The American Yawp

Activist Phyllis Schlafly campaigns against the Equal Rights Amendment in 1977.

活动家菲利斯·施拉夫利 (Phyllis Schlafly) 于 1977 年发起反对平等权利修正案的活动。

Library of Congress

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Speaking to Detroit autoworkers in October 1980, Republican presidential candidate Ronald Reagan described what he saw as the American Dream under Democratic president Jimmy Carter.

1980 年 10 月，共和党总统候选人罗纳德·里根在底特律汽车工人面前描述了他所看到的民主党总统吉米·卡特领导下的美国梦。

The family garage may have still held two cars, cracked Reagan, but they were “both Japanese and they’re out of gas.” 1 The charismatic former governor of California suggested that a once-proud nation was running on empty.

里根破解道，家里的车库可能还停着两辆车，但它们“都是日本车，而且都快没油了”。 1 这位富有魅力的前加州州长表示，一个曾经自豪的国家正在空虚运转。

But Reagan held out hope for redemption.

但里根对救赎抱有希望。

Stressing the theme of “national decline,” he nevertheless promised to make the United States once again a glorious “city upon a hill.” 2 In November, Reagan’s vision triumphed.

尽管他强调“国家衰落”的主题，但仍承诺让美国再次成为辉煌的“山上之城”。 2 11 月，里根的愿景取得了胜利。

Reagan rode the wave of a powerful political movement referred to by historians as the New Right.

里根掀起了一场被历史学家称为“新右派”的强大政治运动浪潮。

More libertarian in its economics and more politically forceful in its conservative religious principles than the moderate brand of conservatism popular after World War II, the New Right had by the 1980s evolved into the most influential wing of the Republican Party.

与二战后流行的温和保守主义相比，新右翼在经济上更加自由主义，在保守宗教原则上政治上更加有力，到了 20 世纪 80 年代，新右翼已经发展成为共和党中最有影响力的一派。

And it could claim increasing credit for Republican electoral successes.

它还可以为共和党的选举成功赢得越来越多的赞誉。

Building on the gradual unraveling of the New Deal political order in the 1960s and 1970s (see Chapter 28), the conservative movement not only enjoyed the guidance of skilled politicians like Reagan but drew tremendous energy from a broad range of grassroots activists.

在 20 世纪 60 年代和 1970 年代新政政治秩序逐渐瓦解的基础上（见第 28 章），保守派运动不仅得到了像里根这样熟练的政治家的指导，而且从广泛的草根活动家那里汲取了巨大的能量。

Countless ordinary citizens—newly mobilized Christian conservatives, in particular—helped the Republican Party steer the country rightward.

无数普通公民，特别是新近动员起来的基督教保守派，帮助共和党引导国家向右转。

Enduring conflicts over race, economic policy, sexual politics, and foreign affairs fatally fractured the liberal consensus that had dominated American politics since the presidency of Franklin Roosevelt, and the New Right attracted support from Reagan Democrats, blue-collar voters who had lost faith in the old liberal creed.

关于种族、经济政策、性政治和外交事务的持久冲突，致命地破坏了自富兰克林·罗斯福担任总统以来主导美国政治的自由主义共识，新右派吸引了里根民主党人的支持，这些蓝领选民对旧的自由主义信条失去了信心。

The rise of the right affected Americans’ everyday lives in numerous ways.

右翼的崛起以多种方式影响了美国人的日常生活。

The Reagan administration’s embrace of free markets dispensed with the principles of active income redistribution and social welfare spending that had animated the New Deal and Great Society in the 1930s and 1960s.

里根政府对自由市场的拥护放弃了积极的收入再分配和社会福利支出原则，而这些原则曾在 1930 年代和 1960 年代推动了新政和伟大社会。

As American liberals increasingly embraced a “rights” framework directed toward African Americans, Latinos, women, lesbians and gays, and other marginalized groups, conservative policy makers targeted the regulatory and legal landscape of the United States.

随着美国自由主义者越来越多地接受针对非裔美国人、拉丁裔、妇女、男女同性恋和其他边缘群体的“权利”框架，保守派政策制定者将目标瞄准了美国的监管和法律环境。

Critics complained that Reagan’s policies served the interests of corporations and wealthy individuals and pointed to the sudden widening of economic inequality.

批评者抱怨里根的政策服务于企业和富人的利益，并指出经济不平等的突然扩大。

But the New Right harnessed popular distrust of regulation, taxes, and bureaucrats, and conservative activists celebrated the end of hyperinflation and substantial growth in GDP.

但新右派利用了民众对监管、税收和官僚的不信任，保守派活动人士庆祝恶性通货膨胀的结束和国内生产总值的大幅增长。

In many ways, however, the rise of the right promised more than it delivered.

然而，从很多方面来说，右翼势力的崛起所带来的承诺多于它所带来的成果。

Battered but intact, the social welfare programs of the New Deal and Great Society (for example, social security, Medicaid, and Aid to Families with Dependent Children) survived the 1980s.

新政和伟大社会的社会福利计划（例如社会保障、医疗补助和对有受抚养儿童的家庭的援助）虽遭受重创，但完好无损地度过了 20 世纪 80 年代。

Despite Republican vows of fiscal discipline, both the federal government and the national debt ballooned.

尽管共和党誓言要实行财政纪律，但联邦政府和国家债务却不断膨胀。

At the end of the decade, conservative Christians viewed popular culture as more vulgar and hostile to their values than ever before.

在本世纪末，保守派基督徒认为流行文化比以往任何时候都更加粗俗并且对他们的价值观充满敌意。

And in the near term, the New Right registered only partial victories on a range of public policies and cultural issues.

短期内，新右翼在一系列公共政策和文化问题上仅取得了部分胜利。

Yet from a long-term perspective, conservatives achieved a subtler and more enduring transformation of American politics and society.

但从长远来看，保守派实现了美国政治和社会更微妙、更持久的转变。

In the words of one historian, the conservative movement successfully “changed the terms of debate and placed its opponents on the defensive.” 3 Liberals and their programs and policies did not disappear, but they increasingly fought battles on terrain chosen by the New Right.

用一位历史学家的话说，保守派运动成功地“改变了辩论的条款，并使对手处于守势”。 3 自由主义者及其纲领和政策并未消失，但他们越来越多地在新右派选择的地形上进行斗争。

The Reagan Revolution marked the culmination of a long process of political mobilization on the American right.

里根革命标志着美国右翼长期政治动员过程的顶峰。

In the first two decades after World War II the New Deal seemed firmly embedded in American electoral politics and public policy.

在第二次世界大战后的头二十年里，新政似乎牢牢地融入了美国的选举政治和公共政策中。

Even two-term Republican president Dwight D.

甚至两届共和党总统德怀特·D.

Eisenhower declined to roll back the welfare state.

艾森豪威尔拒绝取消福利国家政策。

To be sure, William F.

可以肯定的是，威廉·F.

Buckley tapped into a deep vein of elite conservatism in 1955 by announcing in the first issue of National Review that his magazine “stands athwart history yelling Stop.” 4 Senator Joseph McCarthy and John Birch Society founder Robert Welch stirred anticommunist fervor.

1955 年，巴克利在《国家评论》第一期上宣布，他的杂志“与历史相抗衡，高喊停止”，从而深入挖掘了精英保守主义的本质。 4 参议员约瑟夫·麦卡锡和约翰·伯奇协会创始人罗伯特·韦尔奇激起了反共热情。

But in general, the far right lacked organizational cohesion.

但总体而言，极右翼缺乏组织凝聚力。

Following Lyndon Johnson’s resounding defeat of Republican Barry Goldwater—“Mr. Conservative”—in the 1964 presidential election, many observers declared American conservatism finished.

林登·约翰逊 (Lyndon Johnson) 在 1964 年总统选举中彻底击败共和党人巴里·戈德华特 (Barry Goldwater)（“保守派先生”）后，许多观察家宣布美国保守主义已经终结。

New York Times columnist James Reston wrote that Goldwater had “wrecked his party for a long time to come.” 5

《纽约时报》专栏作家詹姆斯·雷斯顿写道，戈德华特“在未来很长一段时间内破坏了他的政党”。 5

Despite these dire predictions, conservatism not only persisted, it prospered.

尽管有这些可怕的预测，保守主义不仅持续存在，而且蓬勃发展。

Its growing appeal had several causes.

它日益增长的吸引力有几个原因。

The expansive social and economic agenda of Johnson’s Great Society reminded anticommunists of Soviet-style central planning and deficits alarmed fiscal conservatives.

约翰逊伟大社会的广泛社会和经济议程让反共人士想起了苏联式的中央计划，而赤字则让财政保守派感到震惊。

Race also drove the creation of the New Right.

种族也推动了新右派的产生。

The civil rights movement, along with the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act, challenged the racial hierarchy of the Jim Crow South.

民权运动以及《民权法》和《投票权法》一起挑战了吉姆·克劳南方的种族等级制度。

All of these occurred under Democratic leadership, pushing white southerners toward the Republican Party.

所有这些都发生在民主党的领导下，将南方白人推向共和党。

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Black Power, affirmative action, and court-ordered busing of children between schools to achieve racial balance brought “white backlash” in the North, often in cities previously known for political liberalism.

在 20 世纪 60 年代末和 1970 年代初，黑人权力、平权行动以及法院为实现种族平衡而下令在学校之间安排儿童校车，在北方（通常是在以前以政治自由主义闻名的城市）带来了“白人强烈反对”。

To many white Americans, the urban rebellions, antiwar protests, and student uprisings of the late 1960s signaled social chaos.

对于许多美国白人来说，20 世纪 60 年代末的城市叛乱、反战抗议和学生起义标志着社会混乱。

At the same time, slowing wage growth, rising prices, and growing tax burdens threatened many working- and middle-class citizens who long formed the core of the New Deal coalition.

与此同时，工资增长放缓、物价上涨和税收负担增加威胁着许多长期构成新政联盟核心的工薪阶层和中产阶级公民。

Liberalism no longer seemed to offer the great mass of white Americans a road map to prosperity, so they searched for new political solutions.

自由主义似乎不再为广大美国白人提供繁荣的路线图，因此他们寻找新的政治解决方案。

Former Alabama governor and conservative Democrat George Wallace masterfully exploited the racial, cultural, and economic resentments of working-class whites during his presidential runs in 1968 and 1972.

前阿拉巴马州州长、保守派民主党人乔治·华莱士 (George Wallace) 在 1968 年和 1972 年总统竞选期间巧妙地利用了白人工人阶级的种族、文化和经济怨恨情绪。

Wallace’s record as a staunch segregationist made him a hero in the Deep South, where he won five states as a third-party candidate in the 1968 general election.

华莱士作为坚定的种族隔离主义者的记录使他成为南方腹地的英雄，他在 1968 年大选中作为第三方候选人赢得了五个州。

Wallace’s populist message also resonated with blue-collar voters in the industrial North who felt left behind by the rights revolution.

华莱士的民粹主义信息也引起了北方工业区蓝领选民的共鸣，他们感觉自己被权利革命抛在了后面。

On the campaign stump, the fiery candidate lambasted hippies, antiwar protesters, and government bureaucrats.

在竞选演讲中，这位火热的候选人痛斥嬉皮士、反战抗议者和政府官僚。

He assailed female welfare recipients for “breeding children as a cash crop” and ridiculed “over-educated, ivory-tower” intellectuals who “don’t know how to park a bicycle straight.” 6 Wallace also advanced progressive proposals for federal job training programs, a minimum wage hike, and legal protections for collective bargaining.

他攻击女性福利领取者“把孩子当作经济作物来养育”，并嘲笑“教育过度、象牙塔里”的知识分子“不知道如何把自行车停好”。 6 华莱士还提出了联邦就业培训计划、提高最低工资以及集体谈判法律保护等渐进性提案。

Running as a Democrat in 1972, Wallace captured the Michigan primary and polled second in the industrial heartland of Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, and Indiana.

1972 年，华莱士作为民主党人参选，赢得了密歇根州初选，并在工业中心威斯康星州、宾夕法尼亚州和印第安纳州的民意调查中获得第二名。

In May 1972, an assassin’s bullet left Wallace paralyzed and ended his campaign.

1972 年 5 月，一颗刺客的子弹使华莱士瘫痪并结束了他的竞选活动。

Nevertheless, his amalgamation of older, New Deal–style proposals and conservative populism represented the rapid reordering of party loyalties in the late 1960s and early 1970s.

尽管如此，他将旧的新政式提案与保守民粹主义相结合，代表了 20 世纪 60 年代末和 1970 年代初政党忠诚度的迅速重新排序。

Richard Nixon similarly harnessed the New Right’s sense of grievance through his rhetoric about “law and order” and the “silent majority.” 7 But Nixon and his Republican successor, Gerald Ford, continued to accommodate the politics of the New Deal order.

理查德·尼克松同样通过有关“法律与秩序”和“沉默的大多数”的言论利用了新右派的不满情绪。 7 但尼克松和他的共和党继任者杰拉尔德·福特继续适应新政秩序的政治。

The New Right remained without a major public champion.

新右派仍然没有主要的公众支持者。

Christian conservatives also felt themselves under siege from liberalism.

基督教保守派也感到自己受到自由主义的围攻。

In the early 1960s, Supreme Court decisions prohibiting teacher-led prayer ( Engel v.

20 世纪 60 年代初，最高法院判决禁止教师主导的祈祷（Engel v.

Vitale ) and Bible reading in public schools ( Abington v.

Vitale）和公立学校的圣经阅读（Abington v. Vitale）

Schempp ) led some on the right to conclude that a liberal judicial system threatened Christian values.

尚普（Schempp）带领一些右翼人士得出结论：自由主义司法体系威胁到基督教价值观。

In the following years, the counterculture’s celebration of sex and drugs, along with relaxed obscenity and pornography laws, intensified the conviction that “permissive” liberalism encouraged immorality in private life.

在接下来的几年里，反主流文化对性和毒品的庆祝，以及放宽的淫秽和色情法律，强化了人们的信念，即“宽容的”自由主义鼓励私人生活中的不道德行为。

Evangelical Protestants—Christians who professed a personal relationship with Jesus Christ, upheld the Bible as an infallible source of truth, and felt a duty to convert, or evangelize, nonbelievers—composed the core of the so-called religious right.

福音派新教徒——自称与耶稣基督有个人关系的基督徒，坚持圣经是无误的真理来源，并认为有责任改变非信徒或向非信徒传播福音——构成了所谓宗教权利的核心。

With increasing assertiveness in the 1960s and 1970s, Christian conservatives mobilized to protect the “traditional” family.

随着 20 世纪 60 年代和 1970 年代越来越自信，基督教保守派动员起来保护“传统”家庭。

Women composed a striking number of the religious right’s foot soldiers.

宗教右翼的步兵中，女性的数量惊人。

In 1968 and 1969 a group of newly politicized mothers in Anaheim, California, led a sustained protest against sex education in public schools.

1968年和1969年，加利福尼亚州阿纳海姆一群新近政治化的母亲领导了一场针对公立学校性教育的持续抗议。

8 Catholic activist Phyllis Schlafly marshaled opposition to the ERA, while evangelical pop singer Anita Bryant drew national headlines for her successful fight to repeal Miami’s gay rights ordinance in 1977.

8 天主教活动家菲利斯·施拉夫利 (Phyllis Schlafly) 联合起来反对 ERA，而福音派流行歌手安妮塔·布莱恩特 (Anita Bryant) 则因 1977 年成功废除迈阿密同性恋权利法令而成为全国头条新闻。

In 1979, Beverly LaHaye (whose husband, Tim—an evangelical pastor in San Diego—later coauthored the wildly popular Left Behind Christian book series) founded Concerned Women for America, which linked small groups of local activists opposed to the ERA, abortion, homosexuality, and no-fault divorce.

1979 年，贝弗利·拉哈耶（Beverly LaHaye）（她的丈夫蒂姆（Tim）是圣地亚哥的一位福音派牧师，后来与人合着了广受欢迎的“落后基督教”系列丛书）创立了“关心美国妇女”组织，该组织将当地反对 ERA、堕胎、同性恋和无过错离婚的小团体联系起来。

Activists like Schlafly and LaHaye valorized motherhood as women’s highest calling.

施拉夫利和拉哈耶等活动人士将母性视为女性的最高使命。

Abortion therefore struck at the core of their female identity.

因此，堕胎触及了她们女性身份的核心。

More than perhaps any other issue, abortion drew different segments of the religious right—Catholics and Protestants, women and men—together.

堕胎也许比任何其他问题都更能吸引宗教右派的不同部分——天主教徒和新教徒、女性和男性——聚集在一起。

The Supreme Court’s 1973 Roe v.

最高法院 1973 年 Roe v.

Wade ruling outraged many devout Catholics and evangelicals (who had been less universally opposed to the procedure than their Catholic counterparts).

韦德的裁决激怒了许多虔诚的天主教徒和福音派人士（他们不像天主教徒那样普遍反对这一程序）。

Christian author Francis Schaeffer cultivated evangelical opposition to abortion through the 1979 documentary film Whatever Happened to the Human Race?

基督教作家弗朗西斯·谢弗 (Francis Schaeffer) 通过 1979 年的纪录片《人类发生了什么？》培养了福音派人士对堕胎的反对。

, arguing that the “fate of the unborn is the fate of the human race.” 9 With abortion framed in stark, existential terms, many evangelicals felt compelled to combat the procedure through political action.

，认为“未出生婴儿的命运就是人类的命运”。 9 由于堕胎是赤裸裸的、存在主义的，许多福音派人士感到有必要通过政治行动来反对堕胎程序。

Grassroots passion drove anti-abortion activism, but a set of religious and secular institutions turned the various strands of the New Right into a sophisticated movement.

草根热情推动了反堕胎运动，但一系列宗教和世俗机构将新右派的各个流派变成了一场复杂的运动。

In 1979 Jerry Falwell—a Baptist minister and religious broadcaster from Lynchburg, Virginia—founded the Moral Majority, an explicitly political organization dedicated to advancing a “pro-life, pro-family, pro-morality, and pro-American” agenda.

1979 年，来自弗吉尼亚州林奇堡的浸信会牧师兼宗教广播员杰里·福尔韦尔 (Jerry Falwell) 创立了道德多数派，这是一个明确的政治组织，致力于推进“反堕胎、支持家庭、支持道德和支持美国”的议程。

The Moral Majority skillfully wove together social and economic appeals to make itself a force in Republican politics.

道德多数派巧妙地将社会诉求和经济诉求结合在一起，使自己成为共和党政治中的一股力量。

Secular, business-oriented institutions also joined the attack on liberalism, fueled by stagflation and by the federal government’s creation of new regulatory agencies like the Environmental Protection Agency and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration.

在滞胀和联邦政府设立环境保护局和职业安全与健康管理局等新监管机构的推动下，世俗的、以商业为导向的机构也加入了对自由主义的攻击。

Conservative business leaders bankrolled new “think tanks” like the Heritage Foundation and the Cato Institute.

保守的商界领袖为传统基金会和卡托研究所等新的“智囊团”提供资金。

These organizations provided grassroots activists with ready-made policy prescriptions.

这些组织为草根活动人士提供了现成的政策处方。

Other business leaders took a more direct approach by hiring Washington lobbyists and creating political action committees (PACs) to press their agendas in the halls of Congress and federal agencies.

其他商界领袖采取了更直接的方法，聘请华盛顿游说者并成立政治行动委员会（PAC），在国会和联邦机构的大厅里推行他们的议程。

Between 1976 and 1980 the number of corporate PACs rose from under three hundred to over twelve hundred.

1976 年至 1980 年间，企业 PAC 的数量从不足 300 个增加到超过 1200 个。

Grassroots activists and business leaders received unlikely support from a circle of neoconservatives—disillusioned intellectuals who had rejected liberalism and the Left and become Republicans.

草根活动人士和商界领袖出乎意料地得到了新保守派圈子的支持——这些新保守派是幻想破灭的知识分子，他们拒绝自由主义和左派，转而成为共和党人。

Irving Kristol, a former Marxist who went on to champion free-market capitalism as a Wall Street Journal columnist, defined a neoconservative as a “liberal who has been mugged by reality.” 10 Neoconservative journals like Commentary and Public Interest argued that the Great Society had proven counterproductive, perpetuating the poverty and racial segregation that it aimed to cure.

前马克思主义者欧文·克里斯托尔（Irving Kristol）后来作为《华尔街日报》专栏作家倡导自由市场资本主义，他将新保守主义者定义为“被现实抢劫的自由主义者”。 10 《评论》和《公共利益》等新保守主义期刊认为，伟大社会已被证明适得其反，使其旨在解决的贫困和种族隔离问题长期存在。

By the middle of the 1970s, neoconservatives felt mugged by foreign affairs as well.

到了 20 世纪 70 年代中期，新保守派也感到被外交事务所欺骗。

As ardent Cold Warriors, they argued that Nixon’s policy of détente left the United States vulnerable to the Soviet Union.

作为热心的冷斗士，他们认为尼克松的缓和政策使美国容易受到苏联的攻击。

In sum, several streams of conservative political mobilization converged in the late 1970s.

总之，保守派政治动员的多种流派在 20 世纪 70 年代末期汇聚在一起。

Each wing of the burgeoning New Right—disaffected northern blue-collar workers, white southerners, evangelicals and devout Catholics, business leaders, disillusioned intellectuals, and Cold War hawks—turned to the Republican Party as the most effective vehicle for their political counterassault on liberalism and the New Deal political order.

新兴的新右派的每一派——心怀不满的北方蓝领工人、南方白人、福音派和虔诚的天主教徒、商界领袖、幻灭的知识分子和冷战鹰派——都转向共和党，作为他们对自由主义和新政政治秩序进行政治反击的最有效工具。

After years of mobilization, the domestic and foreign policy storms of the Carter administration provided the tailwinds that brought the conservative movement to shore.

经过多年的动员，卡特政府的国内外政策风暴为保守派运动提供了顺风车。

The election of Jimmy Carter in 1976 brought a Democrat to the White House for the first time since 1969.

1976 年吉米·卡特 (Jimmy Carter) 当选，自 1969 年以来首次由民主党人入主白宫。

Large Democratic majorities in Congress provided the new president with an opportunity to move aggressively on the legislative front.

国会中民主党的多数席位为新总统在立法方面采取积极行动提供了机会。

With the infighting of the early 1970s behind them, many Democrats hoped the Carter administration would update and expand the New Deal.

随着 20 世纪 70 年代初的内讧结束，许多民主党人希望卡特政府更新并扩大新政。

But Carter won the presidency on a wave of post-Watergate disillusionment with government that did not translate into support for liberal ideas.

但卡特在水门事件后对政府的失望浪潮中赢得了总统职位，这并没有转化为对自由主义思想的支持。

In its early days, the Carter administration embraced several policies backed by liberals.

卡特政府成立初期，采取了多项得到自由派支持的政策。

It pushed an economic stimulus package containing $4 billion for public works, extended food stamp benefits to 2.5 million new recipients, enlarged the Earned Income Tax Credit for low-income households, and expanded the Nixon-era Comprehensive Employment and Training Act (CETA).

它推出了一项经济刺激计划，其中包括 40 亿美元的公共工程，将食品券福利扩大到 250 万新受益人，扩大了低收入家庭的所得税抵免，并扩大了尼克松时代的综合就业和培训法案 (CETA)。

11 But the White House quickly realized that Democratic control of Congress did not guarantee support for its initially left-leaning economic proposals.

11 但白宫很快意识到，民主党对国会的控制并不能保证其最初左倾的经济提案得到支持。

Many of the Democrats elected to Congress in the aftermath of Watergate were more moderate than their predecessors, who had been trained in the New Deal gospel.

水门事件后当选国会议员的许多民主党人比接受过新政福音训练的前任更加温和。

These conservative Democrats sometimes partnered with congressional Republicans to oppose Carter, most notably in response to the administration’s proposal for a federal office of consumer protection.

这些保守的民主党人有时会与国会共和党人合作反对卡特，最引人注目的是回应政府关于设立联邦消费者保护办公室的提议。

Events outside Carter’s control certainly helped discredit liberalism, but the president’s own temperamental and philosophical conservatism hamstrung the administration and pushed national politics further to the right.

卡特无法控制的事件无疑损害了自由主义的声誉，但总统本人的喜怒无常和哲学保守主义阻碍了政府的发展，并将国家政治进一步推向右翼。

In his 1978 State of the Union address, Carter lectured Americans that “government cannot solve our problems .

在 1978 年的国情咨文演讲中，卡特对美国人说：“政府无法解决我们的问题……”

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it cannot eliminate poverty, or provide a bountiful economy, or reduce inflation, or save our cities, or cure illiteracy, or provide energy.” 12 The statement neatly captured the ideological transformation of the country.

它不能消除贫困，不能提供繁荣的经济，不能降低通货膨胀，不能拯救我们的城市，不能消除文盲，不能提供能源。” 12 该声明巧妙地体现了该国意识形态的转变。

Rather than leading a resurgence of American liberalism, Carter became, as one historian put it, “the first president to govern in a post–New Deal framework.” 13 Organized labor felt abandoned by Carter, who remained cool to several of their highest legislative priorities.

正如一位历史学家所说，卡特并没有领导美国自由主义的复兴，而是成为“第一位在后新政框架下执政的总统”。 13 有组织的劳工感觉被卡特抛弃了，卡特对几项最重要的立法优先事项仍然保持冷漠。

The president offered tepid support for a national health insurance proposal and declined to lobby aggressively for a package of modest labor law reforms.

总统对国家健康保险提案表示不温不火的支持，并拒绝积极游说一揽子温和的劳动法改革。

The business community rallied to defeat the latter measure, in what AFL-CIO chief George Meany described as “an attack by every anti-union group in America to kill the labor movement.” 14 In 1977 and 1978, liberal Democrats rallied behind the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment and Training Act, which promised to end unemployment through extensive government planning.

商界联合起来反对后一项措施，美国劳工联合会-产联主席乔治·米尼将其描述为“美国所有反工会组织发起的一次攻击，旨在扼杀劳工运动”。 14 1977 年和 1978 年，自由民主党团结起来支持《汉弗莱-霍金斯充分就业和培训法案》，该法案承诺通过广泛的政府规划来结束失业。

The bill aimed not only to guarantee a job to every American but also to reunite the interracial, working-class Democratic coalition that had been fractured by deindustrialization and affirmative action.

该法案的目的不仅是保证每个美国人都有工作，而且还旨在重新团结因去工业化和平权行动而分裂的跨种族工人阶级民主党联盟。

15 But Carter’s lack of enthusiasm for the proposal allowed conservatives from both parties to water the bill down to a purely symbolic gesture.

15 但卡特对该提案缺乏热情，使得两党的保守派将该法案淡化为纯粹的象征性姿态。

Liberals, like labor leaders, came to regard the president as an unreliable ally.

自由派和劳工领袖一样，开始将总统视为不可靠的盟友。

Carter also came under fire from Republicans, especially the religious right.

卡特还受到共和党人，尤其是宗教右翼人士的攻击。

His administration incurred the wrath of evangelicals in 1978 when the IRS established new rules revoking the tax-exempt status of racially segregated, private Christian schools.

1978 年，美国国税局制定了新规定，取消了种族隔离的私立基督教学校的免税地位，他的政府激怒了福音派人士。

The rules only strengthened a policy instituted by the Nixon administration; however, the religious right accused Carter of singling out Christian institutions.

这些规则只是强化了尼克松政府制定的政策；然而，宗教右翼指责卡特挑衅基督教机构。

Republican activist Richard Viguerie described the IRS controversy as the “spark that ignited the religious right’s involvement in real politics.” 16 Race sat just below the surface of the IRS fight.

共和党活动家理查德·维格里将国税局的争议描述为“点燃宗教右翼参与现实政治的火花”。 16 雷斯只是国税局斗争的表面之下。

After all, many of the schools had been founded to circumvent court-ordered desegregation.

毕竟，许多学校的建立都是为了规避法院下令废除种族隔离的规定。

But the IRS ruling allowed the New Right to rain down fire on big government interference while downplaying the practice of segregation at the heart of the case.

但美国国税局的裁决允许新右翼对政府的大规模干预进行猛烈抨击，同时淡化了案件核心的种族隔离做法。

While the IRS controversy flared, economic crises multiplied.

尽管美国国税局的争议愈演愈烈，但经济危机却成倍增加。

Unemployment reached 7.8 percent in May 1980, up from 6 percent at the start of Carter’s first term.

1980 年 5 月，失业率达到 7.8%，高于卡特第一任期之初的 6%。

17 Inflation (the rate at which the cost of goods and services increases) jumped from 6 percent in 1978 to a staggering 20 percent by the winter of 1980.

17 通货膨胀（商品和服务成本上涨的速度）从 1978 年的 6% 跃升至 1980 年冬季的惊人的 20%。

18 In another bad omen, the iconic Chrysler Corporation appeared close to bankruptcy.

18 另一个不祥之兆是，标志性的克莱斯勒公司似乎濒临破产。

The administration responded to these challenges in fundamentally conservative ways.

政府以基本保守的方式应对这些挑战。

First, Carter proposed a tax cut for the upper middle class, which Congress passed in 1978.

首先，卡特提议对上层中产阶级减税，并于 1978 年获得国会通过。

Second, the White House embraced a longtime goal of the conservative movement by deregulating the airline and trucking industries in 1978 and 1980, respectively.

其次，白宫分别于 1978 年和 1980 年放松了对航空和卡车运输业的管制，从而实现了保守派运动的长期目标。

Third, Carter proposed balancing the federal budget—much to the dismay of liberals, who would have preferred that he use deficit spending to finance a new New Deal.

第三，卡特提议平衡联邦预算——这让自由派非常沮丧，他们更希望卡特利用赤字支出来为新新政提供资金。

Finally, to halt inflation, Carter’s appointed chair of the Federal Reserve, Paul Volcker, raised interest rates and tightened the money supply—policies designed to reduce inflation in the long run but which increased unemployment in the short run.

最后，为了遏制通货膨胀，卡特任命的美联储主席保罗·沃尔克提高了利率并收紧了货币供应——这些政策旨在长期降低通货膨胀，但短期内增加了失业率。

Liberalism was on the run.

自由主义正在逃跑。

The decade’s second “energy crisis,” which witnessed another spike in oil prices and oil shortages across the country, brought out the southern Baptist moralist in Carter.

十年来的第二次“能源危机”见证了石油价格的再次飙升和全国范围内的石油短缺，催生了南方浸信会道德家卡特。

On July 15, 1979, the president delivered a nationally televised speech on energy policy in which he attributed the country’s economic woes to a “crisis of confidence.” Carter lamented that “too many of us now tend to worship self-indulgence and consumption.” 19 The country initially responded favorably to the push for energy conservation, yet Carter’s emphasis on discipline and sacrifice and his spiritual diagnosis for economic hardship sidestepped deeper questions of large-scale economic change and downplayed the harsh toll inflation had taken on regular Americans.

1979 年 7 月 15 日，总统发表了关于能源政策的全国电视讲话，他将国家的经济困境归因于“信任危机”。卡特感叹道，“现在我们中有太多人倾向于崇拜自我放纵和消费。” 19 该国最初对推动节能的反应积极，但卡特对纪律和牺牲的强调以及他对经济困难的精神诊断回避了大规模经济变革的更深层次问题，并淡化了通货膨胀给普通美国人带来的严重损失。

These domestic challenges, combined with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the hostage crisis in Iran, hobbled Carter heading into his 1980 reelection campaign.

这些国内挑战，加上苏联入侵阿富汗和伊朗人质危机，阻碍了卡特 1980 年的连任竞选。

Many Democrats were dismayed by his policies.

许多民主党人对他的政策感到沮丧。

The president of the International Association of Machinists dismissed Carter as “the best Republican President since Herbert Hoover.” 20 Angered by the White House’s refusal to back national health insurance, Massachusetts senator Ted Kennedy challenged Carter in the Democratic primaries.

国际机械师协会主席称卡特为“自赫伯特·胡佛以来最好的共和党总统”。 20 马萨诸塞州参议员特德·肯尼迪对白宫拒绝支持国家医疗保险感到愤怒，他在民主党初选中向卡特发起挑战。

Running as the party’s liberal standard-bearer and heir to the legacy of his slain older brothers, Kennedy garnered support from key labor unions and left-wing Democrats.

作为该党的自由派旗手和被杀哥哥遗产的继承人，肯尼迪获得了主要工会和左翼民主党人的支持。

Carter ultimately vanquished Kennedy, but the close primary tally exposed the president’s vulnerability.

卡特最终击败了肯尼迪，但初选票数的接近暴露了总统的脆弱性。

Carter’s opponent in the general election was Ronald Reagan, a former Hollywood actor who had served two terms as governor of California.

卡特在大选中的对手是曾担任两届加州州长的前好莱坞演员罗纳德·里根。

Reagan ran as a staunch fiscal conservative and a Cold War hawk, vowing to reduce government spending and shrink the federal bureaucracy.

里根以坚定的财政保守派和冷战鹰派身份参选，誓言要减少政府支出并缩小联邦官僚机构。

Reagan also accused his opponent of failing to confront the Soviet Union and vowed steep increases in military spending.

里根还指责他的对手未能对抗苏联，并誓言大幅增加军费开支。

Carter responded by calling Reagan a warmonger, but the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the confinement of 52 American hostages in Iran discredited Carter’s foreign policy in the eyes of many Americans.

卡特回应称里根是好战分子，但苏联入侵阿富汗以及将 52 名人质关押在伊朗，让卡特的外交政策在许多美国人眼中名誉扫地。

The incumbent fared no better on domestic affairs.

现任总统在国内事务上的表现也好不到哪儿去。

Unemployment remained at nearly 8 percent.

失业率维持在近8%。

21 Meanwhile the Federal Reserve’s anti-inflation measures pushed interest rates to an unheard-of 18.5 percent.

21 与此同时，美联储的反通胀措施将利率推高至前所未闻的 18.5%。

22 Reagan seized on these bad economic trends.

22 里根抓住了这些糟糕的经济趋势。

On the campaign trail he brought down the house by proclaiming: “A recession is when your neighbor loses his job, and a depression is when you lose your job.” Reagan would then pause before concluding, “And a recovery is when Jimmy Carter loses his job.” 23

在竞选过程中，他宣称：“经济衰退是指你的邻居失业，而萧条是指你失去自己的工作。”里根随后会停顿一下，然后得出结论：“当吉米·卡特失业时，经济就会复苏。” 23

Social and cultural issues presented yet another challenge for the president.

社会和文化问题给总统带来了另一个挑战。

Although a self-proclaimed “born-again” Christian and Sunday school teacher, Carter struggled to court the religious right.

尽管卡特自称是“重生”的基督教徒和主日学校教师，但他却在努力争取宗教右翼人士的支持。

Carter scandalized devout Christians by admitting to lustful thoughts during an interview with Playboy magazine in 1976, telling the reporter he had “committed adultery in my heart many times.” 24 Although Reagan was only a nominal Christian and rarely attended church, the religious right embraced him.

1976 年，卡特在接受《花花公子》杂志采访时承认自己有淫荡的想法，并告诉记者他“多次在心里犯了通奸罪”，这让虔诚的基督徒感到震惊。 24 尽管里根只是名义上的基督徒，很少去教堂，但宗教右翼却拥抱他。

Reverend Jerry Falwell directed the full weight of the Moral Majority behind Reagan.

杰里·福尔韦尔牧师指挥道德多数派全力支持里根。

The organization registered an estimated two million new voters in 1980.

1980 年，该组织估计登记了 200 万新选民。

Reagan also cultivated the religious right by denouncing abortion and endorsing prayer in school.

里根还通过谴责堕胎和支持在学校祈祷来培养宗教权利。

The IRS tax exemption issue resurfaced as well, with the 1980 Republican platform vowing to “halt the unconstitutional regulatory vendetta launched by Mr. Carter’s IRS commissioner against independent schools.” 25 Early in the primary season, Reagan condemned the policy during a speech at South Carolina’s Bob Jones University, which had recently sued the IRS after the school’s ban on interracial dating led to the loss of its tax-exempt status.

美国国税局 (IRS) 免税问题也重新浮出水面，1980 年的共和党纲领誓言要“制止卡特先生的国税局 (IRS) 专员针对私立学校发起的违宪监管仇恨”。 25 初选初期，里根在南卡罗来纳州鲍勃·琼斯大学的一次演讲中谴责了这项政策，该大学最近因学校禁止跨种族约会而失去免税地位而起诉了美国国税局。

Jerry Falwell, a wildly popular TV evangelist, founded the Moral Majority in the late 1970s.

杰里·福尔韦尔（Jerry Falwell）是一位广受欢迎的电视布道者，他在 20 世纪 70 年代末创立了道德多数派。

Decrying the demise of the nation’s morality, the organization gained a massive following and helped to cement the status of the New Christian Right in American politics.

该组织谴责国家道德的消亡，赢得了大量追随者，并帮助巩固了新基督教右翼在美国政治中的地位。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

Reagan’s campaign appealed subtly but unmistakably to the racial hostilities of white voters.

里根的竞选活动微妙但明确地诉诸了白人选民的种族敌对情绪。

The candidate held his first post–nominating convention rally at the Neshoba County Fair near Philadelphia, Mississippi, the town where three civil rights workers had been murdered in 1964.

这位候选人在密西西比州费城附近的内肖巴县博览会上举行了他的第一次提名后集会，该镇 1964 年曾有三名民权工作者被谋杀。

In his speech, Reagan championed the doctrine of states’ rights, which had been the rallying cry of segregationists in the 1950s and 1960s.

里根在演讲中倡导国家权利原则，这是 20 世纪 50 年代和 1960 年代种族隔离主义者的战斗口号。

In criticizing the welfare state, Reagan had long employed thinly veiled racial stereotypes about a “welfare queen” in Chicago who drove a Cadillac while defrauding the government or a “strapping young buck” purchasing T-bone steaks with food stamps.

在批评福利国家时，里根长期以来对芝加哥的“福利女王”使用了几乎不加掩饰的种族刻板印象，她开着凯迪拉克欺骗政府，或者是用食品券购买丁骨牛排的“魁梧年轻人”。

26 Like George Wallace before him, Reagan exploited the racial and cultural resentments of struggling white working-class voters.

26 就像他之前的乔治·华莱士一样，里根利用了苦苦挣扎的白人工人阶级选民的种族和文化怨恨。

And like Wallace, he attracted blue-collar workers in droves.

和华莱士一样，他吸引了大批蓝领工人。

With the wind at his back on almost every issue, Reagan only needed to blunt Carter’s characterization of him as an angry extremist.

由于里根在几乎所有问题上都处于不利地位，他只需要削弱卡特将他描述为愤怒的极端分子就可以了。

Reagan did so during their only debate by appearing calm and amiable.

里根在他们唯一的一场辩论中表现得冷静而和蔼可亲。

“Are you better off than you were four years ago?” he asked the American people at the conclusion of the debate.

“你的生活比四年前好吗？”他在辩论结束时问美国人民。

27 The American people answered no. Reagan won the election with 51 percent of the popular vote to Carter’s 41 percent.

27 美国人民的回答是否定的。里根以 51% 的民众选票赢得了选举，而卡特则以 41% 的得票率获胜。

(Independent John Anderson captured 7 percent.) 28 Despite capturing only a slim majority of the overall popular vote, Reagan scored a decisive 489–49 victory in the Electoral College.

（独立人士约翰·安德森得票率为 7%。）28 尽管里根只获得了总体普选票的微弱多数，但他在选举人团选举中以 489 比 49 取得了决定性的胜利。

29 Republicans gained control of the Senate for the first time since 1955 by winning twelve seats.

29名共和党人赢得12个席位，自1955年以来首次获得参议院控制权。

Liberal Democrats George McGovern, Frank Church, and Birch Bayh went down in defeat, as did liberal Republican Jacob Javits.

自由民主党人乔治·麦戈文、弗兰克·丘奇和伯奇·贝赫惨败，自由派共和党人雅各布·贾维茨也是如此。

The GOP picked up thirty-three House seats, narrowing the Democratic advantage in the lower chamber.

共和党获得了 33 个众议院席位，缩小了民主党在众议院的优势。

30 The New Right had arrived in Washington, D.C.

30 新右派抵达华盛顿特区

Ronald Reagan secured the presidency by appealing to the growing conservatism of much of the country.

罗纳德·里根通过呼吁该国大部分地区日益增长的保守主义而赢得了总统宝座。

Here, Ronald Reagan and his wife, Nancy Reagan, wave from a limousine during the inaugural parade in Washington, D.C., in 1981.

图中，1981 年华盛顿特区的就职典礼游行期间，罗纳德·里根和他的妻子南希·里根在豪华轿车上挥手致意。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

In his first inaugural address Reagan proclaimed that “government is not the solution to the problem, government is the problem.” 31 In reality, Reagan focused less on eliminating government than on redirecting government to serve new ends.

里根在他的第一次就职演说中宣称“政府不是问题的解决方案，政府本身就是问题”。 31 事实上，里根不太关注消除政府，而是关注调整政府以服务新的目标。

In line with that goal, his administration embraced supply-side economic theories that had recently gained popularity among the New Right.

为了实现这一目标，他的政府接受了最近在新右派中流行的供给侧经济理论。

While the postwar gospel of Keynesian economics had focused on stimulating consumer demand, supply-side economics held that lower personal and corporate tax rates would encourage greater private investment and production.

虽然凯恩斯主义经济学的战后福音侧重于刺激消费者需求，但供给方经济学认为，较低的个人和企业税率将鼓励更多的私人投资和生产。

Supply-side advocates promised that the resulting wealth would reach—or “trickle down” to, in the words of critics—lower-income groups through job creation and higher wages.

供给方倡导者承诺，由此产生的财富将通过创造就业机会和提高工资，惠及——或者用批评者的话说，“渗透到”低收入群体。

Conservative economist Arthur Laffer predicted that lower tax rates would generate so much economic activity that federal tax revenues would actually increase.

保守派经济学家阿瑟·拉弗（Arthur Laffer）预测，较低的税率将产生如此多的经济活动，以至于联邦税收收入实际上会增加。

The administration touted the so-called Laffer Curve as justification for the tax cut plan that served as the cornerstone of Reagan’s first year in office.

政府吹捧所谓的拉弗曲线作为减税计划的理由，该计划是里根执政第一年的基石。

Republican congressman Jack Kemp, an early supply-side advocate and co-sponsor of Reagan’s tax bill, promised that it would unleash the “creative genius that has always invigorated America.” 32

共和党国会议员杰克·坎普（Jack Kemp）是里根税收法案的早期供应方倡导者和共同发起人，他承诺该法案将释放“一直激励美国的创造力”。 32

The Iranian hostage crisis ended literally during President Reagan’s inauguration speech.

伊朗人质危机在里根总统就职演说期间真正结束。

The Reagan administration received credit for bringing the hostages home.

里根政府因将人质带回家而受到赞誉。

This group photograph shows the former hostages in the hospital in 1981 before being released back to the United States.

这张集体照片展示了 1981 年被释放回美国之前在医院里的前人质。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

The tax cut faced early skepticism from Democrats and even some Republicans.

减税政策早期遭到了民主党甚至一些共和党人的质疑。

Vice president George H.

副总统乔治·H.

W.

W.

Bush had belittled supply-side theory as “voodoo economics” during the 1980 Republican primaries.

1980年共和党初选期间，布什曾将供给方理论贬低为“巫术经济学”。

33 But a combination of skill and serendipity pushed the bill over the top.

33 但技巧和机缘的结合使这笔帐单超出了上限。

Reagan aggressively and effectively lobbied individual members of Congress for support on the measure.

里根积极有效地游说国会个别议员支持这项措施。

Then on March 30, 1981, Reagan survived an assassination attempt by a mentally unstable young man named John Hinckley.

1981 年 3 月 30 日，里根在一次精神不稳定的年轻人约翰·欣克利 (John Hinckley) 的暗杀企图中幸存。

Public support swelled for the hospitalized president.

公众对住院总统的支持不断增加。

Congress ultimately approved a $675 billion tax cut in July 1981 with significant Democratic support.

在民主党的大力支持下，国会最终于 1981 年 7 月批准了 6,750 亿美元的减税计划。

The bill reduced overall federal taxes by more than one quarter and lowered the top marginal rate from 70 percent to 50 percent, with the bottom rate dropping from 14 percent to 11 percent.

该法案将联邦税收总额减少了四分之一以上，并将最高边际税率从 70% 降至 50%，最低边际税率从 14% 降至 11%。

It also slashed the rate on capital gains from 28 percent to 20 percent.

它还将资本利得率从 28% 削减至 20%。

34 The next month, Reagan scored another political triumph in response to a strike called by the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO).

34 下个月，里根响应职业空中交通管制员组织 (PATCO) 号召的罢工，再次取得政治胜利。

During the 1980 campaign, Reagan had wooed organized labor, describing himself as “an old union man” (he had led the Screen Actors Guild from 1947 to 1952) who still held Franklin Roosevelt in high regard.

在 1980 年竞选期间，里根曾争取有组织的劳工组织，称自己是“一位工会老人”（他在 1947 年至 1952 年期间领导过美国演员工会），并且仍然高度尊重富兰克林·罗斯福。

35 PATCO had been one of the few labor unions to endorse Reagan.

35 PATCO 是为数不多的支持里根的工会之一。

Nevertheless, the president ordered the union’s striking air traffic controllers back to work and fired more than eleven thousand who refused.

尽管如此，总统还是命令工会罢工的空中交通管制员重返工作岗位，并解雇了超过 11000 名拒绝工作的人。

Reagan’s actions crippled PATCO and left the American labor movement reeling.

里根的行为削弱了 PATCO，并使美国劳工运动陷入困境。

For the rest of the 1980s the economic terrain of the United States—already unfavorable to union organizing—shifted decisively in favor of employers.

在 20 世纪 80 年代剩余的时间里，美国的经济形势——已经不利于工会组织——决定性地转向有利于雇主。

The unionized portion of the private-sector workforce fell from 20 percent in 1980 to 12 percent in 1990.

私营部门劳动力中加入工会的比例从 1980 年的 20% 下降到 1990 年的 12%。

36 Reagan’s tax bill and the defeat of PATCO not only enhanced the economic power of corporations and high-income households, they confirmed that a new conservative age had dawned in American life.

36 里根的税收法案和PATCO的失败不仅增强了企业和高收入家庭的经济实力，而且证实了美国生活中一个新的保守时代已经来临。

The new administration appeared to be flying high in the fall of 1981, but developments challenged the rosy economic forecasts emanating from the White House.

1981 年秋天，新政府似乎一帆风顺，但事态发展对白宫乐观的经济预测提出了挑战。

As Reagan ratcheted up tension with the Soviet Union, Congress approved his request for $1.2 trillion in new military spending.

随着里根与苏联的紧张关系加剧，国会批准了他提出的 1.2 万亿美元新军费开支的请求。

37 The combination of lower taxes and higher defense budgets caused the national debt to balloon.

37 较低的税收和较高的国防预算相结合导致国家债务膨胀。

By the end of Reagan’s first term it equaled 53 percent of GDP, as opposed to 33 percent in 1981.

到里根第一任期结束时，它相当于 GDP 的 53%，而 1981 年为 33%。

38 The increase was staggering, especially for an administration that had promised to curb spending.

38 这一增幅令人震惊，特别是对于承诺抑制支出的政府而言。

Meanwhile, Federal Reserve chairman Paul Volcker continued his policy from the Carter years of combating inflation by maintaining high interest rates, which surpassed 20 percent in June 1981.

与此同时，美联储主席保罗·沃尔克（Paul Volcker）延续了卡特时代的政策，通过维持高利率来对抗通货膨胀，1981年6月，利率超过了20%。

39 The Fed’s action increased the cost of borrowing money and stifled economic activity.

39 美联储的行动增加了借贷成本并抑制了经济活动。

As a result, the United States experienced a severe economic recession in 1981 and 1982.

结果，美国在1981年和1982年经历了严重的经济衰退。

Unemployment rose to nearly 11 percent, the highest figure since the Great Depression.

失业率上升至近11%，是大萧条以来的最高数字。

40 Reductions in social welfare spending heightened the impact of the recession on ordinary people.

40 社会福利支出的减少加剧了经济衰退对普通民众的影响。

Congress had followed Reagan’s lead by reducing funding for food stamps and Aid to Families with Dependent Children and removed a half million people from the Supplemental Social Security program for the physically disabled.

国会效仿里根的做法，减少了对食品券和对有受抚养儿童的家庭的援助的资金，并将 50 万人从针对身体残疾人的补充社会保障计划中剔除。

41 The cuts exacted an especially harsh toll on low-income communities of color.

41 削减对低收入有色人种社区造成的损失尤为严重。

The head of the NAACP declared that the administration’s budget cuts had rekindled “war, pestilence, famine, and death.” 42 Reagan also received bipartisan rebuke in 1981 after proposing cuts to social security benefits for early retirees.

全国有色人种协进会主席宣称，政府的预算削减重新引发了“战争、瘟疫、饥荒和死亡”。 42 1981 年，里根在提议削减提前退休人员的社会保障福利后也遭到了两党的谴责。

The Senate voted unanimously to condemn the plan, and Democrats framed it as a heartless attack on the elderly.

参议院一致投票谴责该计划，民主党人将其视为对老年人的无情攻击。

Confronted with recession and harsh public criticism, a chastened White House worked with Democratic House Speaker Tip O’Neill in 1982 on a bill that restored $98 billion of the previous year’s tax cuts.

面对经济衰退和公众的严厉批评，1982年，饱经风霜的白宫与民主党众议院议长蒂普·奥尼尔合作制定了一项法案，恢复了上一年 980 亿美元的减税政策。

43 Despite compromising with the administration on taxes, Democrats railed against the so-called Reagan Recession, arguing that the president’s economic policies favored the most fortunate Americans.

43 尽管民主党在税收问题上与政府妥协，但他们还是对所谓的里根衰退表示不满，认为总统的经济政策有利于最幸运的美国人。

This appeal, which Democrats termed the “fairness issue,” helped them win twenty-six House seats in the autumn congressional races.

这一被民主党称为“公平问题”的呼吁帮助他们在秋季国会竞选中赢得了 26 个众议院席位。

44 The New Right appeared to be in trouble.

44 新右派似乎遇到了麻烦。

President Ronald Reagan, a master of the photo op, appears here with a row of American flags at his back at a 1982 rally for Senator David Durenberger in Minneapolis, Minnesota.

1982 年，在明尼苏达州明尼阿波利斯举行的参议员戴维·杜伦伯格 (David Durenberger) 集会上，拍照大师罗纳德·里根 (Ronald Reagan) 总统背着一排美国国旗出现在此处。

National Archives (198527).

国家档案馆（198527）。

Reagan nimbly adjusted to the political setbacks of 1982.

里根灵活地适应了 1982 年的政治挫折。

Following the rejection of his social security proposals, Reagan appointed a bipartisan panel to consider changes to the program.

在他的社会保障提案遭到拒绝后，里根任命了一个两党小组来考虑对该计划的修改。

In early 1983, the commission recommended a onetime delay in cost-of-living increases, a new requirement that government employees pay into the system, and a gradual increase in the retirement age from sixty-five to sixty-seven.

1983 年初，该委员会建议暂时推迟生活费用的上涨，提出一项新要求，要求政府雇员向系统缴纳费用，并将退休年龄从 65 岁逐步提高到 67 岁。

The commission also proposed raising state and federal payroll taxes, with the new revenue poured into a trust fund that would transform social security from a pay-as-you-go system to one with significant reserves.

该委员会还提议提高州和联邦工资税，将新收入注入信托基金，将社会保障从现收现付制度转变为拥有大量储备的制度。

45 Congress quickly passed the recommendations into law, allowing Reagan to take credit for strengthening a program cherished by most Americans.

45 国会很快将这些建议通过为法律，使里根因加强了大多数美国人所珍视的计划而获得赞誉。

The president also benefited from an economic rebound.

总统还受益于经济反弹。

Real disposable income rose 2.5 percent in 1983 and 5.8 percent the following year.

1983年实际可支配收入增长了2.5%，次年增长了5.8%。

46 Unemployment dropped to 7.5 percent in 1984.

46 1984 年失业率降至 7.5%。

47 Meanwhile, the “harsh medicine” of high interest rates helped reduce inflation to 3.5 percent.

47 与此同时，高利率这一“猛药”帮助将通货膨胀率降低至 3.5%。

48 While campaigning for reelection in 1984, Reagan pointed to the improving economy as evidence that it was “morning again in America.” 49 His personal popularity soared.

48 1984 年竞选连任时，里根指出经济的改善证明“美国又迎来了黎明”。 49 他的个人声望飙升。

Most conservatives ignored the debt increase and tax hikes of the previous two years and rallied around the president.

大多数保守派无视前两年的债务增加和增税，并团结在总统周围。

The Democratic Party, on other hand, stood at an ideological crossroads in 1984.

另一方面，民主党在 1984 年正处于意识形态的十字路口。

The favorite to win the party’s nomination was Walter Mondale, a staunch ally of organized labor and the civil rights movement as a senator during the 1960s and 1970s.

最有希望赢得该党提名的是沃尔特·蒙代尔(Walter Mondale)，他是 1960 年代和 1970 年代担任参议员时组织劳工和民权运动的坚定盟友。

He later served as Jimmy Carter’s vice president.

后来他担任吉米·卡特的副总统。

Mondale’s chief rivals were civil rights activist Jesse Jackson and Colorado senator Gary Hart, one of the young Democrats elected to Congress in 1974 following Nixon’s downfall.

蒙代尔的主要竞争对手是民权活动人士杰西·杰克逊 (Jesse Jackson) 和科罗拉多州参议员加里·哈特 (Gary Hart)，加里·哈特是 1974 年尼克松垮台后当选国会议员的年轻民主党人之一。

Hart and other “Watergate babies” still identified themselves as liberals but rejected their party’s faith in activist government and embraced market-based approaches to policy issues.

哈特和其他“水门婴儿”仍然认为自己是自由主义者，但拒绝他们的政党对激进政府的信仰，并接受基于市场的政策问题方法。

In so doing, they conceded significant political ground to supply-siders and conservative opponents of the welfare state.

通过这样做，他们向供给学派和福利国家的保守派反对者让出了重要的政治立场。

Many Democrats, however, were not prepared to abandon their New Deal heritage, and so the ideological tension within the party played out in the 1984 primary campaign.

然而，许多民主党人并不准备放弃他们的新政传统，因此党内意识形态的紧张局势在 1984 年的初选中显现出来。

Jackson offered a largely progressive program but won only two states.

杰克逊提出了一个很大程度上进步的计划，但只赢得了两个州。

Hart’s platform—economically moderate but socially liberal—inverted the political formula of Mondale’s New Deal–style liberalism.

哈特的纲领——经济温和但社会自由——颠倒了蒙代尔新政式自由主义的政治模式。

Throughout the primaries, Hart contrasted his “new ideas” with Mondale’s “old-fashioned” politics.

在整个初选过程中，哈特将他的“新想法”与蒙代尔的“老式”政治进行了对比。

Mondale eventually secured his party’s nomination but suffered a crushing defeat in the general election.

蒙代尔最终获得了党内提名，但在大选中惨败。

Reagan captured forty-nine of fifty states, winning 58.8 percent of the popular vote.

里根拿下了 50 个州中的 49 个州，赢得了 58.8% 的民众选票。

50

50

Mondale’s loss seemed to confirm that the new breed of moderate Democrats better understood the mood of the American people.

蒙代尔的失败似乎证实了新一代温和派民主党人更了解美国人民的情绪。

The future of the party belonged to post–New Deal liberals like Hart and to the constituency that supported him in the primaries: upwardly mobile, white professionals and suburbanites.

该党的未来属于像哈特这样的后新政自由派以及在初选中支持他的选民：向上流动的白人专业人士和郊区居民。

In February 1985, a group of centrists formed the Democratic Leadership Council (DLC) as a vehicle for distancing the party from organized labor and Keynesian economics while cultivating the business community.

1985 年 2 月，一群中间派成立了民主领导委员会（DLC），作为该党与有组织的劳工和凯恩斯主义经济学保持距离的工具，同时培育商界。

Jesse Jackson dismissed the DLC as “Democrats for the Leisure Class,” but the organization included many of the party’s future leaders, including Arkansas governor Bill Clinton.

杰西·杰克逊 (Jesse Jackson) 将 DLC 斥为“休闲阶级的民主党”，但该组织包括许多该党未来的领导人，包括阿肯色州州长比尔·克林顿 (Bill Clinton)。

51 The formation of the DLC illustrated the degree to which to the New Right had transformed American politics: New Democrats looked a lot like old Republicans.

51 DLC 的形成说明了新右派在多大程度上改变了美国政治：新民主党看起来很像老共和党。

Reagan entered his second term with a much stronger mandate than in 1981, but the Grand Old Party (GOP) makeover of Washington, D.C., stalled.

里根带着比 1981 年更强的授权进入第二个任期，但大老党 (GOP) 对华盛顿特区的改造陷入停滞。

The Democrats regained control of the Senate in 1986, and Democratic opposition prevented Reagan from eliminating means-tested social welfare programs, although Congress failed to increase benefit levels for welfare programs or raise the minimum wage, decreasing the real value of those benefits.

1986年，民主党重新控制了参议院，民主党的反对阻止里根取消经济状况调查的社会福利计划，尽管国会未能提高福利计划的福利水平或提高最低工资，从而降低了这些福利的实际价值。

Democrats and Republicans occasionally fashioned legislative compromises, as with the Tax Reform Act of 1986.

民主党和共和党偶尔会在立法上达成妥协，例如 1986 年的税收改革法案。

The bill lowered the top corporate tax rate from 46 percent to 34 percent and reduced the highest marginal income tax rate from 50 percent to 28 percent, while also simplifying the tax code and eliminating numerous loopholes.

该法案将最高企业税率从 46% 降低至 34%，并将最高边际所得税率从 50% 降低至 28%，同时还简化了税法并消除了众多漏洞。

52 The steep cuts to the corporate and individual rates certainly benefited wealthy individuals, but the legislation made virtually no net change to federal revenues.

52 企业和个人税率的大幅削减当然有利于富人，但立法实际上没有对联邦收入产生任何净变化。

In 1986, Reagan also signed into law the Immigration Reform and Control Act.

1986年，里根还签署了《移民改革和控制法案》。

American policy makers hoped to do two things: deal with the millions of undocumented immigrants already in the United States while simultaneously choking off future unsanctioned migration.

美国政策制定者希望做两件事：处理已经在美国的数百万无证移民，同时阻止未来未经批准的移民。

The former goal was achieved (nearly three million undocumented workers received legal status) but the latter proved elusive.

前一个目标已经实现（近三百万无证工人获得合法身份），但后一个目标却难以实现。

One of Reagan’s most far-reaching victories occurred through judicial appointments.

里根最深远的胜利之一是通过司法任命实现的。

He named 368 district and federal appeals court judges during his two terms.

他在两届任期内任命了 368 名地区和联邦上诉法院法官。

53 Observers noted that almost all of the appointees were white men.

53 观察家指出，几乎所有被任命者都是白人。

(Seven were African American, fifteen were Latino, and two were Asian American.) Reagan also appointed three Supreme Court justices: Sandra Day O’Connor, who to the dismay of the religious right turned out to be a moderate; Anthony Kennedy, a solidly conservative Catholic who occasionally sided with the court’s liberal wing; and archconservative Antonin Scalia.

（七名非裔美国人，十五名拉丁裔美国人，两名亚裔美国人。）里根还任命了三名最高法院法官：桑德拉·戴·奥康纳（Sandra Day O’Connor），令宗教右翼人士沮丧的是，他是温和派；安东尼·肯尼迪 (Anthony Kennedy) 是一位坚定的保守派天主教徒，偶尔会站在最高法院的自由派一边；和极端保守派安东尼·斯卡利亚。

The New Right’s transformation of the judiciary had limits.

新右派对司法机构的改造是有限度的。

In 1987, Reagan nominated Robert Bork to fill a vacancy on the Supreme Court.

1987年，里根提名罗伯特·博克填补最高法院的空缺。

Bork, a federal judge and former Yale University law professor, was a staunch conservative.

博克是一名联邦法官和前耶鲁大学法学教授，是一位坚定的保守派。

He had opposed the 1964 Civil Rights Act, affirmative action, and the Roe v.

他反对 1964 年的《民权法案》、平权法案和罗伊诉科特迪瓦案。

Wade decision.

韦德的决定。

After acrimonious confirmation hearings, the Senate rejected Bork’s nomination by a vote of 58–42.

经过激烈的确认听证会后，参议院以 58 票对 42 票否决了博克的提名。

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African Americans read Bork’s nomination as another signal of the conservative movement’s hostility to their social, economic, and political aspirations.

非裔美国人将博克的提名视为保守派运动敌视他们的社会、经济和政治愿望的另一个信号。

Indeed, Ronald Reagan’s America presented African Americans with a series of contradictions.

事实上，罗纳德·里根的美国给非裔美国人带来了一系列矛盾。

Black Americans achieved significant advances in politics, culture, and socioeconomic status.

美国黑人在政治、文化和社会经济地位方面取得了重大进步。

A trend from the late 1960s and 1970s continued and Black politicians gained control of major municipal governments across the country during the 1980s.

20 世纪 60 年代末和 1970 年代的趋势仍在继续，黑人政客在 1980 年代控制了全国主要市政府。

In 1983, voters in Philadelphia and Chicago elected Wilson Goode and Harold Washington, respectively, as their cities’ first Black mayors.

1983 年，费城和芝加哥的选民分别选举威尔逊·古德和哈罗德·华盛顿为各自城市的首位黑人市长。

At the national level, civil rights leader Jesse Jackson became the first African American man to run for president when he campaigned for the Democratic Party’s nomination in 1984 and 1988.

在国家层面，民权领袖杰西·杰克逊 (Jesse Jackson) 于 1984 年和 1988 年竞选民主党提名，成为第一位竞选总统的非裔美国人。

Propelled by chants of “Run, Jesse, run,” Jackson achieved notable success in 1988, winning nine state primaries and finishing second with 29 percent of the vote.

在“奔跑，杰西，奔跑”口号的推动下，杰克逊在 1988 年取得了显着的成功，赢得了 9 场州初选，并以 29% 的选票名列第二。

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Jesse Jackson, pictured here in 1983, was only the second African American to mount a national campaign for the presidency.

照片拍摄于 1983 年的杰西·杰克逊 (Jesse Jackson) 是第二位发起全国性总统竞选活动的非裔美国人。

His work as a civil rights activist garnered him a significant following in the African American community but never enough to secure the Democratic nomination.

作为一名民权活动家，他在非裔美国人社区中赢得了大批追随者，但还不足以获得民主党提名。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

New Right values threatened the legal principles and federal policies of the Great Society and the “rights revolution.” Reagan’s appointment of conservatives to agencies such as the Justice Department and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission took aim at key policy achievements of the civil rights movement.

新右翼价值观威胁到了伟大社会和“权利革命”的法律原则和联邦政策。里根任命保守派进入司法部和平等就业机会委员会等机构，旨在瞄准民权运动的关键政策成就。

When the 1965 Voting Rights Act came up for renewal during Reagan’s first term, the Justice Department pushed the president to oppose any extension.

当里根第一任期内提出对 1965 年投票权法案进行更新时，司法部敦促总统反对任何延期。

Only the intervention of more moderate congressional Republicans saved the law.

只有更温和的国会共和党人的干预才挽救了法律。

The administration also initiated a plan to rescind federal affirmative action rules.

政府还启动了一项废除联邦平权行动规则的计划。

In 1986, a broad coalition of groups—including the NAACP, the Urban League, the AFL-CIO, and even the National Association of Manufacturers—compelled the administration to abandon the effort.

1986 年，一个广泛的团体联盟——包括全国有色人种协进会、城市联盟、美国劳工联合会-产业工会联合会，甚至全国制造商协会——迫使政府放弃了这一努力。

Despite the conservative tenor of the country, diversity programs were firmly entrenched in the corporate world by the end of the decade.

尽管该国的态度保守，但到本世纪末，多元化计划已在企业界根深蒂固。

Americans increasingly embraced racial diversity as a positive value but most often approached the issue through an individualistic—not a systemic—framework.

美国人越来越多地将种族多样性视为一种积极的价值观，但通常通过个人主义而非系统性框架来解决这个问题。

Certain federal policies disproportionately affected racial minorities.

某些联邦政策不成比例地影响少数族裔。

Spending cuts enacted by Reagan and congressional Republicans shrank Aid to Families with Dependent Children, Medicaid, food stamps, school lunch programs, and job training programs that provided crucial support to African American households.

里根和国会共和党人颁布的开支削减方案缩减了对受抚养子女家庭的援助、医疗补助、食品券、学校午餐计划和职业培训计划，这些计划为非裔美国家庭提供了重要支持。

In 1982, the National Urban League’s annual “State of Black America” report concluded that “never [since the first report in 1976] .

1982 年，全国城市联盟的年度《美国黑人状况》报告得出的结论是：“[自 1976 年第一份报告以来]从来没有。

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has the state of Black America been more vulnerable.

美国黑人的状况是否更加脆弱？

Never in that time have black economic rights been under such powerful attack.” 59 African American communities, especially in urban areas, also bore the stigma of violence and criminality.

在那段时间里，黑人的经济权利从未受到如此强大的攻击。” 59 个非裔美国人社区，特别是在城市地区，也背负着暴力和犯罪的耻辱。

Homicide was the leading cause of death for Black males between ages fifteen and twenty-four, occurring at a rate six times that of other groups.

凶杀是 15 岁至 24 岁之间黑人男性死亡的主要原因，其发生率是其他群体的六倍。

60 Although African Americans were most often the victims of violent crime, sensationalist media reports incited fears about black-on-white crime in big cities.

60 尽管非裔美国人最常成为暴力犯罪的受害者，但耸人听闻的媒体报道激起了人们对大城市中黑人对白人犯罪的担忧。

Ironically, such fear could by itself spark violence.

讽刺的是，这种恐惧本身就可能引发暴力。

In December 1984 a thirty-seven-year-old white engineer, Bernard Goetz, shot and seriously wounded four Black teenagers on a New York City subway car.

1984 年 12 月，一名 37 岁的白人工程师伯纳德·戈茨 (Bernard Goetz) 在纽约市地铁车厢内枪杀了四名黑人青少年，造成重伤。

The so-called Subway Vigilante suspected that the young men—armed with screwdrivers—planned to rob him.

所谓的地铁治安维护者怀疑这些年轻人拿着螺丝刀计划抢劫他。

Pollsters found that 90 percent of white New Yorkers sympathized with Goetz.

民意调查发现，90% 的纽约白人同情戈茨。

61 Echoing the law-and-order rhetoric (and policies) of the 1960s and 1970s, politicians—both Democratic and Republican—and law enforcement agencies implemented more aggressive policing of minority communities and mandated longer prison sentences for those arrested.

61 与 20 世纪 60 年代和 1970 年代的法律与秩序言论（和政策）相呼应的是，政治家（无论是民主党还是共和党）和执法机构对少数群体社区实施了更积极的治安管理，并要求对被捕者判处更长的监禁。

The explosive growth of mass incarceration exacted a heavy toll on African American communities long into the twenty-first century.

进入二十一世纪以来，大规模监禁的爆炸性增长给非裔美国人社区带来了沉重的损失。

Working- and middle-class Americans, especially those of color, struggled to maintain economic equilibrium during the Reagan years.

在里根时代，美国工人阶级和中产阶级，尤其是有色人种，努力维持经济平衡。

The growing national debt generated fresh economic pain.

不断增长的国债带来了新的经济痛苦。

The federal government borrowed money to finance the debt, raising interest rates to heighten the appeal of government bonds.

联邦政府借钱为债务融资，提高利率以提高政府债券的吸引力。

Foreign money poured into the United States, raising the value of the dollar and attracting an influx of goods from overseas.

外国资金涌入美国，美元升值，吸引海外商品大量涌入。

The imbalance between American imports and exports grew from $36 billion in 1980 to $170 billion in 1987.

美国进出口不平衡从1980年的360亿美元增加到1987年的1700亿美元。

62 Foreign competition battered the already anemic manufacturing sector.

62 外国竞争对本已疲软的制造业造成了沉重打击。

The appeal of government bonds likewise drew investment away from American industry.

政府债券的吸引力同样吸引了美国工业的投资。

Continuing an ongoing trend, many steel and automobile factories in the industrial Northeast and Midwest closed or moved overseas during the 1980s.

20 世纪 80 年代，东北部和中西部工业区的许多钢铁和汽车工厂关闭或迁往海外，延续了这一持续趋势。

Bruce Springsteen, the self-appointed bard of blue-collar America, offered eulogies to Rust Belt cities in songs like “Youngstown” and “My Hometown,” in which the narrator laments that his “foreman says these jobs are going, boys / and they ain’t coming back.” 63 Competition from Japanese carmakers spurred a “Buy American” campaign.

布鲁斯·斯普林斯汀（Bruce Springsteen），一位自封的美国蓝领吟游诗人，在《扬斯敦》和《我的家乡》等歌曲中向铁锈地带城市致敬，其中旁白感叹他的“工头说这些工作正在消失，孩子们/他们不会再回来了。” 63 日本汽车制造商的竞争引发了“购买美国货”运动。

Meanwhile, a “farm crisis” gripped the rural United States.

与此同时，一场“农业危机”席卷了美国农村。

Expanded world production meant new competition for American farmers, while soaring interest rates caused the already sizable debt held by family farms to mushroom.

世界产量的扩大意味着美国农民面临新的竞争，而利率飙升则导致家庭农场本已庞大的债务激增。

Farm foreclosures skyrocketed during Reagan’s tenure.

里根执政期间，农场丧失抵押品赎回权的情况急剧增加。

In September 1985, prominent musicians including Neil Young and Willie Nelson organized Farm Aid, a benefit concert at the University of Illinois’s football stadium designed to raise money for struggling farmers.

1985 年 9 月，尼尔·杨 (Neil Young) 和威利·尼尔森 (Willie Nelson) 等著名音乐家在伊利诺伊大学橄榄球场举办了一场慈善音乐会“农场援助”(Farm Aid)，旨在为陷入困境的农民筹集资金。

At the other end of the economic spectrum, wealthy Americans thrived under the policies of the New Right.

在经济领域的另一端，富裕的美国人在新右派的政策下蓬勃发展。

The financial industry found new ways to earn staggering profits during the Reagan years.

在里根时代，金融业找到了赚取惊人利润的新方法。

Wall Street brokers like junk bond king Michael Milken reaped fortunes selling high-risk, high-yield securities.

像垃圾债券大王迈克尔·米尔肯这样的华尔街经纪人通过出售高风险、高收益的证券而发了大财。

Reckless speculation helped drive the stock market steadily upward until the crash of October 19, 1987.

不计后果的投机推动股市稳步上涨，直到 1987 年 10 月 19 日崩盘。

On Black Friday, the market plunged eight hundred points, erasing 13 percent of its value.

黑色星期五当天，股市暴跌 800 点，市值蒸发 13%。

Investors lost more than $500 billion.

投资者损失超过5000亿美元。

64 An additional financial crisis loomed in the savings and loan (S&L) industry, and Reagan’s deregulatory policies bore significant responsibility.

64 储蓄和贷款 (S&L) 行业又一场金融危机迫在眉睫，里根的放松管制政策负有重大责任。

In 1982 Reagan signed a bill increasing the amount of federal insurance available to savings and loan depositors, making those financial institutions more popular with consumers.

1982 年，里根签署了一项法案，增加储蓄和贷款储户可获得的联邦保险金额，使这些金融机构更受消费者欢迎。

The bill also allowed S&Ls to engage in high-risk loans and investments for the first time.

该法案还首次允许储蓄贷款机构从事高风险贷款和投资。

Many such deals failed catastrophically, while some S&L managers brazenly stole from their institutions.

许多此类交易都惨遭失败，而一些储蓄与负债经理则明目张胆地从其机构中窃取资金。

In the late 1980s, S&Ls failed with regularity, and ordinary Americans lost precious savings.

20 世纪 80 年代末，储蓄贷款经常倒闭，普通美国人失去了宝贵的储蓄。

The 1982 law left the government responsible for bailing out S&Ls out at an eventual cost of $132 billion.

1982 年的法律让政府负责救助储蓄贷款，最终花费了 1,320 亿美元。

65

65

Popular culture of the 1980s offered another venue in which conservatives and liberals waged a battle of ideas.

20 世纪 80 年代的流行文化为保守派和自由派展开思想斗争提供了另一个场所。

The militarism and patriotism of Reagan’s presidency pervaded movies like Top Gun and the Rambo series, starring Sylvester Stallone as a Vietnam War veteran haunted by his country’s failure to pursue victory in Southeast Asia.

里根总统任期内的军国主义和爱国主义渗透到了《壮志凌云》和《第一滴血》系列等电影中，西尔维斯特·史泰龙在片中饰演一名越南战争老兵，他的国家在东南亚未能取得胜利，对此深感困扰。

In contrast, director Oliver Stone offered searing condemnations of the war in Platoon and Born on the Fourth of July .

相比之下，导演奥利弗·斯通在《野战排》和《生于七月四日》中对战争提出了严厉的谴责。

Television shows like Dynasty and Dallas celebrated wealth and glamour, reflecting the pride in conspicuous consumption that emanated from the White House and corporate boardrooms during the decade.

像《王朝》和《达拉斯》这样的电视节目颂扬财富和魅力，反映了这十年间白宫和企业董事会对炫耀性消费的自豪感。

At the same time, films like Wall Street and novels like Bret Easton Ellis’s Less Than Zero skewered the excesses of the rich.

与此同时，《华尔街》等电影和布雷特·伊斯顿·埃利斯的《小于零》等小说都抨击了富人的过度行为。

The most significant aspect of much popular culture in the 1980s, however, was its lack of politics altogether.

然而，20 世纪 80 年代许多流行文化最重要的方面是它完全缺乏政治。

Steven Spielberg’s E.T.: The Extra-Terrestrial and his Indiana Jones adventure trilogy topped the box office.

史蒂文·斯皮尔伯格的《E.T.：外星人》和他的《夺宝奇兵》冒险三部曲位居票房榜首。

Cinematic escapism replaced the social films of the 1970s.

电影逃避现实取代了 20 世纪 70 年代的社会电影。

Quintessential Hollywood leftist Jane Fonda appeared frequently on television but only to peddle exercise videos.

典型的好莱坞左派简方达经常出现在电视上，但只是为了兜售锻炼视频。

Television viewership—once dominated by the big three networks of NBC, ABC, and CBS—fragmented with the rise of cable channels catering to particularized tastes.

电视收视率一度由美国全国广播公司 (NBC)、美国广播公司 (ABC) 和哥伦比亚广播公司 (CBS) 三大网络主导，但随着迎合特定口味的有线电视频道的兴起，电视收视率变得支离破碎。

Few cable channels so captured the popular imagination as MTV, which debuted in 1981.

很少有有线频道能像 1981 年首次推出的 MTV 那样吸引大众的想象力。

Telegenic artists like Madonna, Prince, and Michael Jackson skillfully used MTV to boost their reputations and album sales.

麦当娜、普林斯和迈克尔·杰克逊等上镜艺术家巧妙地利用 MTV 来提高他们的声誉和专辑销量。

Conservatives condemned music videos for corrupting young people with vulgar, anti-authoritarian messages, but the medium only grew in stature.

保守派谴责音乐视频通过粗俗、反独裁的信息腐蚀年轻人，但这种媒体的地位却不断提高。

Critics of MTV targeted Madonna in particular.

MTV 的批评者特别针对麦当娜。

Her 1989 video “Like a Prayer” drew protests for what some people viewed as sexually suggestive and blasphemous scenes.

她 1989 年的视频《Like a Prayer》因一些人认为存在性暗示和亵渎的场景而引发抗议。

The religious right increasingly perceived popular culture as hostile to Christian values.

宗教右翼越来越认为流行文化对基督教价值观怀有敌意。

The Apple II was the smallest and sleekest personal computer model yet introduced.

Apple II 是迄今为止推出的最小、最时尚的个人电脑型号。

Indeed, it revolutionized both the substance and design of personal computers.

事实上，它彻底改变了个人电脑的实质和设计。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

The Apple II computer, introduced in 1977, was the first successful mass-produced microcomputer meant for home use.

Apple II 计算机于 1977 年推出，是第一台成功量产的家用微型计算机。

Cultural battles were even more heated in the realm of gender and sexual politics.

在性别和性政治领域，文化斗争更加激烈。

American women pushed further into male-dominated spheres during the 1980s.

20 世纪 80 年代，美国女性进一步进入男性主导的领域。

By 1984, women in the workforce outnumbered those who worked at home.

到 1984 年，劳动力中的女性人数超过了在家工作的女性人数。

66 That same year, New York representative Geraldine Ferraro became the first woman to run on a major party’s presidential ticket when Democratic candidate Walter Mondale named her his running mate.

66 同年，纽约众议员杰拉尔丁·费拉罗 (Geraldine Ferraro) 成为第一位竞选主要政党总统候选人的女性，民主党候选人沃尔特·蒙代尔 (Walter Mondale) 任命她为竞选搭档。

Yet the triumph of the right placed fundamental questions about women’s rights near the center of American politics—particularly in regard to abortion.

然而，右翼的胜利将妇女权利的基本问题置于美国政治的中心——尤其是在堕胎方面。

The issue increasingly divided Americans.

这个问题日益让美国人产生分歧。

Pro-life Democrats and pro-choice Republicans grew rare, as the National Abortion Rights Action League enforced pro-choice orthodoxy on the left and the National Right to Life Commission did the same with pro-life orthodoxy on the right.

反堕胎的民主党人和支持堕胎的共和党人变得越来越少，因为全国堕胎权行动联盟在左翼推行了支持堕胎的正统观念，而国家生命权委员会也在右翼推行了反堕胎正统观念。

Religious conservatives took advantage of the Republican takeover of the White House and Senate in 1980 to push for new restrictions on abortion—with limited success.

宗教保守派利用 1980 年共和党入主白宫和参议院的机会推动对堕胎的新限制，但收效甚微。

Senators Jesse Helms of North Carolina and Orrin Hatch of Utah introduced versions of a Human Life Amendment to the U.S. Constitution that defined life as beginning at conception.

北卡罗来纳州参议员杰西·赫尔姆斯和犹他州参议员奥林·哈奇提出了美国宪法《人类生命修正案》的版本，该修正案将生命定义为从受孕开始。

Both efforts failed.

两种努力都失败了。

67 Reagan, more interested in economic issues than social ones, provided only lukewarm support for the anti-abortion movement.

67 里根对经济问题比对社会问题更感兴趣，对反堕胎运动只提供了冷淡的支持。

He further outraged anti-abortion activists by appointing Sandra Day O’Connor, a supporter of abortion rights, to the Supreme Court.

他任命堕胎权支持者桑德拉·戴·奥康纳为最高法院法官，进一步激怒了反堕胎活动人士。

Despite these setbacks, anti-abortion forces succeeded in defunding some abortion providers.

尽管遇到这些挫折，反堕胎力量还是成功地取消了对一些堕胎服务提供者的资助。

The 1976 Hyde Amendment prohibited the use of federal funds to pay for abortions; by 1990 almost every state had its own version of the Hyde Amendment.

1976 年海德修正案禁止使用联邦资金支付堕胎费用；到 1990 年，几乎每个州都有自己版本的海德修正案。

Yet some anti-abortion activists demanded more.

然而一些反堕胎活动人士要求更多。

In 1988 evangelical activist Randall Terry founded Operation Rescue, an organization that targeted abortion clinics and pro-choice politicians with confrontational—and sometimes violent—tactics.

1988 年，福音派活动家兰德尔·特里 (Randall Terry) 创立了救援行动 (Operation Rescue)，该组织以对抗性（有时甚至是暴力）策略针对堕胎诊所和支持堕胎的政客。

Operation Rescue demonstrated that the fight over abortion would grow only more heated in the 1990s.

救援行动表明，关于堕胎的斗争在 20 世纪 90 年代只会变得更加激烈。

The emergence of a deadly new illness, acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS), simultaneously devastated, stigmatized, and energized the nation’s homosexual community.

一种致命的新疾病——获得性免疫缺陷综合症（艾滋病）的出现，给全国同性恋群体带来了毁灭性的打击、污名化和活力。

When AIDS appeared in the early 1980s, most of its victims were gay men.

20 世纪 80 年代初艾滋病出现时，大多数受害者是男同性恋。

For a time the disease was known as GRID—gay-related immune deficiency.

有一段时间，这种疾病被称为 GRID——同性恋相关免疫缺陷症。

The epidemic rekindled older pseudoscientific ideas about the inherently diseased nature of homosexual bodies.

这种流行病重新点燃了关于同性恋身体固有疾病性质的旧伪科学观点。

The Reagan administration met the issue with indifference, leading liberal congressman Henry Waxman to rage that “if the same disease had appeared among Americans of Norwegian descent .

里根政府对这个问题漠不关心，导致自由派国会议员亨利·瓦克斯曼愤怒地说，“如果同样的疾病也出现在挪威裔美国人中……”

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rather than among gay males, the response of both the government and the medical community would be different.” 68 Some religious figures seemed to relish the opportunity to condemn homosexual activity; Catholic columnist Patrick Buchanan remarked that “the sexual revolution has begun to devour its children.” 69

与男性同性恋相比，政府和医学界的反应会有所不同。” 68 一些宗教人士似乎很高兴有机会谴责同性恋活动；天主教专栏作家帕特里克·布坎南评论说，“性革命已经开始吞噬它的孩子。” 69

Homosexuals were left to forge their own response to the crisis.

同性恋者只能自己制定应对危机的措施。

Some turned to confrontation—like New York playwright Larry Kramer.

有些人转向对抗——比如纽约剧作家拉里·克莱默。

Kramer founded the Gay Men’s Health Crisis, which demanded a more proactive response to the epidemic.

克莱默发起了“男同性恋健康危机”，要求人们更加积极主动地应对这一流行病。

Others sought to humanize AIDS victims; this was the goal of the AIDS Memorial Quilt, a commemorative project begun in 1985.

其他人则试图使艾滋病受害者变得人性化；这就是艾滋病纪念被子的目标，该项目是 1985 年开始的纪念项目。

By the middle of the decade the federal government began to address the issue haltingly.

到了本世纪中期，联邦政府开始犹豫不决地解决这个问题。

Surgeon General C.

外科医生 C.

Everett Koop, an evangelical Christian, called for more federal funding on AIDS-related research, much to the dismay of critics on the religious right.

福音派基督徒埃弗雷特·库普 (Everett Koop) 呼吁联邦政府为艾滋病相关研究提供更多资金，这让宗教右翼批评者感到非常沮丧。

By 1987 government spending on AIDS-related research reached $500 million—still only 25 percent of what experts advocated.

到 1987 年，政府在艾滋病相关研究上的支出达到了 5 亿美元——仍然只有专家建议的 25%。

70 In 1987 Reagan convened a presidential commission on AIDS; the commission’s report called for antidiscrimination laws to protect people with AIDS and for more federal spending on AIDS research.

70 1987 年，里根召集了一个艾滋病问题总统委员会；该委员会的报告呼吁制定反歧视法来保护艾滋病患者，并呼吁增加联邦政府在艾滋病研究上的支出。

The shift encouraged activists.

这一转变鼓励了积极分子。

Nevertheless, on issues of abortion and gay rights—as with the push for racial equality—activists spent the 1980s preserving the status quo rather than building on previous gains.

然而，在堕胎和同性恋权利问题上——就像推动种族平等一样——活动人士在 20 世纪 80 年代维持现状，而不是在先前成果的基础上再接再厉。

This amounted to a significant victory for the New Right.

这对于新右派来说是一次重大胜利。

The AIDS epidemic hit gay and African American communities particularly hard in the 1980s, prompting widespread social stigmatization, but also prompting awareness campaigns, such as this poster featuring singer Patti LaBelle.

艾滋病流行在 20 世纪 80 年代对同性恋和非裔美国人社区造成的打击尤其严重，引发了广泛的社会耻辱，但也引发了提高认识的运动，例如这张以歌手帕蒂·拉贝尔 (Patti LaBelle) 为主角的海报。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

The conservative movement gained ground on gender and sexual politics, but it captured the entire battlefield on American foreign policy in the 1980s, at least for a time.

保守派运动在性别和性政治方面取得了进展，但它至少在一段时间内占领了 20 世纪 80 年代美国外交政策的整个战场。

Ronald Reagan entered office a committed Cold Warrior.

罗纳德·里根入主白宫时是一位坚定的冷战战士。

He held the Soviet Union in contempt, denouncing it in a 1983 speech as an “evil empire.” 71 And he never doubted that the Soviet Union would end up “on the ash heap of history,” as he said in a 1982 speech to the British Parliament.

他蔑视苏联，并在 1983 年的一次演讲中谴责它是“邪恶的帝国”。 71 正如他在 1982 年向英国议会发表演讲时所说，他从不怀疑苏联最终会“被扔进历史的灰堆”。

72 Indeed, Reagan believed it was the duty of the United States to speed the Soviet Union to its inevitable demise.

72 事实上，里根认为美国有责任加速苏联不可避免的灭亡。

His Reagan Doctrine declared that the United States would supply aid to anticommunist forces everywhere in the world.

他的里根主义宣称美国将向世界各地的反共势力提供援助。

73 To give this doctrine force, Reagan oversaw an enormous expansion in the defense budget.

73 为了赋予这一学说力量，里根监督了国防预算的大幅扩张。

Federal spending on defense rose from $171 billion in 1981 to $229 billion in 1985, the highest level since the Vietnam War.

联邦国防开支从 1981 年的 1710 亿美元增加到 1985 年的 2290 亿美元，这是越南战争以来的最高水平。

74 He described this as a policy of “peace through strength,” a phrase that appealed to Americans who, during the 1970s, feared that the United States was losing its status as the world’s most powerful nation.

74 他将此描述为“通过实力实现和平”的政策，这句话对 20 世纪 70 年代担心美国正在失去世界最强大国家地位的美国人很有吸引力。

Yet the irony is that Reagan, for all his militarism, helped bring the Cold War to an end through negotiation, a tactic he had once scorned.

然而具有讽刺意味的是，尽管里根有军国主义倾向，但他却通过谈判帮助结束了冷战，这是他曾经鄙视的策略。

Reagan’s election came at a time when many Americans feared their country was in an irreversible decline.

里根当选之际，许多美国人担心自己的国家正陷入不可逆转的衰退。

American forces withdrew in disarray from South Vietnam in 1975.

1975年，美军在混乱中从南越撤军。

The United States returned sovereignty over the Panama Canal to Panama in 1978, despite protests from conservatives.

1978年，美国不顾保守派的抗议，将巴拿马运河的主权归还给巴拿马。

Pro-American dictators were toppled in Iran and Nicaragua in 1979.

1979 年，伊朗和尼加拉瓜的亲美独裁者被推翻。

The Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan that same year, leading conservatives to warn about American weakness in the face of Soviet expansion.

同年，苏联入侵阿富汗，导致保守派警告美国在苏联扩张面前的软弱。

Reagan spoke to fears of decline and warned, in 1976, that “this nation has become Number Two in a world where it is dangerous—if not fatal—to be second best.

里根谈到了对衰落的担忧，并在 1976 年警告说，“这个国家已经成为世界第二，在这个国家中，屈居第二是危险的——如果不是致命的。”

75

75

Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan, pictured here at Camp David in December 1984, led two of the world’s most powerful countries and formed an alliance that benefited both throughout their tenures in office.

1984 年 12 月，玛格丽特·撒切尔和罗纳德·里根在戴维营合影，他们领导着世界上最强大的两个国家，并结成联盟，在他们的任期内使双方受益。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

The Reagan administration made Latin America a showcase for its newly assertive policies.

里根政府将拉丁美洲作为其新的强硬政策的展示柜。

Jimmy Carter had sought to promote human rights in the region, but Reagan and his advisors scrapped this approach and instead focused on fighting communism—a term they applied to all Latin American left-wing movements.

吉米·卡特曾寻求促进该地区的人权，但里根和他的顾问放弃了这种做法，转而专注于打击共产主义——他们用这个术语来形容所有拉丁美洲的左翼运动。

And so when communists with ties to Cuba overthrew the government of the Caribbean nation of Grenada in October 1983, Reagan dispatched the U.S. Marines to the island.

因此，当 1983 年 10 月与古巴有联系的共产党推翻了加勒比国家格林纳达的政府时，里根向该岛派遣了美国海军陆战队。

Dubbed Operation Urgent Fury, the Grenada invasion overthrew the leftist government after less than a week of fighting.

入侵格林纳达的行动被称为“紧急愤怒行动”，经过不到一周的战斗就推翻了左翼政府。

Despite the relatively minor nature of the mission, its success gave victory-hungry Americans something to cheer about after the military debacles of the previous two decades.

尽管这次任务的性质相对较小，但它的成功给渴望胜利的美国人在过去二十年的军事失败之后带来了一些值得欢呼的东西。

Operation Urgent Fury, the U.S. invasion of Grenada, was broadly supported by the U.S. public.

美国入侵格林纳达的“紧急愤怒行动”得到了美国公众的广泛支持。

This photograph shows the deployment of U.S. Army Rangers into Grenada.

这张照片显示了美国陆军游骑兵部署到格林纳达的情况。

Photograph, October 25, 1983.

照片，1983 年 10 月 25 日。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

Grenada was the only time Reagan deployed the American military in Latin America, but the United States also influenced the region by supporting right-wing, anticommunist movements there.

格林纳达是里根在拉丁美洲唯一部署美国军队的地方，但美国也通过支持那里的右翼反共运动来影响该地区。

From 1981 to 1990, the United States gave more than $4 billion to the government of El Salvador in a largely futile effort to defeat the guerrillas of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN).

从 1981 年到 1990 年，美国向萨尔瓦多政府提供了超过 40 亿美元的资金，以击败法拉本多·马蒂民族解放阵线 (FMLN) 的游击队，但基本上徒劳无功。

76 Salvadoran security forces equipped with American weapons committed numerous atrocities, including the slaughter of almost one thousand civilians at the village of El Mozote in December 1981.

76 配备美国武器的萨尔瓦多安全部队犯下了许多暴行，包括 1981 年 12 月在埃尔莫佐特村屠杀近千名平民。

The Reagan administration took a more cautious approach in the Middle East, where its policy was determined by a mix of anticommunism and hostility toward the Islamic government of Iran.

里根政府在中东采取了更为谨慎的态度，其政策是由反共主义和对伊朗伊斯兰政府的敌意混合决定的。

When Iraq invaded Iran in 1980, the United States supplied Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein with military intelligence and business credits—even after it became clear that Iraqi forces were using chemical weapons.

1980 年伊拉克入侵伊朗时，美国向伊拉克独裁者萨达姆·侯赛因提供军事情报和商业信贷——即使在伊拉克军队使用化学武器的情况已明朗化之后。

Reagan’s greatest setback in the Middle East came in 1982, when, shortly after Israel invaded Lebanon, he dispatched Marines to the Lebanese city of Beirut to serve as a peacekeeping force.

里根在中东遭遇的最大挫折发生在1982年，当时以色列入侵黎巴嫩后不久，他派遣海军陆战队前往黎巴嫩城市贝鲁特担任维和部队。

On October 23, 1983, a suicide bomber killed 241 Marines stationed in Beirut.

1983年10月23日，一名自杀式炸弹袭击者杀死了241名驻扎在贝鲁特的海军陆战队员。

Congressional pressure and anger from the American public forced Reagan to recall the Marines from Lebanon in March 1984.

国会的压力和美国公众的愤怒迫使里根于 1984 年 3 月从黎巴嫩召回海军陆战队。

Reagan’s decision demonstrated that, for all his talk of restoring American power, he took a pragmatic approach to foreign policy.

里根的决定表明，尽管他大肆谈论恢复美国实力，但他在外交政策上采取了务实的态度。

He was unwilling to risk another Vietnam by committing American troops to Lebanon.

他不愿意冒再次越南战争的风险，将美国军队派往黎巴嫩。

Though Reagan’s policies toward Central America and the Middle East aroused protest, his policy on nuclear weapons generated the most controversy.

尽管里根对中美洲和中东的政策引起了抗议，但他的核武器政策引起的争议最大。

Initially Reagan followed the examples of presidents Nixon, Ford, and Carter by pursuing arms limitation talks with the Soviet Union.

最初，里根效仿尼克松、福特和卡特总统，与苏联进行军备限制谈判。

American officials participated in the Intermediate-range Nuclear Force (INF) Talks that began in 1981 and the Strategic Arms Reduction Talks (START) in 1982.

美国官员参加了 1981 年开始的中程核力量（INF）会谈和 1982 年的战略武器削减会谈（START）。

But the breakdown of these talks in 1983 led Reagan to proceed with plans to place Pershing II nuclear missiles in Western Europe to counter Soviet SS-20 missiles in Eastern Europe.

但 1983 年这些谈判破裂，导致里根继续实施在西欧部署潘兴 II 核导弹的计划，以对抗东欧的苏联 SS-20 导弹。

Reagan went a step further in March 1983, when he announced plans for a Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), a space-based system that could shoot down incoming Soviet missiles.

1983 年 3 月，里根更进一步，宣布了战略防御计划 (SDI) 计划，这是一个可以击落来袭苏联导弹的天基系统。

Critics derided the program as a “Star Wars” fantasy, and even Reagan’s advisors harbored doubts.

批评者嘲笑该计划是“星球大战”幻想，甚至里根的顾问也心存疑虑。

“We don’t have the technology to do this,” secretary of state George Shultz told aides.

“我们没有技术来做到这一点，”国务卿乔治舒尔茨告诉助手。

77 These aggressive policies fed a growing nuclear freeze movement throughout the world.

77 这些激进的政策助长了全世界日益增长的核冻结运动。

In the United States, organizations like the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy organized protests that culminated in a June 1982 rally that drew almost a million people to New York City’s Central Park.

在美国，健全核政策委员会等组织组织了抗议活动，最终在 1982 年 6 月举行的集会中达到顶峰，吸引了近一百万人来到纽约中央公园。

President Reagan proposed new space- and ground-based defense systems to protect the United States from nuclear missiles in his 1984 Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI).

里根总统在 1984 年的战略防御计划 (SDI) 中提出了新的天基和陆基防御系统，以保护美国免受核导弹的侵害。

Scientists argued that it was technologically unfeasible, and it was lambasted in the media as the “Star Wars” program.

科学家们认为这在技术上不可行，并被媒体痛斥为“星球大战”计划。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

Protests in the streets were echoed by resistance in Congress.

街头抗议遭到国会的抵制。

Congressional Democrats opposed Reagan’s policies on the merits; congressional Republicans, though they supported Reagan’s anticommunism, were wary of the administration’s fondness for circumventing Congress.

国会民主党人反对里根政策的实质；国会共和党人虽然支持里根的反共主义，但对政府喜欢绕过国会的行为保持警惕。

In 1982, the House voted 411–0 to approve the Boland Amendment, which barred the United States from supplying funds to the contras, a right-wing insurgency fighting the leftist Sandinista government in Nicaragua.

1982年，众议院以411票对0票通过了博兰修正案，该修正案禁止美国向尼加拉瓜反政府武装提供资金，反政府武装是与尼加拉瓜左翼桑地诺政府作战的右翼叛乱分子。

Reagan, overlooking the contras’ brutal tactics, hailed them as the “moral equivalent of the Founding Fathers.” 78 The Reagan administration’s determination to flout these amendments led to a scandal that almost destroyed Reagan’s presidency.

里根忽视了反对派的残酷手段，称赞他们是“道德上的开国元勋”。 78 里根政府藐视这些修正案的决心导致了一场丑闻，几乎毁掉了里根的总统任期。

Robert MacFarlane, the president’s national security advisor, and Oliver North, a member of the National Security Council, raised money to support the contras by selling American missiles to Iran and funneling the money to Nicaragua.

总统的国家安全顾问罗伯特·麦克法兰和国家安全委员会成员奥利弗·诺斯通过向伊朗出售美国导弹并将资金输送到尼加拉瓜来筹集资金支持反政府武装。

When their scheme was revealed in 1986, it was hugely embarrassing for Reagan.

1986 年，当他们的计划被揭露时，里根感到非常尴尬。

The president’s underlings had not only violated the Boland Amendment but had also, by selling arms to Iran, made a mockery of Reagan’s declaration that “America will never make concessions to the terrorists.” But while the Iran-Contra affair generated comparisons to the Watergate scandal, investigators were never able to prove Reagan knew about the operation.

总统的手下不仅违反了博兰修正案，还通过向伊朗出售武器来嘲讽里根“美国永远不会向恐怖分子让步”的宣言。尽管伊朗门事件与水门事件相提并论，但调查人员始终无法证明里根了解这一行动。

Without such a “smoking gun,” talk of impeaching Reagan remained simply talk.

如果没有这样的“确凿证据”，弹劾里根的言论就只是说说而已。

Though the Iran-Contra scandal tarnished the Reagan administration’s image, it did not derail Reagan’s most significant achievement: easing tensions with the Soviet Union.

尽管伊朗门丑闻损害了里根政府的形象，但它并没有破坏里根最重要的成就：缓和与苏联的紧张关系。

This would have seemed impossible in Reagan’s first term, when the president exchanged harsh words with a rapid succession of Soviet leaders—Leonid Brezhnev, Yuri Andropov, and Konstantin Chernenko.

这在里根的第一个任期内似乎是不可能的，当时总统与列昂尼德·勃列日涅夫、尤里·安德罗波夫和康斯坦丁·契尔年科等一系列苏联领导人交换了严厉的言辞。

In 1985, however, the aged Chernenko’s death handed leadership of the Soviet Union to Mikhail Gorbachev, who, while a true believer in socialism, nonetheless realized that the Soviet Union desperately needed to reform itself.

然而，1985年，年迈的契尔年科去世，苏联的领导权交给了米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫。戈尔巴乔夫虽然是社会主义的忠实信徒，但他意识到苏联迫切需要进行自我改革。

He instituted a program of perestroika , which referred to the restructuring of the Soviet system, and of glasnost , which meant greater transparency in government.

他制定了改革计划和开放计划，前者指的是苏联体制的重组，后者意味着政府更大的透明度。

Gorbachev also reached out to Reagan in hopes of negotiating an end to the arms race, which was bankrupting the Soviet Union.

戈尔巴乔夫还向里根伸出援手，希望通过谈判结束正在导致苏联破产的军备竞赛。

Reagan and Gorbachev met in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1985 and Reykjavik, Iceland, in 1986.

里根和戈尔巴乔夫分别于 1985 年和 1986 年分别在瑞士日内瓦和冰岛雷克雅未克会面。

The summits failed to produce any concrete agreements, but the two leaders developed a relationship unprecedented in the history of U.S.-Soviet relations.

峰会未能达成任何具体协议，但两国领导人发展了美苏关系史上前所未有的关系。

This trust made possible the Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty of 1987, which committed both sides to a sharp reduction in their nuclear arsenal.

这种信任使得 1987 年《中程核力量条约》成为可能，该条约承诺双方大幅削减核武库。

By the late 1980s the Soviet empire was crumbling.

到了 20 世纪 80 年代末，苏联帝国已经分崩离析。

Reagan successfully combined anticommunist rhetoric (such as his 1987 speech at the Berlin Wall, where he declared, “General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace .

里根成功地将反共言论结合起来（例如他 1987 年在柏林墙发表的演讲，他宣称：“戈尔巴乔夫总书记，如果你寻求和平……

.

。

.

。

tear down this wall!”) with a willingness to negotiate with Soviet leadership.

推倒这堵墙！”）并愿意与苏联领导层谈判。

79 But the most significant causes of collapse lay within the Soviet empire itself.

79 但崩溃的最重要原因在于苏联帝国本身。

Soviet-allied governments in Eastern Europe tottered under pressure from dissident organizations like Poland’s Solidarity and East Germany’s Neues Forum.

东欧的苏联盟友政府在波兰团结工会和东德新论坛等持不同政见组织的压力下摇摇欲坠。

Some of these countries, such as Poland, were also pressured from within by the Roman Catholic Church, which had turned toward active anticommunism under Pope John Paul II.

其中一些国家，例如波兰，还受到罗马天主教会的内部压力，罗马天主教会在教皇约翰·保罗二世的领导下转向了积极的反共产主义。

When Gorbachev made it clear that he would not send the Soviet military to prop up these regimes, they collapsed one by one in 1989—in Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, and East Germany.

当戈尔巴乔夫明确表示他不会派遣苏联军队支持这些政权时，这些政权于1989年一一垮台——波兰、匈牙利、捷克斯洛伐克、罗马尼亚、保加利亚和东德。

Within the Soviet Union, Gorbachev’s proposed reforms unraveled the decaying Soviet system rather than bringing stability.

在苏联内部，戈尔巴乔夫提出的改革瓦解了腐朽的苏联体系，而不是带来了稳定。

By 1991 the Soviet Union itself had vanished, dissolving into a Commonwealth of Independent States.

到 1991 年，苏联本身已经消失，解体为独立国家联合体。

Reagan left office in 1988 with the Cold War waning and the economy booming.

1988 年，随着冷战的结束和经济的蓬勃发展，里根卸任。

Unemployment had dipped to 5 percent by 1988.

到 1988 年，失业率已降至 5%。

80 Between 1981 and 1986, gas prices fell from $1.38 per gallon to 95¢.

80 1981 年至 1986 年间，天然气价格从每加仑 1.38 美元跌至 95 美分。

81 The stock market recovered from the crash, and the Dow Jones Industrial Average—which stood at 950 in 1981—reached 2,239 by the end of Reagan’s second term.

81 股市从崩溃中恢复过来，道琼斯工业平均指数（1981 年为 950 点）到里根第二任期结束时达到 2,239 点。

82 Yet the economic gains of the decade were unequally distributed.

82 然而，这十年的经济成果分配不均。

The top fifth of households enjoyed rising incomes while the rest stagnated or declined.

收入最高的五分之一家庭的收入不断增加，而其余家庭的收入则停滞或下降。

83 In constant dollars, annual chief executive officer (CEO) pay rose from $3 million in 1980 to roughly $12 million during Reagan’s last year in the White House.

83 按不变美元计算，首席执行官 (CEO) 的年薪从 1980 年的 300 万美元增加到里根在白宫最后一年的约 1200 万美元。

84 Between 1985 and 1989 the number of Americans living in poverty remained steady at thirty-three million.

84 1985 年至 1989 年间，生活在贫困中的美国人人数稳定在 3300 万。

85 Real per capita money income grew at only 2 percent per year, a rate roughly equal to the Carter years.

85 实际人均货币收入每年仅增长 2%，与卡特时代大致持平。

86 The American economy saw more jobs created than lost during the 1980s, but half of the jobs eliminated were in high-paying industries.

86 20 世纪 80 年代，美国经济创造的就业机会多于失去的就业机会，但消失的就业机会有一半来自高薪行业。

87 Furthermore, half of the new jobs failed to pay wages above the poverty line.

87 此外，一半的新工作岗位的工资未能超过贫困线。

The economic divide was most acute for African Americans and Latinos, one third of whom qualified as poor.

非裔美国人和拉美裔人的经济差距最为严重，其中三分之一属于贫困人口。

The triumph of the right proved incomplete.

事实证明，右翼的胜利并不完整。

The number of government employees actually increased under Reagan.

在里根领导下，政府雇员的数量实际上有所增加。

With more than 80 percent of the federal budget committed to defense, entitlement programs, and interest on the national debt, the right’s goal of deficit elimination floundered for lack of substantial areas to cut.

由于超过 80% 的联邦预算用于国防、福利计划和国债利息，右翼消除赤字的目标因缺乏实质性削减领域而陷入困境。

88 Between 1980 and 1989 the national debt rose from $914 billion to $2.7 trillion.

88 1980 年至 1989 年间，国家债务从 9,140 亿美元增加到 2.7 万亿美元。

89 Despite steep tax cuts for corporations and the wealthy, the overall tax burden of the American public basically remained unchanged.

89 尽管对企业和富人大幅减税，但美国公众的整体税负基本保持不变。

Moreover, so-called regressive taxes on payroll and certain goods actually increased the tax burden on low- and middle-income Americans.

此外，所谓的工资和某些商品的累退税实际上增加了中低收入美国人的税收负担。

Finally, Reagan slowed but failed to vanquish the five-decade legacy of liberal economics.

最后，里根放慢了脚步，但未能消除自由主义经济学五年来的遗产。

Most New Deal and Great Society programs proved durable.

大多数新政和伟大社会计划都被证明是持久的。

Government still offered its neediest citizens a safety net, if a now continually shrinking one.

政府仍然向最需要帮助的公民提供安全网，尽管这一安全网现在正在不断缩小。

Yet the discourse of American politics had irrevocably changed.

然而美国政治的话语已经发生了不可逆转的变化。

The preeminence of conservative political ideas grew ever more pronounced, even when Democrats controlled Congress or the White House.

即使民主党控制了国会或白宫，保守派政治思想的主导地位也变得越来越明显。

In response to the conservative mood of the country, the Democratic Party adapted its own message to accommodate many of the Republicans’ Reagan-era ideas and innovations.

为了回应该国的保守情绪，民主党调整了自己的信息，以适应共和党里根时代的许多想法和创新。

The United States was on a rightward path.

美国正走在一条右倾道路上。

Ronald Reagan, a former actor, corporate spokesperson, and California governor, won the presidency in 1980 with a potent mix of personal charisma and conservative politics.

罗纳德·里根 (Ronald Reagan) 曾任演员、公司发言人和加州州长，凭借个人魅力和保守政治的有力结合，于 1980 年赢得了总统职位。

In his first inaugural address, Reagan famously declared that “government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.”

里根在他的第一次就职演说中宣称“政府不是我们问题的解决方案；政府本身就是问题”。

“Letter from Jerry Falwell on his opposition to homosexuality and asking for support in keeping his “Old-Time Gospel Hour” television program on the air.

“杰里·福尔韦尔写来的信，内容是他反对同性恋，并请求支持以继续播出他的“旧时福音时刻”电视节目。

Falwell writes that the Old Time Gospel Hour “is one of the few major ministries in America crying out against militant homosexuals” (p.

福尔韦尔写道，旧时福音时刻“是美国为数不多的大声疾呼反对激进同性恋的主要事工之一”（第 17 页）。

1).

1）。

The letter is printed on what appears to be lined yellow notepad paper.”

这封信打印在看似有横线的黄色记事本纸上。”

HIV/AIDS confronted Americans in the 1980s.

20 世纪 80 年代，美国人面临艾滋病毒/艾滋病问题。

The disease was first associated with gay men (it was initially called Gay-Related Immune Disease, or GRID) and AIDS sufferers fought for recognition of the disease’s magnitude, petitioned for research funds, and battled against popular stigma associated with the disease.

这种疾病最初与男同性恋有关（最初被称为同性恋相关免疫病，或 GRID），艾滋病患者为承认这种疾病的严重性而奋斗，请求研究资金，并与与这种疾病相关的普遍耻辱作斗争。

In 1985, the Senate held hearings on explicit music.

1985年，参议院就色情音乐问题举行了听证会。

The Parents Music Resource Center (1985), founded by the wives of prominent politicians in Washington D.C., publicly denounced lyrics, album covers, and music videos dealing with sex, violence, and drug use.

父母音乐资源中心（Parents Music Resource Center，1985）由华盛顿特区著名政治家的妻子创立，公开谴责涉及性、暴力和吸毒的歌词、专辑封面和音乐视频。

The PRMC pressured music publishers and retailers and singled out artists such as Judas Priest, Prince, AC/DC, Madonna, and Black Sabbath, and Cyndi Lauper.

PRMC 向音乐出版商和零售商施压，并挑选了 Judas Priest、Prince、AC/DC、Madonna、Black Sabbath 和 Cyndi Lauper 等艺术家。

The following is extracted from statements by Susan Baker, the wife of then-Treasury Secretary James Baker, and Tipper Gore, wife of Senator and later Vice President Al Gore, in support of warning labels on music packaging.

以下内容摘自时任财政部长詹姆斯·贝克的妻子苏珊·贝克和参议员、后来的副总统阿尔·戈尔的妻子蒂珀·戈尔支持在音乐包装上使用警告标签的声明。

Pat Buchanan was a conservative journalist who worked in the Nixon and Reagan administrations before running for the Republican presidential nomination in 1992.

帕特·布坎南 (Pat Buchanan) 是一位保守派记者，曾在尼克松和里根政府工作过，之后于 1992 年竞选共和党总统提名。

Although he lost the nomination to George H.W.

尽管他在提名中输给了乔治·H·W·布什 (George H.W.

Bush, he was invited to speak at that year’s Republican National Convention, where he delivered a fiery address criticizing liberals and declaring a “culture war” at the heart of American life.

布什总统期间，他受邀在当年的共和党全国代表大会上发表讲话，发表了激烈的讲话，批评自由派，并宣称美国生活的核心是一场“文化战争”。

6.

6.

Phyllis Schlafly on Women’s Responsibility for Sexual Harassment (1981)

菲利斯·施拉夫利 (Phyllis Schlafly) 论女性对性骚扰的责任 (1981)

Conservative activist Phyllis Schlafly fought against feminism and other liberal cultural trends for decades.

保守派活动家菲利斯·施拉夫利数十年来一直与女权主义和其他自由主义文化趋势作斗争。

Perhaps most notably, she led the campaign against the Equal Rights Amendment, turning what had seemed an inevitability into a failed effort.

也许最值得注意的是，她领导了反对平等权利修正案的运动，将看似不可避免的努力变成了失败的努力。

Here, she testified before Congress about what she saw as the largely imagined problem of sexual harassment.

在这里，她在国会作证，讲述了她认为很大程度上是想象出来的性骚扰问题。

After a groundbreaking yet unsuccessful campaign to capture the Democratic Party’s nomination for president, Jesse Jackson delivered the keynote speech at the 1984 Democratic National Convention in San Francisco.

在为获得民主党总统提名而进行的开创性但不成功的竞选活动之后，杰西·杰克逊 (Jesse Jackson) 在 1984 年旧金山民主党全国代表大会上发表了主题演讲。

He had campaigned on the idea of a “rainbow coalition,” a political movement that drew upon the nation’s racial, religious, and economic diversity.

他的竞选理念是“彩虹联盟”，这是一场利用国家种族、宗教和经济多样性的政治运动。

He echoed that theme in his convention speech.

他在大会演讲中呼应了这一主​​题。

While Cold War fears still preyed upon Americans, satellite technology and advancements in telecommunications inspired hopes for an interconnected future.

尽管冷战恐惧仍然困扰着美国人，但卫星技术和电信进步激发了人们对互联未来的希望。

Here, an artist in 1981 depicts various satellites in orbit around the Earth.

1981 年，一位艺术家描绘了围绕地球轨道运行的各种卫星。

President Ronald Reagan, a master of the “photo op,” appears here with a row of American flags at his back at a 1982 rally for Senator David Durenberger in Minneapolis, Minnesota.

1982 年，在明尼苏达州明尼阿波利斯举行的参议员戴维·杜伦伯格 (David Durenberger) 集会上，“拍照大师”罗纳德·里根 (Ronald Reagan) 总统背着一排美国国旗出现在此处。

This chapter was edited by Richard Anderson and William J.

本章由 Richard Anderson 和 William J. 编辑。

Schultz, with content contributions by Richard Anderson, Laila Ballout, Marsha Barrett, Seth Bartee, Eladio Bobadilla, Kyle Burke, Andrew Chadwick, Aaron Cowan, Jennifer Donnally, Leif Fredrickson, Kori Graves, Karissa A.

Schultz，内容贡献者包括 Richard Anderson、Laila Ballout、Marsha Barrett、Seth Bartee、Eladio Bobadilla、Kyle Burke、Andrew Chadwick、Aaron Cowan、Jennifer Donnally、Leif Fredrickson、Kori Graves、Karissa A.

Haugeberg, Jonathan Hunt, Stephen Koeth, Colin Reynolds, William J.

豪格伯格、乔纳森·亨特、斯蒂芬·科思、科林·雷诺兹、威廉·J·豪格伯格

Schultz, and Daniel Spillman.

舒尔茨和丹尼尔·斯皮尔曼。

Recommended citation: Richard Anderson et al., “The Triumph of the Right,” Richard Anderson and William J.

推荐引用：理查德·安德森 (Richard Anderson) 等人，“右派的胜利”，理查德·安德森 (Richard Anderson) 和威廉·J·安德森 (William J.

Schultz, eds., in The American Yawp , eds.

舒尔茨编辑，载于《美国雅普》编辑。

Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).

约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。