Common Sense

COMMON SENSE;

常识;

addressed to the

致

INHABITANTS

居民

of

的

AMERICA,

美国，

On the following interesting

关于以下有趣的

SUBJECTS

科目

Of the Origin and Design of Government in general, with concise Remarks on the English Constitution.

论一般政府的起源和设计，并对英国宪法进行简明评论。

Of Monarchy and Hereditary Succession Thoughts on the present State of American Affairs Of the present Ability of America, with some miscellaneous Reflections

君主制和世袭继承对美国事务现状的思考美国目前的能力，以及一些杂项的思考

A new edition, with several additions in the body of the work.

新版本，在作品正文中添加了一些内容。

To which is added an appendix; together with an address to the people called Quakers.

其中添加了一个附录；以及对贵格会人士的讲话。

Man knows no Master save creating Heaven Or those whom choice and common good ordain.

除了创造天堂的人或那些选择和共同善命的人之外，人类不认识任何主人。

Thomson.

汤姆森.

PHILADELPHIA

费城

Printed and sold by W.

由 W. 印刷和销售。

& T.

＆T。

Bradford, February 14, 1776.

布拉德福德，1776 年 2 月 14 日。

MDCCLXXVI

MDCCLXXVI

Common Sense By Thomas Paine

托马斯·潘恩的《常识》

INTRODUCTION.

简介。

Perhaps the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not yet sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favor; a long habit of not thinking a thing wrong, gives it a superficial appearance of being right, and raises at first a formidable outcry in defense of custom.

也许接下来几页中所包含的观点还不够流行，不足以赢得他们的普遍青睐；长期不认为某件事是错误的习惯，使它表面上看起来是正确的，并且一开始就引起了捍卫习惯的强烈抗议。

But the tumult soon subsides.

但骚乱很快就平息了。

Time makes more converts than reason.

时间比理性更能让人皈依。

As a long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means of calling the right of it in question (and in Matters too which might never have been thought of, had not the Sufferers been aggravated into the inquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken in his own Right, to support the Parliament in what he calls Theirs, and as the good people of this country are grievously oppressed by the combination, they have an undoubted privilege to inquire into the pretensions of both, and equally to reject the usurpation of either.

作为长期和暴力滥用权力的手段，通常是对权力的权利提出质疑的手段（如果不是让受难者参与调查，也可能永远不会想到这些问题），并且正如英国国王以自己的权利所承诺的那样，以他所谓的“他们的”的方式支持议会，并且由于这个国家的善良人民受到这种结合的严重压迫，他们无疑有特权调查两者的主张，并且同样地拒绝任何一方的篡夺。

In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided every thing which is personal among ourselves.

在接下来的几页中，作者刻意避免了我们之间的每一件私人事情。

Compliments as well as censure to individuals make no part thereof.

对个人的赞扬和谴责不属于其中。

The wise, and the worthy, need not the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose sentiments are injudicious, or unfriendly, will cease of themselves unless too much pains are bestowed upon their conversion.

聪明人和有价值的人不需要小册子的胜利；那些情绪不明智或不友好的人会自行停止，除非为他们的转变付出太多的痛苦。

The cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all mankind.

美国的事业在很大程度上是全人类的事业。

Many circumstances hath, and will arise, which are not local, but universal, and through which the principles of all Lovers of Mankind are affected, and in the Event of which, their Affections are interested.

许多情况已经出现，并将出现，这些情况不是局部的，而是普遍的，所有人类之爱者的原则都会受到影响，并且在这种情况下，他们的感情也会感兴趣。

The laying a Country desolate with Fire and Sword, declaring War against the natural rights of all Mankind, and extirpating the Defenders thereof from the Face of the Earth, is the Concern of every Man to whom Nature hath given the Power of feeling; of which Class, regardless of Party Censure, is the

用火与剑使一个国家变得荒凉，向全人类的自然权利宣战，并将其捍卫者从地球上消灭，是每个被大自然赋予情感力量的人所关心的；无论党的谴责如何，哪个阶级是

AUTHOR

作者

P.S.

附：

The Publication of this new Edition hath been delayed, with a View of taking notice (had it been necessary) of any Attempt to refute the Doctrine of Independance: As no Answer hath yet appeared, it is now presumed that none will, the Time needful for getting such a Performance ready for the Public being considerably past.

这个新版本的出版已被推迟，目的是注意到（如果有必要的话）任何反驳独立主义的企图：由于尚未出现答案，现在推测不会出现，为公众准备这样的表演所需的时间已经过去了相当长的时间。

Who the Author of this Production is, is wholly unnecessary to the Public, as the Object for Attention is the Doctrine itself, not the Man.

这部作品的作者是谁，对于公众来说完全没有必要，因为关注的对象是教义本身，而不是人。

Yet it may not be unnecessary to say, That he is unconnected with any Party, and under no sort of Influence public or private, but the influence of reason and principle.

然而，也许不必说，他与任何政党都没有联系，也没有受到任何公共或私人的影响，而是受到理性和原则的影响。

Philadelphia, February 14, 1776

费城，1776 年 2 月 14 日

OF THE ORIGIN AND DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL, WITH CONCISE REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION.

概述政府的起源和设计，并对英国宪法进行简要说明。

Some writers have so confounded society with government, as to leave little or no distinction between them; whereas they are not only different, but have different origins.

一些作家将社会与政府混为一谈，以至于几乎没有或根本没有对两者进行区分。然而它们不仅不同，而且起源不同。

Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness; the former promotes our happiness positively by uniting our affections, the latter negatively by restraining our vices.

社会因我们的需要而产生，政府因我们的邪恶而产生。前者通过团结我们的情感来积极地促进我们的幸福，后者通过抑制我们的恶习来消极地促进我们的幸福。

The one encourages intercourse, the other creates distinctions.

一个鼓励交往，另一个则创造区别。

The first a patron, the last a punisher.

第一个是赞助人，最后一个是惩罚者。

Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its best state is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one; for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries by a government, which we might expect in a country without government, our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer.

每个州的社会都是一种福气，但即使在最好的状态下，政府也只是一种不可避免的罪恶。在最糟糕的状态下，是一种无法忍受的状态；因为当我们遭受苦难，或者遭受政府带来的同样的苦难时，我们可能会在一个没有政府的国家中遭遇同样的苦难，我们的灾难会因为我们提供了使我们受苦的手段而加剧。

Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of paradise.

政府就像衣着一样，是失去纯真的标志；国王的宫殿建在天堂凉亭的废墟上。

For were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver; but that not being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of his property to furnish means for the protection of the rest; and this he is induced to do by the same prudence which in every other case advises him out of two evils to choose the least.

因为如果良心的冲动是清晰的、一致的和不可抗拒的服从的话，人类就不需要其他的立法者了。但事实并非如此，他发现有必要放弃部分财产，以提供保护其余财产的手段；他之所以这样做，是出于同样的谨慎，在其他情况下，这种谨慎会建议他两害相权取其轻。

Wherefore, security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably follows that whatever form thereof appears most likely to ensure it to us, with the least expence and greatest benefit, is preferable to all others.

因此，安全是政府的真正设计和目的，毫无疑问，无论哪种形式最有可能以最少的费用和最大的利益确保我们获得安全，都比其他所有形式都更可取。

In order to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end of government, let us suppose a small number of persons settled in some sequestered part of the earth, unconnected with the rest, they will then represent the first peopling of any country, or of the world.

为了对政府的设计和目的有一个清晰、公正的认识，让我们假设一小部分人定居在地球上某个与世隔绝的地方，与其他人没有联系，然后他们将代表任何国家或世界上的第一批人。

In this state of natural liberty, society will be their first thought.

在这种自然自由的状态下，社会将是他们首先想到的。

A thousand motives will excite them thereto, the strength of one man is so unequal to his wants, and his mind so unfitted for perpetual solitude, that he is soon obliged to seek assistance and relief of another, who in his turn requires the same.

一千种动机会激发他们这样做，一个人的力量远远不足以满足他的需要，而他的思想又不适合永远的孤独，所以他很快就不得不寻求另一个人的帮助和救济，而另一个人也需要同样的帮助和救济。

Four or five united would be able to raise a tolerable dwelling in the midst of a wilderness, but one man might labour out of the common period of life without accomplishing any thing; when he had felled his timber he could not remove it, nor erect it after it was removed; hunger in the mean time would urge him from his work, and every different want call him a different way.

四五个人联合起来，可以在荒野中建造一处还算过得去的住处，但一个人可能在一生中劳作却一事无成；当他砍伐木材时，他无法将其移走，也无法在移走后将其竖立起来。与此同时，饥饿会迫使他放弃工作，而每一种不同的需求都会以不同的方式呼唤他。

Disease, nay even misfortune would be death, for though neither might be mortal, yet either would disable him from living, and reduce him to a state in which he might rather be said to perish than to die.

疾病，不，甚至不幸，都将是死亡，因为虽然两者都可能不是凡人，但两者都会使他无法生存，使他陷入一种与其说是死亡还不如说是灭亡的状态。

Thus necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form our newly arrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessings of which, would supersede, and render the obligations of law and government unnecessary while they remained perfectly just to each other; but as nothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably happen, that in proportion as they surmount the first difficulties of emigration, which bound them together in a common cause, they will begin to relax in their duty and attachment to each other; and this remissness, will point out the necessity, of establishing some form of government to supply the defect of moral virtue.

因此，必要性就像一种引力一样，很快就会使我们新来的移民融入社会，社会的相互祝福将取代法律和政府的义务，使他们彼此保持完全公正的同时，使法律和政府的义务变得不必要；但是，除了天堂之外，没有什么东西是坚不可摧的，所以不可避免地会发生这样的情况：随着他们克服了移民的最初困难，这些困难使他们为了共同的事业而团结在一起，他们将开始放松他们的责任和彼此的依恋；这种疏忽将指出建立某种形式的政府来弥补道德美德缺陷的必要性。

Some convenient tree will afford them a State-House, under the branches of which, the whole colony may assemble to deliberate on public matters.

一些方便的树将为他们提供一座州议会大厦，整个殖民地可以在州议会大厦的树枝下聚集在一起商议公共事务。

It is more than probable that their first laws will have the title only of Regulations, and be enforced by no other penalty than public disesteem.

他们的第一部法律很可能只有条例的标题，并且除了公众的蔑视之外不会受到其他惩罚。

In this first parliament every man, by natural right, will have a seat.

在第一届议会中，每个人都享有自然权利，拥有席位。

But as the colony increases, the public concerns will increase likewise, and the distance at which the members may be separated, will render it too inconvenient for all of them to meet on every occasion as at first, when their number was small, their habitations near, and the public concerns few and trifling.

但随着群体的增加，公众的关注点也会随之增加，而成员之间的距离，会使得他们每次见面都变得很不方便，就像最初那样，当他们的人数很少，居住地很近，公众的关注点又少又琐碎的时候。

This will point out the convenience of their consenting to leave the legislative part to be managed by a select number chosen from the whole body, who are supposed to have the same concerns at stake which those who appointed them, and who will act in the same manner as the whole body would act were they present.

这将指出他们同意将立法部分留给从全体中选出的一些人来管理是很方便的，这些人应该与任命他们的人有同样的关切，并且他们将以与他们在场的整个机构相同的方式行事。

If the colony continue increasing, it will become necessary to augment the number of the representatives, and that the interest of every part of the colony may be attended to, it will be found best to divide the whole into convenient parts, each part sending its proper number; and that the elected might never form to themselves an interest separate from the electors, prudence will point out the propriety of having elections often; because as the elected might by that means return and mix again with the general body of the electors in a few months, their fidelity to the public will be secured by the prudent reflexion of not making a rod for themselves.

如果殖民地继续增加，就必须增加代表的数量，为了照顾到殖民地每一部分的利益，最好将整体分成方便的部分，每一部分派出适当的人数；由于当选者永远不会形成独立于选民的利益，因此谨慎起见，经常举行选举是适当的。因为当选者可能会通过这种方式在几个月内返回并再次与全体选民混合在一起，他们对公众的忠诚将通过不为自己制造一根棍子的谨慎反思而得到保证。

And as this frequent interchange will establish a common interest with every part of the community, they will mutually and naturally support each other, and on this (not on the unmeaning name of king) depends the strength of government, and the happiness of the governed.

由于这种频繁的交流将与社会的各个部分建立共同的利益，他们将相互、自然地相互支持，而政府的力量和被统治者的幸福就取决于此（而不是国王的无意义名称）。

Here then is the origin and rise of government; namely, a mode rendered necessary by the inability of moral virtue to govern the world; here too is the design and end of government, viz.

这就是政府的起源和兴起；即，由于道德美德无法统治世界而变得必要的模式；这也是政府的设计和目的，即。

freedom and security.

自由和安全。

And however our eyes may be dazzled with show, or our ears deceived by sound; however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest darken our understanding, the simple voice of nature and of reason will say, it is right.

然而，我们的眼睛可能会被炫目所迷惑，我们的耳朵可能会被声音所欺骗；无论偏见如何扭曲我们的意志，或者利益如何模糊我们的理解，自然和理性的简单声音都会说，这是正确的。

I draw my idea of the form of government from a principle in nature, which no art can overturn, viz.

我对政府形式的看法来自于任何艺术都无法推翻的自然原则，即。

that the more simple any thing is, the less liable it is to be disordered; and the easier repaired when disordered; and with this maxim in view, I offer a few remarks on the so much boasted constitution of England.

事物越简单，就越不容易混乱；混乱时更容易修复；考虑到这一格言，我对如此引以为豪的英国宪法提出几点评论。

That it was noble for the dark and slavish times in which it was erected, is granted.

毫无疑问，它在其建立的黑暗和奴隶时代是崇高的。

When the world was over run with tyranny the least remove therefrom was a glorious rescue.

当世界被暴政所统治时，最不能摆脱的就是光荣的拯救。

But that it is imperfect, subject to convulsions, and incapable of producing what it seems to promise, is easily demonstrated.

但很容易证明它是不完美的，易受震动，并且无法产生它似乎所承诺的东西。

Absolute governments (tho' the disgrace of human nature) have this advantage with them, that they are simple; if the people suffer, they know the head from which their suffering springs, know likewise the remedy, and are not bewildered by a variety of causes and cures.

绝对政府（尽管是人性的耻辱）有一个优点，那就是它们很简单；如果人民受苦，他们知道他们的痛苦从何而来，同样也知道对症的方法，不会被各种原因和治疗方法所迷惑。

But the constitution of England is so exceedingly complex, that the nation may suffer for years together without being able to discover in which part the fault lies, some will say in one and some in another, and every political physician will advise a different medicine.

但英国的宪法极其复杂，以至于这个国家可能会共同受苦数年，却无法发现问题出在哪一部分，有些人会说是一个问题，有些人会说是另一个问题，而每一位政治医生都会提出不同的建议。

I know it is difficult to get over local or long standing prejudices, yet if we will suffer ourselves to examine the component parts of the English constitution, we shall find them to be the base remains of two ancient tyrannies, compounded with some new republican materials.

我知道要克服当地的或长期存在的偏见是很困难的，但如果我们愿意检查英国宪法的组成部分，我们就会发现它们是两个古代暴政的基础遗迹，并与一些新的共和材料混合在一起。

First.--The remains of monarchical tyranny in the person of the king.

第一——国王身上的君主暴政的残余。

Secondly.--The remains of aristocratical tyranny in the persons of the peers.

其次——贵族暴政在同侪身上的残余。

Thirdly.--The new republican materials, in the persons of the commons, on whose virtue depends the freedom of England.

第三——新的共和材料，来自下议院人士，英国的自由依赖于他们的美德。

The two first, by being hereditary, are independent of the people; wherefore in a constitutional sense they contribute nothing towards the freedom of the state.

前两者是世袭的，独立于人民；因此，从宪法意义上来说，它们对国家自由没有任何贡献。

To say that the constitution of England is a union of three powers reciprocally checking each other, is farcical, either the words have no meaning, or they are flat contradictions.

如果说英国宪法是三个相互制约的权力的联合体，那就太可笑了，要么这些话毫无意义，要么就是赤裸裸的矛盾。

To say that the commons is a check upon the king, presupposes two things:

说公地是对国王的制衡，有两个前提：

First.--That the king is not to be trusted without being looked after, or in other words, that a thirst for absolute power is the natural disease of monarchy.

第一——国王不被人照顾就不能被信任，或者换句话说，对绝对权力的渴望是君主政体的自然疾病。

Secondly.--That the commons, by being appointed for that purpose, are either wiser or more worthy of confidence than the crown.

其次，下议院通过为此目的而被任命，要么比国王更明智，要么更值得信任。

But as the same constitution which gives the commons a power to check the king by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the king a power to check the commons, by empowering him to reject their other bills; it again supposes that the king is wiser than those whom it has already supposed to be wiser than him.

但是，同样的宪法赋予下议院通过扣留供应来制衡国王的权力，随后又赋予国王通过授权他否决下议院的其他法案来制衡下议院的权力；它再次假设国王比那些它已经认为比他聪明的人更聪明。

A mere absurdity!

简直是荒谬！

There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of monarchy; it first excludes a man from the means of information, yet empowers him to act in cases where the highest judgment is required.

君主政体的构成是极其荒谬的。它首先将一个人排除在信息来源之外，但又使他能够在需要最高判断力的情况下采取行动。

The state of a king shuts him from the world, yet the business of a king requires him to know it thoroughly; wherefore the different parts, by unnaturally opposing and destroying each other, prove the whole character to be absurd and useless.

君之境，与世隔绝，而君之事，则须知之。因此，不同的部分通过不自然地相互对立和毁灭，证明了整个角色的荒谬和无用。

Some writers have explained the English constitution thus; the king, say they, is one, the people another; the peers are an house in behalf of the king; the commons in behalf of the people; but this hath all the distinctions of a house divided against itself; and though the expressions be pleasantly arranged, yet when examined they appear idle and ambiguous; and it will always happen, that the nicest construction that words are capable of, when applied to the description of some thing which either cannot exist, or is too incomprehensible to be within the compass of description, will be words of sound only, and though they may amuse the ear, they cannot inform the mind, for this explanation includes a previous question, viz.

有些作家这样解释了英国宪法；有些作家则这样解释了英国宪法。他们说，国王是一者，人民是另一者；贵族是代表国王的房屋；公地代表人民；但这使一个家族的所有特征都相互分裂。虽然措辞安排得很愉快，但仔细一看，却显得闲散而含糊。而且总是会发生这样的情况：当应用于描述某些不存在或难以理解的事物时，语言能够做出的最好的解释，将只是声音语言，尽管它们可能使耳朵有趣，但它们无法告知心灵，因为这种解释包括先前的问题，即。

How came the king by a power which the people are afraid to trust, and always obliged to check?

国王怎么会拥有人民不敢信任、总是不得不制止的权力呢？

Such a power could not be the gift of a wise people, neither can any power, which needs checking, be from God; yet the provision, which the constitution makes, supposes such a power to exist.

这样的力量不可能是智者的恩赐，任何需要检验的力量也不可能是来自上帝的。然而，宪法的规定却假定存在这样的权力。

But the provision is unequal to the task; the means either cannot or will not accomplish the end, and the whole affair is a felo de se; for as the greater weight will always carry up the less, and as all the wheels of a machine are put in motion by one, it only remains to know which power in the constitution has the most weight, for that will govern; and though the others, or a part of them, may clog, or, as the phrase is, check the rapidity of its motion, yet so long as they cannot stop it, their endeavors will be ineffectual; the first moving power will at last have its way, and what it wants in speed is supplied by time.

但规定与任务不相符；手段要么不能，要么不会达到目的，整个事情就完蛋了。因为较大的重量总是会承载较小的重量，并且机器的所有轮子都是由一个轮子驱动的，因此只需知道宪法中哪一个权力的重量最大，因为它将发挥主导作用；尽管其他人或他们的一部分可能会堵塞，或者正如俗话所说，阻止其运动的速度，但只要他们无法阻止它，他们的努力就将是无效的。第一个移动的力量最终会得逞，而它所需要的速度将由时间来满足。

That the crown is this overbearing part in the English constitution needs not be mentioned, and that it derives its whole consequence merely from being the giver of places and pensions is self-evident, wherefore, though we have been wise enough to shut and lock a door against absolute monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish enough to put the crown in possession of the key.

王室在英国宪法中是一个专横的部分，这是无需提及的，而且它的全部后果仅仅来自于地位和养老金的给予者，这是不言而喻的，因此，尽管我们足够明智地关闭并锁上反对绝对君主制的大门，但我们同时又愚蠢地让王室掌握了钥匙。

The prejudice of Englishmen, in favour of their own government by king, lords and commons, arises as much or more from national pride than reason.

英国人对国王、上议院和平民政府的偏见更多地是出于民族自豪感而不是出于理性。

Individuals are undoubtedly safer in England than in some other countries, but the will of the king is as much the law of the land in Britain as in France, with this difference, that instead of proceeding directly from his mouth, it is handed to the people under the more formidable shape of an act of parliament.

在英国，个人无疑比在其他一些国家更安全，但国王的意志在英国和在法国一样都是国家法律，不同之处在于，它不是直接从他的嘴里发出，而是以更强大的议会法案的形式交给人民。

For the fate of Charles the first, hath only made kings more subtle--not more just.

查理一世的命运只会让国王变得更加微妙，而不是更加公正。

Wherefore, laying aside all national pride and prejudice in favour of modes and forms, the plain truth is, that it is wholly owing to the constitution of the people, and not to the constitution of the government that the crown is not as oppressive in England as in Turkey.

因此，抛开所有支持模式和形式的民族自豪感和偏见，显而易见的事实是，英国王室不像土耳其那样具有压迫性，这完全是由于人民的宪法，而不是政府的宪法。

An inquiry into the constitutional errors in the English form of government is at this time highly necessary, for as we are never in a proper condition of doing justice to others, while we continue under the influence of some leading partiality, so neither are we capable of doing it to ourselves while we remain fettered by any obstinate prejudice.

此时此刻，对英国政府形式中的宪法错误进行调查是非常有必要的，因为当我们继续受到某些主要偏袒的影响时，我们从来没有处于对他人公正的适当状态，因此，当我们仍然受到任何顽固偏见的束缚时，我们也没有能力对自己这样做。

And as a man, who is attached to a prostitute, is unfitted to choose or judge of a wife, so any prepossession in favour of a rotten constitution of government will disable us from discerning a good one.

正如一个依附于妓女的男人不适合选择或评判妻子一样，任何偏爱腐烂的政府宪法的偏见都会使我们无法辨别一个好的政府宪法。

OF MONARCHY AND HEREDITARY SUCCESSION.

君主制和世袭继承。

Mankind being originally equals in the order of creation, the equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent circumstance; the distinctions of rich, and poor, may in a great measure be accounted for, and that without having recourse to the harsh ill sounding names of oppression and avarice.

人类在创造的顺序上本来是平等的，这种平等只能被后来的某种情况所破坏；富人和穷人的区别可以在很大程度上得到解释，而不必诉诸压迫和贪婪这些听上去刺耳难听的名字。

Oppression is often the consequence, but seldom or never the means of riches; and though avarice will preserve a man from being necessitously poor, it generally makes him too timorous to be wealthy.

压迫往往是致富的结果，但很少或从来不是致富的手段；尽管贪婪可以使一个人免于陷入贫困，但它通常会使他变得胆怯而不敢致富。

But there is another and greater distinction for which no truly natural or religious reason can be assigned, and that is, the distinction of men into kings and subjects.

但还有另一个更大的区别，没有真正的自然或宗教理由可以解释，那就是，人分为国王和臣民。

Male and female are the distinctions of nature, good and bad the distinctions of heaven; but how a race of men came into the world so exalted above the rest, and distinguished like some new species, is worth enquiring into, and whether they are the means of happiness or of misery to mankind.

男女是天之别，善恶是天之别。但是，一个人类种族如何来到这个世界上，如此尊贵，像某些新物种一样与众不同，以及他们是人类幸福的手段还是痛苦的手段，都值得探究。

In the early ages of the world, according to the scripture chronology, there were no kings; the consequence of which was there were no wars; it is the pride of kings which throw mankind into confusion.

根据圣经年表，在世界的早期，没有国王；其结果是没有战争；使人类陷入混乱的是国王的骄傲。

Holland without a king hath enjoyed more peace for this last century than any of the monarchial governments in Europe.

没有国王的荷兰在上个世纪比欧洲任何君主制政府都享有更多的和平。

Antiquity favors the same remark; for the quiet and rural lives of the first patriarchs hath a happy something in them, which vanishes away when we come to the history of Jewish royalty.

古代也赞成同样的说法。因为第一批族长安静而乡村的生活中充满了快乐的东西，当我们谈到犹太王室的历史时，这种快乐就消失了。

Government by kings was first introduced into the world by the Heathens, from whom the children of Israel copied the custom.

国王统治首先是由异教徒引入世界的，以色列人也从异教徒那里复制了这种习俗。

It was the most prosperous invention the Devil ever set on foot for the promotion of idolatry.

这是魔鬼为宣扬偶像崇拜而采取的最成功的发明。

The Heathens paid divine honors to their deceased kings, and the christian world hath improved on the plan by doing the same to their living ones.

异教徒向他们已故的国王致敬，而基督教世界则通过对他们活着的国王做同样的事情来改进这一计划。

How impious is the title of sacred majesty applied to a worm, who in the midst of his splendor is crumbling into dust!

神圣威严的称号加在一条蠕虫身上是多么不敬虔，它在其辉煌之中正在化为尘埃！

As the exalting one man so greatly above the rest cannot be justified on the equal rights of nature, so neither can it be defended on the authority of scripture; for the will of the Almighty, as declared by Gideon and the prophet Samuel, expressly disapproves of government by kings.

由于无法以自然的平等权利来证明将一个人大大高于其他人的地位是合理的，因此也不能以圣经的权威来捍卫这一点。因为正如基甸和先知撒母耳所宣告的，全能者的旨意明确反对国王政府。

All anti-monarchical parts of scripture have been very smoothly glossed over in monarchical governments, but they undoubtedly merit the attention of countries which have their governments yet to form.

圣经中所有反君主制的部分都在君主制政府中被顺利地掩盖了，但它们无疑值得那些尚未组建政府的国家的注意。

"Render unto Cæsar the things which are Cæsar's" is the scripture doctrine of courts, yet it is no support of monarchical government, for the Jews at that time were without a king, and in a state of vassalage to the Romans.

“凯撒的物归凯撒”是法庭的圣经教义，但这并不是君主政体的支持，因为当时的犹太人没有国王，处于罗马人的附庸状态。

Near three thousand years passed away from the Mosaic account of the creation, till the Jews under a national delusion requested a king.

距离马赛克对创世的记载已经过去了近三千年，直到犹太人在民族错觉下要求设立一个国王。

Till then their form of government (except in extraordinary cases, where the Almighty interposed) was a kind of republic administred by a judge and the elders of the tribes.

直到那时，他们的政府形式（除非万能的上帝介入的特殊情况除外）是一种由法官和部落长老管理的共和国。

Kings they had none, and it was held sinful to acknowledge any being under that title but the Lord of Hosts.

他们没有国王，承认除了万军之耶和华之外的任何人都是有罪的。

And when a man seriously reflects on the idolatrous homage which is paid to the persons of Kings, he need not wonder, that the Almighty ever jealous of his honor, should disapprove of a form of government which so impiously invades the prerogative of heaven.

当一个人认真反思对国王的偶像崇拜时，他就不必奇怪，嫉妒他荣誉的全能者会反对这种不敬虔地侵犯天国特权的政府形式。

Monarchy is ranked in scripture as one of the sins of the Jews, for which a curse in reserve is denounced against them.

圣经中将君主制列为犹太人的罪孽之一，为此他们受到了保留的诅咒。

The history of that transaction is worth attending to.

该交易的历史值得关注。

The children of Israel being oppressed by the Midianites, Gideon marched against them with a small army, and victory, thro' the divine interposition, decided in his favour.

以色列人受到米甸人的压迫，基甸率领一支小军向他们进军，通过神的干预，他获得了胜利。

The Jews elate with success, and attributing it to the generalship of Gideon, proposed making him a king, saying, Rule thou over us, thou and thy son and thy son's son.

犹太人因胜利而欢欣鼓舞，并把这归功于基甸的将军才能，提议立他为王，说：“你和你的儿子、你的子孙，来统治我们吧。”

Here was temptation in its fullest extent; not a kingdom only, but an hereditary one, but Gideon in the piety of his soul replied, I will not rule over you, neither shall my son rule over you.

这就是最大程度的诱惑。不仅仅是一个王国，而是一个世袭的王国，但基甸以虔诚的灵魂回答说，我不会统治你，我的儿子也不会统治你。

The Lord shall rule over you.

主必统治你。

Words need not be more explicit; Gideon doth not decline the honor, but denieth their right to give it; neither doth he compliment them with invented declarations of his thanks, but in the positive stile of a prophet charges them with disaffection to their proper Sovereign, the King of heaven.

言语不必更加明确；基甸并没有拒绝这项荣誉，但否认了他们给予这一荣誉的权利；他也没有用捏造的感谢来恭维他们，而是以先知的方式明确指责他们对他们真正的主权者——天上的王——的不满。

About one hundred and thirty years after this, they fell again into the same error.

大约一百三十年后，他们再次陷入同样的​​错误。

The hankering which the Jews had for the idolatrous customs of the Heathens, is something exceedingly unaccountable; but so it was, that laying hold of the misconduct of Samuel's two sons, who were entrusted with some secular concerns, they came in an abrupt and clamorous manner to Samuel, saying, Behold thou art old, and thy sons walk not in thy ways, now make us a king to judge us like all other nations.

犹太人对异教徒的偶像崇拜习俗的向往，是极其不可解释的。但事情正是如此，当撒母耳的两个儿子被委托处理一些世俗事务时，他们发现了他们的不当行为，就突然大声地对撒母耳说：“看哪，你老了，你的儿子们不走你的道，现在让我们成为国王，像所有其他国家一样审判我们。”

And here we cannot but observe that their motives were bad, viz.

在这里我们不能不观察到他们的动机是不好的，即。

that they might be like unto other nations, i.e. the Heathens, whereas their true glory laid in being as much unlike them as possible.

他们可能会像其他民族，即异教徒一样，而他们真正的荣耀在于尽可能地与他们不同。

But the thing displeased Samuel when they said, Give us a king to judge us; and Samuel prayed unto the Lord, and the Lord said unto Samuel, Hearken unto the voice of the people in all that they say unto thee, for they have not rejected thee, but they have rejected me, THAT I SHOULD NOT REIGN OVER THEM.

但这件事使撒母耳很不高兴，因为他们说，请给我们立一个王来审判我们；撒母耳向耶和华祷告，耶和华对撒母耳说，你要听百姓对你所说的一切话，因为他们并没有弃绝你，而是弃绝了我，叫我不要作他们的王。

According to all the works which they have done since the day that I brought them up out of Egypt, even unto this day; wherewith they have forsaken me and served other Gods; so do they also unto thee.

自从我领他们出埃及直到今日，他们所行的一切事都是如此。他们以此离弃我而事奉别神；他们对你也如此。

Now therefore hearken unto their voice, howbeit, protest solemnly unto them and shew them the manner of the king that shall reign over them, i.e. not of any particular king, but the general manner of the kings of the earth, whom Israel was so eagerly copying after.

因此，现在请听听他们的声音，向他们郑重抗议，并向他们展示统治他们的国王的方式，即不是任何特定国王的方式，而是以色列如此热切效仿的地上君王的一般方式。

And notwithstanding the great distance of time and difference of manners, the character is still in fashion.

尽管时间相距遥远，举止也有差异，但这个角色仍然很流行。

And Samuel told all the words of the Lord unto the people, that asked of him a king.

撒母耳将耶和华的话都告诉百姓，就是求他立王的。

And he said, This shall be the manner of the king that shall reign over you; he will take your sons and appoint them for himself, for his chariots, and to be his horsemen, and some shall run before his chariots (this description agrees with the present mode of impressing men) and he will appoint him captains over thousands and captains over fifties, and will set them to ear his ground and to reap his harvest, and to make his instruments of war, and instruments of his chariots; and he will take your daughters to be confectionaries, and to be cooks and to be bakers (this describes the expence and luxury as well as the oppression of kings) and he will take your fields and your olive yards, even the best of them, and give them to his servants; and he will take the tenth of your feed, and of your vineyards, and give them to his officers and to his servants (by which we see that bribery, corruption and favoritism are the standing vices of kings) and he will take the tenth of your men servants, and your maid servants, and your goodliest young men and your asses, and put them to his work; and he will take the tenth of your sheep, and ye shall be his servants, and ye shall cry out in that day because of your king which ye shall have chosen, and the Lord will not hear you in that day.

他说，这就是统治你们的王的礼仪。他将任命你的儿子为他自己，为他的战车，为他的马兵，其中一些人将跑在他的战车前（这种描述与目前令人印象深刻的方式一致），他将任命他为千夫长和五十夫长，并派他们为他耕地，收割他的庄稼，制造他的战争工具和战车工具；他会带你们的女儿们去当糕点师、厨师和面包师（这描述了国王的压迫和奢侈），他会夺走你们的田地和橄榄园，甚至最好的，交给他的仆人；他将拿走你们饲料和葡萄园的十分之一，交给他的官员和仆人（由此可见，贿赂、腐败和偏袒是国王的常犯），他还将拿走你们的男仆、女仆、最优秀的年轻人和驴子的十分之一，让他们为他工作。他必夺去你们十分之一的羊，你们就必作他的仆人；到那日，你们必因你们所选择的王而哀号，到那日，耶和华必不听你们。

This accounts for the continuation of monarchy; neither do the characters of the few good kings which have lived since, either sanctify the title, or blot out the sinfulness of the origin; the high encomium given of David takes no notice of him officially as a king, but only as a man after God's own heart.

这就是君主制得以延续的原因。从那时起，少数几位善良国王的品格既没有使这个头衔神圣化，也没有抹去起源的罪恶。对大卫的高度赞扬并没有注意到他正式作为一个国王，而只注意到他是一个合神心意的人。

Nevertheless the People refused to obey the voice of Samuel, and they said, Nay, but we will have a king over us, that we may be like all the nations, and that our king may judge us, and go out before us, and fight our battles.

然而，人民拒绝听从撒母耳的声音，他们说：不，我们要有一个王来统治我们，使我们像所有国家一样，我们的王可以审判我们，在我们前面出征，为我们作战。

Samuel continued to reason with them, but to no purpose; he set before them their ingratitude, but all would not avail; and seeing them fully bent on their folly, he cried out, I will call unto the Lord, and he shall send thunder and rain (which then was a punishment, being in the time of wheat harvest) that ye may perceive and see that your wickedness is great which ye have done in the sight of the Lord, in asking you a king.

撒母耳继续与他们理论，但毫无结果。他把他们的忘恩负义摆在他们面前，但一切都无济于事。当他看到他们全心全意地做自己的蠢事时，他喊道：“我要呼唤耶和华，他就会打雷下雨（当时是在收割麦子的时候，这是一种惩罚），这样你们就可以认识到，你们向你们求立王时，你们在耶和华眼中所行的罪孽是很大的。”

So Samuel called unto the Lord, and the Lord sent thunder and rain that day, and all the people greatly feared the Lord and Samuel.

撒母耳就求告耶和华，那天耶和华就打雷下雨，众民都极其敬畏耶和华和撒母耳。

And all the people said unto Samuel, Pray for thy servants unto the Lord thy God that we die not, for we have added unto our sins this evil, to ask a king.

众民对撒母耳说，求你为你的仆人祷告耶和华你的神，免得我们死亡，因为我们求立王，这罪孽又加在我们身上了。

These portions of scripture are direct and positive.

经文的这些部分是直接和正面的。

They admit of no equivocal construction.

他们不承认任何含糊的解释。

That the Almighty hath here entered his protest against monarchical government is true, or the scripture is false.

万能的上帝在这里提出了对君主政府的抗议，这是真的，否则经文就是假的。

And a man hath good reason to believe that there is as much of king-craft, as priest-craft, in withholding the scripture from the public in Popish countries.

人们有充分的理由相信，在天主教国家向公众隐瞒圣经，既存在着国王的阴谋，也存在着牧师的阴谋。

For monarchy in every instance is the Popery of government.

因为在任何情况下，君主制都是教皇政府。

To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary succession; and as the first is a degradation and lessening of ourselves, so the second, claimed as a matter of right, is an insult and an imposition on posterity.

除了君主制的罪恶之外，我们还加上了世袭继承的罪恶。正如前者是对我们自己的贬低和贬低，同样，后者被认为是权利问题，却是对子孙后代的侮辱和强加。

For all men being originally equals, no one by birth could have a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all others for ever, and though himself might deserve some decent degree of honors of his cotemporaries, yet his descendants might be far too unworthy to inherit them.

对于所有的人本来都是平等的，没有人天生就有权建立自己的家庭，永远优先于所有其他人，尽管他自己可能应该得到同时代人的某种体面的荣誉，但他的后代可能根本不值得继承这些荣誉。

One of the strongest natural proofs of the folly of hereditary right in kings, is, that nature disapproves it, otherwise she would not so frequently turn it into ridicule by giving mankind an ass for a lion.

国王的世袭权是愚蠢的，最有力的自然证据之一就是，大自然不赞成这种做法，否则她不会如此频繁地把它变成嘲笑，以驴换狮子。

Secondly, as no man at first could possess any other public honors than were bestowed upon him, so the givers of those honors could have no power to give away the right of posterity, and though they might say "We choose you for our head," they could not, without manifest injustice to their children, say "that your children and your children's children shall reign over ours for ever." Because such an unwise, unjust, unnatural compact might (perhaps) in the next succession put them under the government of a rogue or a fool.

其次，除了被授予的荣誉之外，任何人一开始都不能拥有任何其他公共荣誉，因此这些荣誉的授予者无权放弃后代的权利，尽管他们可能会说“我们选择你作为我们的头目”，但他们不能说“你的孩子和你孩子的孩子将永远统治我们的孩子”，这对他们的孩子来说显然是不公正的。因为这种不明智、不公正、不自然的契约可能（也许）在接下来的继承中将他们置于流氓或傻瓜的政府之下。

Most wise men, in their private sentiments, have ever treated hereditary right with contempt; yet it is one of those evils, which when once established is not easily removed; many submit from fear, others from superstition, and the more powerful part shares with the king the plunder of the rest.

大多数智者在私下里都曾蔑视过世袭权。然而，它是这些弊病之一，一旦形成就不容易消除。许多人出于恐惧而屈服，另一些人出于迷信而屈服，而更强大的部分则与国王分享其余部分的掠夺。

This is supposing the present race of kings in the world to have had an honorable origin; whereas it is more than probable, that could we take off the dark covering of antiquity, and trace them to their first rise, that we should find the first of them nothing better than the principal ruffian of some restless gang, whose savage manners or pre-eminence in subtility obtained him the title of chief among plunderers; and who by increasing in power, and extending his depredations, over-awed the quiet and defenceless to purchase their safety by frequent contributions.

这是假设当今世界上的王族都有着光荣的出身。然而，如果我们揭开古代的黑暗面纱，追溯它们的最初兴起，我们就会发现，他们中的第一个很可能只不过是某个不安分团伙的头号恶棍，他们的野蛮举止或卓越的狡猾使他获得了掠夺者中首领的称号。他通过增强权力和扩大掠夺，威慑那些安静且毫无防备的人，通过频繁的捐款来换取他们的安全。

Yet his electors could have no idea of giving hereditary right to his descendants, because such a perpetual exclusion of themselves was incompatible with the free and unrestrained principles they professed to live by.

然而，他的选民们根本不打算将世袭权赋予他的后代，因为这种对他们自己的永久排斥与他们所宣称的自由和无拘无束的生活原则是不相容的。

Wherefore, hereditary succession in the early ages of monarchy could not take place as a matter of claim, but as something casual or complimental; but as few or no records were extant in those days, and traditional history stuffed with fables, it was very easy, after the lapse of a few generations, to trump up some superstitious tale, conveniently timed, Mahomet like, to cram hereditary right down the throats of the vulgar.

因此，君主制早期的世袭继承不能作为一种主张，而是作为一种偶然或恭维的事情发生。但由于当时的记录很少或根本没有，而传统历史又充满了寓言，所以在几代人之后，很容易捏造一些迷信故事，在适当的时机，像穆罕默德那样，将世袭权强行灌输给庸俗的人。

Perhaps the disorders which threatened, or seemed to threaten, on the decease of a leader and the choice of a new one (for elections among ruffians could not be very orderly) induced many at first to favor hereditary pretensions; by which means it happened, as it hath happened since, that what at first was submitted to as a convenience, was afterwards claimed as a right.

也许那些威胁或似乎威胁到一位领导人的去世和新领导人的选择（因为流氓之间的选举不可能非常有序）的混乱，促使许多人一开始赞成世袭的主张；通过这种方式，正如此后所发生的那样，最初为了方便而提交的东西，后来被声称为一项权利。

England, since the conquest, hath known some few good monarchs, but groaned beneath a much larger number of bad ones; yet no man in his senses can say that their claim under William the Conqueror is a very honorable one.

英格兰自被征服以来，已经认识了一些好君主，但在为数众多的坏君主之下呻吟。然而，任何一个理智的人都不能说他们在征服者威廉统治下的主张是非常光荣的。

A French bastard landing with an armed banditti, and establishing himself king of England against the consent of the natives, is in plain terms a very paltry rascally original.--It certainly hath no divinity in it.

一个法国混蛋带着武装匪徒登陆，不顾当地人的同意，自立为英格兰国王，说白了，这是一个非常卑鄙的流氓原创。——它当然没有神性。

However, it is needless to spend much time in exposing the folly of hereditary right; if there are any so weak as to believe it, let them promiscuously worship the ass and lion, and welcome.

然而，没有必要花太多时间来揭露世袭权的愚蠢之处。如果有弱者相信，就让他们乱拜驴狮吧，欢迎。

I shall neither copy their humility, nor disturb their devotion.

我不会效仿他们的谦逊，也不会打扰他们的奉献精神。

Yet I should be glad to ask how they suppose kings came at first?

但我很高兴问他们认为国王最初是如何出现的？

The question admits but of three answers, viz.

这个问题只承认三个答案，即。

either by lot, by election, or by usurpation.

要么通过抽签，要么通过选举，要么通过篡夺。

If the first king was taken by lot, it establishes a precedent for the next, which excludes hereditary succession.

如果第一位国王是通过抽签当选的，那么这就为下一位国王奠定了先例，排除了世袭继承权。

Saul was by lot, yet the succession was not hereditary, neither does it appear from that transaction there was any intention it ever should.

扫罗是通过抽签获得的，但继承权不是世袭的，从那次交易中也看不出有任何意图。

If the first king of any country was by election, that likewise establishes a precedent for the next; for to say, that the right of all future generations is taken away, by the act of the first electors, in their choice not only of a king, but of a family of kings for ever, hath no parrallel in or out of scripture but the doctrine of original sin, which supposes the free will of all men lost in Adam; and from such comparison, and it will admit of no other, hereditary succession can derive no glory.

如果任何国家的第一位国王是通过选举产生的，这同样为下一任国王树立了先例。因为说，所有后代的权利都被第一批选民的行为所剥夺，他们不仅选择了国王，而且选择了永远的国王家族，这在圣经内外没有任何相似之处，只有原罪的教义，它假定所有人在亚当中都失去了自由意志；从这种比较来看，世袭继承不能带来任何荣耀，而且不允许其他任何比较。

For as in Adam all sinned, and as in the first electors all men obeyed; as in the one all mankind were subjected to Satan, and in the other to Sovereignty; as our innocence was lost in the first, and our authority in the last; and as both disable us from reassuming some former state and privilege, it unanswerably follows that original sin and hereditary succession are parellels.

因为正如在亚当中所有人都犯了罪，正如在第一批选民中所有人都服从一样。一方面，全人类都臣服于撒旦；另一方面，全人类都臣服于主权。因为我们在第一个事件中失去了纯真，而在最后一个事件中我们失去了权威；由于两者都使我们无法重新获得某种以前的状态和特权，因此毫无疑问地得出原罪和世袭继承是相似的。

Dishonorable rank!

等级低贱！

Inglorious connexion!

可耻的联系！

Yet the most subtile sophist cannot produce a juster simile.

然而，即使是最狡猾的诡辩家也无法提出一个更公正的比喻。

As to usurpation, no man will be so hardy as to defend it; and that William the Conqueror was an usurper is a fact not to be contradicted.

至于篡夺，没有人会如此顽强地捍卫它；征服者威廉是一个篡位者，这是一个不容反驳的事实。

The plain truth is, that the antiquity of English monarchy will not bear looking into.

显而易见的事实是，英国君主制的古老历史是不值得探究的。

But it is not so much the absurdity as the evil of hereditary succession which concerns mankind.

但与人类相关的，与其说是荒唐，不如说是世袭制的罪恶。

Did it ensure a race of good and wise men it would have the seal of divine authority, but as it opens a door to the foolish, the wicked, and the improper, it hath in it the nature of oppression.

如果它确保了一个善良而聪明的种族，它就会拥有神圣权威的印记，但当它为愚蠢、邪恶和不正当的人打开一扇门时，它就具有压迫的本质。

Men who look upon themselves born to reign, and others to obey, soon grow insolent; selected from the rest of mankind their minds are early poisoned by importance; and the world they act in differs so materially from the world at large, that they have but little opportunity of knowing its true interests, and when they succeed to the government are frequently the most ignorant and unfit of any throughout the dominions.

那些认为自己生来就是统治者、其他人就是服从者的人很快就会变得傲慢无礼。他们是从其他人类中选出的，他们的思想很早就受到了重要性的毒害。他们所处的世界与整个世界有很大的不同，以至于他们几乎没有机会了解其真正的利益，而当他们继承政府时，往往是整个领土上最无知和最不适合的人。

Another evil which attends hereditary succession is, that the throne is subject to be possessed by a minor at any age; all which time the regency, acting under the cover of a king, have every opportunity and inducement to betray their trust.

世袭继承的另一个弊端是，王位可以由任何年龄的未成年人继承。摄政王一直在国王的掩护下行事，有各种机会和诱因背叛他们的信任。

The same national misfortune happens, when a king worn out with age and infirmity, enters the last stage of human weakness.

当一个国王因年老体弱而疲惫不堪，进入人类弱点的最后阶段时，同样的国家不幸也会发生。

In both these cases the public becomes a prey to every miscreant, who can tamper successfully with the follies either of age or infancy.

在这两种情况下，公众都成为了每一个恶棍的猎物，他们可以成功地篡改年龄或婴儿时期的愚蠢行为。

The most plausible plea, which hath ever been offered in favour of hereditary succession, is, that it preserves a nation from civil wars; and were this true, it would be weighty; whereas, it is the most barefaced falsity ever imposed upon mankind.

支持世袭继承的最合理的理由是，它可以保护一个国家免遭内战。如果这是真的，那将是有分量的。然而，这是强加给人类的最赤裸裸的谎言。

The whole history of England disowns the fact.

英国的整个历史都否认这一事实。

Thirty kings and two minors have reigned in that distracted kingdom since the conquest, in which time there have been (including the Revolution) no less than eight civil wars and nineteen rebellions.

自征服以来，三十位国王和两位未成年人统治了这个心烦意乱的王国，期间（包括革命）发生了至少八次内战和十九次叛乱。

Wherefore instead of making for peace, it makes against it, and destroys the very foundation it seems to stand on.

因此，它非但没有促成和平，反而反对和平，并摧毁了它似乎赖以生存的根基。

The contest for monarchy and succession, between the houses of York and Lancaster, laid England in a scene of blood for many years.

约克家族和兰开斯特家族之间对君主制和继承权的争夺使英格兰多年来陷入血腥场面。

Twelve pitched battles, besides skirmishes and sieges, were fought between Henry and Edward.

除了小规模冲突和围攻之外，亨利和爱德华之间还进行了十二场激烈的战斗。

Twice was Henry prisoner to Edward, who in his turn was prisoner to Henry.

亨利两次成为爱德华的俘虏，而爱德华又成为亨利的俘虏。

And so uncertain is the fate of war and the temper of a nation, when nothing but personal matters are the ground of a quarrel, that Henry was taken in triumph from a prison to a palace, and Edward obliged to fly from a palace to a foreign land; yet, as sudden transitions of temper are seldom lasting, Henry in his turn was driven from the throne, and Edward recalled to succeed him.

战争的命运和国家的脾气是如此的不确定，当除了个人问题之外，没有什么是争吵的理由，亨利被凯旋地从监狱带到了宫殿，而爱德华则被迫从宫殿飞往异国他乡。然而，由于脾气的突然转变很少能持久，亨利也被赶出了王位，爱德华召回继承了他的王位。

The parliament always following the strongest side.

议会总是追随最强的一方。

This contest began in the reign of Henry the Sixth, and was not entirely extinguished till Henry the Seventh, in whom the families were united.

这场竞争始于亨利六世统治时期，直到亨利七世各家族统一后才完全平息。

Including a period of 67 years, viz.

包括67年的时间，即。

from 1422 to 1489.

从 1422 年到 1489 年。

In short, monarchy and succession have laid (not this or that kingdom only) but the world in blood and ashes.

简而言之，君主制和继承已经使（不仅仅是这个或那个王国）世界化为鲜血和灰烬。

'Tis a form of government which the word of God bears testimony against, and blood will attend it.

这是上帝之道所反对的一种政府形式，它必将招致流血。

If we inquire into the business of a king, we shall find that in some countries they have none; and after sauntering away their lives without pleasure to themselves or advantage to the nation, withdraw from the scene, and leave their successors to tread the same idle round.

如果我们探究国王的事务，我们会发现在一些国家他们没有事务；他们闲逛一生，既没有给自己带来快乐，也没有给国家带来好处，就退出舞台，让他们的继任者继续同样的无所事事。

In absolute monarchies the whole weight of business, civil and military, lies on the king; the children of Israel in their request for a king, urged this plea "that he may judge us, and go out before us and fight our battles." But in countries where he is neither a judge nor a general, as in England, a man would be puzzled to know what is his business.

在绝对君主制国家中，商业、民事和军事的全部权力都由国王承担。以色列人在请求设立一位国王时，极力主张“他可以审判我们，在我们面前为我们作战”。但在他既不是法官也不是将军的国家，比如在英国，一个人会很困惑，不知道自己的职责是什么。

The nearer any government approaches to a republic the less business there is for a king.

任何政府越接近共和国，国王的事就越少。

It is somewhat difficult to find a proper name for the government of England.

为英国政府找到一个合适的名称有点困难。

Sir William Meredith calls it a republic; but in its present state it is unworthy of the name, because the corrupt influence of the crown, by having all the places in its disposal, hath so effectually swallowed up the power, and eaten out the virtue of the house of commons (the republican part in the constitution) that the government of England is nearly as monarchical as that of France or Spain.

威廉·梅雷迪思爵士称其为共和国；但在目前的情况下，它名不副实，因为王室的腐败影响力，通过拥有所有的权力，有效地吞噬了权力，并侵蚀了下议院（宪法中的共和部分）的美德，以至于英国政府几乎与法国或西班牙政府一样君主制。

Men fall out with names without understanding them.

人们在不理解名字的情况下就因名字而闹翻。

For it is the republican and not the monarchical part of the constitution of England which Englishmen glory in, viz.

因为英国人引以自豪的是英国宪法中的共和部分，而不是君主制部分。

the liberty of choosing a house of commons from out of their own body--and it is easy to see that when republican virtue fails, slavery ensues.

从他们自己的身体中选择下议院的自由——而且很容易看出，当共和美德失败时，奴隶制就会随之而来。

Why is the constitution of England sickly, but because monarchy hath poisoned the republic, the crown hath engrossed the commons?

为什么英国的宪法病态，却因为君主政体毒害了共和政体，王权却侵占了下议院呢？

In England a king hath little more to do than to make war and give away places; which in plain terms, is to impoverish the nation and set it together by the ears.

在英格兰，国王除了发动战争和让出土地之外，无事可做。说白了，就是使国家陷入贫困，并让其团结起来。

A pretty business indeed for a man to be allowed eight hundred thousand sterling a year for, and worshipped into the bargain!

对于一个男人来说，一年能得到八十万英镑，而且还被人崇拜，确实是一件很不错的事！

Of more worth is one honest man to society and in the sight of God, than all the crowned ruffians that ever lived.

在社会和上帝眼中，一个诚实的人比所有曾经生活过的流氓更有价值。

THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS.

对美国现状的思考。

In the following pages I offer nothing more than simple facts, plain arguments, and common sense; and have no other preliminaries to settle with the reader, than that he will divest himself of prejudice and prepossession, and suffer his reason and his feelings to determine for themselves; that he will put on, or rather that he will not put off, the true character of a man, and generously enlarge his views beyond the present day.

在接下来的几页中，我仅提供简单的事实、简单的论点和常识；除了让读者摆脱偏见和先入之见，让他的理性和情感自行决定之外，没有其他的前提条件需要与读者解决。他会展现，或者更确切地说，他不会推迟一个人的真正性格，并慷慨地将他的观点扩展到当今时代。

Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle between England and America.

关于英国和美国之间的斗争的主题已经写了很多卷。

Men of all ranks have embarked in the controversy, from different motives, and with various designs; but all have been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed.

各个阶层的人都出于不同的动机和不同的目的卷入了这场争论。但一切都没有效果，辩论期结束了。

Arms, as the last resource, decide the contest; the appeal was the choice of the king, and the continent hath accepted the challenge.

武器，作为最后的资源，决定胜负；上诉是国王的选择，大陆已经接受了挑战。

It hath been reported of the late Mr. Pelham (who tho' an able minister was not without his faults) that on his being attacked in the house of commons, on the score, that his measures were only of a temporary kind, replied "they will last my time." Should a thought so fatal and unmanly possess the colonies in the present contest, the name of ancestors will be remembered by future generations with detestation.

据报道，已故的佩勒姆先生（尽管他是一位能干的部长，但他也并非没有缺点），当他在下议院受到攻击时，他的措施只是暂时的，他回答说：“它们将持续我的时间。”如果在当前的竞争中，如此致命和缺乏男子气概的想法占据了殖民地，祖先的名字将被后代带着厌恶记住。

The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth.

阳光从未照耀过更有价值的事业。

'Tis not the affair of a city, a country, a province, or a kingdom, but of a continent--of at least one eighth part of the habitable globe.

这不是一个城市、一个国家、一个省或一个王国的事，而是一个大陆的事——至少是地球上可居住的八分之一的事。

'Tis not the concern of a day, a year, or an age; posterity are virtually involved in the contest, and will be more or less affected, even to the end of time, by the proceedings now.

这不是一天、一年或一个时代的问题；子孙后代几乎都参与了这场竞赛，并且或多或少会受到现在的进程的影响，甚至到最后。

Now is the seed time of continental union, faith and honor.

现在是大陆联盟、信仰和荣誉的播种期。

The least fracture now will be like a name engraved with the point of a pin on the tender rind of a young oak; the wound will enlarge with the tree, and posterity read it in full grown characters.

现在，哪怕是最轻微的断裂，也会像用大头针尖刻在一棵年轻橡树的嫩外皮上的名字一样；伤口会随着树而扩大，后人会用成熟的文字来阅读它。

By referring the matter from argument to arms, a new æra for politics is struck; a new method of thinking hath arisen.

通过将问题从争论转向武力，政治的新纪元被开启。一种新的思维方法出现了。

All plans, proposals, &c.

所有计划、提案等。

prior to the nineteenth of April, i.e. to the commencement of hostilities, are like the almanacks of the last year; which, though proper then, are superseded and useless now.

4 月 19 日之前，即敌对行动开始之前，就像去年的年历一样；虽然当时是正确的，但现在已被取代且毫无用处。

Whatever was advanced by the advocates on either side of the question then, terminated in one and the same point, viz.

无论问题双方的倡导者提出了什么，都以同一点结束，即。

a union with Great- Britain; the only difference between the parties was the method of effecting it; the one proposing force, the other friendship; but it hath so far happened that the first hath failed, and the second hath withdrawn her influence.

与英国结盟；双方之间唯一的区别是实现方式不同；一个是提议的力量，另一个是友谊；但到目前为止，第一个已经失败了，第二个已经撤回了她的影响力。

As much hath been said of the advantages of reconciliation, which, like an agreeable dream, hath passed away and left us as we were, it is but right, that we should examine the contrary side of the argument, and inquire into some of the many material injuries which these colonies sustain, and always will sustain, by being connected with, and dependant on Great-Britain.

关于和解的好处已经说了很多，它就像一个令人愉快的梦想，已经过去了，把我们留在了原样，我们应该检查争论的反面，并调查这些殖民地因与英国有联系和依赖而遭受并将永远承受的许多物质伤害，这是正确的。

To examine that connexion and dependance, on the principles of nature and common sense, to see what we have to trust to, if separated, and what we are to expect, if dependant.

根据自然原则和常识来检验这种联系和依赖，看看如果分离的话我们必须信任什么，如果依赖的话我们应该期待什么。

I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her former connexion with Great-Britain, that the same connexion is necessary towards her future happiness, and will always have the same effect.

我听到一些人断言，正如美国在以前与英国的联系下蓬勃发展一样，同样的联系对于她未来的幸福也是必要的，并且永远会产生同样的效果。

Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind of argument.

没有什么比这种论点更荒谬的了。

We may as well assert that because a child has thrived upon milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty.

我们不妨断言，因为孩子是靠牛奶长大的，所以永远不能吃肉，或者我们生命的前二十年将成为后二十年的先例。

But even this is admitting more than is true, for I answer roundly, that America would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no European power had any thing to do with her.

但即便如此，我也承认，事实并非如此，因为我的回答是，如果欧洲列强与美国没有任何关系，美国也会同样繁荣，甚至可能更加繁荣。

The commerce, by which she hath enriched herself are the necessaries of life, and will always have a market while eating is the custom of Europe.

她通过商业致富，这是生活的必需品，并且永远有市场，而饮食是欧洲的习俗。

But she has protected us, say some.

但一些人说，她保护了我们。

That she has engrossed us is true, and defended the continent at our expence as well as her own is admitted, and she would have defended Turkey from the same motive, viz.

她确实吸引了我们的注意力，并以我们和她自己的利益为代价来保卫非洲大陆，这一点是公认的，她也会出于同样的动机保卫土耳其。

the sake of trade and dominion.

为了贸易和统治。

Alas, we have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and made large sacrifices to superstition.

唉，我们长期以来一直被古老的偏见所引导，并为迷信做出了巨大的牺牲。

We have boasted the protection of Great-Britain, without considering, that her motive was interest not attachment; that she did not protect us from our enemies on our account, but from her enemies on her own account, from those who had no quarrel with us on any other account, and who will always be our enemies on the same account.

我们吹嘘英国的保护，却没有考虑到她的动机是利益而不是依恋；她并没有因为我们的缘故而保护我们免受敌人的侵害，而是因为她自己的缘故而保护我们免受她的敌人的侵害，免受那些因任何其他原因而与我们没有争吵的人的伤害，而他们也将永远因为同样的原因而成为我们的敌人。

Let Britain wave her pretensions to the continent, or the continent throw off the dependance, and we should be at peace with France and Spain were they at war with Britain.

让英国放弃对欧洲大陆的自负，或者欧洲大陆摆脱依赖，如果法国和西班牙与英国交战，我们就应该与他们和平相处。

The miseries of Hanover last war ought to warn us against connexions.

汉诺威上次战争的苦难应该警告我们不要联系。

It has lately been asserted in parliament, that the colonies have no relation to each other but through the parent country, i.e. that Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, and so on for the rest, are sister colonies by the way of England; this is certainly a very round-about way of proving relationship, but it is the nearest and only true way of proving enemyship, if I may so call it.

最近在议会中有人断言，殖民地之间除了通过母国之外没有任何关系，即宾夕法尼亚州和泽西岛等其他殖民地与英格兰一样是姐妹殖民地；这当然是证明关系的一种非常迂回的方式，但如果我可以这样称呼的话，它是证明敌对关系的最接近且唯一真实的方式。

France and Spain never were, nor perhaps ever will be our enemies as Americans, but as our being the subjects of Great-Britain.

作为美国人，法国和西班牙从来都不是，或许也永远不会是我们的敌人，但作为大不列颠的臣民，法国和西班牙却是我们的敌人。

But Britain is the parent country, say some.

但一些人说，英国才是母国。

Then the more shame upon her conduct.

那么她的行为就更加羞耻了。

Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages make war upon their families; wherefore the assertion, if true, turns to her reproach; but it happens not to be true, or only partly so, and the phrase parent or mother country hath been jesuitically adopted by the king and his parasites, with a low papistical design of gaining an unfair bias on the credulous weakness of our minds.

即使是野兽也不会吃掉它们的幼崽，野蛮人也不会向它们的家人发动战争。因此，如果这个断言属实，就会变成对她的责备。但事实并非如此，或者只是部分如此，国王和他的寄生虫们耶稣般地采用了“父母国”或“母国”这个词，其低劣的教皇主义设计是为了对我们轻信的弱点产生不公平的偏见。

Europe, and not England, is the parent country of America.

美洲的母国是欧洲，而不是英国。

This new world hath been the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from every part of Europe.

这个新世界一直是欧洲各地受迫害的公民和宗教自由爱好者的庇护所。

Hither have they fled, not from the tender embraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants still.

他们逃到这里，不是逃离母亲温柔的拥抱，而是逃离怪物的残酷。到目前为止，英国的情况确实如此，将第一批移民赶出家乡的暴政现在仍然在追捕他们的后代。

In this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow limits of three hundred and sixty miles (the extent of England) and carry our friendship on a larger scale; we claim brotherhood with every European christian, and triumph in the generosity of the sentiment.

在地球这片广阔的土地上，我们忘记了三百六十英里（英格兰的范围）的狭窄界限，并在更大的范围内承载着我们的友谊；我们声称与每一位欧洲基督徒都是兄弟情谊，并因慷慨的情感而胜利。

It is pleasant to observe by what regular gradations we surmount the force of local prejudice, as we enlarge our acquaintance with the world.

当我们扩大对世界的了解时，我们很高兴看到我们以有规律的程度克服了当地偏见的力量。

A man born in any town in England divided into parishes, will naturally associate most with his fellow parishioners (because their interests in many cases will be common) and distinguish him by the name of neighbour; if he meet him but a few miles from home, he drops the narrow idea of a street, and salutes him by the name of townsman; if he travel out of the county, and meet him in any other, he forgets the minor divisions of street and town, and calls him countryman, i.e. county-man; but if in their foreign excursions they should associate in France or any other part of Europe, their local remembrance would be enlarged into that of Englishmen.

一个出生在英国任何一个被划分为教区的城镇的人，自然会与他的教区同胞有最多的联系（因为他们的利益在许多情况下是共同的），并通过邻居的名字来区分他；如果他在离家几英里的地方遇见他，他就会放弃街道的狭隘概念，并以镇民的名字向他致敬。如果他走出县城，在其他地方遇见他，他就会忘记街道和城镇的细小划分，并称他为乡下人，即县人。但如果他们在国外旅行时与法国或欧洲任何其他地方交往，他们对当地的记忆就会扩大到英国人的记忆。

And by a just parity of reasoning, all Europeans meeting in America, or any other quarter of the globe, are countrymen; for England, Holland, Germany, or Sweden, when compared with the whole, stand in the same places on the larger scale, which the divisions of street, town, and county do on the smaller ones; distinctions too limited for continental minds.

按照公平的推理，所有在美国或全球任何其他地区相聚的欧洲人都是同胞；他们都是同胞。对于英国、荷兰、德国或瑞典来说，与整体相比，在较大的范围内处于相同的位置，就像街道、城镇和县的划分在较小的范围内处于相同的位置一样。对于大陆人来说，区别太有限了。

Not one third of the inhabitants, even of this province, are of English descent.

即使是这个省的居民，也没有三分之一是英国血统。

Wherefore I reprobate the phrase of parent or mother country applied to England only, as being false, selfish, narrow and ungenerous.

因此，我谴责仅适用于英国的“父母国”或“祖国”这个短语，因为它是虚假的、自私的、狭隘的和吝啬的。

But admitting, that we were all of English descent, what does it amount to?

但承认我们都是英国人后裔，这意味着什么呢？

Nothing.

没有什么。

Britain, being now an open enemy, extinguishes every other name and title: And to say that reconciliation is our duty, is truly farcical.

英国现在成为公开的敌人，消灭了所有其他名字和头衔：说和解是我们的责任，这确实是滑稽的。

The first king of England, of the present line (William the Conqueror) was a Frenchman, and half the Peers of England are descendants from the same country; therefore, by the same method of reasoning, England ought to be governed by France.

英国第一位国王（征服者威廉）是一位法国人，一半的英格兰贵族都是来自同一国家的后裔；因此，按照同样的推理方法，英国应该受法国统治。

Much hath been said of the united strength of Britain and the colonies, that in conjunction they might bid defiance to the world.

关于英国和殖民地的联合力量，人们已经说了很多，他们联合起来可以向世界发起挑战。

But this is mere presumption; the fate of war is uncertain, neither do the expressions mean any thing; for this continent would never suffer itself to be drained of inhabitants, to support the British arms in either Asia, Africa, or Europe.

但这只是假设；战争的命运是不确定的，这些表达也没有任何意义；因为这片大陆永远不会失去居民，以支持英国在亚洲、非洲或欧洲的军队。

Besides what have we to do with setting the world at defiance?

除此之外，我们与挑战世界有什么关系呢？

Our plan is commerce, and that, well attended to, will secure us the peace and friendship of all Europe; because, it is the interest of all Europe to have America a free port.

我们的计划是商业，如果得到充分关注，我们将确保整个欧洲的和平与友谊。因为，拥有美国自由港符合整个欧洲的利益。

Her trade will always be a protection, and her barrenness of gold and silver secure her from invaders.

她的贸易永远是一种保护，她的金银贫瘠使她免受入侵者的侵害。

I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to shew, a single advantage that this continent can reap, by being connected with Great Britain.

我挑战最热心的和解倡导者，展示这个大陆通过与英国联系可以获得的单一优势。

I repeat the challenge, not a single advantage is derived.

我重复挑战，没有获得任何优势。

Our corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe, and our imported goods must be paid for buy them where we will.

我们的玉米在欧洲的任何市场上都能卖到它的价格，而我们的进口货物必须在我们愿意的地方付款才能购买。

But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection, are without number; and our duty to mankind at large, as well as to ourselves, instruct us to renounce the alliance: Because, any submission to, or dependance on Great-Britain, tends directly to involve this continent in European wars and quarrels; and sets us at variance with nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against whom, we have neither anger nor complaint.

但我们因这种联系而遭受的伤害和不利是不计其数的。我们对整个人类以及对我们自己的责任指示我们放弃联盟：因为，任何对英国的服从或依赖，都会直接使这个大陆卷入欧洲的战争和争吵；使我们与其他国家产生分歧，否则他们会寻求我们的友谊，而我们对他们既不愤怒也不抱怨。

As Europe is our market for trade, we ought to form no partial connection with any part of it.

由于欧洲是我们的贸易市场，我们不应该与它的任何部分建立局部联系。

It is the true interest of America to steer clear of European contentions, which she never can do, while by her dependence on Britain, she is made the make-weight in the scale of British politics.

美国真正的利益是避开欧洲的争端，但她永远做不到，而由于对英国的依赖，她成为英国政治舞台上的权势人物。

Europe is too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long at peace, and whenever a war breaks out between England and any foreign power, the trade of America goes to ruin, because of her connection with Britain.

欧洲王国遍布，不可能长期保持和平，每当英国与任何外国势力之间爆发战争时，由于与英国的联系，美国的贸易就会遭到破坏。

The next war may not turn out like the last, and should it not, the advocates for reconciliation now will be wishing for separation then, because, neutrality in that case, would be a safer convoy than a man of war.

下一次战争的结果可能不会像上一次那样，如果不是的话，现在和解的倡导者就会希望分裂，因为在这种情况下，中立将是比战争更安全的护卫队。

Every thing that is right or natural pleads for separation.

一切正确或自然的事情都要求分离。

The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, 'Tis time to part.

被杀者的鲜血，大自然的哭泣之声呼喊着：“是时候分别了。”

Even the distance at which the Almighty hath placed England and America, is a strong and natural proof, that the authority of the one, over the other, was never the design of Heaven.

甚至万能的上帝将英国和美国置于如此遥远的距离，也是一个强有力的、自然的证据，证明一方对另一方的权威从来都不是上天的设计。

The time likewise at which the continent was discovered, adds weight to the argument, and the manner in which it was peopled encreases the force of it.

同样，发现这片大陆的时间也增加了争论的分量，而该大陆的居住方式则增强了争论的力量。

The reformation was preceded by the discovery of America, as if the Almighty graciously meant to open a sanctuary to the persecuted in future years, when home should afford neither friendship nor safety.

宗教改革先于美洲的发现，仿佛全能的上帝仁慈地打算为未来的受迫害者打开一处避难所，而家乡既不能提供友谊，也不能提供安全。

The authority of Great-Britain over this continent, is a form of government, which sooner or later must have an end: And a serious mind can draw no true pleasure by looking forward, under the painful and positive conviction, that what he calls "the present constitution" is merely temporary.

英国在这片大陆上的权威是一种政府形式，它迟早必须结束：在痛苦而积极的信念下，一个严肃的头脑不会因为展望未来而获得真正的快乐，因为他所称的“现行宪法”只是暂时的。

As parents, we can have no joy, knowing that this government is not sufficiently lasting to ensure any thing which we may bequeath to posterity: And by a plain method of argument, as we are running the next generation into debt, we ought to do the work of it, otherwise we use them meanly and pitifully.

作为父母，我们不会有任何快乐，因为我们知道这个政府的持久性不足以确保我们能够留给子孙后代的任何东西：通过一种简单的论证方法，当我们让下一代陷入债务时，我们应该做这件事，否则我们就会卑鄙而可怜地使用他们。

In order to discover the line of our duty rightly, we should take our children in our hand, and fix our station a few years farther into life; that eminence will present a prospect, which a few present fears and prejudices conceal from our sight.

为了正确地找到我们的职责，我们应该把我们的孩子握在手中，并在生命中再站几年；这种显赫地位将呈现出一种前景，而目前的一些恐惧和偏见却将这种前景隐藏在我们的视线之外。

Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offence, yet I am inclined to believe, that all those who espouse the doctrine of reconciliation, may be included within the following descriptions.

虽然我会小心翼翼地避免造成不必要的冒犯，但我倾向于相信，所有拥护和解学说的人都可以包含在以下描述中。

Interested men, who are not to be trusted; weak men, who cannot see; prejudiced men, who will not see; and a certain set of moderate men, who think better of the European world than it deserves; and this last class, by an ill-judged deliberation, will be the cause of more calamities to this continent, than all the other three.

感兴趣的人，不可信任；软弱的人，看不见；怀有偏见的人，他们不愿看见；还有一群温和派人士，他们对欧洲世界的看法超出了其应有的水平；由于考虑不周，最后一类将比其他三类给这个大陆带来更多的灾难。

It is the good fortune of many to live distant from the scene of sorrow; the evil is not sufficient brought to their doors to make them feel the precariousness with which all American property is possessed.

许多人有幸生活在远离悲伤的地方。邪恶并不足以让他们感受到美国所有财产的岌岌可危。

But let our imaginations transport us for a few moments to Boston, that seat of wretchedness will teach us wisdom, and instruct us for ever to renounce a power in whom we can have no trust.

但是，让我们的想象力将我们带到波士顿片刻，那个悲惨的地方将教会我们智慧，并指导我们永远放弃我们不能信任的权力。

The inhabitants of that unfortunate city, who but a few months ago were in ease and affluence, have now, no other alternative than to stay and starve, or turn out to beg.

这座不幸城市的居民几个月前还过着安逸富裕的生活，现在除了留下来挨饿或乞讨之外，别无选择。

Endangered by the fire of their friends if they continue within the city, and plundered by the soldiery if they leave it.

如果他们继续留在城内，就会受到朋友炮火的威胁；如果离开城，就会遭到士兵的掠夺。

In their present condition they are prisoners without the hope of redemption, and in a general attack for their relief, they would be exposed to the fury of both armies.

以他们目前的状况，他们是没有救赎希望的囚犯，而在为解救他们而发动的总攻中，他们将暴露在双方军队的愤怒之下。

Men of passive tempers look somewhat lightly over the offences of Britain, and, still hoping for the best, are apt to call out, "Come, come, we shall be friends again, for all this." But examine the passions and feelings of mankind, Bring the doctrine of reconciliation to the touchstone of nature, and then tell me, whether you can hereafter love, honour, and faithfully serve the power that hath carried fire and sword into your land?

脾气消极的人对英国的冒犯有些轻视，并且仍然抱有最好的希望，很容易喊道：“来吧，来吧，尽管如此，我们还是会再次成为朋友。”但请审视一下人类的激情和情感，将和解的教义带到自然的试金石上，然后告诉我，你今后是否还能热爱、尊敬并忠实地服务于将火与剑带入你的土地的力量？

If you cannot do all these, then are you only deceiving yourselves, and by your delay bringing ruin upon posterity.

如果你们不能做到这一切，那么你们只是自欺欺人，你们的拖延会给子孙后代带来毁灭。

Your future connection with Britain, whom you can neither love nor honour, will be forced and unnatural, and being formed only on the plan of present convenience, will in a little time fall into a relapse more wretched than the first.

你未来与英国的联系，你既不能爱，也不能尊敬，将是被迫的和不自然的，而且只是根据当前便利的计划而形成的，很快就会陷入比第一次更悲惨的旧病复发。

But if you say, you can still pass the violations over, then I ask, Hath your house been burnt?

但如果你说，你还可以把违法行为过去，那我问，你的房子被烧了吗？

Hath your property been destroyed before your face?

你的财产在你面前被毁了吗？

Are your wife and children destitute of a bed to lie on, or bread to live on?

您的妻子和孩子是否没有床可躺，或没有面包可以维持生计？

Have you lost a parent or a child by their hands, and yourself the ruined and wretched survivor?

你是否曾亲手失去了父母或孩子，而你自己却是一个身败名裂、悲惨的幸存者？

If you have not, then are you not a judge of those who have.

如果你没有，那么你就不能评判那些拥有的人。

But if you have, and still can shake hands with the murderers, then are you unworthy of the name of husband, father, friend, or lover, and whatever may be your rank or title in life, you have the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a sycophant.

但如果你曾经和凶手握手过，现在还能和凶手握手，那你就配不上丈夫、父亲、朋友、情人的名号，无论你的身份是什么，你都有着懦夫的心和阿谀奉承的精神。

This is not inflaming or exaggerating matters, but trying them by those feelings and affections which nature justifies, and without which, we should be incapable of discharging the social duties of life, or enjoying the felicities of it.

这并不是煽动或夸大事情，而是用自然所证明的情感和情感来尝试它们，没有这些，我们就无法履行生活的社会责任，或享受生活的幸福。

I mean not to exhibit horror for the purpose of provoking revenge, but to awaken us from fatal and unmanly slumbers, that we may pursue determinately some fixed object.

我的意思不是为了激起报复而表现出恐怖，而是为了将我们从致命的、不成熟的沉睡中唤醒，以便我们可以坚定地追求某个固定的目标。

It is not in the power of Britain or of Europe to conquer America, if she do not conquer herself by delay and timidity.

如果美国不通过拖延和胆怯来征服自己，那么英国或欧洲就没有能力征服美国。

The present winter is worth an age if rightly employed, but if lost or neglected, the whole continent will partake of the misfortune; and there is no punishment which that man will not deserve, be he who, or what, or where he will, that may be the means of sacrificing a season so precious and useful.

如果利用得当，现在的冬天值得一个世纪，但如果失去或忽视，整个大陆都将遭受不幸。无论他是谁，无论他是谁，无论他愿意在哪里，没有什么惩罚是那个人不应该受到的，这可能是牺牲如此宝贵和有用的季节的手段。

It is repugnant to reason, to the universal order of things to all examples from former ages, to suppose, that this continent can longer remain subject to any external power.

如果认为这片大陆可以继续受制于任何外部力量，那么这种假设是与理性、事物的普遍秩序以及所有古往今来的例子相悖的。

The most sanguine in Britain does not think so.

最乐观的英国人却不这么认为。

The utmost stretch of human wisdom cannot, at this time, compass a plan short of separation, which can promise the continent even a year's security.

此时此刻，人类智慧的最大极限也无法制定出一个不分离的计划，而分离只能保证非洲大陆一年的安全。

Reconciliation is now a fallacious dream.

和解现在是一个错误的梦想。

Nature hath deserted the connexion, and Art cannot supply her place.

自然已经放弃了这种联系，艺术无法取代她的位置。

For, as Milton wisely expresses, "never can true reconcilement grow where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep."

因为，正如弥尔顿明智地表达的那样，“在致命仇恨的伤口已经刺得如此之深的地方，永远不可能产生真正的和解。”

Every quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual.

一切安静的和平方法都无效。

Our prayers have been rejected with disdain; and only tended to convince us, that nothing flatters vanity, or confirms obstinacy in Kings more than repeated petitioning--and nothing hath contributed more than that very measure to make the Kings of Europe absolute: Witness Denmark and Sweden.

我们的祈祷遭到轻蔑的拒绝；这只会让我们相信，没有什么比反复请愿更能满足虚荣心，或者证实国王的固执了——没有什么比这一措施更有助于使欧洲国王变得绝对：丹麦和瑞典就是见证。

Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do, for God's sake, let us come to a final separation, and not leave the next generation to be cutting throats, under the violated unmeaning names of parent and child.

因此，既然除了打架什么也做不了，看在上帝的份上，让我们进行最后的分离，不要让下一代在父母和孩子被侵犯的毫无意义的名字下被割喉。

To say, they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary, we thought so at the repeal of the stamp-act, yet a year or two undeceived us; as well may we suppose that nations, which have been once defeated, will never renew the quarrel.

说他们永远不会再尝试这样做是空洞和有远见的，我们在废除印花税法案时也是这么认为的，但一两年后我们没有受骗；我们也可以假设，曾经被击败的国家将永远不会再重新发生争吵。

As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do this continent justice: The business of it will soon be too weighty, and intricate, to be managed with any tolerable degree of convenience, by a power, so distant from us, and so very ignorant of us; for if they cannot conquer us, they cannot govern us.

至于政府事务，英国无权公正地对待这个大陆：它的事务很快就会变得过于繁重和复杂，以至于无法由一个离我们如此遥远、对我们如此无知的国家以任何可容忍的便利程度来管理；因为如果他们不能征服我们，他们就不能统治我们。

To be always running three or four thousand miles with a tale or a petition, waiting four or five months for an answer, which when obtained requires five or six more to explain it in, will in a few years be looked upon as folly and childishness--There was a time when it was proper, and there is a proper time for it to cease.

总是带着一个故事或一份请愿，跑三四千英里，等待四五个月才能得到答复，而得到答复后还需要五六个人来解释，几年后就会被视为愚蠢和幼稚——有一个适当的时候，也有一个适当的停止的时候。

Small islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the proper objects for kingdoms to take under their care; but there is something very absurd, in supposing a continent to be perpetually governed by an island.

没有能力保护自己的小岛屿，才是王国应该照顾的对象；但是，假设一块大陆永远由一个岛屿统治，这是非常荒谬的。

In no instance hath nature made the satellite larger than its primary planet, and as England and America, with respect to each other, reverses the common order of nature, it is evident they belong to different systems: England to Europe, America to itself.

在任何情况下，大自然都没有使卫星比它的主行星更大，而且由于英国和美国相互之间颠倒了自然的共同秩序，很明显它们属于不同的系统：英国属于欧洲，美国属于它自己。

I am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment to espouse the doctrine of separation and independance; I am clearly, positively, and conscientiously persuaded that it is the true interest of this continent to be so; that every thing short of that is mere patchwork, that it can afford no lasting felicity,--that it is leaving the sword to our children, and shrinking back at a time, when, a little more, a little farther, would have rendered this continent the glory of the earth.

我并不是出于骄傲、党派或怨恨的动机而拥护分离和独立的学说；我清楚地、积极地、认真地相信，这才是这个大陆的真正利益；缺少这一点的一切都只是拼凑而成，它无法带来持久的幸福，它正在把剑留给我们的孩子，并在某个时候退缩，而此时，再多一点，再远一点，本可以使这片大陆成为地球的荣耀。

As Britain hath not manifested the least inclination towards a compromise, we may be assured that no terms can be obtained worthy the acceptance of the continent, or any ways equal to the expence of blood and treasure we have been already put to.

由于英国没有表现出丝毫妥协的倾向，我们可以放心，任何条件都无法获得值得欧洲大陆接受的条件，也无法以任何方式与我们已经投入的鲜血和财富相媲美。

The object, contended for, ought always to bear some just proportion to the expence.

所争取的目标总是应该与所付出的费用成一定比例。

The removal of North, or the whole detestable junto, is a matter unworthy the millions we have expended.

除去诺斯，或者整个可憎的军政府，是一件不值得我们花费数百万美元的事情。

A temporary stoppage of trade, was an inconvenience, which would have sufficiently ballanced the repeal of all the acts complained of, had such repeals been obtained; but if the whole continent must take up arms, if every man must be a soldier, it is scarcely worth our while to fight against a contemptible ministry only.

暂时停止贸易会造成不便，如果废除了所有被投诉的行为，这将足以平衡废除这些行为；但是，如果整个大陆都必须拿起武器，如果每个人都必须成为士兵，那么仅仅与一个可鄙的政府作战就几乎不值得我们花时间。

Dearly, dearly, do we pay for the repeal of the acts, if that is all we fight for; for in a just estimation, it is as great a folly to pay a Bunker-hill price for law, as for land.

如果这就是我们奋斗的全部，那么我们是否会为废除这些法案付出沉重的代价？因为公正地估计，为法律付出高昂的代价就像为土地付出高昂的代价一样愚蠢。

As I have always considered the independancy of this continent, as an event, which sooner or later must arrive, so from the late rapid progress of the continent to maturity, the event could not be far off.

由于我一直认为这片大陆的独立，是一件迟早要到来的事件，所以从大陆后期的快速进步到成熟，这个事件已经不远了。

Wherefore, on the breaking out of hostilities, it was not worth the while to have disputed a matter, which time would have finally redressed, unless we meant to be in earnest; otherwise, it is like wasting an estate on a suit at law, to regulate the trespasses of a tenant, whose lease is just expiring.

因此，在敌对行动爆发时，不值得花时间去争论一个问题，除非我们是认真的，否则时间最终会得到纠正。否则，这就像在法律诉讼中浪费财产来规范租约即将到期的租户的非法侵入。

No man was a warmer wisher for reconciliation than myself, before the fatal nineteenth of April 1775, but the moment the event of that day was made known, I rejected the hardened, sullen tempered Pharaoh of England for ever; and disdain the wretch, that with the pretended title of father of his people can unfeelingly hear of their slaughter, and composedly sleep with their blood upon his soul.

在 1775 年 4 月 19 日这个致命的日子之前，没有人比我更热衷于和解，但当那天的事件被公布的那一刻，我永远拒绝了这位冷酷、阴沉的英格兰法老；蔑视那些自称人民之父的可怜虫，可以无情地听到他们的屠杀，并在灵魂上沾满他们的鲜血的情况下平静地入睡。

But admitting that matters were now made up, what would be the event?

但既然事已成定局，那么结果会怎样呢？

I answer, the ruin of the continent.

我回答，大陆的毁灭。

And that for several reasons.

这有几个原因。

First.

第一的。

The powers of governing still remaining in the hands of the king, he will have a negative over the whole legislation of this continent.

统治权仍然掌握在国王手中，他将对这片大陆的整个立法拥有消极权。

And as he hath shewn himself such an inveterate enemy to liberty, and discovered such a thirst for arbitrary power; is he, or is he not, a proper man to say to these colonies, "You shall make no laws but what I please." And is there any inhabitant in America so ignorant, as not to know, that according to what is called the present constitution, that this continent can make no laws but what the king gives leave to; and is there any man so unwise, as not to see, that (considering what has happened) he will suffer no law to be made here, but such as suit his purpose.

正如他所表明的那样，他是自由的宿敌，并且发现了对专制权力的渴望。他是否适合对这些殖民地说：“除非我愿意，否则你们不得制定任何法律。”美洲是否有居民如此无知，以至于不知道根据所谓的现行宪法，除了国王允许的法律外，这个大陆不能制定任何法律？是否有人如此不明智，以至于没有看到（考虑到已经发生的事情）他不会允许这里制定任何法律，除非是适合他目的的法律。

We may be as effectually enslaved by the want of laws in America, as by submitting to laws made for us in England.

在美国，我们可能会因缺乏法律而受到有效的奴役，就像在英国服从为我们制定的法律一样。

After matters are made up (as it is called) can there be any doubt, but the whole power of the crown will be exerted, to keep this continent as low and humble as possible?

事情解决后（正如人们所说的那样），还有什么疑问吗，但国王将发挥全部力量，使这片大陆尽可能保持卑微和卑微？

Instead of going forward we shall go backward, or be perpetually quarrelling or ridiculously petitioning.--We are already greater than the king wishes us to be, and will he not hereafter endeavour to make us less?

我们不但不前进，反而会倒退，或者永远争吵，或者可笑地祈求。——我们已经比国王所希望的更伟大了，难道他以后不会努力让我们变得更渺小吗？

To bring the matter to one point.

为了把事情引向一个重点。

Is the power who is jealous of our prosperity, a proper power to govern us?

嫉妒我们繁荣的权力是统治我们的适当权力吗？

Whoever says No to this question is an independant, for independancy means no more, than, whether we shall make our own laws, or whether the king, the greatest enemy this continent hath, or can have, shall tell us "there shall be no laws but such as I like."

对这个问题说“不”的人就是独立者，因为独立意味着我们是否应该制定自己的法律，或者国王，这个大陆最大的敌人是否拥有或可能拥有，将告诉我们“除了我喜欢的法律之外，不得有任何法律。”

But the king you will say has a negative in England; the people there can make no laws without his consent.

但你会说国王在英格兰有一个负面的说法；未经他的同意，那里的人民不能制定任何法律。

In point of right and good order, there is something very ridiculous, that a youth of twenty-one (which hath often happened) shall say to several millions of people, older and wiser than himself, I forbid this or that act of yours to be law.

从正确和良好秩序的角度来看，有一件非常荒谬的事情，一个二十一岁的年轻人（这种情况经常发生）会对数百万人说，我禁止你们的这种或那种行为成为法律。

But in this place I decline this sort of reply, though I will never cease to expose the absurdity of it, and only answer, that England being the King's residence, and America not so, makes quite another case.

但在这里，我拒绝这种答复，尽管我永远不会停止揭露它的荒谬性，并且只能回答说，英格兰是国王的住所，而美国不是，这又是另一回事了。

The king's negative here is ten times more dangerous and fatal than it can be in England, for there he will scarcely refuse his consent to a bill for putting England into as strong a state of defence as possible, and in America he would never suffer such a bill to be passed.

国王在这里的消极态度比在英格兰危险和致命的十倍，因为在那里他几乎不会拒绝同意一项使英格兰尽可能强大的防御状态的法案，而在美国他永远不会允许这样的法案获得通过。

America is only a secondary object in the system of British politics, England consults the good of this country, no farther than it answers her own purpose.

美国只是英国政治体系中的次要对象，英国只考虑这个国家的利益，而不是满足自己的目的。

Wherefore, her own interest leads her to suppress the growth of ours in every case which doth not promote her advantage, or in the least interferes with it.

因此，她自己的利益导致她在任何情况下都压制我们的发展，这不会促进她的利益，或者至少会妨碍她的利益。

A pretty state we should soon be in under such a second-hand government, considering what has happened!

考虑到所发生的事情，在这样一个二手政府的领导下，我们很快就会处于一种美好的状态！

Men do not change from enemies to friends by the alteration of a name: And in order to shew that reconciliation now is a dangerous doctrine, I affirm, that it would be policy in the king at this time, to repeal the acts for the sake of reinstating himself in the government of the provinces; in order, that he may accomplish by craft and subtilty, in the long run, what he cannot do by force and violence in the short one.

人们不会通过改变名字而从敌人变成朋友：为了表明现在和解是一种危险的学说，我申明，国王此时的政策是废除这些法案，以便恢复自己在各省政府中的地位；这样，从长远来看，他可以通过技巧和技巧来完成他在短期内无法通过武力和暴力完成的事情。

Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related.

和解与毁灭几乎是相关的。

Secondly.

第二。

That as even the best terms, which we can expect to obtain, can amount to no more than a temporary expedient, or a kind of government by guardianship, which can last no longer than till the colonies come of age, so the general face and state of things, in the interim, will be unsettled and unpromising.

即使是我们可以期望获得的最好条件，也只不过是一种暂时的权宜之计，或者一种监护政府，其持续时间不会超过殖民地成熟，因此，在此期间，事物的总体面貌和状况将是不稳定和无希望的。

Emigrants of property will not choose to come to a country whose form of government hangs but by a thread, and who is every day tottering on the brink of commotion and disturbance; and numbers of the present inhabitants would lay hold of the interval, to dispense of their effects, and quit the continent.

有财产的移民不会选择来到一个政府形式岌岌可危、每天都在骚乱和骚乱边缘摇摇欲坠的国家；目前的许多居民将抓住这段时间，释放他们的影响，然后离开这片大陆。

But the most powerful of all arguments, is, that nothing but independance, i.e. a continental form of government, can keep the peace of the continent and preserve it inviolate from civil wars.

但所有论点中最有力的一点是，只有独立，即大陆形式的政府，才能维持非洲大陆的和平，使其免受内战的影响。

I dread the event of a reconciliation with Britain now, as it is more than probable, that it will be followed by a revolt somewhere or other, the consequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice of Britain.

我现在害怕与英国和解，因为很可能随之而来的是某个地方的叛乱，其后果可能比英国的所有恶意更加致命。

Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity; (thousands more will probably suffer the same fate) Those men have other feelings than us who have nothing suffered.

成千上万的人已经被英国的野蛮行径毁掉了； （成千上万的人可能会遭受同样的命运）那些人与我们没有任何痛苦相比，有着不同的感受。

All they now possess is liberty, what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and having nothing more to lose, they disdain submission.

他们现在所拥有的只是自由，他们以前所享受的一切都被牺牲来为自由服务，并且没有什么可失去的，他们蔑视服从。

Besides, the general temper of the colonies, towards a British government, will be like that of a youth, who is nearly out of his time; they will care very little about her.

此外，殖民地对英国政府的普遍态度将像一个即将过时的年轻人一样；他们很少关心她。

And a government which cannot preserve the peace, is no government at all, and in that case we pay our money for nothing; and pray what is it that Britain can do, whose power will be wholly on paper, should a civil tumult break out the very day after reconciliation?

一个不能维护和平的政府根本就不是政府，那样的话我们付钱就白费了；如果和解后的第二天就爆发内乱，那么英国能做什么呢？英国的权力将完全停留在纸面上。

I have heard some men say, many of whom I believe spoke without thinking, that they dreaded an independance, fearing that it would produce civil wars.

我听一些人说，他们害怕独立，担心它会引发内战，我相信他们中的许多人都没有经过思考。

It is but seldom that our first thoughts are truly correct, and that is the case here; for there are ten times more to dread from a patched up connexion than from independance.

我们最初的想法很少是真正正确的，这里就是这种情况。因为修补关系所带来的恐惧比独立所带来的恐惧还要多十倍。

I make the sufferers case my own, and I protest, that were I driven from house and home, my property destroyed, and my circumstances ruined, that as man, sensible of injuries, I could never relish the doctrine of reconciliation, or consider myself bound thereby.

我将受害者的情况归咎于我自己，我抗议说，如果我被逐出家门，我的财产被毁，我的处境被毁，作为一个能感受到伤害的人，我永远不会享受和解的教义，或认为自己受其约束。

The colonies have manifested such a spirit of good order and obedience to continental government, as is sufficient to make every reasonable person easy and happy on that head.

殖民地表现出了良好的秩序和服从大陆政府的精神，这足以让每一个理性的人在这方面感到轻松和快乐。

No man can assign the least pretence for his fears, on any other grounds, than such as are truly childish and ridiculous, viz.

除了那些真正幼稚和可笑的理由之外，没有人能以任何其他理由来为自己的恐惧做任何借口。

that one colony will be striving for superiority over another.

一个殖民地将力争超越另一个殖民地。

Where there are no distinctions there can be no superiority, perfect equality affords no temptation.

没有差别就没有优越感，完全平等就没有诱惑。

The republics of Europe are all (and we may say always) in peace.

欧洲各共和国都（我们可以说永远）处于和平之中。

Holland and Swisserland are without wars, foreign or domestic: Monarchical governments, it is true, are never long at rest; the crown itself is a temptation to enterprizing ruffians at home; and that degree of pride and insolence ever attendant on regal authority, swells into a rupture with foreign powers, in instances, where a republican government, by being formed on more natural principles, would negociate the mistake.

荷兰和瑞士没有战争，无论是国外的还是国内的：确实，君主制政府从来没有长期休息过。王冠本身就是对国内痞子们的一种诱惑。王权所伴随的那种程度的傲慢和傲慢，会膨胀为与外国势力的决裂，在这种情况下，一个按照更自然的原则组建的共和政府会协商这个错误。

If there is any true cause of fear respecting independance, it is because no plan is yet laid down.

如果有任何真正的原因让人们对独立感到恐惧，那是因为尚未制定任何计划。

Men do not see their way out-- Wherefore, as an opening into that business, I offer the following hints; at the same time modestly affirming, that I have no other opinion of them myself, than that they may be the means of giving rise to something better.

人们看不到自己的出路——因此，作为进入这一行业的一个开端，我提供以下提示；同时谦虚地肯定，我自己对它们没有其他看法，只是它们可能是产生更好事物的手段。

Could the straggling thoughts of individuals be collected, they would frequently form materials for wise and able men to improve into useful matter.

如果把个人零散的想法收集起来，它们往往会成为有智慧有能力的人改进为有用的材料。

Let the assemblies be annual, with a President only.

让大会每年举行一次，只有主席一人。

The representation more equal.

代表权更加平等。

Their business wholly domestic, and subject to the authority of a Continental Congress.

他们的业务完全在国内进行，并受大陆会议的管辖。

Let each colony be divided into six, eight, or ten, convenient districts, each district to send a proper number of delegates to Congress, so that each colony send at least thirty.

让每个殖民地分为六个、八个或十个方便的选区，每个选区派出适当数量的代表参加国会，这样每个殖民地至少派出三十名代表。

The whole number in Congress will be at least 390.

国会总数至少为 390 人。

Each Congress to sit and to choose a president by the following method.

每届国会按下列方法召开并选举总统。

When the delegates are met, let a colony be taken from the whole thirteen colonies by lot, after which, let the whole Congress choose (by ballot) a president from out of the delegates of that province.

当代表开会时，从全部十三个殖民地中抽签选出一个殖民地，然后，让整个国会从该省的代表中（通过投票）选出一位总统。

In the next Congress, let a colony be taken by lot from twelve only, omitting that colony from which the president was taken in the former Congress, and so proceeding on till the whole thirteen shall have had their proper rotation.

在下届国会中，只从十二个殖民地中抽签选出一个殖民地，省略上一届国会中选出总统的那个殖民地，如此进行，直到整个十三个殖民地都得到适当的轮换。

And in order that nothing may pass into a law but what is satisfactorily just, not less than three fifths of the Congress to be called a majority.--He that will promote discord, under a government so equally formed as this, would have joined Lucifer in his revolt.

为了使任何法律都能够通过，除非是令人满意的公正，不少于五分之三的国会议员才能被称为多数。——在这样一个同样组成的政府领导下煽动不和的人，就会加入路西法的叛乱。

But as there is a peculiar delicacy, from whom, or in what manner, this business must first arise, and as it seems most agreeable and consistent that it should come from some intermediate body between the governed and the governors, that is, between the Congress and the people, let a Continental Conference be held, in the following manner, and for the following purpose.

但是，由于这项事务必须首先由谁或以何种方式提出，这是一个特殊的问题，而且似乎最令人愉快和一致的是，它应该由被统治者和州长之间，即国会和人民之间的某个中间机构提出，所以让大陆会议以以下方式举行，并为了以下目的。

A committee of twenty-six members of Congress, viz.

由二十六名国会议员组成的委员会，即。

two for each colony.

每个殖民地两个。

Two members from each House of Assembly, or Provincial Convention; and five representatives of the people at large, to be chosen in the capital city or town of each province, for, and in behalf of the whole province, by as many qualified voters as shall think proper to attend from all parts of the province for that purpose; or, if more convenient, the representatives may be chosen in two or three of the most populous parts thereof.

每个众议院或省议会的两名成员；五名广大人民代表，由各省的省会城市或城镇选出，并代表全省，由全省各地认为适当的合格选民代表全省选出；或者，如果更方便的话，可以从人口最多的两个或三个地区中选出代表。

In this conference, thus assembled, will be united, the two grand principles of business, knowledge and power.

在如此聚集的这次会议上，商业、知识和权力这两个伟大原则将被统一起来。

The members of Congress, Assemblies, or Conventions, by having had experience in national concerns, will be able and useful counsellors, and the whole, being impowered by the people, will have a truly legal authority.

国会、议会或代表大会的成员，由于在国家问题上有丰富的经验，将成为有能力、有用的顾问，而全体议员，由于受到人民的授权，将拥有真正的合法权威。

The conferring members being met, let their business be to frame a Continental Charter, or Charter of the United Colonies; (answering to what is called the Magna Charta of England) fixing the number and manner of choosing members of Congress, members of Assembly, with their date of sitting, and drawing the line of business and jurisdiction between them: (Always remembering, that our strength is continental, not provincial:) Securing freedom and property to all men, and above all things, the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; with such other matter as is necessary for a charter to contain.

与会的授予成员的任务是制定大陆宪章或联合殖民地宪章； （回应所谓的英国大宪章）确定国会议员、议会议员的人数和选举方式，以及他们的就职日期，并划定他们之间的业务范围和管辖范围：（永远记住，我们的力量是大陆性的，而不是地方性的：）确保所有人的自由和财产，最重要的是，根据良心的要求自由行使宗教信仰；以及章程所必需包含的其他事项。

Immediately after which, the said Conference to dissolve, and the bodies which shall be chosen comformable to the said charter, to be the legislators and governors of this continent for the time being: Whose peace and happiness, may God preserve, Amen.

此后，上述会议立即解散，并选出符合上述宪章的机构，暂时担任该大陆的立法者和统治者：愿上帝保佑其和平与幸福，阿门。

Should any body of men be hereafter delegated for this or some similar purpose, I offer them the following extracts from that wise observer on governments Dragonetti.

如果今后有任何人被委派从事此或类似的目的，我向他们提供以下摘自政府明智观察家德拉格内蒂的摘录。

"The science" says he "of the politician consists in fixing the true point of happiness and freedom.

他说，“政治家的科学在于确定幸福和自由的真正意义。

Those men would deserve the gratitude of ages, who should discover a mode of government that contained the greatest sum of individual happiness, with the least national expense.

这些人应该得到千古的感激，他们应该发现一种以最少的国家开支实现最大程度的个人幸福的政府模式。

Dragonetti on virtue and rewards."

德拉格内蒂论美德和奖励。”

But where says some is the King of America?

但哪里说某些人是美国之王呢？

I'll tell you Friend, he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of mankind like the Royal Brute of Britain.

我告诉你，朋友，他统治着一切，不会像英国的皇家野兽那样对人类造成严重破坏。

Yet that we may not appear to be defective even in earthly honors, let a day be solemnly set apart for proclaiming the charter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine law, the word of God; let a crown be placed thereon, by which the world may know, that so far as we approve of monarchy, that in America the law is king.

然而，为了让我们即使在世俗的荣誉方面也不致显得有缺陷，请庄严地指定一天来宣布宪章；让它以神圣的律法、上帝的话语为基础而产生；给它戴上一顶王冠，这样全世界就可以知道，就我们赞成君主制而言，在美国，法律就是国王。

For as in absolute governments the King is law, so in free countries the law ought to be King; and there ought to be no other.

因为正如在专制政府中国王就是法律一样，在自由国家中法律也应该是国王。应该没有其他的了。

But lest any ill use should afterwards arise, let the crown at the conclusion of the ceremony be demolished, and scattered among the people whose right it is.

但为了避免事后出现任何不当使用，在仪式结束时，王冠应被拆除，并分散在拥有该王冠的人手中。

A government of our own is our natural right: And when a man seriously reflects on the precariousness of human affairs, he will become convinced, that it is infinitely wiser and safer, to form a constitution of our own in a cool deliberate manner, while we have it in our power, than to trust such an interesting event to time and chance.

建立我们自己的政府是我们与生俱来的权利：当一个人认真反思人类事务的不稳定时，他就会相信，在我们拥有权力的情况下，以冷静、深思熟虑的方式制定我们自己的宪法，比把如此有趣的事件托付给时间和机遇要明智得多、安全得多。

If we omit it now, some Massanello ¹ may hereafter arise, who laying hold of popular disquietudes, may collect together the desperate and the discontented, and by assuming to themselves the powers of government, may sweep away the liberties of the continent like a deluge.

如果我们现在忽略它，那么一些马萨内罗可能会在以后出现，他们抓住了民众的不安，可能将绝望者和不满者聚集在一起，并通过自己掌握政府权力，可能像洪水一样席卷欧洲大陆的自由。

Should the government of America return again into the hands of Britain, the tottering situation of things, will be a temptation for some desperate adventurer to try his fortune; and in such a case, what relief can Britain give?

如果美国政府再次回到英国手中，那么摇摇欲坠的局势将成为一些绝望的冒险家尝试命运的诱惑；那么在这种情况下，英国能给予什么救济呢？

Ere she could hear the news, the fatal business might be done; and ourselves suffering like the wretched Britons under the oppression of the Conqueror.

在她听到这个消息之前，致命的事情可能就完成了；我们自己也像可怜的英国人一样，在征服者的压迫下受苦受难。

Ye that oppose independance now, ye know not what ye do; ye are opening a door to eternal tyranny, by keeping vacant the seat of government.

你们现在反对独立，你们不知道你们在做什么；你们让政府席位空缺，正在为永恒的暴政打开一扇大门。

There are thousands, and tens of thousands, who would think it glorious to expel from the continent, that barbarous and hellish power, which hath stirred up the Indians and Negroes to destroy us, the cruelty hath a double guilt, it is dealing brutally by us, and treacherously by them.

有成千上万的人认为将这种野蛮而地狱般的力量驱逐出非洲大陆是光荣的，它煽动印第安人和黑人来毁灭我们，这种残忍有双重罪孽，我们对它残酷对待，而他们对它则背信弃义。

¹ Thomas Anello, otherwise Massanello, a fisherman of Naples, who after spiriting up his countrymen in the public market place, against the oppressions of the Spaniards, to whom the place was then subject, prompted them to revolt, and in the space of a day became king.

托马斯·阿内洛（Thomas Anello），又名马萨内洛（Massanello），是那不勒斯的一位渔夫，他在公共集市上鼓动同胞反抗西班牙人的压迫（该地当时隶属西班牙人），促使他们起义，并在一天之内成为国王。

To talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids us to have faith, and our affections wounded through a thousand pores instruct us to detest, is madness and folly.

与那些我们的理智禁止我们信任、我们的感情千疮百孔地让我们厌恶的人谈论友谊，是疯狂和愚蠢的。

Every day wears out the little remains of kindred between us and them, and can there be any reason to hope, that as the relationship expires, the affection will increase, or that we shall agree better, when we have ten times more and greater concerns to quarrel over than ever?

日复一日，我们和他们之间仅存的一点亲情都被耗尽了，当我们有比以前多十倍、更大的问题需要争吵时，我们还有什么理由希望，随着关系的结束，感情会增加，或者我们会更好地达成一致呢？

Ye that tell us of harmony and reconciliation, can ye restore to us the time that is past?

你们告诉我们和谐与和解，你们能让我们恢复过去的时光吗？

Can ye give to prostitution its former innocence?

你们能让卖淫恢复往日的纯真吗？

Neither can ye reconcile Britain and America.

你们也无法调和英国和美国。

The last cord now is broken, the people of England are presenting addresses against us.

现在最后一根绳子已经断了，英国人民正在发表反对我们的言论。

There are injuries which nature cannot forgive; she would cease to be nature if she did.

有些伤害是大自然无法原谅的；如果她这么做了，她就不再是自然了。

As well can the lover forgive the ravisher of his mistress, as the continent forgive the murders of Britain.

情人也可以原谅情妇的强奸者，就像大陆原谅英国的谋杀一样。

The Almighty hath implanted in us these unextinguishable feelings for good and wise purposes.

全能的上帝为了美好而明智的目的而将这些无法熄灭的情感植入我们体内。

They are the guardians of his image in our hearts.

他们是他在我们心中形象的守护者。

They distinguish us from the herd of common animals.

它们将我们与普通动物区分开来。

The social compact would dissolve, and justice be extirpated the earth, or have only a casual existence were we callous to the touches of affection.

如果我们对感情麻木不仁，社会契约就会瓦解，正义就会在地球上消失，或者只是偶然存在。

The robber, and the murderer, would often escape unpunished, did not the injuries which our tempers sustain, provoke us into justice.

如果不是我们的脾气所受的伤害促使我们伸张正义，强盗和杀人犯往往会逍遥法外。

O ye that love mankind!

热爱人类的人们啊！

Ye that dare oppose, not only the tyranny, but the tyrant, stand forth!

你们敢于反抗的，不仅是暴政，还有暴君，站出来！

Every spot of the old world is overrun with oppression.

旧世界的每一个地方都充满了压迫。

Freedom hath been hunted round the globe.

全球各地都在追寻自由。

Asia, and Africa, have long expelled her--Europe regards her like a stranger, and England hath given her warning to depart.

亚洲、非洲早已将她驱逐——欧洲视她如陌生人，英国则警告她离开。

O!

哦！

receive the fugitive, and prepare in time an asylum for mankind.

接收逃亡者，及时为人类准备庇护所。

OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA, WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUS REFLEXIONS.

美国目前的能力，以及一些杂项的反思。

I have never met with a man, either in England or America, who hath not confessed his opinion, that a separation between the countries, would take place one time or other: And there is no instance, in which we have shewn less judgment, than in endeavouring to describe, what we call, the ripeness or fitness of the Continent for independance.

无论是在英国还是在美国，我遇到的每个人都承认他的观点，即国家之间的分离有时会发生：而且我们在努力描述我们所谓的大陆独立的成熟度或适合性时表现出的判断力是最差的。

As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of the time, let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general survey of things, and endeavour, if possible, to find out the very time.

由于所有人都允许衡量，并且只是对时间的看法有所不同，所以为了消除错误，让我们对事物进行全面的调查，并在可能的情况下努力找出确切的时间。

But we need not go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the time hath found us.

但我们不必走得太远，询问立即停止，因为时间已经找到了我们。

The general concurrence, the glorious union of all things prove the fact.

万物的普遍一致、光荣联合证明了这一事实。

It is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies; yet our present numbers are sufficient to repel the force of all the world.

我们的力量不在于数量，而在于团结；但我们现在的人数足以击退全世界的力量。

The Continent hath, at this time, the largest body of armed and disciplined men of any power under Heaven; and is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in which no single colony is able to support itself, and the whole, when united, can accomplish the matter, and either more, or, less than this, might be fatal in its effects.

此时，欧洲大陆拥有世界上最大规模的武装和纪律严明的军队。并且刚刚达到这样的强度，在这种强度下，没有任何一个殖民地能够支持自己，而整体，当团结起来时，就可以完成任务，无论是多于或少于此，其影响都可能是致命的。

Our land force is already sufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot be insensible, that Britain would never suffer an American man of war to be built, while the continent remained in her hands.

我们的陆军已经足够了，至于海军事务，我们不能麻木不仁，英国永远不会容忍美国建造战舰，而大陆仍然掌握在她手中。

Wherefore, we should be no forwarder an hundred years hence in that branch, than we are now; but the truth is, we should be less so, because the timber of the country is every day diminishing, and that, which will remain at last, will be far off and difficult to procure.

因此，一百年后，我们在该行业中的地位不会比现在高。但事实是，我们不应该如此，因为这个国家的木材每天都在减少，而最终剩下的木材将变得遥远且难以获得。

Were the continent crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings under the present circumstances would be intolerable.

如果这片大陆上人口众多，她在目前的情况下所遭受的痛苦将是难以忍受的。

The more sea port towns we had, the more should we have both to defend and to lose.

我们拥有的海港城镇越多，我们需要防御和失去的海港城镇就越多。

Our present numbers are so happily proportioned to our wants, that no man need be idle.

我们目前的人数与我们的需求非常成比例，因此没有人可以闲着。

The diminution of trade affords an army, and the necessities of an army create a new trade.

贸易的减少提供了一支军队，而军队的必需品又创造了一种新的贸易。

Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue.

我们没有债务；无论我们为此签订什么契约，都将成为我们美德的光荣纪念品。

Can we but leave posterity with a settled form of government, an independant constitution of its own, the purchase at any price will be cheap.

如果我们只能给子孙后代留下一个固定的政府形式，一部自己的独立宪法，那么无论付出什么代价都将是廉价的。

But to expend millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts repealed, and routing the present ministry only, is unworthy the charge, and is using posterity with the utmost cruelty; because it is leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon their backs, from which they derive no advantage.

但是，为了废除一些卑鄙的行为而花费数百万美元，并仅仅破坏当前的内阁，这是不值得指责的，而且是对后人的最残酷的对待；因为这给他们留下了艰巨的工作要做，并背负着一笔债务，而他们却无法从中获得任何好处。

Such a thought is unworthy a man of honor, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a pedling politician.

这种想法是不配正人君子的，是心胸狭隘和兜售政客的真实特征。

The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard if the work be but accomplished.

如果工作尚未完成，我们可能欠下的债务就不值得我们重视。

No nation ought to be without a debt.

任何国家都不应该没有债务。

A national debt is a national bond; and when it bears no interest, is in no case a grievance.

国债是国家债券；当它没有利益时，决不是一种不满。

Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one hundred and forty millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of four millions interest.

英国背负着超过一亿四千万英镑的债务，而她为此支付了超过四百万英镑的利息。

And as a compensation for her debt, she has a large navy; America is without a debt, and without a navy; yet for the twentieth part of the English national debt, could have a navy as large again.

作为对债务的补偿，她拥有一支庞大的海军；美国没有债务，也没有海军；然而，只要英国国债的二十分之一，就可以拥有一支同样庞大的海军。

The navy of England is not worth, at this time, more than three millions and an half sterling.

目前，英国海军的价值不超过三百万英镑。

The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published without the following calculations, which are now given as a proof that the above estimation of the navy is just.

这本小册子的第一版和第二版出版时没有进行以下计算，现在给出这些计算以证明上述对海军的估计是正确的。

See Entic's naval history, intro.

请参阅 Entic 的海军历史简介。

page 56.

第 56 页。

The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with masts, yards, sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eight months boatswain's and carpenter's sea-stores, as calculated by Mr. Burchett, Secretary to the navy.

根据海军部长伯切特先生的计算，建造每艘船的费用，并为其配备桅杆、帆桁、帆和索具，以及八个月的水手长和木匠的海上物资。

£ [pounds sterling] For a ship of 100 guns = 35,553 90 = 29,886 80 = 23,638 70 = 17,785 60 = 14,197 50 = 10,606 40 = 7,558 30 = 5,846 20 = 3,710

£ [英镑] 一艘有 100 门火炮的船 = 35,553 90 = 29,886 80 = 23,638 70 = 17,785 60 = 14,197 50 = 10,606 40 = 7,558 30 = 5,846 20 = 3,710

And from hence it is easy to sum up the value, or cost rather, of the whole British navy, which in the year 1757, when it was at its greatest glory consisted of the following ships and guns:

由此很容易总结出整个英国海军的价值，或者更确切地说是成本，在 1757 年，当它处于最辉煌的时候，它由以下船只和枪支组成：

Ships.

船舶。

Guns.

枪。

Cost of one.

一个的成本。

Cost of all.

全部成本。

Cost in £ [pounds sterling] 6 100 35,553 213,318 12 90 29,886 358,632 12 80 23,638 283,656 43 70 17,785 764,755 35 60 14,197 496,895 40 50 10,606 424,240 45 40 7,558 340,110 58 20 3,710 215,180 85 Sloops, bombs and fireships, one with another, at } 2,000 170,000 ------------ Cost 3,266,786 Remains for Guns 233,214 ------------ 3,500,000

成本（英镑） 6 100 35,553 213,318 12 90 29,886 358,632 12 80 23,638 283,656 43 70 17,785 764,755 35 60 14,197 496,895 40 50 10,606 424,240 45 40 7,558 340,110 58 20 3,710 215,180 85 单桅帆船、炸弹和火船，每艘 } 2,000 170,000 ------------ 成本 3,266,786 枪支剩余233,214 ------------ 3,500,000

No country on the globe is so happily situated, or so internally capable of raising a fleet as America.

世界上没有哪个国家像美国那样地理位置优越，或者国内有能力组建一支舰队。

Tar, timber, iron, and cordage are her natural produce.

焦油、木材、铁和绳索是她的天然产物。

We need go abroad for nothing.

我们需要无缘无故地出国。

Whereas the Dutch, who make large profits by hiring out their ships of war to the Spaniards and Portuguese, are obliged to import most of the materials they use.

而荷兰人通过向西班牙人和葡萄牙人出租战船赚取巨额利润，但他们使用的大部分材料却不得不进口。

We ought to view the building a fleet as an article of commerce, it being the natural manufactory of this country.

我们应该将建造舰队视为一种商业物品，它是这个国家的天然工厂。

It is the best money we can lay out.

这是我们能拿出的最好的钱。

A navy when finished is worth more than it cost.

一支海军建成后的价值超过其成本。

And is that nice point in national policy, in which commerce and protection are united.

这就是国家政策中将商业与保护结合起来的一个很好的点。

Let us build; if we want them not, we can sell; and by that means replace our paper currency with ready gold and silver.

让我们一起建设；如果我们不需要，我们可以卖掉；通过这种方式，用现成的黄金和白银取代我们的纸币。

In point of manning a fleet, people in general run into great errors; it is not necessary that one fourth part should be sailors.

在配备舰队方面，人们通常会犯很大的错误。四分之一不一定是水手。

The Terrible privateer, Captain Death, stood the hottest engagement of any ship last war, yet had not twenty sailors on board, though her complement of men was upwards of two hundred.

可怕的私掠船“死亡船长”在上次战争中经受住了所有船只中最激烈的交战，但船上的水手人数却超过了 200，但船上的水手还不到 20 人。

A few able and social sailors will soon instruct a sufficient number of active landmen in the common work of a ship.

一些有能力、善于交际的水手很快就会指导足够数量的活跃​​陆地人员进行船上的共同工作。

Wherefore, we never can be more capable to begin on maritime matters than now, while our timber is standing, our fisheries blocked up, and our sailors and shipwrights out of employ.

因此，当我们的木材完好无损、我们的渔业受阻、我们的水手和造船工人失业时，我们再也没有比现在更有能力开始处理海事事务了。

Men of war, of seventy and eighty guns were built forty years ago in New-England, and why not the same now?

拥有七十门和八十门枪的战舰是四十年前在新英格兰建造的，为什么现在不一样呢？

Ship-building is America's greatest pride, and in which, she will in time excel the whole world.

造船业是美国最大的骄傲，在这方面，她迟早会超越全世界。

The great empires of the east are mostly inland, and consequently excluded from the possibility of rivalling her.

东方的伟大帝国大多位于内陆，因此排除了与她竞争的可能性。

Africa is in a state of barbarism; and no power in Europe, hath either such an extent of coast, or such an internal supply of materials.

非洲正处于野蛮状态；在欧洲，没有哪个国家拥有如此大的海岸线或如此丰富的内部物资供应。

Where nature hath given the one, she has withheld the other; to America only hath she been liberal of both.

大自然赋予了其中之一，却扣留了另一部分；只有到了美国，她才对两者都持自由态度。

The vast empire of Russia is almost shut out from the sea; wherefore, her boundless forests, her tar, iron, and cordage are only articles of commerce.

幅员辽阔的俄罗斯帝国几乎与海洋隔绝。因此，她无边无际的森林，她的焦油、铁和绳索都只是商品。

In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet?

为了安全起见，我们应该没有舰队吗？

We are not the little people now, which we were sixty years ago; at that time we might have trusted our property in the streets, or fields rather; and slept securely without locks or bolts to our doors or windows.

我们现在不再是六十年前的小人物；那时我们可能会相信我们在街道上或田野上的财产；我们的门窗没有锁或插销，可以安全地睡觉。

The case now is altered, and our methods of defence, ought to improve with our increase of property.

现在情况发生了变化，我们的防御方法应该随着我们财产的增加而改进。

A common pirate, twelve months ago, might have come up the Delaware, and laid the city of Philadelphia under instant contribution, for what sum he pleased; and the same might have happened to other places.

十二个月前，一个普通的海盗可能会登上特拉华河，并立即将费城纳入其管辖之下，无论他愿意支付多少金额；其他地方也可能发生同样的情况。

Nay, any daring fellow, in a brig of fourteen or sixteen guns, might have robbed the whole Continent, and carried off half a million of money.

不仅如此，任何胆大妄为的家伙，驾着一支有十四门或十六门大炮的双桅船，都可能抢劫整个欧洲大陆，并抢走五十万美元。

These are circumstances which demand our attention, and point out the necessity of naval protection.

这些情况值得我们关注，并指出海军保护的必要性。

Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up with Britain, she will protect us.

也许有人会说，等我们和英国和好之后，她就会保护我们。

Can we be so unwise as to mean, that she shall keep a navy in our harbours for that purpose?

难道我们会愚蠢到让她为此目的在我们的港口保留一支海军吗？

Common sense will tell us, that the power which hath endeavoured to subdue us, is of all others, the most improper to defend us.

常识告诉我们，在所有其他力量中，那些试图征服我们的力量是最不适合保护我们的。

Conquest may be effected under the pretence of friendship; and ourselves, after a long and brave resistance, be at last cheated into slavery.

征服可以以友谊为幌子；而我们自己，经过长期勇敢的抵抗，最终被欺骗成为奴隶。

And if her ships are not to be admitted into our harbours, I would ask, how is she to protect us?

如果她的船只不被允许进入我们的港口，我会问，她如何保护我们？

A navy three or four thousand miles off can be of little use, and on sudden emergencies, none at all.

一支距离三四千英里的海军几乎没有什么用处，而在突发紧急情况下则根本没有用处。

Wherefore, if we must hereafter protect ourselves, why not do it for ourselves?

因此，如果我们今后必须保护自己，为什么不为自己做呢？

Why do it for another?

为什么要为别人做呢？

The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not a tenth part of them are at any one time fit for service, numbers of them not in being; yet their names are pompously continued in the list, if only a plank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part, of such as are fit for service, can be spared on any one station at one time.

英国的战舰名单又长又可怕，但其中任何时候都没有十分之一适合服役，其中很多都已经不存在了；然而，只要船上只剩下一块木板，他们的名字就会继续在名单上浮夸地继续下去：在任何一个站点上，一次都不能幸免于适合服役的五分之一。

The East and West Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts over which Britain extends her claim, make large demands upon her navy.

东印度群岛、西印度群岛、地中海、非洲以及英国声称拥有主权的其他地区，对她的海军提出了巨大的要求。

From a mixture of prejudice and inattention, we have contracted a false notion respecting the navy of England, and have talked as if we should have the whole of it to encounter at once, and for that reason, supposed, that we must have one as large; which not being instantly practicable, have been made use of by a set of disguised Tories to discourage our beginning thereon.

由于偏见和疏忽的混合，我们对英国海军产生了一种错误的观念，并且说得好像我们应该立即面对整个英国海军，因此，假设我们必须拥有一支同样强大的海军；该计划并非立即可行，而是被一群伪装的托利党利用来阻止我们开始这样做。

Nothing can be farther from truth than this; for if America had only a twentieth part of the naval force of Britain, she would be by far an over match for her; because, as we neither have, nor claim any foreign dominion, our whole force would be employed on our own coast, where we should, in the long run, have two to one the advantage of those who had three or four thousand miles to sail over, before they could attack us, and the same distance to return in order to refit and recruit.

没有什么比这更偏离事实的了。因为如果美国的海军力量只有英国的二十分之一，那么它就远远无法与英国匹敌。因为，我们既没有也不声称拥有任何外国统治权，我们的全部兵力都将部署在我们自己的海岸上，从长远来看，我们应该比那些在攻击我们之前需要航行三四千英里、需要返回相同距离以进行整修和招募的人拥有二比一的优势。

And although Britain by her fleet, hath a check over our trade to Europe, we have as large a one over her trade to the West- Indies, which, by laying in the neighbourhood of the Continent, is entirely at its mercy.

尽管英国通过其舰队对我们与欧洲的贸易进行了检查，但我们对与西印度群岛的贸易也进行了同样大的检查，因为西印度群岛位于欧洲大陆附近，因此完全受到英国的摆布。

Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time of peace, if we should not judge it necessary to support a constant navy.

如果我们认为没有必要支持一支常备的海军，那么在和平时期可能会采取某种方法来维持一支海军力量。

If premiums were to be given to merchants, to build and employ in their service ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty or fifty guns, (the premiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the merchants) fifty or sixty of those ships, with a few guardships on constant duty, would keep up a sufficient navy, and that without burdening ourselves with the evil so loudly complained of in England, of suffering their fleet, in time of peace to lie rotting in the docks.

如果向商人提供额外费用，建造并在他们的服务中使用二十、三十、四十或五十门火炮（额外费用与商人损失的体积成正比），五十或六十艘这样的船只，加上一些经常值班的护卫舰，将维持一支足够的海军，而且不会让我们自己承担在英国如此大声抱怨的邪恶的负担，让他们的舰队在和平时期在码头上腐烂。

To unite the sinews of commerce and defense is sound policy; for when our strength and our riches play into each other's hand, we need fear no external enemy.

联合商业和国防的力量是明智的政策；因为当我们的力量和财富相互发挥作用时，我们就无需害怕外部敌人。

In almost every article of defense we abound.

几乎在每一篇辩护文章中我们都比比皆是。

Hemp flourishes even to rankness, so that we need not want cordage.

大麻甚至茂盛到发臭，因此我们不需要绳索。

Our iron is superior to that of other countries.

我们的铁比其他国家的铁优越。

Our small arms equal to any in the world.

我们的小型武器与世界上任何其他武器不相上下。

Cannon we can cast at pleasure.

我们可以随意投掷大炮。

Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every day producing.

我们每天都在生产硝石和火药。

Our knowledge is hourly improving.

我们的知识每小时都在进步。

Resolution is our inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us.

决心是我们与生俱来的性格，而勇气却从未抛弃我们。

Wherefore, what is it that we want?

那么，我们想要的是什么？

Why is it that we hesitate?

我们为何犹豫不决？

From Britain we can expect nothing but ruin.

对于英国，我们只能指望毁灭。

If she is once admitted to the government of America again, this Continent will not be worth living in.

如果她再次进入美国政府，这个大陆就不值得居住了。

Jealousies will be always arising; insurrections will be constantly happening; and who will go forth to quell them?

嫉妒总是会生起；叛乱将会不断发生；谁会去镇压他们呢？

Who will venture his life to reduce his own countrymen to a foreign obedience?

谁会冒着生命危险让自己的同胞屈服于外国呢？

The difference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting some unlocated lands, shews the insignificance of a British government, and fully proves, that nothing but Continental authority can regulate Continental matters.

宾夕法尼亚州和康涅狄格州在尊重一些未定位的土地上的差异，显示了英国政府的渺小，也充分证明，只有大陆权威才能规范大陆事务。

Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, is, that the fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet unoccupied, which instead of being lavished by the king on his worthless dependants, may be hereafter applied, not only to the discharge of the present debt, but to the constant support of government.

当前时间比其他时间更可取的另一个原因是，我们的人数越少，尚未占领的土地就越多，国王不会将这些土地浪费在他毫无价值的眷属身上，而是可以在以后不仅用于清偿当前的债务，而且可以用于持续支持政府。

No nation under heaven hath such an advantage as this.

天下任何一个民族都没有这样的优势。

The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far from being against, is an argument in favour of independance.

殖民地的婴儿状态，正如它所说的那样，非但没有反对独立，反而是支持独立的理由。

We are sufficiently numerous, and were we more so, we might be less united.

我们人数足够多，如果人数更多，我们可能会更加团结。

It is a matter worthy of observation, that the more a country is peopled, the smaller their armies are.

一个值得观察的问题是，一个国家的人口越多，其军队就越少。

In military numbers, the ancients far exceeded the moderns: and the reason is evident.

在军事数量上，古代人远远超过现代人：原因是显而易见的。

For trade being the consequence of population, men become too much absorbed thereby to attend to anything else.

由于贸易是人口的结果，人们变得过于专注于贸易而无暇顾及其他事情。

Commerce diminishes the spirit, both of patriotism and military defence.

商业削弱了爱国主义和军事防御的精神。

And history sufficiently informs us, that the bravest achievements were always accomplished in the non-age of a nation.

历史充分告诉我们，最勇敢的成就总是在一个国家尚未形成的时候完成的。

With the increase of commerce, England hath lost its spirit.

随着商业的增长，英国已经失去了精神。

The city of London, notwithstanding its numbers, submits to continued insults with the patience of a coward.

伦敦市尽管人口众多，却以懦夫般的耐心承受着持续的侮辱。

The more men have to lose, the less willing are they to venture.

人们失去的越多，他们就越不愿意冒险。

The rich are in general slaves to fear, and submit to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel.

富人一般都是恐惧的奴隶，他们像西班牙猎犬一样颤抖着口是心非，屈服于宫廷权力。

Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as in individuals.

青年时期是良好习惯的萌芽时期，对于国家和个人来说都是如此。

It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form the Continent into one government half a century hence.

半个世纪后，要让欧洲大陆组成一个政府，即使不是不可能，也可能很困难。

The vast variety of interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and population, would create confusion.

贸易和人口的增长所带来的各种利益会造成混乱。

Colony would be against colony.

殖民地将反对殖民地。

Each being able might scorn each other's assistance: and while the proud and foolish gloried in their little distinctions, the wise would lament, that the union had not been formed before.

每个有能力的人都可能蔑视彼此的帮助：当骄傲和愚蠢的人因他们的微小区别而自豪时，智者会哀叹联盟以前没有形成。

Wherefore, the present time is the true time for establishing it.

因此，现在正是建立它的真正时机。

The intimacy which is contracted in infancy, and the friendship which is formed in misfortune, are, of all others, the most lasting and unalterable.

在婴儿期建立的亲密关系和在不幸中形成的友谊是所有其他关系中最持久和不可改变的。

Our present union is marked with both these characters: we are young and we have been distressed; but our concord hath withstood our troubles, and fixes a memorable area for posterity to glory in.

我们现在的联盟具有这两个特点：我们年轻，我们苦恼；我们年轻，我们苦恼；我们年轻，我们苦恼。但我们的和谐经受住了我们的困难，并为子孙后代留下了值得纪念的荣耀之地。

The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time, which never happens to a nation but once, viz.

同样，现在的时代是一个特殊的时代，对于一个国家来说，只有一次才会发生，即。

the time of forming itself into a government.

组建政府的时期。

Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that means have been compelled to receive laws from their conquerors, instead of making laws for themselves.

大多数国家都错过了这个机会，从而被迫从征服者那里接受法律，而不是为自己制定法律。

First, they had a king, and then a form of government; whereas, the articles or charter of government, should be formed first, and men delegated to execute them afterward: but from the errors of other nations, let us learn wisdom, and lay hold of the present opportunity--To begin government at the right end.

首先，他们有一位国王，然后有一种政府形式；然而，政府的条款或宪章应该先制定，然后授权人员执行：但让我们从其他国家的错误中学习智慧，并抓住当前的机会——以正确的方式开始政府。

When William the Conqueror subdued England, he gave them law at the point of the sword; and until we consent, that the seat of government, in America, be legally and authoritatively occupied, we shall be in danger of having it filled by some fortunate ruffian, who may treat us in the same manner, and then, where will be our freedom?

当征服者威廉征服英格兰时，他在刀剑下颁布了法律。在我们同意美国的政府席位被合法且权威地占据之前，我们将面临被一些幸运的恶棍占据的危险，他们可能会以同样的方式对待我们，那么，我们的自由在哪里呢？

where our property?

我们的财产在哪里？

As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensable duty of all government, to protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I know of no other business which government hath to do therewith.

至于宗教，我认为保护所有认真负责的宗教信徒是所有政府不可缺少的职责，据我所知，政府除此之外没有其他事务。

Let a man throw aside that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of principle, which the niggards of all professions are so unwilling to part with, and he will be at once delivered of his fears on that head.

如果一个人抛弃了所有行业的吝啬鬼都不愿放弃的那种灵魂的狭隘和原则的自私，那么他就会立即摆脱对这一点的恐惧。

Suspicion is the companion of mean souls, and the bane of all good society.

猜疑是卑鄙灵魂的伴侣，也是所有美好社会的祸根。

For myself, I fully and conscientiously believe, that it is the will of the Almighty, that there should be diversity of religious opinions among us: It affords a larger field for our Christian kindness.

就我自己而言，我完全认真地相信，这是全能者的旨意，我们之间应该有不同的宗教观点：它为我们基督徒的仁慈提供了更大的领域。

Were we all of one way of thinking, our religious dispositions would want matter for probation; and on this liberal principle, I look on the various denominations among us, to be like children of the same family, differing only, in what is called, their Christian names.

如果我们都采用一种思维方式，我们的宗教倾向就会需要缓刑的物质；根据这一自由主义原则，我把我们中间的各种教派视为同一个家庭的孩子，只是在所谓的教名上有所不同。

In page forty, I threw out a few thoughts on the propriety of a Continental Charter, (for I only presume to offer hints, not plans) and in this place, I take the liberty of re-mentioning the subject, by observing, that a charter is to be understood as a bond of solemn obligation, which the whole enters into, to support the right of every separate part, whether of religion, personal freedom, or property.

在第四十页中，我对大陆宪章的适当性提出了一些想法（因为我只想提供提示，而不是计划），在这里，我冒昧地重新提及这个主题，通过观察，宪章应被理解为庄严义务的纽带，整体进入，以支持每个单独部分的权利，无论是宗教、个人自由还是财产。

A firm bargain and a right reckoning make long friends.

坚定的讨价还价和正确的计算可以结交长久的朋友。

In a former page I likewise mentioned the necessity of a large and equal representation; and there is no political matter which more deserves our attention.

在前一页中，我同样提到了大量且平等的代表权的必要性；没有什么政治问题更值得我们关注。

A small number of electors, or a small number of representatives, are equally dangerous.

少数选民或少数代表同样危险。

But if the number of the representatives be not only small, but unequal, the danger is increased.

但如果代表人数不仅少，而且不平等，危险就会增加。

As an instance of this, I mention the following; when the Associators petition was before the House of Assembly of Pennsylvania; twenty-eight members only were present, all the Bucks county members, being eight, voted against it, and had seven of the Chester members done the same, this whole province had been governed by two counties only, and this danger it is always exposed to.

作为一个例子，我提到以下内容；当协会请愿书提交宾夕法尼亚州众议院时；到场的议员只有二十八人，雄鹿郡议员八人全部投了反对票，切斯特郡议员也投了七票反对，整个省本来就只有两个县管辖，随时都会面临这种危险。

The unwarrantable stretch likewise, which that house made in their last sitting, to gain an undue authority over the delegates of that province, ought to warn the people at large, how they trust power out of their own hands.

同样，该院在上次会议上做出的无理延伸，是为了获得对该省代表的不当权威，应该警告广大人民，他们如何相信自己手中的权力。

A set of instructions for the Delegates were put together, which in point of sense and business would have dishonoured a schoolboy, and after being approved by a few, a very few without doors, were carried into the House, and there passed in behalf of the whole colony; whereas, did the whole colony know, with what ill-will that House hath entered on some necessary public measures, they would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy of such a trust.

一套给代表们的指示被放在一起，从意义上和商业角度来看，这都会让一个小学生蒙羞，在得到少数人（极少数没有门的人）批准后，被带入众议院，并代表整个殖民地通过。然而，如果整个殖民地都知道众议院采取了一些必要的公共措施是多么的恶意，他们会毫不犹豫地认为他们不值得这样的信任。

Immediate necessity makes many things convenient, which if continued would grow into oppressions.

迫在眉睫的需要使许多事情变得方便，如果继续下去就会变成压迫。

Expedience and right are different things.

权宜之计和正确是不同的事情。

When the calamities of America required a consultation, there was no method so ready, or at that time so proper, as to appoint persons from the several Houses of Assembly for that purpose; and the wisdom with which they have proceeded hath preserved this continent from ruin.

当美国的灾难需要进行协商时，没有任何现成的方法，或者说当时最合适的方法，可以从众议院的几院中任命人员来进行协商。他们的智慧使这片大陆免遭毁灭。

But as it is more than probable that we shall never be without a Congress, every well wisher to good order, must own, that the mode for choosing members of that body, deserves consideration.

但是，由于我们很可能永远不会没有国会，因此每一个希望维持良好秩序的人都必须承认，选择该机构成员的模式值得考虑。

And I put it as a question to those, who make a study of mankind, whether representation and election is not too great a power for one and the same body of men to possess?

我向那些研究人类的人提出一个问题，代表权和选举权对于同一个人来说是否不是一种太大的权力？

When we are planning for posterity, we ought to remember, that virtue is not hereditary.

当我们为子孙后代做打算时，我们应该记住，美德不是遗传的。

It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes.

我们常常从我们的敌人那里获得优秀的格言，并经常因他们的错误而惊讶不已。

Mr. Cornwall (one of the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New- York Assembly with contempt, because that House, he said, consisted but of twenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not with decency be put for the whole.

康沃尔先生（财政部长之一）蔑视纽约议会的请愿书，因为他说，众议院只有二十六名议员，他认为这个数字微不足道，不能体面地代表全体议员。

We thank him for his involuntary honesty.

我们感谢他不自觉的诚实。

¹

^

¹ Those who would fully understand of what great consequence a large and equal representation is to a state, should read Burgh's political disquisitions.

那些想要充分理解大量而平等的代表权对一个国家有多么重大影响的人应该阅读伯格的政治论文。

To Conclude, however strange it may appear to some, or however unwilling they may be to think so, matters not, but many strong and striking reasons may be given, to shew, that nothing can settle our affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined declaration for independance.

结论，无论对某些人来说多么奇怪，或者无论他们多么不愿意这么想，都不重要，但可以给出许多强有力和引人注​​目的理由来表明，没有什么比公开和坚决的独立宣言更能迅速解决我们的事务了。

Some of which are,

其中一些是，

First.--It is the custom of nations, when any two are at war, for some other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as mediators, and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: but while America calls herself the Subject of Great-Britain, no power, however well disposed she may be, can offer her mediation.

第一——当任何两个国家发生战争时，国家的惯例是让其他一些未参与争吵的国家作为调解者介入，并带来和平的初步结果：但是，尽管美国称自己为大不列颠的臣民，但没有哪个国家，无论她多么友善，都可以提供调解。

Wherefore, in our present state we may quarrel on for ever.

因此，在我们目前的情况下，我们可能会永远争吵。

Secondly.--It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or Spain will give us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of that assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and strengthening the connection between Britain and America; because, those powers would be sufferers by the consequences.

其次，假设法国或西班牙会给我们任何形式的援助，如果我们只是想利用这种援助来修复缺口，加强英美之间的联系，这是不合理的；因为，这些权力将成为后果的受害者。

Thirdly.--While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we must, in the eye of foreign nations, be considered as rebels.

第三——虽然我们自称是英国的臣民，但在外国眼中，我们必须被视为叛逆者。

The precedent is somewhat dangerous to their peace, for men to be in arms under the name of subjects; we, on the spot, can solve the paradox: but to unite resistance and subjection, requires an idea much too refined for common understanding.

这个先例对他们的和平有些危险，因为人们以臣民的名义武装起来。我们当场就可以解决这个悖论：但是要将抵抗与服从结合起来，就需要一种过于精细而难以达成共识的想法。

Fourthly.--Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched to foreign courts, setting forth the miseries we have endured, and the peaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress; declaring, at the same time, that not being able, any longer, to live happily or safely under the cruel disposition of the British court, we had been driven to the necessity of breaking off all connections with her; at the same time, assuring all such courts of our peaceable disposition towards them, and of our desire of entering into trade with them: Such a memorial would produce more good effects to this Continent, than if a ship were freighted with petitions to Britain.

第四——是否要发表一份宣言，并发送给外国法庭，阐明我们所遭受的苦难，以及我们为补救而无效地使用的和平方法？同时宣布，我们无法再在英国宫廷的残酷处置下幸福或安全地生活，我们被迫与她断绝一切联系；同时，向所有这些法院保证我们对他们的和平态度，以及我们与他们进行贸易的愿望：这样的纪念碑将为这片大陆带来更好的效果，比一艘船满载向英国请愿书要好。

Under our present denomination of British subjects, we can neither be received nor heard abroad: The custom of all courts is against us, and will be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other nations.

在我们目前对英国臣民的称呼下，我们既不能在国外被接受，也不能被国外听到：所有法院的惯例都对我们不利，并且将如此，直到我们通过独立与其他国家并列。

These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but, like all other steps which we have already passed over, will in a little time become familiar and agreeable; and, until an independance is declared, the Continent will feel itself like a man who continues putting off some unpleasant business from day to day, yet knows it must be done, hates to set about it, wishes it over, and is continually haunted with the thoughts of its necessity.

这些程序乍一看可能显得奇怪和困难；但是，就像我们已经跳过的所有其他步骤一样，很快就会变得熟悉和愉快；而且，在宣布独立之前，欧洲大陆会感觉自己像一个人，每天继续拖延一些不愉快的事情，但知道它必须完成，讨厌开始它，希望它结束​​，并不断被它的必要性的想法所困扰。

APPENDIX.

附录。

Since the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet, or rather, on the same day on which it came out, the King's Speech made its appearance in this city.

自从这本小册子第一版出版，或者更确切地说，出版的同一天，《国王的演讲》就出现在这座城市了。

Had the spirit of prophecy directed the birth of this production, it could not have brought it forth, at a more seasonable juncture, or a more necessary time.

如果预言之灵引导了这部作品的诞生，它不可能在更合时宜的时刻或更必要的时间诞生。

The bloody mindedness of the one, shew the necessity of pursuing the doctrine of the other.

一方的血腥思想表明了追求另一方教义的必要性。

Men read by way of revenge.

男人读书是为了报复。

And the Speech, instead of terrifying, prepared a way for the manly principles of Independance.

这篇演讲不但没有令人恐惧，反而为独立的男子气概原则铺平了道路。

Ceremony, and even, silence, from whatever motive they may arise, have a hurtful tendency, when they give the least degree of countenance to base and wicked performances; wherefore, if this maxim be admitted, it naturally follows, that the King's Speech, as being a piece of finished villainy, deserved, and still deserves, a general execration both by the Congress and the people.

仪式，甚至沉默，无论出于何种动机，只要对卑鄙和邪恶的行为给予哪怕最起码的支持，就会产生有害的倾向。因此，如果这条格言得到承认，那么自然而然地，国王的演讲作为一场恶行的完成，应该而且仍然应该受到国会和人民的普遍谴责。

Yet, as the domestic tranquillity of a nation, depends greatly, on the chastity of what may properly be called national manners, it is often better, to pass some things over in silent disdain, than to make use of such new methods of dislike, as might introduce the least innovation, on that guardian of our peace and safety.

然而，由于一个国家的国内安宁在很大程度上取决于所谓的民族礼仪的贞洁，因此，最好是默默地轻蔑地忽略一些事情，而不是使用这种新的不喜欢的方法，因为这可能会给我们的和平与安全的守护者带来最少的创新。

And, perhaps, it is chiefly owing to this prudent delicacy, that the King's Speech, hath not, before now, suffered a public execution.

也许正是由于这种审慎的谨慎，国王的演讲在此之前才没有遭到公开处决。

The Speech if it may be called one, is nothing better than a wilful audacious libel against the truth, the common good, and the existence of mankind; and is a formal and pompous method of offering up human sacrifices to the pride of tyrants.

如果这篇演讲可以被称为演讲的话，那么它只不过是对真理、共同利益和人类存在的蓄意、大胆的诽谤。这是一种为暴君的骄傲而献上活人祭品的正式而浮夸的方法。

But this general massacre of mankind, is one of the privileges, and the certain consequence of Kings; for as nature knows them not, they know not her, and although they are beings of our own creating, they know not us, and are become the gods of their creators.

但这种对人类的普遍屠杀，是国王的特权之一，也是必然的后果；因为，正如大自然不认识他们一样，他们也不认识她；虽然他们是我们自己创造的生物，但他们不认识我们，并成为了他们的创造者的神。

The Speech hath one good quality, which is, that it is not calculated to deceive, neither can we, even if we would, be deceived by it.

这篇演讲有一个好的品质，那就是它不是有意欺骗的，即使我们愿意，我们也不会被它欺骗。

Brutality and tyranny appear on the face of it.

残暴和暴虐都从表面上显现出来。

It leaves us at no loss: And every line convinces, even in the moment of reading, that He, who hunts the woods for prey, the naked and untutored Indian, is less a Savage than the King of Britain.

它不会让我们迷失：即使在阅读的那一刻，每一行都让我们相信，在树林里寻找猎物的赤身裸体、未经教养的印第安人，与其说是野蛮人，不如说是英国国王。

Sir John Dalrymple, the putative father of a whining jesuitical piece, fallaciously called, "The Address of the people of England to the inhabitants of America," hath, perhaps, from a vain supposition, that the people here were to be frightened at the pomp and description of a king, given, (though very unwisely on his part) the real character of the present one: "But" says this writer, "if you are inclined to pay compliments to an administration, which we do not complain of," (meaning the Marquis of Rockingham's at the repeal of the Stamp Act) "it is very unfair in you to withhold them from that prince, by whose nod alone they were permitted to do any thing." This is toryism with a witness!

约翰·达尔林普尔爵士（Sir John Dalrymple）被认为是一篇抱怨性的耶稣会文章之父，被错误地称为“英国人民致美洲居民的演说”，也许是出于一种徒劳的假设，认为这里的人民会对国王的排场和描述感到害怕，考虑到（尽管对他来说非常不明智的）当前国王的真实性格：“但是”这位作家说，“如果你倾向于向一个政府表示敬意，我们并不抱怨，”（指的是罗金厄姆侯爵在废除《印花税法案》时的情况）“你们不向王子提供这些东西是非常不公平的，因为仅凭王子的点头，他们就可以做任何事情。”这是有目击者的保守主义！

Here is idolatry even without a mask: And he who can calmly hear, and digest such doctrine, hath forfeited his claim to rationality--an apostate from the order of manhood; and ought to be considered--as one, who hath not only given up the proper dignity of man, but sunk himself beneath the rank of animals, and contemptibly crawls through the world like a worm.

即使没有面具，这也是偶像崇拜：而那些能够平静地聆听并消化这种教义的人，就已经放弃了他对理性的要求——一个背离男子气概的人；应该被视为一个人，他不仅放弃了人应有的尊严，而且把自己降到了动物的行列之下，像一条蠕虫一样卑鄙地在世界上爬行。

However, it matters very little now, what the king of England either says or does; he hath wickedly broken through every moral and human obligation, trampled nature and conscience beneath his feet; and by a steady and constitutional spirit of insolence and cruelty, procured for himself an universal hatred.

然而，现在英格兰国王说什么或做什么已经无关紧要了。他邪恶地破坏了一切道德和人类义务，将自然和良心践踏在脚下。他以一贯的、符合宪法规定的傲慢和残忍的精神，为自己招致了普遍的仇恨。

It is now the interest of America to provide for herself.

现在，美国的利益是自给自足。

She hath already a large and young family, whom it is more her duty to take care of, than to be granting away her property, to support a power who is become a reproach to the names of men and christians--Ye, whose office it is to watch over the morals of a nation, of whatsoever sect or denomination ye are of, as well as ye, who are more immediately the guardians of the public liberty, if ye wish to preserve your native country uncontaminated by European corruption, ye must in secret wish a separation--But leaving the moral part to private reflection, I shall chiefly confine my farther remarks to the following heads.

她已经有一个大而年轻的家庭，她更有责任照顾他们，而不是放弃她的财产，支持一个使男人和基督徒的名誉蒙羞的权力——你们，你们的职责是监督一个国家的道德，无论你们属于哪个教派或教派，以及你们，如果你们想保护你们的祖国，你们更直接的是公共自由的守护者没有受到欧洲腐败的污染，你们一定暗中希望分离——但是将道德部分留给私人思考，我将主要将我的进一步评论限制在以下几个方面。

First.

第一的。

That it is the interest of America to be separated from Britain.

与英国分离符合美国的利益。

Secondly.

第二。

Which is the easiest and most practicable plan, reconciliation or independance?

和解还是独立，哪个是最简单、最可行的方案？

with some occasional remarks.

偶尔会有一些评论。

In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce the opinion of some of the ablest and most experienced men on this continent; and whose sentiments, on that head, are not yet publicly known.

为了支持第一个观点，如果我判断正确的话，我可以提出这个大陆上一些最有能力和最有经验的人的意见。他们对此的看法尚未为公众所知。

It is in reality a self-evident position: For no nation in a state of foreign dependance, limited in its commerce, and cramped and fettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any material eminence.

事实上，这是一个不言而喻的立场：因为任何一个处于对外依存状态、其商业受到限制、其立法权受到限制的国家都无法取得任何物质上的卓越地位。

America doth not yet know what opulence is; and although the progress which she hath made stands unparalleled in the history of other nations, it is but childhood, compared with what she would be capable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have, the legislative powers in her own hands.

美国还不知道什么是富裕；尽管她所取得的进步在其他国家的历史上是无与伦比的，但如果她应该拥有自己手中的立法权，那么与她能够取得的成就相比，这还只是童年。

England is, at this time, proudly coveting what would do her no good, were she to accomplish it; and the Continent hesitating on a matter, which will be her final ruin if neglected.

英国此时正在自豪地觊觎着一些事情，即使她实现了这一目标，也对她没有任何好处。欧洲大陆在一件事情上犹豫不决，如果忽视，这将是她最终的毁灭。

It is the commerce and not the conquest of America, by which England is to be benefited, and that would in a great measure continue, were the countries as independant of each other as France and Spain; because in many articles, neither can go to a better market.

英国将受益于商业而不是征服美洲，而且，如果这些国家像法国和西班牙一样相互独立，这种受益将在很大程度上继续下去。因为在很多文章中，两者都无法走向更好的市场。

But it is the independance of this country of Britain or any other, which is now the main and only object worthy of contention, and which, like all other truths discovered by necessity, will appear clearer and stronger every day.

但这个国家摆脱英国或任何其他国家的独立，是现在值得争论的主要和唯一的目标，而且，就像所有其他必然发现的真理一样，它每天都会变得更加清晰和有力。

First.

第一的。

Because it will come to that one time or other.

因为总有一天会遇到这样的情况。

Secondly.

第二。

Because, the longer it is delayed the harder it will be to accomplish.

因为，拖延的时间越长，完成的难度就越大。

I have frequently amused myself both in public and private companies, with silently remarking, the specious errors of those who speak without reflecting.

我经常在公共和私人公司中自娱自乐，默默地评论那些不加思考就说话的人的似是而非的错误。

And among the many which I have heard, the following seems the most general, viz.

在我听到的许多说法中，以下似乎是最普遍的，即。

that had this rupture happened forty or fifty years hence, instead of now, the Continent would have been more able to have shaken off the dependance.

如果这次决裂发生在四十年或五十年后，而不是现在，欧洲大陆本来更有能力摆脱这种依赖。

To which I reply, that our military ability, at this time, arises from the experience gained in the last war, and which in forty or fifty years time, would have been totally extinct.

我对此的回答是，我们目前的军事能力是从上次战争中获得的经验产生的，四十年或五十年的时间里，这种能力就会完全消失。

The Continent, would not, by that time, have had a General, or even a military officer left; and we, or those who may succeed us, would have been as ignorant of martial matters as the ancient Indians: And this single position, closely attended to, will unanswerably prove, that the present time is preferable to all others.

到那时，欧洲大陆将不再有将军，甚至军官。我们，或者那些可能继承我们的人，会像古代印第安人一样对军事问题一无所知：而这个单一的立场，如果受到密切关注，将无可辩驳地证明，现在的时代比其他所有时代都更可取。

The argument turns thus-- at the conclusion of the last war, we had experience, but wanted numbers; and forty or fifty years hence, we should have numbers, without experience; wherefore, the proper point of time, must be some particular point between the two extremes, in which a sufficiency of the former remains, and a proper increase of the latter is obtained: And that point of time is the present time.

争论变成这样——在上次战争结束时，我们有经验，但需要数量；四十或五十年后，我们应该有数字，但没有经验；因此，适当的时间点一定是两个极端之间的某个特定点，在该点上，前者保持充足，而后者得到适当的增加：而那个时间点就是现在的时间。

The reader will pardon this digression, as it does not properly come under the head I first set out with, and to which I again return by the following position, viz.

读者会原谅这个离题，因为它没有正确地归入我首先提出的标题下，我再次回到以下位置，即。

Should affairs be patched up with Britain, and she to remain the governing and sovereign power of America, (which, as matters are now circumstanced, is giving up the point intirely) we shall deprive ourselves of the very means of sinking the debt we have, or may contract.

如果与英国的关系得到修复，而她仍然是美国的统治者和主权国家（从目前的情况来看，美国完全放弃了这一点），我们将失去偿还我们所欠债务或可能签订债务的手段。

The value of the back lands which some of the provinces are clandestinely deprived of, by the unjust extention of the limits of Canada, valued only at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, amount to upwards of twenty-five millions, Pennsylvania currency; and the quit-rents at one penny sterling per acre, to two millions yearly.

由于加拿大不公正地扩大边界，一些省份被秘密剥夺的边远土地的价值仅为每百英亩五英镑，但其价值高达两千五百万宾夕法尼亚币以上；退出租金为每英亩一便士，每年可达两百万英镑。

It is by the sale of those lands that the debt may be sunk, without burthen to any, and the quit-rent reserved thereon, will always lessen, and in time, will wholly support the yearly expence of government.

通过出售这些土地，债务可以被清偿，而不会造成任何负担，而保留的地租将永远减少，并最终完全支持政府的年度开支。

It matters not how long the debt is in paying, so that the lands when sold be applied to the discharge of it, and for the execution of which, the Congress for the time being, will be the continental trustees.

债务偿还多久并不重要，因此出售的土地可以用来偿还债务，而为了执行债务，国会暂时将成为大陆受托人。

I proceed now to the second head, viz.

我现在进入第二个头，即。

Which is the easiest and most practicable plan, reconciliation or independance; with some occasional remarks.

和解还是独立，哪一个是最简单、最可行的方案？偶尔会有一些评论。

He who takes nature for his guide is not easily beaten out of his argument, and on that ground, I answer generally--That independance being a single simple line, contained within ourselves; and reconciliation, a matter exceedingly perplexed and complicated, and in which, a treacherous capricious court is to interfere, gives the answer without a doubt.

以自然为指导的人不会轻易被击败，因此我的回答是一般性的——独立性是一条简单的线，包含在我们自己之中；和解，这是一件极其复杂的事情，一个奸诈反复无常的朝廷要介入其中，毫无疑问地给出了答案。

The present state of America is truly alarming to every man who is capable of reflexion.

美国目前的状况确实令每一个有反思能力的人感到震惊。

Without law, without government, without any other mode of power than what is founded on, and granted by courtesy.

没有法律，没有政府，除了以礼节为基础和授予的权力之外，没有任何其他形式的权力。

Held together by an unexampled concurrence of sentiment, which is nevertheless subject to change, and which every secret enemy is endeavouring to dissolve.

团结一致的情绪是史无前例的，但这种情绪却随时可能发生变化，而每一个秘密的敌人都在努力瓦解这种情绪。

Our present condition, is, Legislation without law; wisdom without a plan; constitution without a name; and, what is strangely astonishing, perfect Independance contending for dependance.

我们的现状是，有法无法；没有计划的智慧；没有名字的宪法；而且，令人奇怪的是，完美的独立性却在争夺依赖性。

The instance is without a precedent; the case never existed before; and who can tell what may be the event?

这个例子是没有先例的；该案件以前从未存在过；谁能知道会发生什么？

The property of no man is secure in the present unbraced system of things.

在目前不受约束的事物体系中，没有人的财产是安全的。

The mind of the multitude is left at random, and seeing no fixed object before them, they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts.

大众的心是随意的，看不到他们面前的固定目标，他们追求诸如幻想或意见之类的开始。

Nothing is criminal; there is no such thing as treason; wherefore, every one thinks himself at liberty to act as he pleases.

没有什么是犯罪的；没有叛国这回事；因此，每个人都认为自己可以自由地为所欲为。

The Tories dared not have assembled offensively, had they known that their lives, by that act, were forfeited to the laws of the state.

托利党人不敢集会进攻，因为他们知道，一旦这样做，他们的生命就会被国家法律剥夺。

A line of distinction should be drawn, between, English soldiers taken in battle, and inhabitants of America taken in arms.

应该在战斗中被俘的英国士兵和被武器俘获的美国居民之间划出一条界限。

The first are prisoners, but the latter traitors.

前者是囚犯，后者是叛徒。

The one forfeits his liberty, the other his head.

一个失去了自由，另一个则失去了头颅。

Notwithstanding our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness in some of our proceedings which gives encouragement to dissensions.

尽管我们有智慧，但我们的一些做法仍存在明显的软弱之处，这助长了分歧。

The Continental Belt is too loosely buckled.

大陆腰带扣得太松。

And if something is not done in time, it will be too late to do any thing, and we shall fall into a state, in which, neither Reconciliation nor Independance will be practicable.

如果不及时采取行动，那就太迟了，我们就会陷入和解或独立都行不通的境地。

The king and his worthless adherents are got at their old game of dividing the Continent, and there are not wanting among us, Printers, who will be busy in spreading specious falsehoods.

国王和他那些毫无价值的追随者正在玩他们分裂欧洲大陆的老把戏，而我们印刷商中也不乏忙于散布似是而非的谎言的人。

The artful and hypocritical letter which appeared a few months ago in two of the New-York papers, and likewise in two others, is an evidence that there are men who want either judgment or honesty.

几个月前，这封巧妙而虚伪的信件出现在纽约的两家报纸以及另外两家报纸上，证明有些人要么想要判断力，要么想要诚实。

It is easy getting into holes and corners and talking of reconciliation: But do such men seriously consider, how difficult the task is, and how dangerous it may prove, should the Continent divide thereon.

陷入困境并谈论和解是很容易的：但是这些人是否认真考虑过，如果欧洲大陆因此分裂，这项任务有多么困难，以及可能有多危险。

Do they take within their view, all the various orders of men whose situation and circumstances, as well as their own, are to be considered therein.

他们是否认为，所有不同阶层的人的处境和环境以及他们自己的处境和环境都应在其中考虑在内。

Do they put themselves in the place of the sufferer whose all is already gone, and of the soldier, who hath quitted all for the defence of his country.

他们是否把自己置于那些已经一无所有的受难者和为了保卫国家而放弃一切的士兵的位置上？

If their ill judged moderation be suited to their own private situations only, regardless of others, the event will convince them, that "they are reckoning without their Host."

如果他们的错误判断的节制只适合他们自己的私人情况，而不考虑其他人，那么该活动将使他们相信“他们没有考虑到他们的主人”。

Put us, say some, on the footing we were on in sixty-three: To which I answer, the request is not now in the power of Britain to comply with, neither will she propose it; but if it were, and even should be granted, I ask, as a reasonable question, By what means is such a corrupt and faithless court to be kept to its engagements?

有人说，把我们放在六十三年的基础上：对此我的回答是，英国现在没有权力遵守这一请求，她也不会提出它；但如果是这样，甚至应该被授予的话，我作为一个合理的问题要问，这样一个腐败和不忠实的法庭要通过什么手段来履行其职责？

Another parliament, nay, even the present, may hereafter repeal the obligation, on the pretence, of its being violently obtained, or unwisely granted; and in that case, Where is our redress?--No going to law with nations; cannon are the barristers of Crowns; and the sword, not of justice, but of war, decides the suit.

另一个议会，不，甚至是现在的议会，今后也可能以暴力获得或不明智地授予的义务为借口，废除该义务；在这种情况下，我们的补救措施在哪里？——不与国家诉诸法律；大炮是王室的大律师；决定诉讼的不是正义之剑，而是战争之剑。

To be on the footing of sixty-three, it is not sufficient, that the laws only be put on the same state, but, that our circumstances, likewise, be put on the same state; Our burnt and destroyed towns repaired or built up, our private losses made good, our public debts (contracted for defence) discharged; otherwise, we shall be millions worse than we were at that enviable period.

要想达到六十三岁，仅将法律置于同一状态是不够的，而且我们的环境也应置于同一状态；我们被烧毁和毁坏的城镇得到修复或重建，我们的私人损失得到弥补，我们的公共债务（国防合同）得到免除；否则，我们将比那个令人羡慕的时期更糟糕。

Such a request, had it been complied with a year ago, would have won the heart and soul of the Continent- -but now it is too late, "The Rubicon is passed."

这样的要求，如果在一年前得到满足，将会赢得欧洲大陆的心和灵魂——但现在已经太晚了，“卢比孔河已经过去了”。

Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal of a pecuniary law, seems as unwarrantable by the divine law, and as repugnant to human feelings, as the taking up arms to enforce obedience thereto.

此外，仅仅为了强制废除金钱法而拿起武器，就像拿起武器来强制人们服从一样，似乎不受神圣法律的约束，并且与人类的感情相抵触。

The object, on either side, doth not justify the means; for the lives of men are too valuable to be cast away on such trifles.

任何一方的目的都不足以证明手段的正当性；因为人的生命太宝贵了，不能因为这些琐事而被抛弃。

It is the violence which is done and threatened to our persons; the destruction of our property by an armed force; the invasion of our country by fire and sword, which conscientiously qualifies the use of arms: And the instant, in which such a mode of defence became necessary, all subjection to Britain ought to have ceased; and the independancy of America, should have been considered, as dating its æra from, and published by, the first musket that was fired against her.

这是对我们人身实施和威胁的暴力；武装部队破坏我们的财产；用火和剑入侵我们的国家，这认真地限定了武器的使用：一旦这种防御方式变得必要，所有对英国的服从都应该停止；和美国的独立，应该被认为是从第一支向她发射的步枪开始的，并且是由第一支步枪出版的。

This line is a line of consistency; neither drawn by caprice, nor extended by ambition; but produced by a chain of events, of which the colonies were not the authors.

这条线是一条一致性线；既不被任性所吸引，也不被野心所扩展；而是由一系列事件产生的，而殖民地并不是这些事件的始作俑者。

I shall conclude these remarks, with the following timely and well intended hints.

我将以以下及时且善意的提示来结束我的发言。

We ought to reflect, that there are three different ways, by which an independancy may hereafter be effected; and that one of those three, will one day or other, be the fate of America, viz.

我们应该反思，以后可以通过三种不同的方式实现独立：这三者之一，有一天或有一天，将成为美国的命运，即。

By the legal voice of the people in Congress; by a military power; or by a mob: It may not always happen that our soldiers are citizens, and the multitude a body of reasonable men; virtue, as I have already remarked, is not hereditary, neither is it perpetual.

国会人民的合法声音；由军事力量；我们的士兵可能并不总是公民，群众也并非总是有理智的人。正如我已经说过的，美德不是遗传的，也不是永恒的。

Should an independancy be brought about by the first of those means, we have every opportunity and every encouragement before us, to form the noblest purest constitution on the face of the earth.

如果通过第一种方式实现独立，我们就有一切机会和一切鼓励来形成地球上最崇高、最纯粹的宪法。

We have it in our power to begin the world over again.

我们有能力重新开始世界。

A situation, similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah until now.

从挪亚时代到现在，还没有出现过类似现在的情况。

The birthday of a new world is at hand, and a race of men, perhaps as numerous as all Europe contains, are to receive their portion of freedom from the event of a few months.

新世界的生日即将到来，一个人类种族，也许与整个欧洲一样多，将在几个月的事件中获得他们的自由。

The Reflexion is awful--and in this point of view, How trifling, how ridiculous, do the little, paltry cavellings, of a few weak or interested men appear, when weighed against the business of a world.

反思是可怕的——从这个角度来看，当与世界事务相比时，少数软弱或感兴趣的人的小小、微不足道的抱怨显得多么微不足道，多么荒谬。

Should we neglect the present favorable and inviting period, and an Independance be hereafter effected by any other means, we must charge the consequence to ourselves, or to those rather, whose narrow and prejudiced souls, are habitually opposing the measure, without either inquiring or reflecting.

如果我们忽视了目前有利和诱人的时期，而以后通过任何其他方式实现独立，我们就必须将后果归咎于我们自己，或者更确切地说，归咎于那些狭隘而有偏见的灵魂习惯性地反对这一措施的人，而不是询问或反思。

There are reasons to be given in support of Independance, which men should rather privately think of, than be publicly told of.

支持独立是有理由的，人们应该私下思考，而不是公开告知。

We ought not now to be debating whether we shall be independant or not, but, anxious to accomplish it on a firm, secure, and honorable basis, and uneasy rather that it is not yet began upon.

我们现在不应该争论我们是否应该独立，而应该急于在一个坚定、安全和光荣的基础上实现这一目标，而应该为它尚未开始而感到不安。

Every day convinces us of its necessity.

每一天都让我们相信它的必要性。

Even the Tories (if such beings yet remain among us) should, of all men, be the most solicitous to promote it; for, as the appointment of committees at first, protected them from popular rage, so, a wise and well established form of government, will be the only certain means of continuing it securely to them.

即使是托利党人（如果我们中间还存在这样的人的话），在所有人中也应该最热心地提倡这一点。因为，正如最初任命委员会可以保护他们免受民众的愤怒一样，明智的、完善的政府形式将是让他们安全地继续下去的唯一可靠手段。

Wherefore, if they have not virtue enough to be Whigs, they ought to have prudence enough to wish for Independance.

因此，如果他们没有足够的美德成为辉格党，他们就应该有足够的谨慎来希望独立。

In short, Independance is the only Bond that can tye and keep us together.

简而言之，独立是唯一能够将我们联系在一起的纽带。

We shall then see our object, and our ears will be legally shut against the schemes of an intriguing, as well, as a cruel enemy.

那时，我们将看到我们的目标，我们的耳朵将合法地被封闭，以防止一个阴谋的、也是一个残酷的敌人的计划。

We shall then too, be on a proper footing, to treat with Britain; for there is reason to conclude, that the pride of that court, will be less hurt by treating with the American states for terms of peace, than with those, whom she denominates, "rebellious subjects," for terms of accommodation.

那时我们也将有一个适当的基础来与英国打交道。因为我们有理由得出这样的结论：与美国各州达成和平协议，比与那些被她称为“叛逆臣民”的国家达成和解协议，对法院的自尊心的伤害要小一些。

It is our delaying it that encourages her to hope for conquest, and our backwardness tends only to prolong the war.

正是我们的拖延，才鼓励了她征服的希望，而我们的落后只会延长战争的时间。

As we have, without any good effect therefrom, withheld our trade to obtain a redress of our grievances, let us now try the alternative, by independantly redressing them ourselves, and then offering to open the trade.

由于我们曾暂停贸易以纠正我们的不满，但没有产生任何良好效果，现在让我们尝试另一种选择，我们自己独立地纠正他们，然后提出开放贸易。

The mercantile and reasonable part in England, will be still with us; because, peace with trade, is preferable to war without it.

英国的重商和理性部分仍将与我们同在；因为，有贸易的和平比没有贸易的战争更好。

And if this offer be not accepted, other courts may be applied to.

如果该要约不被接受，则可以向其他法院提起诉讼。

On these grounds I rest the matter.

基于这些理由，我就解决了这个问题。

And as no offer hath yet been made to refute the doctrine contained in the former editions of this pamphlet, it is a negative proof, that either the doctrine cannot be refuted, or, that the party in favour of it are too numerous to be opposed.

由于尚未有人提出反驳这本小册子以前版本中所包含的学说，因此这是一个否定的证据，要么该学说无法被反驳，要么支持该学说的党派太多而无法反对。

Wherefore, instead of gazing at each other with suspicious or doubtful curiosity; let each of us, hold out to his neighbour the hearty hand of friendship, and unite in drawing a line, which, like an act of oblivion shall bury in forgetfulness every former dissension.

因此，不要用怀疑或怀疑的好奇心凝视对方；让我们每个人都向邻里伸出真诚的友谊之手，团结起来，划清界限，就像遗忘行为一样，将把以前的每一次争执埋葬在遗忘中。

Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none other be heard among us, than those of a good citizen, an open and resolute friend, and a virtuous supporter of the rights of mankind and of the FREE AND INDEPENDANT STATES OF AMERICA.

让辉格党和托利党的名字消失吧；我们中间不要听到任何人的声音，除了一个好公民、一个开放而坚定的朋友、一个人类权利和自由独立的美利坚合众国的善良支持者的声音。

To the Representatives of the Religious Society of the People called Quakers, or to so many of them as were concerned in publishing the late piece, entitled "The Ancient Testimony and Principles of the People called Quakers renewed, with Respect to the King and Government, and touching the Commotions now prevailing in these and other parts of America addressed to the People in General."

致被称为贵格会的人民宗教协会的代表，或许多参与出版最新文章的人，题为“更新了被称为贵格会的人民的古老证词和原则，尊重国王和政府，并触及目前在美国这些地区和其他地区盛行的骚乱，向广大人民致意。”

The Writer of this, is one of those few, who never dishonours religion either by ridiculing, or cavilling at any denomination whatsoever.

本文的作者是少数从未通过嘲笑或对任何教派吹毛求疵来侮辱宗教的人之一。

To God, and not to man, are all men accountable on the score of religion.

所有人都对宗教负责，而不是对人负责。

Wherefore, this epistle is not so properly addressed to you as a religious, but as a political body, dabbling in matters, which the professed Quietude of your Principles instruct you not to meddle with.

因此，这封信并不是写给你们作为一个宗教团体，而是作为一个政治团体，涉足你们所宣称的“静谧原则”指示你们不要插手的事务。

As you have, without a proper authority for so doing, put yourselves in the place of the whole body of the Quakers, so, the writer of this, in order to be on an equal rank with yourselves, is under the necessity, of putting himself in the place of all those, who, approve the very writings and principles, against which your testimony is directed: And he hath chosen this singular situation, in order, that you might discover in him that presumption of character which you cannot see in yourselves.

正如你们在没有适当的权威的情况下，将自己置于整个贵格会团体的位置上，因此，为了与你们自己处于平等的地位，本文的作者有必要将自己置于所有那些赞同你们的证词所针对的著作和原则的人的位置上：他选择了这种独特的情况，以便你们可以在他身上发现你们在自己身上看不到的性格假设。

For neither he nor you can have any claim or title to Political Representation.

因为他和你都不能拥有任何政治代表权。

When men have departed from the right way, it is no wonder that they stumble and fall.

当人偏离正道时，难怪他们会跌倒。

And it is evident from the manner in which ye have managed your testimony, that politics, (as a religious body of men) is not your proper Walk; for however well adapted it might appear to you, it is, nevertheless, a jumble of good and bad put unwisely together, and the conclusion drawn therefrom, both unnatural and unjust.

从你们作证的方式可以明显看出，政治（作为人类的一个宗教团体）不是你们正确的道路；因为无论你觉得它多么适合，它仍然是好与坏的混杂物，不明智地放在一起，从中得出的结论既不自然也不公正。

The two first pages, (and the whole doth not make four) we give you credit for, and expect the same civility from you, because the love and desire of peace is not confined to Quakerism, it is the natural, as well the religious wish of all denominations of men.

前两页（总共不等于四页）我们对您表示信任，并期望您也表现出同样的礼貌，因为对和平的热爱和渴望并不局限于贵格会，它是人类所有教派的自然愿望，也是宗教愿望。

And on this ground, as men labouring to establish an Independant Constitution of our own, do we exceed all others in our hope, end, and aim.

在此基础上，作为努力建立我们自己的独立宪法的人，我们的希望、目的和目标超过了所有其他人。

Our plan is peace for ever.

我们的计划是永远和平。

We are tired of contention with Britain, and can see no real end to it but in a final separation.

我们厌倦了与英国的争论，除了最终的分离之外，看不到真正的结束。

We act consistently, because for the sake of introducing an endless and uninterrupted peace, do we bear the evils and burthens of the present day.

我们始终如一地行动，因为为了带来无尽的、不间断的和平，我们承受着当今的罪恶和负担。

We are endeavoring, and will steadily continue to endeavour, to separate and dissolve a connexion which hath already filled our land with blood; and which, while the name of it remains, will be the fatal cause of future mischiefs to both countries.

我们正在努力，并将继续坚定地努力，分离和消除已经使我们的土地充满血腥的联系；虽然它的名字仍然存在，但它将成为两国未来祸害的致命原因。

We fight neither for revenge nor conquest; neither from pride nor passion; we are not insulting the world with our fleets and armies, nor ravaging the globe for plunder.

我们战斗既不是为了复仇，也不是为了征服；既不是出于骄傲，也不是出于激情；我们不是用我们的舰队和军队侮辱世界，也不是为了掠夺而蹂躏世界。

Beneath the shade of our own vines are we attacked; in our own houses, and on our own lands, is the violence committed against us.

在我们自己的藤蔓阴影下，我们遭到攻击；在我们自己的房屋和土地上，存在着针对我们的暴力行为。

We view our enemies in the character of Highwaymen and Housebreakers, and having no defence for ourselves in the civil law, are obliged to punish them by the military one, and apply the sword, in the very case, where you have before now, applied the halter--Perhaps we feel for the ruined and insulted sufferers in all and every part of the continent, with a degree of tenderness which hath not yet made its way into some of your bosoms.

我们把我们的敌人视为拦路强盗和入室行窃者，我们在民法中没有为自己辩护的权利，因此有义务用军事手段惩罚他们，并使用刀剑，就像你们以前使用缰绳一样——也许我们对整个大陆各地遭受毁灭和侮辱的受害者感到同情，带着一定程度的温柔，但这种温柔尚未进入你们某些人的怀抱。

But be ye sure that ye mistake not the cause and ground of your Testimony.

但请确保不要误解你见证的原因和根据。

Call not coldness of soul, religion; nor put the Bigot in the place of the Christian.

不要把冷漠的灵魂称为宗教；也不用偏执者代替基督徒。

O ye partial ministers of your own acknowledged principles.

啊，你们那些偏袒你们自己公认原则的牧师啊。

If the bearing arms be sinful, the first going to war must be more so, by all the difference between wilful attack and unavoidable defence.

如果携带武器是有罪的，那么第一次发动战争就更是如此，因为故意攻击和不可避免的防御之间存在着巨大的差异。

Wherefore, if ye really preach from conscience, and mean not to make a political hobby-horse of your religion, convince the world thereof, by proclaiming your doctrine to our enemies, for they likewise bear arms.

因此，如果你们真的出于良心传教，并且不想让你们的宗教成为政治木马，那就通过向我们的敌人宣扬你们的教义来说服世界，因为他们同样携带武器。

Give us proof of your sincerity by publishing it at St. James's, to the commanders in chief at Boston, to the Admirals and Captains who are piratically ravaging our coasts, and to all the murdering miscreants who are acting in authority under him whom ye profess to serve.

请在圣詹姆斯教堂向波士顿的总司令、对我们海岸进行海盗蹂躏的海军上将和船长，以及在你们自称效忠的他手下行事的所有杀人恶棍，向我们证明你们的诚意。

Had ye the honest soul of Barclay ¹ ye would preach repentance to your king; Ye would tell the Royal Wretch his sins, and warn him of eternal ruin.

如果你们有巴克利那样诚实的灵魂，你们就会向你们的国王宣讲悔改；你会告诉皇家不幸者他的罪过，并警告他永远的毁灭。

Ye would not spend your partial invectives against the injured and the insulted only, but, like faithful ministers, would cry aloud and spare none.

你们不会只对受伤和受侮辱的人进行部分谩骂，而是像忠实的大臣一样大声哭泣，不遗余力。

Say not that ye are persecuted, neither endeavour to make us the authors of that reproach, which, ye are bringing upon yourselves; for we testify unto all men, that we do not complain against you because ye are Quakers, but because ye pretend to be and are not Quakers.

不要说你们受到迫害，也不要试图让我们成为你们自取的耻辱的始作俑者。因为我们向所有人证明，我们并不是因为你们是贵格会教徒而抱怨你们，而是因为你们假装自己是贵格会教徒，但实际上并不是。

¹"Thou hast tasted of prosperity and adversity; thou knowest what it is to be banished thy native country, to be over-ruled as well as to rule, and set upon the throne; and being oppressed thou hast reason to know how hateful the oppressor is both to God and man: If after all these warnings and advertisements, thou dost not turn unto the Lord with all thy heart, but forget him who remembered thee in thy distress, and give up thyself to follow lust and vanity, surely great will be thy condemnation.--Against which snare, as well as the temptation of those who may or do feed thee, and prompt thee to evil, the most excellent and prevalent remedy will be, to apply thyself to that light of Christ which shineth in thy conscience, and which neither can, nor will flatter thee, nor suffer thee to be at ease in thy sins."

1“你已经尝过繁荣和逆境的滋味；你知道被放逐你的祖国、被统治、被统治、登上王位是什么滋味；你受到压迫，你有理由知道压迫者对上帝和人来说是多么可恨：如果在经历了所有这些警告和广告之后，你还不全心归向主，而是忘记了在你的苦难中记得你的那一位，并放弃了自己追随情欲和虚荣，你的定罪肯定是严重的。——针对这些网罗，以及那些可能或确实喂养你并促使你走向邪恶的人的诱惑，最优秀和最普遍的补救措施将是，将你自己置于照耀在你良心上的基督之光上，它既不能也不会奉承你，也不会让你在罪孽中感到轻松。”

--Barclay's address to Charles II.

——巴克莱对查理二世的讲话。

Alas!

唉!

it seems by the particular tendency of some part of your testimony, and other parts of your conduct, as if, all sin was reduced to, and comprehended in, the act of bearing arms, and that by the people only.

从你的证词的某些部分和你的行为的其他部分来看，似乎所有的罪恶都被简化为并包含在武装的行为中，而且只有人民才这样做。

Ye appear to us, to have mistaken party for conscience; because, the general tenor of your actions wants uniformity: And it is exceedingly difficult to us to give credit to many of your pretended scruples; because, we see them made by the same men, who, in the very instant that they are exclaiming against the mammon of this world, are nevertheless, hunting after it with a step as steady as Time, and an appetite as keen as Death.

在我们看来，你们把党派误认为是良心；因为，你们行动的总体基调需要统一：我们很难相信你们假装的许多顾虑；因为，我们看到它们是由同一个人制造的，他们在大声疾呼反对这个世界的财气的那一刻，却又以与时间一样稳定的步伐和与死亡一样敏锐的欲望去追寻它。

The quotation which ye have made from Proverbs, in the third page of your testimony, that, "when a man's ways please the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him"; is very unwisely chosen on your part; because, it amounts to a proof, that the king's ways (whom ye are desirous of supporting) do not please the Lord, otherwise, his reign would be in peace.

你们在见证的第三页中引用了箴言，“人所行的若蒙耶和华喜悦，耶和华就使他的仇敌也与他和好”；你的选择非常不明智；因为，这相当于证明国王的道路（你们渴望支持的国王）不讨主的喜悦，否则，他的统治就会太平。

I now proceed to the latter part of your testimony, and that, for which all the foregoing seems only an introduction, viz.

我现在继续讲你证词的后半部分，前面的所有内容似乎只是一个介绍，即。

"It hath ever been our judgment and principle, since we were called to profess the light of Christ Jesus, manifested in our consciences unto this day, that the setting up and putting down kings and governments, is God's peculiar prerogative; for causes best known to himself: And that it is not our business to have any hand or contrivance therein; nor to be busy bodies above our station, much less to plot and contrive the ruin, or overturn of any of them, but to pray for the king, and safety of our nation, and good of all men: That we may live a peaceable and quiet life, in all godliness and honesty; under the government which God is pleased to set over us."- -If these are really your principles why do ye not abide by them?

“自从我们被呼召承认基督耶稣的光以来，我们的判断和原则一直在我们的良心上体现出来，直到今天，建立和废除国王和政府是上帝的特殊特权；因为他自己最清楚的原因：我们不应该在其中插手或设计任何东西；也不应该成为超越我们地位的忙碌者，更不用说密谋和策划毁灭或推翻他们中的任何一个，而是为国王祈祷，以及我们国家的安全和所有人的利益：使我们可以在上帝乐意设立的政府之下，过着平安、安宁的生活，敬虔和诚实。”——如果这些确实是你们的原则，你们为什么不遵守它们呢？

Why do ye not leave that, which ye call God's Work, to be managed by himself?

为什么你们不把你们所谓的上帝的工作留给上帝来管理呢？

These very principles instruct you to wait with patience and humility, for the event of all public measures, and to receive that event as the divine will towards you.

这些原则指导你耐心和谦卑地等待所有公共措施的发生，并将该事件视为对你的神圣旨意。

Wherefore, what occasion is there for your political testimony if you fully believe what it contains: And the very publishing it proves, that either, ye do not believe what ye profess, or have not virtue enough to practise what ye believe.

因此，如果你完全相信它所包含的内容，那么你有什么理由进行政治见证：而它的出版本身就证明，要么你们不相信你们所宣称的，要么没有足够的美德来实践你们所相信的。

The principles of Quakerism have a direct tendency to make a man the quiet and inoffensive subject of any, and every government which is set over him.

贵格会的原则有一种直接的倾向，使一个人成为任何一个政府的安静和无害的主题。

And if the setting up and putting down of kings and governments is God's peculiar prerogative, he most certainly will not be robbed thereof by us; wherefore, the principle itself leads you to approve of every thing, which ever happened, or may happen to kings as being his work.

如果国王和政府的建立和废除是上帝的特殊特权，那么他肯定不会被我们剥夺。因此，这个原则本身会让你认可所有曾经发生过或可能发生在国王身上的事情都是他的工作。

Oliver Cromwell thanks you.

奥利弗·克伦威尔谢谢你。

Charles, then, died not by the hands of man; and should the present Proud Imitator of him, come to the same untimely end, the writers and publishers of the Testimony, are bound, by the doctrine it contains, to applaud the fact.

那么，查尔斯并不是死于人手，而是死于人手。如果现在这位骄傲的模仿者也遭遇同样的不合时宜的结局，《证言》的作者和出版者，根据其所包含的教义，有义务对这一事实表示赞赏。

Kings are not taken away by miracles, neither are changes in governments brought about by any other means than such as are common and human; and such as we are now using.

国王不会被奇迹夺走，政府的更迭也不会通过除了常见和人性的方式之外的任何其他方式来实现。以及我们现在正在使用的。

Even the dispersion of the Jews, though foretold by our Saviour, was effected by arms.

就连犹太人的驱散，虽然我们的救主曾预言过，但也是通过武力实现的。

Wherefore, as ye refuse to be the means on one side, ye ought not to be meddlers on the other; but to wait the issue in silence; and unless ye can produce divine authority, to prove, that the Almighty who hath created and placed this new world, at the greatest distance it could possibly stand, east and west, from every part of the old, doth, nevertheless, disapprove of its being independant of the corrupt and abandoned court of Britain, unless I say, ye can shew this, how can ye on the ground of your principles, justify the exciting and stirring up the people "firmly to unite in the abhorrence of all such writings, and measures, as evidence a desire and design to break off the happy connexion we have hitherto enjoyed, with the kingdom of Great-Britain, and our just and necessary subordination to the king, and those who are lawfully placed in authority under him." What a slap of the face is here!

因此，既然你们一方面拒绝成为手段，另一方面你们也不应该成为干涉者；而是默默等待问题的解决；除非你们能够拿出神圣的权威来证明，创造了这个新世界并将其安置在与旧世界相距最远的地方的全能上帝，无论如何，都不赞成它独立于腐败和被遗弃的英国宫廷，除非我说，你们能表明这一点，你们怎么能根据你们的原则，证明激动和煽动人民“坚定地团结起来，憎恨新世界”是合理的呢？所有这些著作和措施，都证明了一种愿望和意图，目的是断绝我们迄今为止与大不列颠王国所享有的幸福联系，断绝我们对国王以及在他之下合法拥有权力的人的公正和必要的服从。”这是何等的打脸啊！

the men, who in the very paragraph before, have quietly and passively resigned up the ordering, altering, and disposal of kings and governments, into the hands of God, are now, recalling their principles, and putting in for a share of the business.

在上一段中，那些默默地、被动地把国王和政府的命令、改变和处置权交到上帝手中的人们，现在正在回忆起他们的原则，并投入到分担这件事中。

Is it possible, that the conclusion, which is here justly quoted, can any ways follow from the doctrine laid down?

这里公正地引用的结论是否有可能从所制定的学说中得出任何结论？

The inconsistency is too glaring not to be seen; the absurdity too great not to be laughed at; and such as could only have been made by those, whose understandings were darkened by the narrow and crabby spirit of a despairing political party; for ye are not to be considered as the whole body of the Quakers but only as a factional and fractional part thereof.

这种不一致太明显了，难以察觉；荒唐至极，不容嘲笑；只有那些因绝望政党的狭隘和暴躁精神而使他们的理解变得黑暗的人才能做出这样的事。因为你们不应被视为贵格会的整体，而只能被视为其中的派系和部分。

Here ends the examination of your testimony; (which I call upon no man to abhor, as ye have done, but only to read and judge of fairly;) to which I subjoin the following remark; "That the setting up and putting down of kings," most certainly mean, the making him a king, who is yet not so, and the making him no king who is already one.

对你的证词的审查到此结束； （我呼吁任何人不要像你们那样憎恶它，而只是公平地阅读和判断；）我附上以下评论； “立王、废王”最肯定的意思是，使尚未成为王的人成为王，使已经成为王的人不再成为王。

And pray what hath this to do in the present case?

请问这与目前的情况有什么关系？

We neither mean to set up nor to put down, neither to make nor to unmake, but to have nothing to do with them.

我们既不想建立也不想放下，既不想创造也不想毁掉它们，而是与它们无关。

Wherefore, your testimony in whatever light it is viewed serves only to dishonor your judgement, and for many other reasons had better have been let alone than published.

因此，无论从什么角度来看，你的证词都只会让你的判断蒙羞，而且出于许多其他原因，最好不要发表，而不要发表。

First, Because it tends to the decrease and reproach of all religion whatever, and is of the utmost danger to society, to make it a party in political disputes.

首先，因为它会导致所有宗教的衰落和受到谴责，并且使宗教成为政治争端的一方对社会具有最大的危险。

Secondly, Because it exhibits a body of men, numbers of whom disavow the publishing political testimonies, as being concerned therein and approvers thereof.

其次，因为它展示了一群人，其中许多人否认出版政治证词，因为其中涉及和批准者。

Thirdly, Because it hath a tendency to undo that continental harmony and friendship which yourselves by your late liberal and charitable donations hath lent a hand to establish; and the preservation of which is of the utmost consequence to us all.

第三，因为它有破坏大陆和谐与友谊的趋势，而你们自己通过最近的自由和慈善捐赠帮助建立了这种和谐与友谊；保护它对我们所有人来说至关重要。

And here without anger or resentment I bid you farewell.

在这里，我毫无愤怒或怨恨地向你们告别。

Sincerely wishing, that as men and christians, ye may always fully and uninterruptedly enjoy every civil and religious right; and be, in your turn, the means of securing it to others; but that the example which ye have unwisely set, of mingling religion with politics, may be disavowed and reprobated by every inhabitant of America.

真诚地希望，作为人和基督徒，你们能够始终充分、不间断地享有每一项公民和宗教权利；反过来，你也成为将其保护给他人的手段；但你们不明智地树立的将宗教与政治混为一谈的榜样可能会被每一个美国居民所否认和谴责。

F I N I S.

F I N I S。

On Common Sense

论常识

"No writer has exceeded Paine in ease and familiarity of style, in perspicuity of expression, happiness of elucidation, and in simple and unassuming language."

“在轻松和熟悉的风格、清晰的表达、快乐的阐释以及简单而不张扬的语言方面，没有哪个作家能超越潘恩。”

Thomas Jefferson

托马斯·杰斐逊

"A pamphlet called 'Commonsense' makes a great noise.

“一本名为‘常识’的小册子引起了很大的轰动。

One of the vilest things that ever was published to the world.

有史以来向世界发表的最卑鄙的事情之一。

Full of false representations, lies, calumny, and treason, whose principles are to subvert all Kingly Governments and erect an Independent Republic."

充满了虚假陈述、谎言、诽谤和叛国罪，其原则是颠覆所有国王政府并建立一个独立共和国。”

Nicholas Cresswell

尼古拉斯·克雷斯韦尔

"I dreaded the effect so popular a pamphlet might have among the people, and determined to do all in my Power to counteract the effect of it."

“我害怕一本小册子在人们中如此受欢迎可能产生的影响，并决心尽我所能来抵消它的影响。”

John Adams

约翰·亚当斯

"Its effects were sudden and extensive upon the American mind.

“它对美国人的思想产生了突然而广泛的影响。

It was read by public men."

它是由公众人士阅读的。”

Dr. Benjamin Rush

本杰明·拉什博士

"Have you read the pamphlet Common Sense?

“你读过《常识》这本小册子吗？

I never saw such a masterful performance....

从来没有见过这么精彩的表演......

In short, I own myself convinced, by the arguments, of the necessity of separation."

简而言之，我自己通过这些论点相信了分离的必要性。”

General Charles Lee

查尔斯·李将军

Transcriber's Notes

抄写员的笔记

This production of the Bradford edition of Common Sense retains the original characteristics of the document--the author's use of capitalization (large and small), spelling, and italics.

《常识》布拉德福德版的此版本保留了文档的原始特征——作者对大写字母（大写和小写）、拼写和斜体的使用。

The page numbers of this version of the book were my invention, for ease in reading the HTML document.

这个版本的书的页码是我发明的，是为了方便阅读 HTML 文档。

The page numbers can more accurately be called paragraph numbers.

页码可以更准确地称为段落编号。

They match the paragraph numbers in the edited text of 'Common Sense' from the National Humanities Center.

它们与国家人文中心编辑的《常识》文本中的段落编号相匹配。

In one case, the text refers to page forty (see our Page 130).

在一种情况下，文本指的是第 40 页（参见我们的第 130 页）。

We provided a link to the appropriate part of our document but retained the page number specified by Paine.

我们提供了文档相应部分的链接，但保留了潘恩指定的页码。

Our page numbers are not carried over to the Kindle, E-PUB, and text documents produced by Project Gutenberg.

我们的页码不会保留到 Kindle、E-PUB 和古腾堡计划生成的文本文档中。

The section "On Common Sense," containing quotes about Common Sense, have been added by this transcriber.

“常识”部分包含有关常识的引言，已由该转录者添加。