罪，否则该犯罪是可以被受理的。该行为应始终被允许或始终被禁止；如果我们迄今为止所捍卫的原则是正确的，那么社会就没有义务决定任何只与个人有关的错误；它不能超越劝阻，并且一个人应该像另一个人劝阻一样自由地劝说。
In opposition to this it may be contended, that although the public, or the State, are not warranted in authoritatively deciding, for purposes of repression or punishment, that such or such conduct affecting only the interests of the individual is good or bad, they are fully justified in assuming, if they regard it as bad, that its being so or not is at least a disputable question: That, this being supposed, they cannot be acting wrongly in endeavouring to exclude the influence of solicitations which are not disinterested, of instigators who cannot possibly be impartial--who have a direct personal interest on one side, and that side the one which the State believes to be wrong, and who confessedly promote it for personal objects only.
与此相反，可以说，尽管公众或国家没有理由为了镇压或惩罚的目的而权威地决定这种或这种只影响个人利益的行为是好还是坏，但他们完全有理由假设，如果他们认为这种行为是坏的，那么它是否是好或坏至少是一个有争议的问题：也就是说，既然如此，他们在努力排除非无私的教唆影响时就不可能采取错误的行动，煽动者不可能是公正的——他们一方面有直接的个人利益，而另一方面国家认为是错误的，并且他们承认只是为了个人目的而推动这一利益。
There can surely, it may be urged, be nothing lost, no sacrifice of good, by so ordering matters that persons shall make their election, either wisely or foolishly, on their own prompting, as free as possible from the arts of persons who stimulate their inclinations for interested purposes of their own.
可以肯定的是，通过这样安排事情，人们可以明智地或愚蠢地根据自己的提示进行选举，从而尽可能地摆脱那些为了自己的利益目的而激发他们的倾向的人的艺术，这样就不会造成任何损失，也不会牺牲任何善行。
Thus (it may be said) though the statutes respecting unlawful games are utterly indefensible--though all persons should be free to gamble in their own or each other's houses, or in any place of meeting established by their own subscriptions, and open only to the members and their visitors--yet public gambling-houses should not be permitted.
因此（有人可能会说）尽管有关非法游戏的法规是完全站不住脚的——尽管所有人都应该可以自由地在自己或彼此的家里，或者在自己会费建立的任何聚会场所赌博，并且只向会员及其访客开放——但公共赌场却不应被允许。
It is true that the prohibition is never effectual, and that whatever amount of tyrannical power is given to the police, gambling-houses can always be maintained under other pretences; but they may be compelled to conduct their operations with a certain degree of secrecy and mystery, so that nobody knows anything about them but those who seek them; and more than this, society ought not to aim at.
确实，禁令永远不会有效，而且无论警察有多大的专制权力，赌场总是可以以其他借口维持下去。但他们可能被迫以一定程度的秘密和神秘来进行他们的行动，这样除了那些寻求他们的人之外，没有人知道他们的任何事情；社会不应该追求更多的目标。
There is considerable force in these arguments; I will not venture to decide whether they are sufficient to justify the moral anomaly of punishing the accessary, when the principal is (and must be) allowed to go free; or fining or imprisoning the procurer, but not the fornicator, the gambling-house keeper, but not the gambler.
这些论点具有相当大的说服力。当主犯被（并且必须被）释放时，我不会冒险决定它们是否足以证明惩罚从犯的道德异常是合理的；或罚款或监禁拉皮条者，但不奸淫者；赌场老板，但不赌博者。
Still less ought the common operations of buying and selling to be interfered with on analogous grounds.
更不应该基于类似的理由干预买卖的常见操作。
Almost every article which is bought and sold may be used in excess, and the sellers have a pecuniary interest in encouraging that excess; but no argument can be founded on this, in favour, for instance, of the Maine Law; because the class of dealers in strong drinks, though interested in their abuse, are indispensably required for the sake of their legitimate use.
几乎所有买卖的物品都可能被过量使用，而卖家鼓励这种过量使用有金钱利益；但没有任何论据可以据此建立，例如支持《缅因州法》；因为烈酒经销商阶层虽然对滥用烈酒感兴趣，但为了合法使用烈酒，他们是必不可少的。
The interest, however, of these dealers in promoting intemperance is a real evil, and justifies the State in imposing restrictions and requiring guarantees, which but for that justification would be infringements of legitimate liberty.
然而，这些毒贩鼓吹不节制的利益是真正的罪恶，并为国家施加限制和要求保障提供了理由，但如果没有这种理由，这将是对合法自由的侵犯。
A further question is, whether the State, while it permits, should nevertheless indirectly discourage conduct which it deems contrary to the best interests of the agent; whether, for example, it should take measures to render the means of drunkenness more costly, or add to the difficulty of procuring them, by limiting the number of the places of sale.
另一个问题是，国家虽然允许，但是否应该间接阻止它认为违背代理人最佳利益的行为？例如，是否应该采取措施提高醉酒手段的成本，或者通过限制销售场所的数量来增加获取醉酒手段的难度。
On this as on most other practical questions, many distinctions require to be made.
与大多数其他实际问题一样，在这个问题上需要做出许多区分。
To tax stimulants for the sole purpose of making them more difficult to be obtained, is a measure differing only in degree from their entire prohibition; and would be justifiable only if that were justifiable.
对兴奋剂征税的唯一目的是使兴奋剂更难获得，这一措施与全面禁止兴奋剂的措施仅在程度上有所不同；并且只有在合理的情况下才是合理的。
Every increase of cost is a prohibition, to those whose means do not come up to the augmented price; and to those who do, it is a penalty laid on them for gratifying a particular taste.
对于那些财力不足以支付增加的价格的人来说，每一次成本的增加都是一种禁止。对于那些这样做的人来说，这是对他们满足特定品味的惩罚。
Their choice of pleasures, and their mode of expending their income, after satisfying their legal and moral obligations to the State and to individuals, are their own concern, and must rest with their own judgment.
在履行了对国家和个人的法律和道德义务之后，他们对快乐的选择以及他们消费收入的方式是他们自己关心的，并且必须取决于他们自己的判断。
These considerations may seem at first sight to condemn the selection of stimulants as special subjects of taxation for purposes of revenue.
乍一看，这些考虑似乎是为了谴责选择兴奋剂作为税收的特殊对象。
But it must be remembered that taxation for fiscal purposes is absolutely inevitable; that in most countries it is necessary that a considerable part of that taxation should be indirect; that the State, therefore, cannot help imposing penalties, which to some persons may be prohibitory, on the use of some articles of consumption.
但必须记住，出于财政目的而征税是绝对不可避免的。在大多数国家，相当一部分税收必须是间接的；因此，国家不得不对某些消费品的使用施加处罚，这对某些人来说可能是禁止的。
It is hence the duty of the State to consider, in the imposition of taxes, what commodities the consumers can best spare; and _à fortiori_, to select in preference those of which it deems the use, beyond a very moderate quantity, to be positively injurious.
因此，国家有责任在征税时考虑消费者最能节省哪些商品；更何况，优先选择那些它认为使用量超过一定限度就会造成损害的物质。
Taxation, therefore, of stimulants, up to the point which produces the largest amount of revenue (supposing that the State needs all the revenue which it yields) is not only admissible, but to be approved of.
因此，对兴奋剂征税，直至产生最大收入（假设国家需要其产生的所有收入）不仅是可以接受的，而且是值得批准的。
The question of making the sale of these commodities a more or less exclusive privilege, must be answered differently, according to the purposes to which the restriction is intended to be subservient.
对于使这些商品的销售或多或少成为排他性特权的问题，必须根据限制所要实现的目的以不同的方式回答。
All places of public resort require the restraint of a police, and places of this kind peculiarly, because offences against society are especially apt to originate there.
所有公共场所都需要警察的约束，此类场所尤其如此，因为危害社会的犯罪行为特别容易发生在那里。
It is, therefore, fit to confine the power of selling these commodities (at least for consumption on the spot) to persons of known or vouched-for respectability of conduct; to make such regulations respecting hours of opening and closing as may be requisite for public surveillance, and to withdraw the licence if breaches of the peace repeatedly take place through the connivance or incapacity of the keeper of the house, or if it becomes a rendezvous for concocting and preparing offences against the law.
因此，将这些商品的销售权（至少是当场消费）限制在已知或有保证的行为受人尊敬的人范围内是适当的；制定有关公共监视所需的开放和关闭时间的规定，如果由于房屋管理员的纵容或无能力而屡次发生破坏和平的情况，或者如果房屋成为策划和准备违法行为的聚集地，则吊销许可证。
Any further restriction I do not conceive to be, in principle, justifiable.
我认为原则上任何进一步的限制都是不合理的。
The limitation in number, for instance, of beer and spirit-houses, for the express purpose of rendering them more difficult of access, and diminishing the occasions of temptation, not only exposes all to an inconvenience because there are some by whom the facility would be abused, but is suited only to a state of society in which the labouring classes are avowedly treated as children or savages, and placed under an education of restraint, to fit them for future admission to the privileges of freedom.
例如，限制啤酒和酒馆的数量，其明确的目的是使它们更难进入，并减少诱惑的机会，这不仅使所有人都面临不便，因为有些人会滥用这些设施，而且只适合这样一种社会状态，在这种状态下，劳动阶级被公然视为儿童或野蛮人，并受到克制的教育，以使他们将来能够获得自由的特权。
This is not the principle on which the labouring classes are professedly governed in any free country; and no person who sets due value on freedom will give his adhesion to their being so governed, unless after all efforts have been exhausted to educate them for freedom and govern them as freemen, and it has been definitively proved that they can only be governed as children.
这并不是任何自由国家所宣称的统治劳动阶级的原则。任何对自由给予应有重视的人都不会同意对他们进行这样的统治，除非在尽一切努力教育他们自由并像自由人一样统治他们之后，并且已经明确证明他们只能像孩子一样被统治。
The bare statement of the alternative shows the absurdity of supposing that such efforts have been made in any case which needs be considered here.
替代方案的简单陈述表明，假设在任何需要此处考虑的情况下都已经做出了此类努力是荒谬的。
It is only because the institutions of this country are a mass of inconsistencies, that things find admittance into our practice which belong to the system of despotic, or what is called paternal, government, while the general freedom of our institutions precludes the exercise of the amount of control necessary to render the restraint of any real efficacy as a moral education.
仅仅因为这个国家的制度存在大量的不一致之处，那些属于专制政府或所谓父权政府制度的事物才得以进入我们的实践，而我们制度的普遍自由却排除了行使必要的控制力，以限制道德教育的任何真正功效。
It was pointed out in an early part of this Essay, that the liberty of the individual, in things wherein the individual is alone concerned, implies a corresponding liberty in any number of individuals to regulate by mutual agreement such things as regard them jointly, and regard no persons but themselves.
本文的前半部分指出，在个人单独关心的事情上，个人的自由意味着任何数量的个人都有相应的自由，可以通过相互同意来规范这些事情，使他们共同看待这些事情，并且不考虑除了他们自己之外的任何人。
This question presents no difficulty, so long as the will of all the persons implicated remains unaltered; but since that will may change, it is often necessary, even in things in which they alone are concerned, that they should enter into engagements with one another; and when they do, it is fit, as a general rule, that those engagements should be kept.
这个问题不存在任何困难，只要所有相关人员的意愿不发生改变即可；但由于这种意愿可能会改变，因此，即使是在他们单独关心的事情上，他们也常常有必要相互参与；当他们这样做时，一般来说，遵守这些约定是合适的。
Yet in the laws, probably, of every country, this general rule has some exceptions.
然而，在每个国家的法律中，这条一般规则可能都有一些例外。
Not only persons are not held to engagements which violate the rights of third parties, but it is sometimes considered a sufficient reason for releasing them from an engagement, that it is injurious to themselves.
人们不仅不会被要求从事侵犯第三方权利的约定，而且有时被认为是解除约定的充分理由，因为该约定对他们自己有害。
In this and most other civilised countries, for example, an engagement by which a person should sell himself, or allow himself to be sold, as a slave, would be null and void; neither enforced by law nor by opinion.
例如，在这个国家和大多数其他文明国家，一个人出卖自己或允许自己作为奴隶被出售的契约将是无效的。既不由法律也不由意见强制执行。
The ground for thus limiting his power of voluntarily disposing of his own lot in life, is apparent, and is very clearly seen in this extreme case.
因此限制他自愿处置自己生活命运的权力的理由是显而易见的，并且在这个极端的案例中非常清楚地可见。
The reason for not interfering, unless for the sake of others, with a person's voluntary acts, is consideration for his liberty.
除非为了他人的利益，否则不干涉一个人的自愿行为的原因是考虑到他的自由。
His voluntary choice is evidence that what he so chooses is desirable, or at the least endurable, to him, and his good is on the whole best provided for by allowing him to take his own means of pursuing it.
他的自愿选择证明，他所选择的东西对他来说是可取的，或者至少是他可以忍受的，而且总体上来说，通过允许他采取自己的方式来追求它，他的利益得到了最好的保障。
But by selling himself for a slave, he abdicates his liberty; he foregoes any future use of it, beyond that single act.
但通过出卖自己为奴隶，他放弃了自由。除了这一单一行为之外，他放弃了未来对它的任何使用。
He therefore defeats, in his own case, the very purpose which is the justification of allowing him to dispose of himself.
因此，就他自己而言，他违背了允许他处置自己的正当理由的目的。
He is no longer free; but is thenceforth in a position which has no longer the presumption in its favour, that would be afforded by his voluntarily remaining in it.
他不再自由了；但从那时起，他的处境就不再有利于他的推定，而他自愿留下来就会得到这种推定。
The principle of freedom cannot require that he should be free not to be free.
自由原则不能要求他应该自由而不是不自由。
It is not freedom, to be allowed to alienate his freedom.
允许剥夺他的自由，这不是自由。
These reasons, the force of which is so conspicuous in this peculiar case, are evidently of far wider application; yet a limit is everywhere set to them by the necessities of life, which continually require, not indeed that we should resign our freedom, but that we should consent to this and the other limitation of it.
这些理由在这个特殊案例中的力量如此明显，而且显然具有更广泛的应用范围。然而，生活的必需品到处都对它们设置了限制，这些限制不断地要求我们，实际上并不是放弃我们的自由，而是我们应该同意对自由的这种限制和其他限制。
The principle, however, which demands uncontrolled freedom of action in all that concerns only the agents themselves, requires that those who have become bound to one another, in things which concern no third party, should be able to release one another from the engagement: and even without such voluntary release, there are perhaps no contracts or engagements, except those that relate to money or money's worth, of which one can venture to say that there ought to be no liberty whatever of retractation.
然而，这一原则要求在所有仅涉及代理人本身的事情上有不受控制的行动自由，要求那些在不涉及第三方的事情上相互约束的人应该能够解除彼此的约定：即使没有这种自愿的解除，也许也不存在任何合同或约定，除了那些与金钱或金钱价值有关的合同或约定之外，人们可以斗胆说不应该有任何撤回的自由。
Baron Wilhelm von Humboldt, in the excellent essay from which I have already quoted, states it as his conviction, that engagements which involve personal relations or services, should never be legally binding beyond a limited duration of time; and that the most important of these engagements, marriage, having the peculiarity that its objects are frustrated unless the feelings of both the parties are in harmony with it, should require nothing more than the declared will of either party to dissolve it.
威廉·冯·洪堡男爵在我已经引用的那篇优秀文章中表示，他坚信，涉及个人关系或服务的约定永远不应该在超过有限期限的情况下具有法律约束力；这些契约中最重要的，即婚姻，其特点是，除非双方感情一致，否则其目的就会落空，因此，解除契约只需要任何一方公开表示意愿即可。
This subject is too important, and too complicated, to be discussed in a parenthesis, and I touch on it only so far as is necessary for purposes of illustration.
这个主题太重要、太复杂，无法在括号中讨论，并且我仅在出于说明目的所需的范围内提及它。
If the conciseness and generality of Baron Humboldt's dissertation had not obliged him in this instance to content himself with enunciating his conclusion without discussing the premises, he would doubtless have recognised that the question cannot be decided on grounds so simple as those to which he confines himself.
如果洪堡男爵论文的简洁性和概括性没有迫使他在这种情况下满足于在不讨论前提的情况下阐明他的结论，他无疑会认识到这个问题不能根据他所局限于的那些简单的理由来决定。
When a person, either by express promise or by conduct, has encouraged another to rely upon his continuing to act in a certain way--to build expectations and calculations, and stake any part of his plan of life upon that supposition, a new series of moral obligations arises on his part towards that person, which may possibly be overruled, but cannot be ignored.
当一个人通过明确的承诺或行为鼓励另一个人依赖他继续以某种方式行事时——建立期望和计算，并将他的生活计划的任何部分押注在这种假设上，他对那个人就会产生一系列新的道德义务，这些义务可能会被推翻，但不能被忽视。
And again, if the relation between two contracting parties has been followed by consequences to others; if it has placed third parties in any peculiar position, or, as in the case of marriage, has even called third parties into existence, obligations arise on the part of both the contracting parties towards those third persons, the fulfilment of which, or at all events the mode of fulfilment, must be greatly affected by the continuance or disruption of the relation between the original parties to the contract.
再说一次，如果两个缔约方之间的关系已经给其他缔约方带来了后果；如果它把第三方置于任何特殊的地位，或者，如在婚姻的情况下，甚至规定了第三方的存在，则缔约双方都对这些第三人产生了义务，这些义务的履行，或者无论如何履行的方式，必定会受到合同原当事方之间关系的延续或破坏的极大影响。
It does not follow, nor can I admit, that these obligations extend to requiring the fulfilment of the contract at all costs to the happiness of the reluctant party; but they are a necessary element in the question; and even if, as Von Humboldt maintains, they ought to make no difference in the _legal_ freedom of the parties to release themselves from the engagement (and I also hold that they ought not to make _much_ difference), they necessarily make a great difference in the _moral_ freedom.
这并不意味着，我也不能承认，这些义务延伸到要求不惜一切代价履行合同，以使不情愿的一方幸福；但它们是问题中的一个必要因素；即使正如冯·洪堡所主张的那样，它们应该不会对当事人从参与中解脱出来的_合法_自由产生任何影响（我也认为它们不应该产生_太大_影响），但它们必然会对_道德_自由产生很大影响。
A person is bound to take all these circumstances into account, before resolving on a step which may affect such important interests of others; and if he does not allow proper weight to those interests, he is morally responsible for the wrong.
在决定采取可能影响他人重要利益的步骤之前，一个人必须考虑所有这些情况；如果他没有适当重视这些利益，他就应对错误承担道德责任。
I have made these obvious remarks for the better illustration of the general principle of liberty, and not because they are at all needed on the particular question, which, on the contrary, is usually discussed as if the interest of children was everything, and that of grown persons nothing.
我发表这些明显的言论是为了更好地说明自由的一般原则，而不是因为在特定问题上完全需要它们，相反，通常在讨论这个问题时就好像儿童的利益就是一切，成年人的利益什么都不是。
I have already observed that, owing to the absence of any recognised general principles, liberty is often granted where it should be withheld, as well as withheld where it should be granted; and one of the cases in which, in the modern European world, the sentiment of liberty is the strongest, is a case where, in my view, it is altogether misplaced.
我已经指出，由于缺乏任何公认的一般原则，自由往往在应予剥夺的地方给予，以及在应给予的地方却被剥夺；在现代欧洲世界，自由情绪最为强烈的情况之一，在我看来，是完全错误的。
A person should be free to do as he likes in his own concerns; but he ought not to be free to do as he likes in acting for another, under the pretext that the affairs of another are his own affairs.
一个人应该可以自由地做自己喜欢做的事情；但他不应该以别人的事就是他自己的事为借口，随意为别人做事。
The State, while it respects the liberty of each in what specially regards himself, is bound to maintain a vigilant control over his exercise of any power which it allows him to possess over others.
国家虽然尊重每个人在特定方面的自由，但有义务对他行使任何允许他对他人拥有的权力保持警惕的控制。
This obligation is almost entirely disregarded in the case of the family relations, a case, in its direct influence on human happiness, more important than all others taken together.
就家庭关系而言，这一义务几乎完全被忽视，而就其对人类幸福的直接影响而言，家庭关系比所有其他关系加起来更重要。
The almost despotic power of husbands over wives need not be enlarged upon here because nothing more is needed for the complete removal of the evil, than that wives should have the same rights, and should receive the protection of law in the same manner, as all other persons; and because, on this subject, the defenders of established injustice do not avail themselves of the plea of liberty, but stand forth openly as the champions of power.
丈夫对妻子的近乎专制的权力无需在这里放大，因为要彻底消除罪恶，只需要妻子应与其他人一样享有同样的权利，并以同样的方式受到法律的保护即可。因为在这个问题上，既定不公正的捍卫者并没有利用自由的借口，而是公开作为权力的捍卫者站出来。
It is in the case of children, that misapplied notions of liberty are a real obstacle to the fulfilment by the State of its duties.
就儿童而言，自由概念的误用才是国家履行其职责的真正障碍。
One would almost think that a man's children were supposed to be literally, and not metaphorically, a part of himself, so jealous is opinion of the smallest interference of law with his absolute and exclusive control over them; more jealous than of almost any interference with his own freedom of action: so much less do the generality of mankind value liberty than power.
人们几乎会认为，一个男人的孩子应该是字面意义上的，而不是隐喻意义上的，他自己的一部分，因此人们对法律对他对孩子的绝对和排他控制的最小干扰的看法是如此嫉妒；比对自己行动自由的几乎任何干涉更嫉妒：人类普遍性更看重自由而不是权力。
Consider, for example, the case of education.
例如，考虑教育的情况。
Is it not almost a self-evident axiom, that the State should require and compel the education, up to a certain standard, of every human being who is born its citizen?
国家应该要求并强制每个生来就是公民的人接受一定标准的教育，这难道不是一条不言而喻的公理吗？
Yet who is there that is not afraid to recognise and assert this truth?
然而，谁不害怕承认并坚持这一真理呢？
Hardly any one indeed will deny that it is one of the most sacred duties of the parents (or, as law and usage now stand, the father), after summoning a human being into the world, to give to that being an education fitting him to perform his part well in life towards others and towards himself.
几乎没有人会否认，在召唤一个人来到这个世界之后，父母（或者按照现在的法律和惯例，父亲）最神圣的职责之一是给予他一种教育，使他能够在生活中对他人和对自己发挥好自己的作用。
But while this is unanimously declared to be the father's duty, scarcely anybody, in this country, will bear to hear of obliging him to perform it.
尽管人们一致宣布这是父亲的职责，但在这个国家，几乎没有人愿意听到强迫他履行这一职责。
Instead of his being required to make any exertion or sacrifice for securing education to the child, it is left to his choice to accept it or not when it is provided gratis!
不是要求他为孩子的教育做出任何努力或牺牲，而是在免费提供的情况下由他选择接受或不接受！
It still remains unrecognised, that to bring a child into existence without a fair prospect of being able, not only to provide food for its body, but instruction and training for its mind, is a moral crime, both against the unfortunate offspring and against society; and that if the parent does not fulfil this obligation, the State ought to see it fulfilled, at the charge, as far as possible, of the parent.
人们仍然没有认识到，在没有公平前景的情况下养育一个孩子，不仅能够为其身体提供食物，而且能够为其思想提供指导和训练，是一种道德犯罪，既针对不幸的后代，也针对社会；如果父母不履行这一义务，国家应尽可能由父母负责监督其履行。
Were the duty of enforcing universal education once admitted, there would be an end to the difficulties about what the State should teach, and how it should teach, which now convert the subject into a mere battle-field for sects and parties, causing the time and labour which should have been spent in educating, to be wasted in quarrelling about education.
一旦承认了实行全民教育的义务，那么国家应该教什么、如何教的难题就会消失，使这个问题变成教派和政党的战场，使本应花在教育上的时间和精力浪费在教育的争论上。
If the government would make up its mind to _require_ for every child a good education, it might save itself the trouble of _providing_ one.
如果政府下定决心要求每个孩子接受良好的教育，那么它可能会省去提供教育的麻烦。
It might leave to parents to obtain the education where and how they pleased, and content itself with helping to pay the school fees of the poorer class of children, and defraying the entire school expenses of those who have no one else to pay for them.
它可能会让父母在他们喜欢的地方、以他们喜欢的方式获得教育，并满足于帮助支付较贫困阶层的孩子的学费，并支付那些没有其他人可以支付的孩子的全部学费。
The objections which are urged with reason against State education, do not apply to the enforcement of education by the State, but to the State's taking upon itself to direct that education; which is a totally different thing.
对国家教育提出的有理有据的反对意见不适用于国家实施教育，而是适用于国家负责指导教育；这是完全不同的事情。
That the whole or any large part of the education of the people should be in State hands, I go as far as any one in deprecating.
我和任何人一样反对人民的全部或大部分教育应该掌握在国家手中。
All that has been said of the importance of individuality of character, and diversity in opinions and modes of conduct, involves, as of the same unspeakable importance, diversity of education.
我们所说的个性个性、观点和行为方式多样性的重要性，都涉及教育的多样性，其重要性同样难以言表。
A general State education is a mere contrivance for moulding people to be exactly like one another; and as the mould in which it casts them is that which pleases the predominant power in the government, whether this be a monarch, a priesthood, an aristocracy, or the majority of the existing generation, in proportion as it is efficient and successful, it establishes a despotism over the mind, leading by natural tendency to one over the body.
普通国家教育只不过是一种将人们塑造成完全相同的发明；由于它所塑造的模型是取悦政府中的主导权力的，无论是君主、祭司、贵族，还是现有一代的大多数，只要它有效和成功，它就建立了一种对思想的专制主义，自然倾向于对身体的专制。
An education established and controlled by the State, should only exist, if it exist at all, as one among many competing experiments, carried on for the purpose of example and stimulus, to keep the others up to a certain standard of excellence.
由国家建立和控制的教育，如果存在的话，只应作为众多竞争性实验之一而存在，其目的是为了树立榜样和激励，使其他实验达到一定的卓越标准。
Unless, indeed, when society in general is in so backward a state that it could not or would not provide for itself any proper institutions of education, unless the government undertook the task; then, indeed, the government may, as the less of two great evils, take upon itself the business of schools and universities, as it may that of joint stock companies, when private enterprise, in a shape fitted for undertaking great works of industry, does not exist in the country.
事实上，除非整个社会处于如此落后的状态，以至于它不能或不愿为自己提供任何适当的教育机构，除非政府承担这项任务；那么，事实上，当国家不存在适合从事伟大工业工作的私营企业时，作为两害相权取其轻，政府可以承担学校和大学的事务，就像股份公司的事务一样。
But in general, if the country contains a sufficient number of persons qualified to provide education under government auspices, the same persons would be able and willing to give an equally good education on the voluntary principle, under the assurance of remuneration afforded by a law rendering education compulsory, combined with State aid to those unable to defray the expense.
但总的来说，如果国家有足够数量的有资格在政府资助下提供教育的人，那么这些人将能够并愿意在自愿原则下，在义务教育法律提供的报酬保证下，以及国家对无力支付费用的人的援助的情况下，提供同等良好的教育。
The instrument for enforcing the law could be no other than public examinations, extending to all children, and beginning at an early age.
执行法律的工具只能是公开考试，并扩展到所有儿童，并从很小的时候开始。
An age might be fixed at which every child must be examined, to ascertain if he (or she) is able to read.
可能会规定每个孩子必须接受检查的年龄，以确定他（或她）是否能够阅读。
If a child proves unable, the father, unless he has some sufficient ground of excuse, might be subjected to a moderate fine, to be worked out, if necessary, by his labour, and the child might be put to school at his expense.
如果孩子无法做到这一点，父亲除非有充分的理由，否则可能会受到适度的罚款，必要时可以通过他的劳动来弥补，并且孩子可以自费上学。
Once in every year the examination should be renewed, with a gradually extending range of subjects, so as to make the universal acquisition, and what is more, retention, of a certain minimum of general knowledge, virtually compulsory.
每年应更新一次考试，并逐渐扩大科目范围，从而使普遍获得并保留一定程度的最低限度的一般知识实际上成为强制性的。
Beyond that minimum, there should be voluntary examinations on all subjects, at which all who come up to a certain standard of proficiency might claim a certificate.
除了最低限度之外，所有科目都应该进行自愿考试，所有达到一定熟练程度标准的人都可以获得证书。
To prevent the State from exercising, through these arrangements, an improper influence over opinion, the knowledge required for passing an examination (beyond the merely instrumental parts of knowledge, such as languages and their use) should, even in the higher class of examinations, be confined to facts and positive science exclusively.
为了防止国家通过这些安排对舆论施加不当影响，即使在高级考试中，通过考试所需的知识（除了语言及其使用等纯粹工具性知识之外）也应仅限于事实和实证科学。
The examinations on religion, politics, or other disputed topics, should not turn on the truth or falsehood of opinions, but on the matter of fact that such and such an opinion is held, on such grounds, by such authors, or schools, or churches.
对宗教、政治或其他有争议话题的审查，不应该以观点的真假为依据，而应以这样的作者、学校或教会基于这样的理由持有这样那样的观点为事实。
Under this system, the rising generation would be no worse off in regard to all disputed truths, than they are at present; they would be brought up either churchmen or dissenters as they now are, the state merely taking care that they should be instructed churchmen, or instructed dissenters.
在这种制度下，新兴一代在所有有争议的真理方面不会比现在更糟。他们要么像现在这样，要么成为教士，要么成为异见者，国家只是关心他们应该接受教士的教育，或者被教导异见者。
There would be nothing to hinder them from being taught religion, if their parents chose, at the same schools where they were taught other things.
如果他们的父母选择的话，没有什么可以阻止他们在教授其他东西的学校里接受宗教教育。
All attempts by the state to bias the conclusions of its citizens on disputed subjects, are evil; but it may very properly offer to ascertain and certify that a person possesses the knowledge, requisite to make his conclusions, on any given subject, worth attending to.
国家试图在有争议的问题上影响其公民的结论，这一切都是邪恶的；但它可以非常恰当地确定和证明一个人拥有就任何特定主题做出值得关注的结论所必需的知识。
A student of philosophy would be the better for being able to stand an examination both in Locke and in Kant, whichever of the two he takes up with, or even if with neither: and there is no reasonable objection to examining an atheist in the evidences of Christianity, provided he is not required to profess a belief in them.
一个学习哲学的学生最好能够经受住洛克和康德的检验，无论他选择两者中的哪一个，或者即使两者都不做：并且没有合理的理由反对在基督教的证据中检验无神论者，只要他不需要公开承认对它们的信仰。
The examinations, however, in the higher branches of knowledge should, I conceive, be entirely voluntary.
然而，我认为，高级知识领域的考试应该完全是自愿的。
It would be giving too dangerous a power to governments, were they allowed to exclude any one from professions, even from the profession of teacher, for alleged deficiency of qualifications: and I think, with Wilhelm von Humboldt, that degrees, or other public certificates of scientific or professional acquirements, should be given to all who present themselves for examination, and stand the test; but that such certificates should confer no advantage over competitors, other than the weight which may be attached to their testimony by public opinion.
如果允许政府以所谓资格不足为由，将任何人排除在职业之外，甚至排除在教师职业之外，那就太危险了：我认为，威廉·冯·洪堡认为，学位或其他科学或专业知识的公共证书应该颁发给所有参加考试并经受住考验的人；但此类证书不应比竞争对手具有任何优势，除了公众舆论可能对他们的证词给予重视之外。
It is not in the matter of education only, that misplaced notions of liberty prevent moral obligations on the part of parents from being recognised, and legal obligations from being imposed, where there are the strongest grounds for the former always, and in many cases for the latter also.
不仅仅是在教育问题上，错误的自由观念阻碍了父母的道德义务得到承认，也阻碍了法律义务的实施，而前者总是有最有力的理由，在许多情况下也是后者。
The fact itself, of causing the existence of a human being, is one of the most responsible actions in the range of human life.
造成人类存在的事实本身是人类生命范围内最负责任的行为之一。
To undertake this responsibility--to bestow a life which may be either a curse or a blessing--unless the being on whom it is to be bestowed will have at least the ordinary chances of a desirable existence, is a crime against that being.
承担这一责任——赋予一种可能是诅咒或祝福的生命——除非被赋予生命的人至少拥有理想的存在的普通机会，否则就是对该生命的犯罪。
And in a country either over-peopled, or threatened with being so, to produce children, beyond a very small number, with the effect of reducing the reward of labour by their competition, is a serious offence against all who live by the remuneration of their labour.
在一个人口过多或面临人口过多威胁的国家，生育数量超过极少数的孩子，会导致通过竞争而减少劳动报酬，这对所有依靠劳动报酬生活的人来说是一种严重的冒犯。
The laws which, in many countries on the Continent, forbid marriage unless the parties can show that they have the means of supporting a family, do not exceed the legitimate powers of the state: and whether such laws be expedient or not (a question mainly dependent on local circumstances and feelings), they are not objectionable as violations of liberty.
在欧洲大陆的许多国家，法律禁止结婚，除非双方能够证明他们有能力养家糊口，但这些法律并没有超出国家的合法权力：而且无论这些法律是否有利（主要取决于当地情况和感受），它们都不会因为侵犯自由而受到反对。
Such laws are interferences of the state to prohibit a mischievous act--an act injurious to others, which ought to be a subject of reprobation, and social stigma, even when it is not deemed expedient to superadd legal punishment.
这些法律是国家为了禁止恶作剧行为而进行的干预——这种行为伤害了他人，应该受到谴责和社会耻辱，即使增加法律惩罚并不被认为是有利的。
Yet the current ideas of liberty, which bend so easily to real infringements of the freedom of the individual, in things which concern only himself, would repel the attempt to put any restraint upon his inclinations when the consequence of their indulgence is a life, or lives, of wretchedness and depravity to the offspring, with manifold evils to those sufficiently within reach to be in any way affected by their actions.
然而，当前的自由观念很容易在只与个人有关的事情上真正侵犯个人的自由，当他们的放纵的后果是给后代带来不幸和堕落的一生时，就会拒绝对个人的倾向施加任何限制的尝试，并且对那些足以受到他们的行为影响的人带来多种邪恶。
When we compare the strange respect of mankind for liberty, with their strange want of respect for it, we might imagine that a man had an indispensable right to do harm to others, and no right at all to please himself without giving pain to any one.
当我们比较人类对自由的奇怪尊重和他们对自由的奇怪缺乏尊重时，我们可能会想象，一个人拥有伤害他人的不可或缺的权利，而根本没有权利在不给任何人带来痛苦的情况下取悦自己。
I have reserved for the last place a large class of questions respecting the limits of government interference, which, though closely connected with the subject of this Essay, do not, in strictness, belong to it.
我在最后放置了一大类关于政府干预限度的问题，这些问题虽然与本文的主题密切相关，但严格来说，并不属于本文的主题。
These are cases in which the reasons against interference do not turn upon the principle of liberty: the question is not about restraining the actions of individuals, but about helping them: it is asked whether the government should do, or cause to be done, something for their benefit, instead of leaving it to be done by themselves, individually, or in voluntary combination.
在这些情况下，反对干涉的理由并不取决于自由原则：问题不在于限制个人的行为，而在于帮助他们：问题是政府是否应该为他们的利益做某事或促使他们做某事，而不是让他们自己做，单独做，或自愿联合做。
The objections to government interference, when it is not such as to involve infringement of liberty, may be of three kinds.
当政府干预不涉及侵犯自由时，对政府干预的反对可能有三种。
The first is, when the thing to be done is likely to be better done by individuals than by the government.
第一个是，当需要做的事情由个人完成可能比由政府更好时。
Speaking generally, there is no one so fit to conduct any business, or to determine how or by whom it shall be conducted, as those who are personally interested in it.
一般来说，没有人比那些对某项业务感兴趣的人更适合开展任何业务，或者决定如何或由谁来开展业务。
This principle condemns the interferences, once so common, of the legislature, or the officers of government, with the ordinary processes of industry.
这一原则谴责立法机关或政府官员对正常工业流程的干预（曾经如此普遍）。
But this part of the subject has been sufficiently enlarged upon by political economists, and is not particularly related to the principles of this Essay.
但这部分主题已被政治经济学家充分扩展，与本文的原则并没有特别相关。
The second objection is more nearly allied to our subject.
第二个反对意见更接近我们的主题。
In many cases, though individuals may not do the particular thing so well, on the average, as the officers of government, it is nevertheless desirable that it should be done by them, rather than by the government, as a means to their own mental education--a mode of strengthening their active faculties, exercising their judgment, and giving them a familiar knowledge of the subjects with which they are thus left to deal.
在许多情况下，虽然个人在特定的事情上可能做得不太好，但一般来说，作为政府官员，这仍然是可取的，这应该由他们而不是政府来完成，作为他们自己的心理教育的一种手段——一种加强他们的积极能力，运用他们的判断力，并让他们熟悉他们要处理的主题的知识的方式。
This is a principal, though not the sole, recommendation of jury trial (in cases not political); of free and popular local and municipal institutions; of the conduct of industrial and philanthropic enterprises by voluntary associations.
这是陪审团审判的一项原则，但不是唯一的建议（在非政治案件中）；免费且受欢迎的地方和市政机构；自愿协会对工业和慈善企业的行为的影响。
These are not questions of liberty, and are connected with that subject only by remote tendencies; but they are questions of development.
这些不是自由问题，并且与该主题仅通过遥远的倾向联系在一起。但它们是发展问题。
It belongs to a different occasion from the present to dwell on these things as parts of national education; as being, in truth, the peculiar training of a citizen, the practical part of the political education of a free people, taking them out of the narrow circle of personal and family selfishness, and accustoming them to the comprehension of joint interests, the management of joint concerns--habituating them to act from public or semi-public motives, and guide their conduct by aims which unite instead of isolating them from one another.
作为国民教育的一部分来讨论这些事情，与现在是不同的场合。事实上，它是对公民的特殊训练，是自由人民政治教育的实际部分，使他们摆脱个人和家庭自私的狭隘圈子，使他们习惯于理解共同利益，管理共同关切，习惯于出于公共或半公共动机行事，并以团结而不是相互孤立的目标来指导他们的行为。
Without these habits and powers, a free constitution can neither be worked nor preserved, as is exemplified by the too-often transitory nature of political freedom in countries where it does not rest upon a sufficient basis of local liberties.
没有这些习惯和权力，自由宪法既无法运作也无法维持，正如政治自由在地方自由不充分基础的国家中往往具有短暂性质所证明的那样。
The management of purely local business by the localities, and of the great enterprises of industry by the union of those who voluntarily supply the pecuniary means, is further recommended by all the advantages which have been set forth in this Essay as belonging to individuality of development, and diversity of modes of action.
由地方管理纯粹的地方企业，由自愿提供金钱手段的人联合起来管理大型工业企业，是本文所阐述的属于发展个性和行动方式多样性的所有优点的进一步推荐。
Government operations tend to be everywhere alike.
政府运作往往到处都是相似的。
With individuals and voluntary associations, on the contrary, there are varied experiments, and endless diversity of experience.
相反，对于个人和自愿协会来说，有各种各样的实验和无穷无尽的经验。
What the State can usefully do, is to make itself a central depository, and active circulator and diffuser, of the experience resulting from many trials.
国家可以有效做的就是使自己成为许多试验经验的中央储存库、积极的循环者和传播者。
Its business is to enable each experimentalist to benefit by the experiments of others, instead of tolerating no experiments but its own.
它的职责是让每个实验者都能从他人的实验中受益，而不是容忍除了自己的实验之外的任何实验。
The third, and most cogent reason for restricting the interference of government, is the great evil of adding unnecessarily to its power.
限制政府干预的第三个也是最令人信服的原因是不必要地增加政府权力的巨大罪恶。
Every function superadded to those already exercised by the government, causes its influence over hopes and fears to be more widely diffused, and converts, more and more, the active and ambitious part of the public into hangers-on of the government, or of some party which aims at becoming the government.
政府已经行使的每一项职能，都会使其对希望和恐惧的影响力更加广泛地扩散，并越来越多地将公众中积极而雄心勃勃的部分转变为政府或某个旨在成为政府的政党的追随者。
If the roads, the railways, the banks, the insurance offices, the great joint-stock companies, the universities, and the public charities, were all of them branches of the government; if, in addition, the municipal corporations and local boards, with all that now devolves on them, became departments of the central administration; if the employés of all these different enterprises were appointed and paid by the government, and looked to the government for every rise in life; not all the freedom of the press and popular constitution of the legislature would make this or any other country free otherwise than in name.
如果公路、铁路、银行、保险公司、大型股份公司、大学和公共慈善机构都是政府的分支机构；此外，如果市政公司和地方委员会以及现在移交给它们的所有事务都成为中央行政部门；如果所有这些不同企业的员工都是由政府任命和支付工资，并指望政府实现生活的每一次进步；并非所有的新闻自由和立法机关的大众宪法都会使这个国家或任何其他国家获得名义上的自由。
And the evil would be greater, the more efficiently and scientifically the administrative machinery was constructed--the more skilful the arrangements for obtaining the best qualified hands and heads with which to work it.
行政机构的建设越有效、越科学，为获得最有资格的人员和头脑来进行工作的安排就越巧妙，邪恶就会越大。
In England it has of late been proposed that all the members of the civil service of government should be selected by competitive examination, to obtain for those employments the most intelligent and instructed persons procurable; and much has been said and written for and against this proposal.
在英国，最近有人提议，政府公务员队伍的所有成员都应通过竞争性考试来选拔，以便为这些工作找到最聪明、最受过教育的人。对于这一提议，人们已经发表了很多支持和反对的言论和文章。
One of the arguments most insisted on by its opponents, is that the occupation of a permanent official servant of the State does not hold out sufficient prospects of emolument and importance to attract the highest talents, which will always be able to find a more inviting career in the professions, or in the service of companies and other public bodies.
反对者最坚持的论点之一是，国家永久公务员的职业并没有提供足够的薪酬前景和重要性来吸引最优秀的人才，而这些人才总是能够在专业领域或在公司和其他公共机构的服务中找到更有吸引力的职业。
One would not have been surprised if this argument had been used by the friends of the proposition, as an answer to its principal difficulty.
如果这一论点被该命题的朋友们用来作为其主要困难的答案，人们不会感到惊讶。
Coming from the opponents it is strange enough.
来自对手的话就够奇怪的了。
What is urged as an objection is the safety-valve of the proposed system.
所提出的反对意见是所提议系统的安全阀。
If indeed all the high talent of the country _could_ be drawn into the service of the government, a proposal tending to bring about that result might well inspire uneasiness.
如果确实可以吸引该国所有的高素质人才为政府服务，那么一项旨在实现这一结果的提案很可能会引起不安。
If every part of the business of society which required organised concert, or large and comprehensive views, were in the hands of the government, and if government offices were universally filled by the ablest men, all the enlarged culture and practised intelligence in the country, except the purely speculative, would be concentrated in a numerous bureaucracy, to whom alone the rest of the community would look for all things: the multitude for direction and dictation in all they had to do; the able and aspiring for personal advancement.
如果社会事务的每一个需要有组织的协调或大而全面的观点的部分都掌握在政府手中，如果政府办公室普遍由最有能力的人担任，那么这个国家所有扩大的文化和实践情报，除了纯粹的投机之外，都将集中在一个众多的官僚机构中，社会的其他人将只向他们寻求一切：群众在他们必须做的一切事情上寻求指导和命令；有能力并渴望个人进步。
To be admitted into the ranks of this bureaucracy, and when admitted, to rise therein, would be the sole objects of ambition.
被接纳进入这个官僚机构的行列，以及当被接纳后，在其中晋升，将是唯一的野心目标。
Under this régime, not only is the outside public ill-qualified, for want of practical experience, to criticise or check the mode of operation of the bureaucracy, but even if the accidents of despotic or the natural working of popular institutions occasionally raise to the summit a ruler or rulers of reforming inclinations, no reform can be effected which is contrary to the interest of the bureaucracy.
在这种制度下，不仅外部公众由于缺乏实践经验而没有资格批评或制衡官僚机构的运作方式，而且即使专制的意外事件或民众机构的自然运作偶尔使一个或多个具有改革倾向的统治者登上顶峰，也不可能进行任何违背官僚机构利益的改革。
Such is the melancholy condition of the Russian empire, as is shown in the accounts of those who have had sufficient opportunity of observation.
这就是俄罗斯帝国的悲惨境况，正如那些有足够观察机会的人的叙述所表明的那样。
The Czar himself is powerless against the bureaucratic body; he can send any one of them to Siberia, but he cannot govern without them, or against their will.
沙皇本人对官僚机构无能为力。他可以派他们中的任何一个人去西伯利亚，但如果没有他们，或者违背他们的意愿，他就无法统治。
On every decree of his they have a tacit veto, by merely refraining from carrying it into effect.
他们对他的每一项法令都有默认的否决权，只是不予执行。
In countries of more advanced civilisation and of a more insurrectionary spirit, the public, accustomed to expect everything to be done for them by the State, or at least to do nothing for themselves without asking from the State not only leave to do it, but even how it is to be done, naturally hold the State responsible for all evil which befalls them, and when the evil exceeds their amount of patience, they rise against the government and make what is called a revolution; whereupon somebody else, with or without legitimate authority from the nation, vaults into the seat, issues his orders to the bureaucracy, and everything goes on much as it did before; the bureaucracy being unchanged, and nobody else being capable of taking their place.
在文明更先进、具有更叛逆精神的国家，公众习惯于期望国家为他们做一切事情，或者至少不要求国家为自己做任何事情，不仅要求国家允许做这件事，而且甚至不要求国家做这件事，甚至不要求国家做这件事，他们自然会认为国家对降临在他们身上的一切邪恶负责，当邪恶超过他们的耐心时，他们就会起来反对政府，发动所谓的革命；于是，另一个人，无论有没有国家的合法权力，都跳上座位，向官僚机构发出命令，一切都像以前一样进行。官僚机构没有改变，没有其他人能够取代他们的位置。
A very different spectacle is exhibited among a people accustomed to transact their own business.
在习惯于处理自己的事情的人们中，呈现出一种截然不同的景象。
In France, a large part of the people having been engaged in military service, many of whom have held at least the rank of non-commissioned officers, there are in every popular insurrection several persons competent to take the lead, and improvise some tolerable plan of action.
在法国，很大一部分人都服过兵役，其中许多人至少担任过士官，每次民众起义都有几个人有能力带头，并临时制定一些可以接受的行动计划。
What the French are in military affairs, the Americans are in every kind of civil business; let them be left without a government, every body of Americans is able to improvise one, and to carry on that or any other public business with a sufficient amount of intelligence, order, and decision.
就像法国人在军事事务上的表现一样，美国人在各种民事事务上也很擅长。如果让他们没有政府，每个美国人都能够临时组建一个政府，并以足够的情报、秩序和决策来开展政府事务或任何其他公共事务。
This is what every free people ought to be: and a people capable of this is certain to be free; it will never let itself be enslaved by any man or body of men because these are able to seize and pull the reins of the central administration.
这是每个自由人民都应该成为的样子：有能力做到这一点的人民一定是自由的；它永远不会让自己被任何人或团体所奴役，因为他们能够夺取并控制中央政府的控制权。
No bureaucracy can hope to make such a people as this do or undergo anything that they do not like.
任何官僚机构都不可能希望让这样的民族去做或经历他们不喜欢的事情。
But where everything is done through the bureaucracy, nothing to which the bureaucracy is really adverse can be done at all.
但如果一切都通过官僚机构来完成，那么官僚机构真正反对的事情就根本不能做。
The constitution of such countries is an organisation of the experience and practical ability of the nation, into a disciplined body for the purpose of governing the rest; and the more perfect that organisation is in itself, the more successful in drawing to itself and educating for itself the persons of greatest capacity from all ranks of the community, the more complete is the bondage of all, the members of the bureaucracy included.
这些国家的宪法是把民族的经验和实践能力组织成一个有纪律的机构，以治理其他国家；组织本身越完善，就越能成功地吸引和培养社会各阶层最有能力的人，对所有人（包括官僚机构的成员）的束缚就越彻底。
For the governors are as much the slaves of their organisation and discipline, as the governed are of the governors.
因为统治者是他们的组织和纪律的奴隶，正如被统治者是统治者的奴隶一样。
A Chinese mandarin is as much the tool and creature of a despotism as the humblest cultivator.
中国官僚与最卑微的耕种者一样，都是专制政权的工具和创造物。
An individual Jesuit is to the utmost degree of abasement the slave of his order, though the order itself exists for the collective power and importance of its members.
耶稣会士个人是其教团的奴隶，尽管该教团本身是为了其成员的集体权力和重要性而存在的。
It is not, also, to be forgotten, that the absorption of all the principal ability of the country into the governing body is fatal, sooner or later, to the mental activity and progressiveness of the body itself.
同样不要忘记的是，将国家的所有主要能力吸收到管理机构中对于机构本身的精神活动和进步迟早是致命的。
Banded together as they are--working a system which, like all systems, necessarily proceeds in a great measure by fixed rules--the official body are under the constant temptation of sinking into indolent routine, or, if they now and then desert that mill-horse round, of rushing into some half-examined crudity which has struck the fancy of some leading member of the corps: and the sole check to these closely allied, though seemingly opposite, tendencies, the only stimulus which can keep the ability of the body itself up to a high standard, is liability to the watchful criticism of equal ability outside the body.
官方机构团结在一起——就像所有的制度一样，在很大程度上必然按照固定的规则进行——官方机构不断受到诱惑，陷入懒惰的例行公事，或者，如果他们时不时地抛弃那台磨坊，就会冲进一些未经审查的粗鲁行为，这引起了军团中某些领导成员的兴趣：而对这些密切相关的、尽管看似相反的倾向的唯一制止，是唯一能够保持其能力的刺激。身体本身达到一个高标准，就容易受到身体外部同等能力的警惕批评。
It is indispensable, therefore, that the means should exist, independently of the government, of forming such ability, and furnishing it with the opportunities and experience necessary for a correct judgment of great practical affairs.
因此，必须有独立于政府的手段来形成这种能力，并为其提供正确判断重大实际事务所必需的机会和经验。
If we would possess permanently a skilful and efficient body of functionaries--above all, a body able to originate and willing to adopt improvements; if we would not have our bureaucracy degenerate into a pedantocracy, this body must not engross all the occupations which form and cultivate the faculties required for the government of mankind.
如果我们能永久拥有一支熟练而高效的工作人员队伍——最重要的是，一支能够创新并愿意采取改进措施的队伍；如果我们不想让我们的官僚机构堕落为迂腐的机构，这个机构就不能包揽所有形成和培养人类政府所需能力的工作。
To determine the point at which evils, so formidable to human freedom and advancement, begin, or rather at which they begin to predominate over the benefits attending the collective application of the force of society, under its recognised chiefs, for the removal of the obstacles which stand in the way of its well-being; to secure as much of the advantages of centralised power and intelligence, as can be had without turning into governmental channels too great a proportion of the general activity, is one of the most difficult and complicated questions in the art of government.
确定对人类自由和进步如此可怕的邪恶开始的时刻，或者更确切地说，确定邪恶开始压倒在其公认的领袖的领导下集体运用社会力量以消除阻碍其福祉的障碍所带来的好处的时刻；在不将太多一般活动转入政府渠道的情况下，尽可能多地获得中央集权和情报的优势，是政府艺术中最困难和最复杂的问题之一。
It is, in a great measure, a question of detail, in which many and various considerations must be kept in view, and no absolute rule can be laid down.
这在很大程度上是一个细节问题，必须考虑到许多不同的因素，不能制定绝对的规则。
But I believe that the practical principle in which safety resides, the ideal to be kept in view, the standard by which to test all arrangements intended for overcoming the difficulty, may be conveyed in these words: the greatest dissemination of power consistent with efficiency; but the greatest possible centralisation of information, and diffusion of it from the centre.
但我相信，安全所在的实际原则、应牢记的理想、检验一切旨在克服困难的安排的标准，都可以用这句话来表达：最大程度地分散权力，同时提高效率；而是最大限度地集中信息，并从中心扩散信息。
Thus, in municipal administration, there would be, as in the New England States, a very minute division among separate officers, chosen by the localities, of all business which is not better left to the persons directly interested; but besides this, there would be, in each department of local affairs, a central superintendence, forming a branch of the general government.
因此，在市政管理中，就像在新英格兰各州一样，地方选举的不同官员之间会有非常细小的分工，所有事务最好留给直接感兴趣的人；但除此之外，地方事务的每个部门都会有一个中央监管机构，形成总政府的一个分支机构。
The organ of this superintendence would concentrate, as in a focus, the variety of information and experience derived from the conduct of that branch of public business in all the localities, from everything analogous which is done in foreign countries, and from the general principles of political science.
这个监督机构将像一个焦点一样，集中来自各地公共事务部门的行为、外国所做的一切类似行为以及政治学的一般原则所获得的各种信息和经验。
This central organ should have a right to know all that is done, and its special duty should be that of making the knowledge acquired in one place available for others.
这个中央机关应该有权了解所做的一切，其特殊职责应该是将在一个地方获得的知识提供给其他地方。
Emancipated from the petty prejudices and narrow views of a locality by its elevated position and comprehensive sphere of observation, its advice would naturally carry much authority; but its actual power, as a permanent institution, should, I conceive, be limited to compelling the local officers to obey the laws laid down for their guidance.
由于地位崇高，视野广泛，摆脱了地方的狭隘偏见和狭隘观点，它的建议自然具有很大的权威性；但我认为，作为一个常设机构，其实际权力应仅限于迫使当地官员遵守为其指导而制定的法律。
In all things not provided for by general rules, those officers should be left to their own judgment, under responsibility to their constituents.
对于一般规则未规定的所有事项，这些官员应自行判断，并对选民负责。
For the violation of rules, they should be responsible to law, and the rules themselves should be laid down by the legislature; the central administrative authority only watching over their execution, and if they were not properly carried into effect, appealing, according to the nature of the case, to the tribunal to enforce the law, or to the constituencies to dismiss the functionaries who had not executed it according to its spirit.
对于违反规则的行为，他们应该承担法律责任，规则本身应该由立法机关制定；中央行政机关只是监督其执行，如果执行不力，则根据案件的性质，请求法庭强制执行法律，或者请求选民根据其精神解雇那些不执行法律的官员。
Such, in its general conception, is the central superintendence which the Poor Law Board is intended to exercise over the administrators of the Poor Rate throughout the country.
从一般意义上讲，这就是济贫法委员会对全国济贫税管理人员行使的中央监督权。
Whatever powers the Board exercises beyond this limit, were right and necessary in that peculiar case, for the cure of rooted habits of maladministration in matters deeply affecting not the localities merely, but the whole community; since no locality has a moral right to make itself by mismanagement a nest of pauperism, necessarily overflowing into other localities, and impairing the moral and physical condition of the whole labouring community.
无论委员会在这一限制之外行使什么权力，在这种特殊情况下都是正确和必要的，以纠正根深蒂固的管理不善的习惯，这些习惯不仅深深影响到地方，而且影响到整个社区；因为任何一个地方都没有道义上的权利通过管理不善而使自己成为贫困的巢穴，而贫困的滋生必然会蔓延到其他地方，损害整个劳动群体的精神和身体状况。
The powers of administrative coercion and subordinate legislation possessed by the Poor Law Board (but which, owing to the state of opinion on the subject, are very scantily exercised by them), though perfectly justifiable in a case of first-rate national interest, would be wholly out of place in the superintendence of interests purely local.
济贫法委员会所拥有的行政强制和附属立法的权力（但由于对这个问题的舆论状况，它们很少行使这些权力），尽管在首要国家利益的情况下完全合理，但在纯粹地方利益的监督中却完全不合适。
But a central organ of information and instruction for all the localities, would be equally valuable in all departments of administration.
但是，一个向所有地方提供信息和指导的中央机构对于所有行政部门来说同样有价值。
A government cannot have too much of the kind of activity which does not impede, but aids and stimulates, individual exertion and development.
政府不能有太多不妨碍、而是帮助和刺激个人努力和发展的活动。
The mischief begins when, instead of calling forth the activity and powers of individuals and bodies, it substitutes its own activity for theirs; when, instead of informing, advising, and, upon occasion, denouncing, it makes them work in fetters, or bids them stand aside and does their work instead of them.
当它没有激发个人和团体的活动和力量，而是用自己的活动代替他们的活动时，恶作剧就开始了。当它不是告知、建议，有时甚至是谴责时，它使他们受到束缚而工作，或者要求他们站在一边，代替他们做他们的工作。
The worth of a State, in the long run, is the worth of the individuals composing it; and a State which postpones the interests of _their_ mental expansion and elevation, to a little more of administrative skill, or of that semblance of it which practice gives, in the details of business; a State which dwarfs its men, in order that they may be more docile instruments in its hands even for beneficial purposes, will find that with small men no great thing can really be accomplished; and that the perfection of machinery to which it has sacrificed everything, will in the end avail it nothing, for want of the vital power which, in order that the machine might work more smoothly, it has preferred to banish.
从长远来看，一个国家的价值是组成它的个人的价值；一个国家把他们的智力扩展和提升的利益推迟到在事务细节上多一点行政技巧或实践所赋予的那种表面上的兴趣；一个国家如果让人民变得渺小，以便让他们成为国家手中更加温顺的工具，即使是为了有益的目的，也会发现，小人物无法真正完成伟大的事情；为了使机器更加完美，它牺牲了一切，最终将一事无成，因为缺乏生命力，为了使机器能够更顺利地工作，它宁愿放弃这种生命力。