The American Yawp

美国狂吠

· The American Yawp (Stanford open textbook) · 原文

Abandoned Packard Automotive Plant in Detroit, Michigan.

密歇根州底特律废弃的帕卡德汽车工厂。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

* NOTE: You are viewing a chapter from the archived, “First Edition” version of the American Yawp, which stopped receiving updates in spring 2026.

* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。

Click here to access the current, updated edition *

单击此处访问当前的更新版本*

On December 6, 1969, an estimated three hundred thousand people converged on the Altamont Motor Speedway in Northern California for a massive free concert headlined by the Rolling Stones and featuring some of the era’s other great rock acts.

1969 年 12 月 6 日，估计有三十万人聚集在北加州的阿尔塔蒙特赛车场，观看一场由滚石乐队领衔的大型免费音乐会，并邀请了那个时代其他一些伟大的摇滚乐队。

1 Only four months earlier, Woodstock had shown the world the power of peace and love and American youth.

1 仅在四个月前，伍德斯托克音乐节向世界展示了和平与爱以及美国青年的力量。

Altamont was supposed to be “Woodstock West.” 2

阿尔塔蒙特应该是“伍德斯托克西区”。 2

But Altamont was a disorganized disaster.

但阿尔塔蒙特是一场无组织的灾难。

Inadequate sanitation, a horrid sound system, and tainted drugs strained concertgoers.

卫生条件差、音响系统糟糕、毒品受污染，让音乐会观众感到紧张。

To save money, the Hells Angels biker gang was paid $500 in beer to be the show’s “security team.” The crowd grew progressively angrier throughout the day.

为了省钱，地狱天使摩托帮被支付了 500 美元的啤酒作为节目的“安全团队”。一整天，人群变得越来越愤怒。

Fights broke out.

打斗爆发了。

Tensions rose.

紧张局势加剧。

The Angels, drunk and high, armed themselves with sawed-off pool cues and indiscriminately beat concertgoers who tried to come on the stage.

天使们醉得酩酊大醉，用锯断的台球杆武装自己，不分青红皂白地殴打试图上台的音乐会观众。

The Grateful Dead refused to play.

感恩而死乐队拒绝演出。

Finally, the Stones came on stage.

最后，滚石乐队登台表演。

The crowd’s anger was palpable.

人群的愤怒之情溢于言表。

Fights continued near the stage.

舞台附近的战斗仍在继续。

Mick Jagger stopped in the middle of playing “Sympathy for the Devil” to try to calm the crowd: “Everybody be cool now, c’mon,” he pleaded.

米克·贾格尔在演奏《同情魔鬼》时停下来试图安抚观众：“现在大家都冷静点，来吧，”他恳求道。

Then, a few songs later, in the middle of “Under My Thumb,” eighteen-year-old Meredith Hunter approached the stage and was beaten back.

然后，几首歌之后，在《Under My Thumb》的中间，十八岁的梅雷迪思·亨特走近舞台，却被击退了。

Pissed off and high on methamphetamines, Hunter brandished a pistol, charged again, and was stabbed and killed by an Angel.

亨特一怒之下吸食了冰毒，挥舞着手枪，再次冲锋，结果被一名天使刺伤身亡。

His lifeless body was stomped into the ground.

他的身体毫无生气地被踩在地上。

The Stones just kept playing.

滚石队只是继续比赛。

If the more famous Woodstock music festival captured the idyll of the sixties youth culture, Altamont revealed its dark side.

如果说更为著名的伍德斯托克音乐节捕捉到了六十年代青年文化的田园风光，那么阿尔塔蒙特音乐节则揭示了它的阴暗面。

There, drugs, music, and youth were associated not with peace and love but with anger, violence, and death.

在那里，毒品、音乐和青春不再与和平与爱联系在一起，而是与愤怒、暴力和死亡联系在一起。

While many Americans in the 1970s continued to celebrate the political and cultural achievements of the previous decade, a more anxious, conservative mood grew across the nation.

尽管 20 世纪 70 年代的许多美国人继续庆祝过去十年的政治和文化成就，但全国各地却出现了一种更加焦虑、保守的情绪。

For some, the United States had not gone nearly far enough to promote greater social equality; for others, the nation had gone too far, unfairly trampling the rights of one group to promote the selfish needs of another.

对于一些人来说，美国在促进更大的社会平等方面做得还远远不够。对另一些人来说，这个国家走得太远了，不公平地践踏一个群体的权利来满足另一个群体的自私需求。

Onto these brewing dissatisfactions, the 1970s dumped the divisive remnants of a failed war, the country’s greatest political scandal, and an intractable economic crisis.

20 世纪 70 年代，一场失败的战争、该国最大的政治丑闻和棘手的经济危机所带来的分裂残余，抛在了这些酝酿已久的不满之上。

It seemed as if the nation was ready to unravel.

这个国家似乎已经准备好解体了。

Vietnam War protestors at the March on the Pentagon.

越南战争抗议者在五角大楼游行。

Lyndon B.

林登·B.

Johnson Library via Wikimedia .

约翰逊图书馆通过维基媒体。

Perhaps no single issue contributed more to public disillusionment than the Vietnam War.

也许没有哪个问题比越南战争更能引起公众的幻灭。

As the war deteriorated, the Johnson administration escalated American involvement by deploying hundreds of thousands of troops to prevent the communist takeover of the south.

随着战争的恶化，约翰逊政府加大了美国的介入力度，部署了数十万军队来阻止共产党接管南方。

Stalemates, body counts, hazy war aims, and the draft catalyzed an antiwar movement and triggered protests throughout the United States and Europe.

僵局、死亡人数、模糊的战争目标以及草案催化了反战运动并引发了整个美国和欧洲的抗议活动。

With no end in sight, protesters burned draft cards, refused to pay income taxes, occupied government buildings, and delayed trains loaded with war materials.

在看不到尽头的情况下，抗议者烧毁了征兵卡，拒绝缴纳所得税，占领了政府大楼，并延误了装载战争物资的火车。

By 1967, antiwar demonstrations were drawing hundreds of thousands.

到 1967 年，反战示威已吸引了数十万人参加。

In one protest, hundreds were arrested after surrounding the Pentagon.

在一次抗议活动中，数百人包围五角大楼后被捕。

Vietnam was the first “living room war.” 6 Television, print media, and open access to the battlefield provided unprecedented coverage of the conflict’s brutality.

越南战争是第一次“客厅战争”。 6 电视、印刷媒体和开放战场对冲突的残酷性进行了前所未有的报道。

Americans confronted grisly images of casualties and atrocities.

美国人面临着伤亡和暴行的可怕景象。

In 1965, CBS Evening News aired a segment in which U.S. Marines burned the South Vietnamese village of Cam Ne with little apparent regard for the lives of its occupants, who had been accused of aiding Vietcong guerrillas.

1965 年，哥伦比亚广播公司晚间新闻播出了一段片段，其中美国海军陆战队烧毁了南越的 Cam Ne 村，几乎不顾村里居民的生命，他们被指控援助越共游击队。

President Johnson berated the head of CBS, yelling over the phone, “Your boys just shat on the American flag.” 7

约翰逊总统在电话中斥责哥伦比亚广播公司的负责人，大喊：“你的孩子们只是在美国国旗上拉屎。” 7

While the U.S. government imposed no formal censorship on the press during Vietnam, the White House and military nevertheless used press briefings and interviews to paint a deceptive image of the war.

尽管美国政府在越南战争期间没有对媒体实施正式审查，但白宫和军方仍然利用新闻发布会和采访来描绘战争的欺骗性形象。

The United States was winning the war, officials claimed.

官员们声称，美国正在赢得这场战争。

They cited numbers of enemies killed, villages secured, and South Vietnamese troops trained.

他们列举了许多敌人被杀、村庄安全以及南越军队接受训练的情况。

However, American journalists in Vietnam quickly realized the hollowness of such claims (the press referred to afternoon press briefings in Saigon as “the Five o’Clock Follies”).

然而，驻越南的美国记者很快意识到这种说法的空洞（媒体将下午在西贡举行的新闻发布会称为“五点钟的愚蠢行为”）。

8 Editors frequently toned down their reporters’ pessimism, often citing conflicting information received from their own sources, who were typically government officials.

8 编辑经常淡化记者的悲观情绪，经常引用从他们自己的消息来源（通常是政府官员）收到的相互矛盾的信息。

But the evidence of a stalemate mounted.

但僵局的迹象越来越多。

Stories like CBS’s Cam Ne piece exposed a credibility gap, the yawning chasm between the claims of official sources and the increasingly evident reality on the ground in Vietnam.

像哥伦比亚广播公司的《Cam Ne》这样的报道暴露了可信度差距，即官方消息来源的说法与越南日益明显的现实之间的巨大鸿沟。

9 Nothing did more to expose this gap than the 1968 Tet Offensive.

9 1968 年的春节攻势最能暴露这一差距。

In January, communist forces attacked more than one hundred American and South Vietnamese sites throughout South Vietnam, including the American embassy in Saigon.

一月份，共产党军队袭击了南越各地一百多个美国和南越地点，其中包括美国驻西贡大使馆。

While U.S. forces repulsed the attack and inflicted heavy casualties on the Vietcong, Tet demonstrated that despite the repeated claims of administration officials, the enemy could still strike at will anywhere in the country, even after years of war.

虽然美军击退了这次袭击并给越共造成了重大伤亡，但春节表明，尽管政府官员一再声称，即使经过多年的战争，敌人仍然可以在该国任何地方进行随意袭击。

Subsequent stories and images eroded public trust even further.

随后的故事和图像进一步削弱了公众的信任。

In 1969, investigative reporter Seymour Hersh revealed that U.S. troops had raped and/or massacred hundreds of civilians in the village of My Lai.

1969 年，调查记者西摩·赫什 (Seymour Hersh) 透露，美军在美莱村强奸和/或屠杀了数百名平民。

10 Three years later, Americans cringed at Nick Ut’s wrenching photograph of a naked Vietnamese child fleeing a South Vietnamese napalm attack.

10 三年后，尼克·乌特拍摄了一名越南裸体儿童逃离南越凝固汽油弹袭击的令人痛心的照片，美国人对此感到畏缩。

More and more American voices came out against the war.

越来越多的美国人发出反对战争的声音。

Reeling from the war’s growing unpopularity, on March 31, 1968, President Johnson announced on national television that he would not seek reelection.

由于战争日益不受欢迎，约翰逊总统于 1968 年 3 月 31 日在国家电视上宣布他不会寻求连任。

11 Eugene McCarthy and Robert F.

11 尤金·麦卡锡和罗伯特·F.

Kennedy unsuccessfully battled against Johnson’s vice president, Hubert Humphrey, for the Democratic Party nomination (Kennedy was assassinated in June).

肯尼迪与约翰逊的副总统休伯特·汉弗莱争夺民主党提名，但未能成功（肯尼迪于六月被暗杀）。

At the Democratic Party’s national convention in Chicago, local police brutally assaulted protesters on national television.

在芝加哥举行的民主党全国代表大会上，当地警察在国家电视台上残酷袭击了抗议者。

For many Americans, the violent clashes outside the convention hall reinforced their belief that civil society was unraveling.

对于许多美国人来说，会议厅外的暴力冲突强化了他们的信念，即公民社会正在瓦解。

Republican challenger Richard Nixon played on these fears, running on a platform of “law and order” and a vague plan to end the war.

共和党挑战者理查德·尼克松利用了这些恐惧，以“法律与秩序”为平台，并制定了模糊的结束战争计划。

Well aware of domestic pressure to wind down the war, Nixon sought, on the one hand, to appease antiwar sentiment by promising to phase out the draft, train South Vietnamese forces to assume more responsibility for the war effort, and gradually withdraw American troops.

尼克松深知国内要求结束战争的压力，一方面试图通过承诺逐步取消征兵来安抚反战情绪，训练南越军队承担更多战争责任，并逐步撤军。

Nixon and his advisors called it “Vietnamization.” 12 At the same time, Nixon appealed to the so-called silent majority of Americans who still supported the war (and opposed the antiwar movement) by calling for an “honorable” end to U.S. involvement—what he later called “peace with honor.” 13 He narrowly edged out Humphrey in the fall’s election.

尼克松和他的顾问称之为“越南化”。 12 与此同时，尼克松呼吁“光荣”结束美国的介入，即他后来所说的“荣誉和平”，以此吸引仍然支持战争（并反对反战运动）的所谓“沉默的大多数”美国人。 13 他在秋季选举中以微弱优势击败汉弗莱。

Public assurances of American withdrawal, however, masked a dramatic escalation of conflict.

然而，美国撤军的公开保证掩盖了冲突的急剧升级。

Looking to incentivize peace talks, Nixon pursued a “madman strategy” of attacking communist supply lines across Laos and Cambodia, hoping to convince the North Vietnamese that he would do anything to stop the war.

为了激励和平谈判，尼克松推行了攻击老挝和柬埔寨的共产主义补给线的“狂人战略”，希望让北越人相信他会采取一切措施来阻止战争。

14 Conducted without public knowledge or congressional approval, the bombings failed to spur the peace process, and talks stalled before the American-imposed November 1969 deadline.

14 这些爆炸事件是在公众不知情或国会批准的情况下进行的，未能推动和平进程，谈判在美国规定的 1969 年 11 月最后期限之前陷入僵局。

News of the attacks renewed antiwar demonstrations.

袭击事件的消息再次引发反战示威。

Police and National Guard troops killed six students in separate protests at Jackson State University in Mississippi, and, more famously, Kent State University in Ohio in 1970.

1970 年，警察和国民警卫队在密西西比州杰克逊州立大学和俄亥俄州肯特州立大学分别举行的抗议活动中杀害了六名学生。

Another three years passed—and another twenty thousand American troops died—before an agreement was reached.

又过了三年，又有两万美军阵亡，协议才达成。

15 After Nixon threatened to withdraw all aid and guaranteed to enforce a treaty militarily, the North and South Vietnamese governments signed the Paris Peace Accords in January 1973, marking the official end of U.S. force commitment to the Vietnam War.

15 在尼克松威胁撤回所有援助并保证在军事上执行条约后，北越和南越政府于 1973 年 1 月签署了《巴黎和平协定》，标志着美国对越南战争的承诺正式结束。

Peace was tenuous, and when war resumed North Vietnamese troops quickly overwhelmed southern forces.

和平是脆弱的，当战争重新爆发时，北越军队很快就压倒了南方军队。

By 1975, despite nearly a decade of direct American military engagement, Vietnam was united under a communist government.

到 1975 年，尽管美国与越南进行了近十年的直接军事接触，越南还是在共产主义政府的领导下统一起来。

The Vietnam War profoundly influenced domestic politics.

越南战争深刻影响了国内政治。

Moreover, it poisoned many Americans’ perceptions of their government and its role in the world.

此外，它还毒害了许多美国人对其政府及其在世界上的作用的看法。

And yet, while the antiwar demonstrations attracted considerable media attention and stand today as a hallmark of the sixties counterculture, many Americans nevertheless continued to regard the war as just.

然而，尽管反战示威活动引起了媒体的广泛关注，并成为六十年代反主流文化的标志，但许多美国人仍然认为战争是正义的。

Wary of the rapid social changes that reshaped American society in the 1960s and worried that antiwar protests threatened an already tenuous civil order, a growing number of Americans turned to conservatism.

由于担心 20 世纪 60 年代重塑美国社会的快速社会变革，并担心反战抗议活动威胁到本已脆弱的公民秩序，越来越多的美国人转向保守主义。

Los Angeles police violently arrest a man during the Watts riot on August 12, 1965.

1965 年 8 月 12 日，洛杉矶警方在瓦茨骚乱中暴力逮捕了一名男子。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

The civil rights movement looked dramatically different at the end of the 1960s than it had at the beginning.

20 世纪 60 年代末的民权运动看起来与 20 世纪 60 年代初期有很大不同。

The movement had never been monolithic, but prominent, competing ideologies had fractured the movement in the 1970s.

该运动从来都不是铁板一块，但在 20 世纪 70 年代，突出的、相互竞争的意识形态已经分裂了该运动。

The rise of the Black Power movement challenged the integrationist dreams of many older activists as the assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X fueled disillusionment and many alienated activists recoiled from liberal reformers.

黑人权力运动的兴起挑战了许多年长活动人士的融合主义梦想，马丁·路德·金和马尔科姆·艾克斯的遇刺加剧了他们的幻想破灭，许多疏远的活动人士对自由改革者退缩。

The political evolution of the civil rights movement was reflected in American culture.

民权运动的政治演变反映在美国文化中。

The lines of race, class, and gender ruptured American “mass” culture.

种族、阶级和性别的界限打破了美国的“大众”文化。

The monolith of popular American culture, pilloried in the fifties and sixties as exclusively white, male-dominated, conservative, and stifling, finally shattered and Americans retreated into ever smaller, segmented subcultures.

美国流行文化的巨石在五六十年代被嘲笑为纯白人、男性主导、保守和令人窒息，最终崩溃了，美国人退回到越来越小、分割的亚文化。

Marketers now targeted particular products to ever smaller pieces of the population, including previously neglected groups such as African Americans.

营销人员现在将特定产品瞄准更小的人群，包括以前被忽视的群体，如非裔美国人。

16 Subcultures often revolved around certain musical styles, whether pop, disco, hard rock, punk rock, country, or hip-hop.

16 亚文化通常围绕某些音乐风格展开，无论是流行音乐、迪斯科音乐、硬摇滚、朋克摇滚、乡村音乐还是嘻哈音乐。

Styles of dress and physical appearance likewise aligned with cultures of choice.

着装风格和外貌同样与选择的文化相一致。

If the popular rock acts of the sixties appealed to a new counterculture, the seventies witnessed the resurgence of cultural forms that appealed to a white working class confronting the social and political upheavals of the 1960s.

如果说六十年代流行的摇滚乐吸引了一种新的反主流文化，那么七十年代则见证了文化形式的复兴，这些文化形式吸引了面临 1960 年代社会和政治动荡的白人工人阶级。

Country hits such as Merle Haggard’s “Okie from Muskogee” evoked simpler times and places where people “still wave Old Glory down at the courthouse” and they “don’t let our hair grow long and shaggy like the hippies out in San Francisco.” (Haggard would claim the song was satirical, but it nevertheless took hold.) A popular television sitcom, All in the Family , became an unexpected hit among “middle America.” The show’s main character, Archie Bunker, was designed to mock reactionary middle-aged white men, but audiences embraced him.

梅尔·哈格德 (Merle Haggard) 的《来自马斯科吉的奥基》(Okie from Muskogee) 等乡村热门歌曲唤起了人们对简单时代和地方的回忆，人们“仍然在法院挥舞着古老的荣耀”，而且“不会让我们的头发像旧金山的嬉皮士那样长得又长又蓬乱”。（哈格德声称这首歌是讽刺性的，但它仍然占据了主导地位。）一部流行的电视情景喜剧《全家福》意外地在“美国中部”中大受欢迎。该剧的主角阿奇·邦克（Archie Bunker）旨在嘲笑反动的中年白人，但观众却接受了他。

“Isn’t anyone interested in upholding standards?” he lamented in an episode dealing with housing integration.

“没有人有兴趣维护标准吗？”他在一集有关住房融合的节目中感叹道。

“Our world is coming crumbling down.

“我们的世界正在崩溃。

The coons are coming!” 17

浣熊来了！” 17 号

As Bunker knew, African Americans were becoming much more visible in American culture.

正如邦克所知，非裔美国人在美国文化中变得越来越明显。

While Black cultural forms had been prominent throughout American history, they assumed new popular forms in the 1970s.

虽然黑人文化形式在美国历史上一直很突出，但它们在 20 世纪 70 年代呈现出新的流行形式。

Disco offered a new, optimistic, racially integrated pop music.

迪斯科提供了一种新的、乐观的、种族融合的流行音乐。

Musicians such as Aretha Franklin, Andraé Crouch, and “fifth Beatle” Billy Preston brought their background in church performance to their own recordings as well as to the work of white artists like the Rolling Stones, with whom they collaborated.

艾瑞莎·富兰克林 (Aretha Franklin)、安德烈·克劳奇 (Andraé Crouch) 和“披头士第五人”比利·普雷斯顿 (Billy Preston) 等音乐家将他们在教堂表演的背景融入到自己的唱片中，以及与他们合作的滚石乐队等白人艺术家的作品中。

By the end of the decade, African American musical artists had introduced American society to one of the most significant musical innovations in decades: the Sugarhill Gang’s 1979 record, Rapper’s Delight .

到本世纪末，非裔美国音乐艺术家向美国社会介绍了几十年来最重要的音乐创新之一：Sugarhill Gang 1979 年的唱片《Rapper’s Delight》。

A lengthy paean to Black machismo, it became the first rap single to reach the Top 40.

这是对黑人男子气概的长篇赞歌，它成为第一首进入前 40 名的说唱单曲。

Just as rap represented a hypermasculine Black cultural form, Hollywood popularized its white equivalent.

正如说唱代表了一种超级男性化的黑人文化形式一样，好莱坞也普及了其白人文化形式。

Films such as 1971’s Dirty Harry captured a darker side of the national mood.

1971 年的《肮脏的哈利》等电影捕捉到了国民情绪的阴暗面。

Clint Eastwood’s titular character exacted violent justice on clear villains, working within the sort of brutally simplistic ethical standard that appealed to Americans anxious about a perceived breakdown in “law and order.” (“The film’s moral position is fascist,” said critic Roger Ebert, who nevertheless gave it three out of four stars.

克林特·伊斯特伍德饰演的同名角色对明显的恶棍实施了暴力正义，他的道德标准极其简单化，吸引了那些担心“法律和秩序”崩溃的美国人。（“这部电影的道德立场是法西斯主义的，”影评人罗杰·艾伯特说，但他还是给了这部电影四颗星中的三颗星。

19 )

19）

Perhaps the strongest element fueling American anxiety over “law and order” was the increasingly visible violence associated with the civil rights movement.

也许加剧美国人对“法律与秩序”焦虑的最强烈因素是与民权运动相关的日益明显的暴力行为。

No longer confined to the antiblack terrorism that struck the southern civil rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s, publicly visible violence now broke out among Black Americans in urban riots and among whites protesting new civil rights programs.

不再局限于 20 世纪 50 年代和 1960 年代袭击南方民权运动的反黑人恐怖主义，现在在城市骚乱中的美国黑人和抗议新民权计划的白人中爆发了公开可见的暴力行为。

In the mid-1970s, for instance, protests over the use of busing to overcome residential segregation and truly integrate public schools in Boston washed the city in racial violence.

例如，在 20 世纪 70 年代中期，波士顿因使用公交车来克服居住隔离并真正整合公立学校而举行的抗议活动使这座城市陷入种族暴力之中。

Stanley Forman’s Pulitzer Prize–winning photo, The Soiling of Old Glory , famously captured a Black civil rights attorney, Ted Landsmark, being attacked by a mob of anti-busing protesters, one of whom wielded an American flag as a weapon.

斯坦利·福尔曼 (Stanley Forman) 获得普利策奖的照片《玷污了旧日的荣耀》(The Soiling of Old Glory) 拍摄了黑人民权律师泰德·兰德马克 (Ted Landsmark) 遭到一群反校车抗议者袭击的著名照片，其中一名抗议者挥舞着美国国旗作为武器。

Urban riots, though, rather than anti-integration violence, tainted many white Americans’ perception of the civil rights movement and urban life in general.

然而，城市骚乱，而不是反融合暴力，玷污了许多美国白人对民权运动和城市生活的总体看法。

Civil unrest broke out across the country, but the riots in Watts/Los Angeles (1965), Newark (1967), and Detroit (1967) were the most shocking.

全国各地爆发了内乱，但瓦茨/洛杉矶（1965年）、纽瓦克（1967年）和底特律（1967年）的骚乱最为令人震惊。

In each, a physical altercation between white police officers and African Americans spiraled into days of chaos and destruction.

每一次，白人警察和非裔美国人之间的肢体冲突都升级为数天的混乱和破坏。

Tens of thousands participated in urban riots.

数万人参与了城市骚乱。

Many looted and destroyed white-owned business.

许多人抢劫并摧毁了白人拥有的企业。

There were dozens of deaths, tens of millions of dollars in property damage, and an exodus of white capital that only further isolated urban poverty.

数十人死亡，数千万美元的财产损失，白人资本的外流只会进一步孤立城市贫困。

In 1967, President Johnson appointed the Kerner Commission to investigate the causes of America’s riots.

1967年，约翰逊总统任命克纳委员会调查美国骚乱的原因。

Their report became an unexpected best seller.

他们的报告出乎意料地成为畅销书。

22 The commission cited Black frustration with the hopelessness of poverty as the underlying cause of urban unrest.

22 该委员会指出，黑人对贫困无望的沮丧是城市动乱的根本原因。

As the head of the Black National Business League testified, “It is to be more than naïve—indeed, it is a little short of sheer madness—for anyone to expect the very poorest of the American poor to remain docile and content in their poverty when television constantly and eternally dangles the opulence of our affluent society before their hungry eyes.” 23 A Newark rioter who looted several boxes of shirts and shoes put it more simply: “They tell us about that pie in the sky but that pie in the sky is too damn high.” 24 But white conservatives blasted the conclusion that white racism and economic hopelessness were to blame for the violence.

正如全国黑人商业联盟的负责人作证时所说，“当电视不断地、永远地在他们饥饿的眼前晃动我们富裕社会的富裕时，任何人都希望美国最贫穷的穷人能够保持温顺和满足于他们的贫困，这不仅仅是天真，事实上，还有点疯狂。” 23 一名纽瓦克暴徒抢走了几箱衬衫和鞋子，他的说法更简单：“他们告诉我们天上掉馅饼的事，但天上掉的馅饼实在是太高了。” 24 但白人保守派人士对“白人种族主义和经济绝望是暴力事件的罪魁祸首”这一结论进行了猛烈抨击。

African Americans wantonly destroying private property, they said, was not a symptom of America’s intractable racial inequalities but the logical outcome of a liberal culture of permissiveness that tolerated—even encouraged—nihilistic civil disobedience.

他们说，非裔美国人肆意破坏私有财产并不是美国棘手的种族不平等的症状，而是宽容甚至鼓励虚无主义公民抗命的自由主义文化的必然结果。

Many white moderates and liberals, meanwhile, saw the explosive violence as a sign that African Americans had rejected the nonviolence of the earlier civil rights movement.

与此同时，许多白人温和派和自由派将爆炸性暴力视为非裔美国人拒绝早期民权运动非暴力的标志。

The unrest of the late sixties did, in fact, reflect a real and growing disillusionment among African Americans with the fate of the civil rights crusade.

事实上，六十年代末的骚乱确实反映出非裔美国人对民权运动命运的真实且日益幻灭的幻灭。

In the still-moldering ashes of Jim Crow, African Americans in Watts and other communities across the country bore the burdens of lifetimes of legally sanctioned discrimination in housing, employment, and credit.

在种族隔离的灰烬中，瓦茨和全国其他社区的非裔美国人一生都承受着住房、就业和信贷方面法律认可的歧视的负担。

Segregation survived the legal dismantling of Jim Crow.

种族隔离在法律上废除种族隔离制度后仍然存在。

The perseverance into the present day of stark racial and economic segregation in nearly all American cities destroyed any simple distinction between southern de jure segregation and nonsouthern de facto segregation.

当今几乎所有美国城市都存在着严重的种族和经济隔离，这破坏了南方法律上的种族隔离和非南方事实上的种族隔离之间的任何简单区别。

Black neighborhoods became traps that too few could escape.

黑人社区成为很少有人能够逃脱的陷阱。

Political achievements such as the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act were indispensable legal preconditions for social and political equality, but for most, the movement’s long (and now often forgotten) goal of economic justice proved as elusive as ever.

1964 年《民权法案》和 1965 年《投票权法案》等政治成就是社会和政治平等不可或缺的法律先决条件，但对大多数人来说，该运动长期以来（现在经常被遗忘）的经济正义目标被证明一如既往地难以捉摸。

“I worked to get these people the right to eat cheeseburgers,” Martin Luther King Jr. supposedly said to Bayard Rustin as they toured the devastation in Watts some years earlier, “and now I’ve got to do something .

“我努力让这些人有权吃芝士汉堡，”几年前，马丁·路德·金在参观瓦茨的灾难时对贝亚德·鲁斯汀说道，“现在我必须做点什么……”

。

to help them get the money to buy it.” 25 What good was the right to enter a store without money for purchases?

帮助他们拿到钱来购买它。” 25 没有钱就有权进入商店购物有什么好处？

To Americans in 1968, the country seemed to be unraveling.

对于 1968 年的美国人来说，这个国家似乎正在分崩离析。

Martin Luther King Jr. was killed on April 4, 1968.

1968 年 4 月 4 日，马丁·路德·金被杀。

He had been in Memphis to support striking sanitation workers.

他曾在孟菲斯支持罢工的环卫工人。

(Prophetically, he had reflected on his own mortality in a rally the night before.

（正如预言，他在前一天晚上的一次集会上反思了自己的死亡。

Confident that the civil rights movement would succeed without him, he brushed away fears of death.

他坚信，没有他，民权运动也会取得成功，因此他消除了对死亡的恐惧。

“I’ve been to the mountaintop,” he said, “and I’ve seen the promised land.”).

“我已经到过山顶，”他说，“我已经看到了应许之地。”）。

The greatest leader in the American civil rights movement was lost.

美国民权运动最伟大的领袖失去了。

Riots broke out in over a hundred American cities.

美国一百多个城市爆发骚乱。

Two months later, on June 6, Robert F.

两个月后，即 6 月 6 日，Robert F.

Kennedy was killed campaigning in California.

肯尼迪在加利福尼亚州竞选时被杀。

He had represented the last hope of liberal idealists.

他代表了自由主义理想主义者最后的希望。

Anger and disillusionment washed over the country.

愤怒和幻灭席卷了整个国家。

As the Vietnam War descended ever deeper into a brutal stalemate and the Tet Offensive exposed the lies of the Johnson administration, students shut down college campuses and government facilities.

随着越南战争进一步陷入残酷的僵局，春节攻势揭露了约翰逊政府的谎言，学生们关闭了大学校园和政府设施。

Protests enveloped the nation.

抗议活动席卷全国。

Protesters converged on the Democratic National Convention in Chicago at the end of August 1968, when a bitterly fractured Democratic Party gathered to assemble a passable platform and nominate a broadly acceptable presidential candidate.

1968 年 8 月底，抗议者聚集在芝加哥举行的民主党全国代表大会上，当时严重分裂的民主党聚集在一起，制定了一个尚可的纲领，并提名了一位得到广泛接受的总统候选人。

Demonstrators planned massive protests in Chicago’s public spaces.

示威者计划在芝加哥公共场所举行大规模抗议活动。

Initial protests were peaceful, but the situation quickly soured as police issued stern threats and young people began to taunt and goad officials.

最初的抗议活动是和平的，但随着警察发出严厉威胁，年轻人开始嘲笑和刺激官员，局势很快恶化。

Many of the assembled students had protest and sit-in experiences only in the relative safe havens of college campuses and were unprepared for Mayor Richard Daley’s aggressive and heavily armed police force and National Guard troops in full riot gear.

许多聚集在一起的学生只在大学校园相对安全的避难所进行了抗议和静坐，对市长理查德·戴利(Richard Daley)咄咄逼人、全副武装的警察部队和全副武装的国民警卫队毫无准备。

Attendees recounted vicious beatings at the hands of police and Guardsmen, but many young people—convinced that much public sympathy could be won via images of brutality against unarmed protesters—continued stoking the violence.

与会者讲述了警察和卫兵的毒打事件，但许多年轻人相信，通过残酷对待手无寸铁的抗议者的画面可以赢得公众的同情，因此继续煽动暴力。

Clashes spilled from the parks into city streets, and eventually the smell of tear gas penetrated the upper floors of the opulent hotels hosting Democratic delegates.

冲突从公园蔓延到城市街道，最终催泪瓦斯的气味渗透到接待民主党代表的豪华酒店的高层。

Chicago’s brutality overshadowed the convention and culminated in an internationally televised, violent standoff in front of the Hilton Hotel.

芝加哥的暴行给大会蒙上了阴影，最终在希尔顿酒店前发生了一场国际电视转播的暴力对峙。

“The whole world is watching,” the protesters chanted.

抗议者高呼“全世界都在看着”。

The Chicago riots encapsulated the growing sense that chaos now governed American life.

芝加哥骚乱体现了一种日益强烈的感觉：混乱现在主宰着美国人的生活。

For many sixties idealists, the violence of 1968 represented the death of a dream.

对于许多六十年代的理想主义者来说，1968 年的暴力事件代表着梦想的破灭。

Disorder and chaos overshadowed hope and progress.

无序和混乱掩盖了希望和进步。

And for conservatives, it was confirmation of all of their fears and hesitations.

对于保守派来说，这证实了他们所有的恐惧和犹豫。

Americans of 1968 turned their back on hope.

1968 年的美国人放弃了希望。

They wanted peace.

他们想要和平。

They wanted stability.

他们想要稳定。

They wanted “law and order.”

他们想要“法律和秩序”。

Richard Nixon campaigns in Philadelphia during the 1968 presidential election.

1968 年总统选举期间，理查德·尼克松 (Richard Nixon) 在费城进行竞选活动。

National Archives .

国家档案馆。

Beleaguered by an unpopular war, inflation, and domestic unrest, President Johnson opted against reelection in March 1968—an unprecedented move in modern American politics.

由于受到不受欢迎的战争、通货膨胀和国内动乱的困扰，约翰逊总统于 1968 年 3 月选择不再连任，这在现代美国政治中是史无前例的举动。

The forthcoming presidential election was shaped by Vietnam and the aforementioned unrest as much as by the campaigns of Democratic nominee Vice President Hubert Humphrey, Republican Richard Nixon, and third-party challenger George Wallace, the infamous segregationist governor of Alabama.

即将到来的总统选举受到越南和上述骚乱的影响，同时也受到民主党候选人副总统休伯特·汉弗莱、共和党人理查德·尼克松和第三方挑战者、臭名昭著的种族隔离主义阿拉巴马州州长乔治·华莱士的竞选活动的影响。

The Democratic Party was in disarray in the spring of 1968, when senators Eugene McCarthy and Robert Kennedy challenged Johnson’s nomination and the president responded with his shocking announcement.

1968 年春天，民主党陷入混乱，参议员尤金·麦卡锡和罗伯特·肯尼迪对约翰逊的提名提出质疑，而总统则做出了令人震惊的宣布。

Nixon’s candidacy was aided further by riots that broke out across the country after the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. and the shock and dismay experienced after the slaying of Robert Kennedy in June.

马丁·路德·金遇刺后全国爆发的骚乱以及六月罗伯特·肯尼迪被杀后所经历的震惊和沮丧进一步帮助尼克松获得了候选人资格。

The Republican nominee’s campaign was defined by shrewd maintenance of his public appearances and a pledge to restore peace and prosperity to what he called “the silent center; the millions of people in the middle of the political spectrum.” This campaign for the “silent majority” was carefully calibrated to attract suburban Americans by linking liberals with violence and protest and rioting.

这位共和党候选人的竞选活动的特点是精明地维持自己的公开形象，并承诺为他所谓的“沉默的中心；政治光谱中间的数百万人”恢复和平与繁荣。这场针对“沉默的大多数”的运动经过精心调整，通过将自由主义者与暴力、抗议和骚乱联系起来来吸引郊区的美国人。

Many embraced Nixon’s message; a September 1968 poll found that 80 percent of Americans believed public order had “broken down.”

许多人接受了尼克松的信息。 1968 年 9 月的一项民意调查发现，80% 的美国人认为公共秩序已经“崩溃”。

Meanwhile, Humphrey struggled to distance himself from Johnson and maintain working-class support in northern cities, where voters were drawn to Wallace’s appeals for law and order and a rejection of civil rights.

与此同时，汉弗莱努力与约翰逊保持距离，并维持北方城市工人阶级的支持，华莱士对法律和秩序的呼吁以及对公民权利的拒绝吸引了选民。

The vice president had a final surge in northern cities with the aid of union support, but it was not enough to best Nixon’s campaign.

在工会支持的帮助下，副总统在北方城市取得了最后的胜利，但这还不足以击败尼克松的竞选活动。

The final tally was close: Nixon won 43.3 percent of the popular vote (31,783,783), narrowly besting Humphrey’s 42.7 percent (31,266,006).

最终的计票结果很接近：尼克松赢得了 43.3% 的普选票（31,783,783 票），以微弱优势击败了汉弗莱的 42.7%（31,266,006 票）。

Wallace, meanwhile, carried five states in the Deep South, and his 13.5 percent (9,906,473) of the popular vote constituted an impressive showing for a third-party candidate.

与此同时，华莱士赢得了南部腹地的五个州，他获得了 13.5%（9,906,473）的普选票，这对于第三方候选人来说是一个令人印象深刻的表现。

The Electoral College vote was more decisive for Nixon; he earned 302 electoral votes, while Humphrey and Wallace received only 191 and 45 votes, respectively.

选举团投票对尼克松来说更具决定性。他获得了 302 张选举人票，而汉弗莱和华莱士分别只获得了 191 票和 45 票。

Although Republicans won a few seats, Democrats retained control of both the House and Senate and made Nixon the first president in 120 years to enter office with the opposition party controlling both houses.

尽管共和党赢得了一些席位，但民主党仍保留了众议院和参议院的控制权，并使尼克松成为 120 年来第一位在反对党控制参众两院的情况下就职的总统。

Once installed in the White House, Richard Nixon focused his energies on American foreign policy, publicly announcing the Nixon Doctrine in 1969.

理查德·尼克松入主白宫后，将精力集中在美国外交政策上，并于 1969 年公开宣布了尼克松主义。

On the one hand, Nixon asserted the supremacy of American democratic capitalism and conceded that the United States would continue supporting its allies financially.

一方面，尼克松主张美国民主资本主义的至高无上，并承认美国将继续在财政上支持其盟友。

However, he denounced previous administrations’ willingness to commit American forces to Third World conflicts and warned other states to assume responsibility for their own defense.

然而，他谴责前几届政府愿意将美国军队投入第三世界冲突，并警告其他国家承担起自己的防御责任。

He was turning America away from the policy of active, anticommunist containment, and toward a new strategy of détente.

他正在让美国放弃积极的反共遏制政策，转向新的缓和战略。

Promoted by national security advisor and eventual secretary of state Henry Kissinger, détente sought to stabilize the international system by thawing relations with Cold War rivals and bilaterally freezing arms levels.

在国家安全顾问、后来成为国务卿的亨利·基辛格的推动下，缓和关系寻求通过解冻与冷战对手的关系和冻结双边军备水平来稳定国际体系。

Taking advantage of tensions between communist China and the Soviet Union, Nixon pursued closer relations with both in order to de-escalate tensions and strengthen the United States’ position relative to each.

尼克松利用共产主义中国和苏联之间的紧张关系，寻求与两国建立更密切的关系，以缓和紧张局势并加强美国相对于两国的地位。

The strategy seemed to work.

这个策略似乎奏效了。

In 1972, Nixon became the first American president to visit communist China and the first since Franklin Roosevelt to visit the Soviet Union.

1972年，尼克松成为第一位访问共产主义中国的美国总统，也是继富兰克林·罗斯福之后第一位访问苏联的美国总统。

Direct diplomacy and cultural exchange programs with both countries grew and culminated with the formal normalization of U.S.-Chinese relations and the signing of two U.S.-Soviet arms agreements: the antiballistic missile (ABM) treaty and the Strategic Arms Limitations Treaty (SALT I).

与两国的直接外交和文化交流项目不断发展，并随着美中关系的正式正常化和美苏两项武器协议的签署而达到顶峰：反弹道导弹（ABM）条约和战略武器限制条约（SALT I）。

By 1973, after almost thirty years of Cold War tension, peaceful coexistence suddenly seemed possible.

到了 1973 年，在经历了近三十年的冷战紧张局势之后，和平共处突然似乎成为可能。

Soon, though, a fragile calm gave way again to Cold War instability.

但很快，脆弱的平静再次被冷战时期的不稳定所取代。

In November 1973, Nixon appeared on television to inform Americans that energy had become “a serious national problem” and that the United States was “heading toward the most acute shortages of energy since World War II.” 27 The previous month Arab members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), a cartel of the world’s leading oil producers, embargoed oil exports to the United States in retaliation for American intervention in the Middle East.

1973年11月，尼克松在电视上告诉美国人，能源已成为“一个严重的国家问题”，美国“正走向二战以来最严重的能源短缺”。 27 上个月，世界主要石油生产国卡特尔石油输出国组织 (OPEC) 的阿拉伯成员国禁止向美国出口石油，以报复美国干预中东。

The embargo launched the first U.S. energy crisis.

禁运引发了美国第一次能源危机。

By the end of 1973, the global price of oil had quadrupled.

到 1973 年底，全球石油价格翻了两番。

28 Drivers waited in line for hours to fill up their cars.

28 名司机排了好几个小时的队才给汽车加油。

Individual gas stations ran out of gas.

个别加油站的汽油已经耗尽。

American motorists worried that oil could run out at any moment.

美国驾车者担心石油随时可能耗尽。

A Pennsylvania man died when his emergency stash of gasoline ignited in his trunk and backseat.

宾夕法尼亚州一名男子因他的后备箱和后座中的紧急汽油着火而死亡。

29 OPEC rescinded its embargo in 1974, but the economic damage had been done.

29 欧佩克于 1974 年取消了禁运，但经济损失已经造成。

The crisis extended into the late 1970s.

这场危机一直持续到 20 世纪 70 年代末。

Like the Vietnam War, the oil crisis showed that small countries could still hurt the United States.

与越南战争一样，石油危机表明小国仍然可以伤害美国。

At a time of anxiety about the nation’s future, Vietnam and the energy crisis accelerated Americans’ disenchantment with the United States’ role in the world and the efficacy and quality of its leaders.

在对国家未来感到焦虑之际，越南和能源危机加速了美国人对美国在世界上的角色及其领导人的效率和素质的失望。

Furthermore, government scandals in the 1970s and early 1980s sapped trust in America’s public institutions.

此外，20 世纪 70 年代和 80 年代初的政府丑闻削弱了人们对美国公共机构的信任。

In 1971, the Nixon administration tried unsuccessfully to sue the New York Times and the Washington Post to prevent the publication of the Pentagon Papers, a confidential and damning history of U.S. involvement in Vietnam commissioned by the Defense Department and later leaked.

1971年，尼克松政府试图起诉《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》，以阻止《五角大楼文件》的出版，但没有成功。五角大楼文件是受国防部委托、后来泄露的美国卷入越南的机密且令人震惊的历史。

The papers showed how presidents from Truman to Johnson repeatedly deceived the public on the war’s scope and direction.

这些文件展示了从杜鲁门到约翰逊的历届总统如何在战争的范围和方向上不断欺骗公众。

30 Nixon faced a rising tide of congressional opposition to the war, and Congress asserted unprecedented oversight of American war spending.

30 尼克松面对国会反对战争的浪潮不断高涨，国会声称对美国的战争开支进行前所未有的监督。

In 1973, it passed the War Powers Resolution, which dramatically reduced the president’s ability to wage war without congressional consent.

1973年，它通过了《战争权力决议》，大幅降低了总统未经国会同意发动战争的能力。

However, no scandal did more to unravel public trust than Watergate.

然而，没有哪件丑闻比水门事件更能破坏公众的信任。

On June 17, 1972, five men were arrested inside the offices of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) in the Watergate Complex in downtown Washington, D.C. After being tipped off by a security guard, police found the men attempting to install sophisticated bugging equipment.

1972 年 6 月 17 日，五名男子在华盛顿特区市中心水门综合大楼的民主党全国委员会 (DNC) 办公室内被捕。警方接到保安举报后，发现这些人试图安装复杂的窃听设备。

One of those arrested was a former CIA employee then working as a security aide for the Nixon administration’s Committee to Re-elect the President (lampooned as “CREEP”).

其中一名被捕者是一名前中央情报局雇员，当时担任尼克松政府连任总统委员会的安全助理（被讽刺为“毛骨悚然”）。

While there is no direct evidence that Nixon ordered the Watergate break-in, he had been recorded in conversation with his chief of staff requesting that the DNC chairman be illegally wiretapped to obtain the names of the committee’s financial supporters.

虽然没有直接证据表明尼克松下令闯入水门事件，但他与幕僚长的谈话被记录下来，要求对民主党全国委员会主席进行非法窃听，以获取该委员会财务支持者的姓名。

The names could then be given to the Justice Department and the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to conduct spurious investigations into their personal affairs.

然后，这些名字可能会被提供给司法部和国税局（IRS），以对他们的个人事务进行虚假调查。

Nixon was also recorded ordering his chief of staff to break into the offices of the Brookings Institution and take files relating to the war in Vietnam, saying, “Goddammit, get in and get those files.

尼克松还被记录命令他的幕僚长闯入布鲁金斯学会的办公室并拿走与越南战争有关的文件，他说：“该死的，进去拿这些文件。

Blow the safe and get it.” 31

炸毁保险箱并得到它。” 31

Whether or not the president ordered the Watergate break-in, the White House launched a massive cover-up.

无论总统是否下令闯入水门事件，白宫都进行了大规模的掩盖。

Administration officials ordered the CIA to halt the FBI investigation and paid hush money to the burglars and White House aides.

政府官员命令中央情报局停止联邦调查局的调查，并向窃贼和白宫助手支付封口费。

Nixon distanced himself from the incident publicly and went on to win a landslide election victory in November 1972.

尼克松公开与该事件保持距离，并于 1972 年 11 月赢得了压倒性的选举胜利。

But, thanks largely to two persistent journalists at the Washington Post , Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, information continued to surface that tied the burglaries ever closer to the CIA, the FBI, and the White House.

但是，很大程度上要归功于《华盛顿邮报》的两位坚持不懈的记者鲍勃·伍德沃德和卡尔·伯恩斯坦，信息不断浮出水面，将盗窃案与中央情报局、联邦调查局和白宫联系得越来越近。

The Senate held televised hearings.

参议院举行电视听证会。

Citing executive privilege, Nixon refused to comply with orders to produce tapes from the White House’s secret recording system.

尼克松以行政特权为由，拒绝遵守从白宫秘密录音系统制作磁带的命令。

In July 1974, the House Judiciary Committee approved a bill to impeach the president.

1974年7月，众议院司法委员会批准了弹劾总统的法案。

Nixon resigned before the full House could vote on impeachment.

尼克松在众议院全体议员就弹劾案进行投票之前辞职。

He became the first and only American president to resign from office.

他成为第一位也是唯一一位辞职的美国总统。

Vice President Gerald Ford was sworn in as his successor and a month later granted Nixon a full presidential pardon.

副总统杰拉尔德·福特宣誓就任他的继任者，一个月后给予尼克松总统全面赦免。

Nixon disappeared from public life without ever publicly apologizing, accepting responsibility, or facing charges.

尼克松从公共生活中消失了，从未公开道歉、接受责任或面临指控。

American workers had made substantial material gains throughout the 1940s and 1950s.

美国工人在 20 世纪 40 年代和 1950 年代取得了巨大的物质收益。

During the so-called Great Compression, Americans of all classes benefited from postwar prosperity.

在所谓的大压缩期间，各阶层的美国人都从战后的繁荣中受益。

Segregation and discrimination perpetuated racial and gender inequalities, but unemployment continually fell and a highly progressive tax system and powerful unions lowered general income inequality as working-class standards of living nearly doubled between 1947 and 1973.

种族隔离和歧视使种族和性别不平等长期存在，但失业率持续下降，高度累进的税收制度和强大的工会降低了总体收入不平等，1947年至1973年间，工人阶级的生活水平几乎翻了一番。

But general prosperity masked deeper vulnerabilities.

但普遍的繁荣掩盖了更深层次的脆弱性。

Perhaps no case better illustrates the decline of American industry and the creation of an intractable urban crisis than Detroit.

也许没有什么比底特律更能说明美国工业的衰落和棘手的城市危机的形成了。

Detroit boomed during World War II.

底特律在第二次世界大战期间蓬勃发展。

When auto manufacturers like Ford and General Motors converted their assembly lines to build machines for the American war effort, observers dubbed the city the “arsenal of democracy.”

当福特和通用汽车等汽车制造商改造其装配线来为美国战争生产机器时，观察家将这座城市称为“民主军火库”。

After the war, however, automobile firms began closing urban factories and moving to outlying suburbs.

然而，战后，汽车公司开始关闭城市工厂并转移到边远郊区。

Several factors fueled the process.

有几个因素推动了这一进程。

Some cities partly deindustrialized themselves.

一些城市部分地实现了去工业化。

Municipal governments in San Francisco, St. Louis, and Philadelphia banished light industry to make room for high-rise apartments and office buildings.

旧金山、圣路易斯和费城的市政府禁止轻工业，为高层公寓和办公楼腾出空间。

Mechanization also contributed to the decline of American labor.

机械化也导致了美国劳动力的衰落。

A manager at a newly automated Ford engine plant in postwar Cleveland captured the interconnections between these concerns when he glibly noted to United Automobile Workers (UAW) president Walter Reuther, “You are going to have trouble collecting union dues from all of these machines.” 33 More importantly, however, manufacturing firms sought to reduce labor costs by automating, downsizing, and relocating to areas with “business friendly” policies like low tax rates, anti-union right-to-work laws, and low wages.

战后克利夫兰一家新自动化的福特发动机工厂的一位经理捕捉到了这些问题之间的相互联系，他向美国汽车工人联合会 (UAW) 主席沃尔特·鲁瑟 (Walter Reuther) 流畅地指出，“你将很难从所有这些机器中收取工会会费。” 33然而，更重要的是，制造企业寻求通过自动化、缩小规模和搬迁到实行“商业友好”政策（如低税率、反工会工作权法和低工资）的地区来降低劳动力成本。

Detroit began to bleed industrial jobs.

底特律的工业岗位开始流失。

Between 1950 and 1958, Chrysler, which actually kept more jobs in Detroit than either Ford or General Motors, cut its Detroit production workforce in half.

1950 年至 1958 年间，克莱斯勒在底特律保留的工作岗位实际上比福特或通用汽车还多，但克莱斯勒将底特律的生产劳动力削减了一半。

In the years between 1953 and 1960, East Detroit lost ten plants and over seventy-one thousand jobs.

1953 年至 1960 年间，东底特律失去了 10 家工厂和 7 万多个工作岗位。

34 Because Detroit was a single-industry city, decisions made by the Big Three automakers reverberated across the city’s industrial landscape.

34 由于底特律是一个单一产业城市，三大汽车制造商的决策在整个城市的工业领域产生了反响。

When auto companies mechanized or moved their operations, ancillary suppliers like machine tool companies were cut out of the supply chain and likewise forced to cut their own workforce.

当汽车公司实现机械化或转移业务时，机床公司等辅助供应商就被排除在供应链之外，同样也被迫裁员。

Between 1947 and 1977, the number of manufacturing firms in the city dropped from over three thousand to fewer than two thousand.

1947年至1977年间，全市制造业企业数量从三千多家减少到不足两千家。

The labor force was gutted.

劳动力被掏空。

Manufacturing jobs fell from 338,400 to 153,000 over the same three decades.

在这三十年里，制造业工作岗位从 338,400 个减少到 153,000 个。

Industrial restructuring decimated all workers, but deindustrialization fell heaviest on the city’s African Americans.

工业重组导致所有工人大量死亡，但去工业化对这座城市的非裔美国人造成的打击最为严重。

Although many middle-class Black Detroiters managed to move out of the city’s ghettos, by 1960, 19.7 percent of Black autoworkers in Detroit were unemployed, compared to just 5.8 percent of whites.

尽管许多底特律中产阶级黑人设法搬出了该市的贫民窟，但到 1960 年，底特律的黑人汽车工人中有 19.7% 失业，而白人的这一比例仅为 5.8%。

36 Overt discrimination in housing and employment had for decades confined African Americans to segregated neighborhoods where they were forced to pay exorbitant rents for slum housing.

36 几十年来，住房和就业方面的公然歧视将非裔美国人限制在隔离社区，被迫为贫民窟住房支付高昂的租金。

Subject to residential intimidation and cut off from traditional sources of credit, few could afford to follow industry as it left the city for the suburbs and other parts of the country, especially the South.

由于受到住宅恐吓和传统信贷来源的切断，很少有人能够跟随工业离开城市前往郊区和国家其他地区，尤其是南部。

Segregation and discrimination kept them stuck where there were fewer and fewer jobs.

种族隔离和歧视让他们陷入了工作岗位越来越少的困境。

Over time, Detroit devolved into a mass of unemployment, crime, and crippled municipal resources.

随着时间的推移，底特律陷入了失业、犯罪和市政资源匮乏的困境。

When riots rocked Detroit in 1967, 25 to 30 percent of Black residents between ages eighteen and twenty-four were unemployed.

1967 年底特律发生骚乱时，18 岁至 24 岁之间的黑人居民中有 25% 至 30% 失业。

Deindustrialization in Detroit and elsewhere also went hand in hand with the long assault on unionization that began in the aftermath of World War II.

底特律和其他地方的去工业化也与二战后开始的对工会化的长期攻击齐头并进。

Lacking the political support they had enjoyed during the New Deal years, labor organizations such as the CIO and the UAW shifted tactics and accepted labor-management accords in which cooperation, not agitation, was the strategic objective.

由于缺乏新政时期所享有的政治支持，首席信息官和美国汽车工人联合会等劳工组织改变了策略，接受了以合作而非鼓动为战略目标的劳资协议。

This accord held mixed results for workers.

这项协议对工人来说结果好坏参半。

On the one hand, management encouraged employee loyalty through privatized welfare systems that offered workers health benefits and pensions.

一方面，管理层通过为工人提供健康福利和养老金的私有化福利制度来鼓励员工忠诚度。

Grievance arbitration and collective bargaining also provided workers official channels through which to criticize policies and push for better conditions.

申诉仲裁和集体谈判还为工人提供了批评政策和争取更好条件的官方渠道。

At the same time, bureaucracy and corruption increasingly weighed down unions and alienated them from workers and the general public.

与此同时，官僚主义和腐败日益给工会带来压力，并使它们与工人和公众疏远。

Union management came to hold primary influence in what was ostensibly a “pluralistic” power relationship.

工会管理层开始在表面上的“多元”权力关系中发挥主要影响力。

Workers—though still willing to protest—by necessity pursued a more moderate agenda compared to the union workers of the 1930s and 1940s.

与 20 世纪 30 年代和 1940 年代的工会工人相比，工人们尽管仍然愿意抗议，但必然追求更为温和的议程。

Conservative politicians meanwhile seized on popular suspicions of Big Labor, stepping up their criticism of union leadership and positioning themselves as workers’ true ally.

与此同时，保守派政客抓住了民众对大工党的怀疑，加大了对工会领导层的批评力度，并将自己定位为工人的真正盟友。

While conservative critiques of union centralization did much to undermine the labor movement, labor’s decline also coincided with ideological changes within American liberalism.

虽然保守派对工会集权的批评极大地破坏了劳工运动，但劳工的衰落也与美国自由主义内部意识形态的变化同时发生。

Labor and its political concerns undergirded Roosevelt’s New Deal coalition, but by the 1960s, many liberals had forsaken working-class politics.

工党及其政治关切支撑了罗斯福新政联盟，但到了 20 世纪 60 年代，许多自由主义者已经放弃了工人阶级政治。

More and more saw poverty as stemming not from structural flaws in the national economy, but from the failure of individuals to take full advantage of the American system.

越来越多的人认为贫困并非源于国民经济的结构性缺陷，而是源于个人未能充分利用美国制度。

Roosevelt’s New Deal might have attempted to rectify unemployment with government jobs, but Johnson’s Great Society and its imitators funded government-sponsored job training, even in places without available jobs.

罗斯福的新政可能试图通过政府工作来纠正失业问题，但约翰逊的伟大社会及其模仿者资助了政府资助的职业培训，即使是在没有工作机会的地方。

Union leaders in the 1950s and 1960s typically supported such programs and philosophies.

20 世纪 50 年代和 1960 年代的工会领导人通常支持此类计划和理念。

Internal racism also weakened the labor movement.

内部种族主义也削弱了劳工运动。

While national CIO leaders encouraged Black unionization in the 1930s, white workers on the ground often opposed the integrated shop.

尽管国家首席信息官领导人在 20 世纪 30 年代鼓励黑人成立工会，但当地的白人工人却经常反对综合工厂。

In Detroit and elsewhere after World War II, white workers participated in “hate strikes” where they walked off the job rather than work with African Americans.

二战后，在底特律和其他地方，白人工人参加了“仇恨罢工”，他们辞职而不是与非裔美国人一起工作。

White workers similarly opposed residential integration, fearing, among other things, that Black newcomers would lower property values.

白人工人同样反对住宅一体化，他们担心黑人新移民会降低房产价值。

By the mid-1970s, widely shared postwar prosperity leveled off and began to retreat.

到了 20 世纪 70 年代中期，广泛共享的战后繁荣趋于平稳并开始衰退。

Growing international competition, technological inefficiency, and declining productivity gains stunted working- and middle-class wages.

日益激烈的国际竞争、技术效率低下和生产率下降阻碍了工薪阶层和中产阶级的工资增长。

As the country entered recession, wages decreased and the pay gap between workers and management expanded, reversing three decades of postwar contraction.

随着国家进入衰退，工资下降，工人和管理层之间的工资差距扩大，扭转了战后三十年的紧缩局面。

At the same time, dramatic increases in mass incarceration coincided with the deregulation of prison labor to allow more private companies access to cheaper inmate labor, a process that, whatever its aggregate impact, impacted local communities where free jobs were moved into prisons.

与此同时，大规模监禁人数急剧增加，同时放松对监狱劳动力的管制，允许更多私营公司获得更便宜的囚犯劳动力，这一过程，无论其总体影响如何，都会影响当地社区，因为免费工作被转移到监狱。

The tax code became less progressive and labor lost its foothold in the marketplace.

税法变得不那么累进，劳动力在市场上失去了立足点。

Unions represented a third of the workforce in the 1950s, but only one in ten workers belonged to one as of 2015.

20 世纪 50 年代，工会代表了劳动力的三分之一，但截至 2015 年，只有十分之一的工人加入了工会。

Geography dictated much of labor’s fall, as American firms fled pro-labor states in the 1970s and 1980s.

随着美国公司在 20 世纪 70 年代和 80 年代逃离支持劳工的国家，地理位置在很大程度上决定了劳动力的衰落。

Some went overseas in the wake of new trade treaties to exploit low-wage foreign workers, but others turned to anti-union states in the South and West stretching from Virginia to Texas to Southern California.

在新的贸易条约签订后，一些人前往海外剥削低工资的外国工人，但其他人则转向南部和西部的反工会州，从弗吉尼亚州到德克萨斯州再到南加州。

Factories shuttered in the North and Midwest, leading commentators by the 1980s to dub America’s former industrial heartland the Rust Belt.

北部和中西部的工厂纷纷关闭，导致 20 世纪 80 年代的评论家将美国前工业中心地带称为“铁锈地带”。

With this, they contrasted the prosperous and dynamic Sun Belt.”

与此形成鲜明对比的是繁荣而充满活力的阳光地带。”

Urban decay confronted Americans of the 1960s and 1970s.

20 世纪 60 年代和 1970 年代的美国人面临着城市衰败问题。

As the economy sagged and deindustrialization hit much of the country, Americans increasingly associated major cities with poverty and crime.

随着经济衰退和去工业化席卷全国大部分地区，美国人越来越将大城市与贫困和犯罪联系在一起。

In this 1973 photo, two subway riders sit amid a graffitied subway car in New York City.

在这张 1973 年的照片中，两名地铁乘客坐在纽约市一辆涂鸦的地铁车厢内。

National Archives (8464439).

国家档案馆（8464439）。

Coined by journalist Kevin Phillips in 1969, the term Sun Belt refers to the swath of southern and western states that saw unprecedented economic, industrial, and demographic growth after World War II.

“阳光地带”一词由记者凯文·菲利普斯 (Kevin Phillips) 于 1969 年创造，指的是二战后经济、工业和人口空前增长的南部和西部各州。

40 During the New Deal, President Franklin D.

40 新政期间，总统富兰克林·D.

Roosevelt declared the American South “the nation’s No. 1 economic problem” and injected massive federal subsidies, investments, and military spending into the region.

罗斯福宣称美国南部是“国家第一大经济问题”，并向该地区注入了大量联邦补贴、投资和军费开支。

During the Cold War, Sun Belt politicians lobbied hard for military installations and government contracts for their states.

冷战期间，阳光地带的政客们大力游说，争取为其所在州建立军事设施和政府合同。

Meanwhile, southern states’ hostility toward organized labor beckoned corporate leaders.

与此同时，南方各州对有组织劳工的敌意吸引了企业领导人。

The Taft-Hartley Act in 1947 facilitated southern states’ frontal assault on unions.

1947 年的《塔夫脱-哈特利法案》促进了南方各州对工会的正面攻击。

Thereafter, cheap, nonunionized labor, low wages, and lax regulations pulled northern industries away from the Rust Belt.

此后，廉价的非工会劳动力、低工资和宽松的法规将北方工业从铁锈地带拉走。

Skilled northern workers followed the new jobs southward and westward, lured by cheap housing and a warm climate slowly made more tolerable by modern air conditioning.

北方的熟练工人受到廉价住房和现代空调慢慢变得更加适宜的温暖气候的吸引，跟随新的就业机会向南和向西迁移。

The South attracted business but struggled to share their profits.

南方吸引了商业，但难以分享利润。

Middle-class whites grew prosperous, but often these were recent transplants, not native southerners.

中产阶级白人变得富裕起来，但这些人往往是新移民，而不是土生土长的南方人。

As the cotton economy shed farmers and laborers, poor white and Black southerners found themselves mostly excluded from the fruits of the Sun Belt.

随着棉花经济减少农民和劳工，南方贫穷的白人和黑人发现自己大多被排除在阳光地带的果实之外。

Public investments were scarce.

公共投资稀缺。

White southern politicians channeled federal funding away from primary and secondary public education and toward high-tech industry and university-level research.

南方白人政客将联邦资金从小学和中学公共教育转向高科技产业和大学水平的研究。

The Sun Belt inverted Rust Belt realities: the South and West had growing numbers of high-skill, high-wage jobs but lacked the social and educational infrastructure needed to train native poor and middle-class workers for those jobs.

阳光地带颠倒了锈带的现实：南部和西部拥有越来越多的高技能、高工资工作，但缺乏培训当地贫困和中产阶级工人从事这些工作所需的社会和教育基础设施。

Regardless, more jobs meant more people, and by 1972, southern and western Sun Belt states had more electoral votes than the Northeast and Midwest.

无论如何，更多的就业机会意味着更多的人口，到 1972 年，南部和西部阳光地带各州的选举人票多于东北部和中西部。

This gap continues to grow.

这种差距还在继续扩大。

42 Though the region’s economic and political ascendance was a product of massive federal spending, New Right politicians who constructed an identity centered on “small government” found their most loyal support in the Sun Belt.

42 尽管该地区的经济和政治优势是大规模联邦支出的产物，但以“小政府”为中心的新右派政客在阳光地带找到了最忠实的支持。

These business-friendly politicians successfully synthesized conservative Protestantism and free market ideology, creating a potent new political force.

这些对商业友好的政客成功地将保守的新教和自由市场意识形态综合起来，创造了一股强大的新政治力量。

Housewives organized reading groups in their homes, and from those reading groups sprouted new organized political activities.

家庭主妇在家里组织阅读小组，这些阅读小组又催生了新的有组织的政治活动。

Prosperous and mobile, old and new suburbanites gravitated toward an individualistic vision of free enterprise espoused by the Republican Party.

富裕而流动的新老郊区居民都倾向于共和党所倡导的自由企业的个人主义愿景。

Some, especially those most vocally anticommunist, joined groups like the Young Americans for Freedom and the John Birch Society.

一些人，尤其是那些最直言不讳的反共分子，加入了美国青年自由协会和约翰·伯奇协会等团体。

Less radical suburban voters, however, still gravitated toward the more moderate brand of conservatism promoted by Richard Nixon.

然而，不太激进的郊区选民仍然倾向于理查德·尼克松提倡的更为温和的保守主义。

Demonstrators opposed to the Equal Rights Amendment protest in front of the White House in 1977.

1977年，反对平等权利修正案的示威者在白宫前抗议。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

The sexual revolution continued into the 1970s.

性革命一直持续到 20 世纪 70 年代。

Many Americans—feminists, gay men, lesbians, and straight couples—challenged strict gender roles and rejected the rigidity of the nuclear family.

许多美国人——女权主义者、男同性恋者、女同性恋者和异性恋夫妇——挑战严格的性别角色，拒绝核心家庭的僵化。

Cohabitation without marriage spiked, straight couples married later (if at all), and divorce levels climbed.

未婚同居现象激增，异性恋夫妇结婚较晚（如果有的话），离婚率上升。

Sexuality, decoupled from marriage and procreation, became for many not only a source of personal fulfillment but a worthy political cause.

对许多人来说，与婚姻和生育脱钩的性不仅成为个人成就感的源泉，而且成为一项有价值的政治事业。

At the turn of the decade, sexuality was considered a private matter yet rigidly regulated by federal, state, and local law.

在本世纪之交，性行为被认为是私人事务，但受到联邦、州和地方法律的严格监管。

Statutes typically defined legitimate sexual expression within the confines of patriarchal, procreative marriage.

法规通常在父权制、生育婚姻的范围内定义合法的性表达。

Interracial marriage, for instance, was illegal in many states until 1967 and remained largely taboo long after.

例如，直到 1967 年，跨种族婚姻在许多州都是非法的，并且在此后很长一段时间里仍然是一种禁忌。

Same-sex intercourse and cross-dressing were criminalized in most states, and gay men, lesbians, and transgender people were vulnerable to violent police enforcement as well as discrimination in housing and employment.

在大多数州，同性性行为和异装都被定为犯罪，男同性恋、女同性恋和跨性别者很容易受到警察暴力执法以及住房和就业方面的歧视。

Two landmark legal rulings in 1973 established the battle lines for the “sex wars” of the 1970s.

1973 年两项具有里程碑意义的法律裁决为 20 世纪 70 年代的“性战争”奠定了战线。

First, the Supreme Court’s 7–2 ruling in Roe v.

首先，最高法院在“罗伊诉美国”案中以 7 比 2 的裁决结果。

Wade (1973) struck down a Texas law that prohibited abortion in all cases when a mother’s life was not in danger.

Wade (1973) 废除了德克萨斯州的一项法律，该法律禁止在母亲生命没有受到危险的情况下在所有情况下堕胎。

The Court’s decision built on precedent from a 1965 ruling that, in striking down a Connecticut law prohibiting married couples from using birth control, recognized a constitutional “right to privacy.” 43 In Roe , the Court reasoned that “this right of privacy .

法院的判决建立在 1965 年一项裁决的先例之上，该裁决推翻了康涅狄格州禁止已婚夫妇使用节育措施的法律，承认了宪法的“隐私权”。 43 在 Roe 案中，法院认为“这项隐私权。

。

is broad enough to encompass a woman’s decision whether or not to terminate her pregnancy.” 44 The Court held that states could not interfere with a woman’s right to an abortion during the first trimester of pregnancy and could only fully prohibit abortions during the third trimester.

范围足够广泛，足以涵盖女性是否终止妊娠的决定。” 44 法院认为，各州不能干涉妇女在怀孕前三个月堕胎的权利，只能全面禁止在妊娠晚期堕胎。

Other Supreme Court rulings, however, found that sexual privacy could be sacrificed for the sake of “public” good.

然而，最高法院的其他裁决发现，为了“公共”利益，可以牺牲性隐私。

Miller v.

米勒诉。

California (1973), a case over the unsolicited mailing of sexually explicit advertisements for illustrated “adult” books, held that the First Amendment did not protect “obscene” material, defined by the Court as anything with sexual appeal that lacked, “serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value.” 45 The ruling expanded states’ abilities to pass laws prohibiting materials like hard-core pornography.

加州（1973）一案涉及未经同意邮寄“成人”插图书籍的露骨色情广告案件，该案认为，第一修正案不保护“淫秽”材料，法院将“淫秽”材料定义为任何具有性吸引力但缺乏“严肃的文学、艺术、政治或科学价值”的东西。 45 这项裁决扩大了各州通过法律禁止硬核色情内容等材料的能力。

However, uneven enforcement allowed pornographic theaters and sex shops to proliferate despite whatever laws states had on the books.

然而，尽管各州有任何法律规定，但执法不均使得色情剧院和性用品商店激增。

Americans debated whether these represented the pinnacle of sexual liberation or, as poet and lesbian feminist Rita Mae Brown suggested, “the ultimate conclusion of sexist logic.” 46

美国人争论这些是否代表了性解放的顶峰，或者正如诗人和女同性恋女权主义者丽塔·梅·布朗所说的那样，“性别歧视逻辑的最终结论”。 46

Of more tangible concern for most women, though, was the right to equal employment access.

然而，大多数妇女更切实关心的是平等就业机会的权利。

Thanks partly to the work of Black feminists like Pauli Murray, Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act banned employment discrimination based on sex, in addition to race, color, religion, and national origin.

部分归功于保利·默里等黑人女权主义者的努力，1964 年《民权法案》第七章禁止基于性别以及种族、肤色、宗教和国籍的就业歧视。

“If sex is not included,” she argued in a memorandum sent to members of Congress, “the civil rights bill would be including only half of the Negroes.” 47 Like most laws, Title VII’s full impact came about slowly, as women across the nation cited it to litigate and pressure employers to offer them equal opportunities compared to those they offered to men.

“如果不包括性别，”她在发给国会议员的一份备忘录中指出，“民权法案将只包括一半的黑人。” 47 与大多数法律一样，第七章的全面影响是缓慢产生的，因为全国各地的女性都引用该法案来提起诉讼，并向雇主施压，要求她们为她们提供与男性相同的机会。

For one, employers in the late sixties and seventies still viewed certain occupations as inherently feminine or masculine.

其一，六十年代末和七十年代的雇主仍然认为某些职业本质上是女性化或男性化的。

NOW organized airline workers against a major company’s sexist ad campaign that showed female flight attendants wearing buttons that read, “I’m Debbie, Fly Me” or “I’m Cheryl, Fly Me.” Actual female flight attendants were required to wear similar buttons.

NOW 组织航空公司员工反对一家大公司的性别歧视广告活动，该活动显示女空乘人员佩戴的纽扣上写着“我是黛比，带我飞”或“我是谢丽尔，带我飞”。实际的女性空乘人员也被要求佩戴类似的纽扣。

48 Other women sued to gain access to traditionally male jobs like factory work.

48 其他女性提起诉讼以获得工厂工作等传统男性工作的机会。

Protests prompted the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) to issue a more robust set of protections between 1968 and 1971.

1968 年至 1971 年间，抗议活动促使平等就业机会委员会 (EEOC) 颁布了一套更强有力的保护措施。

Though advancement came haltingly and partially, women used these protections to move eventually into traditional male occupations, politics, and corporate management.

尽管进步是断断续续的、部分的，但女性利用这些保护最终进入了传统的男性职业、政治和企业管理领域。

The battle for sexual freedom was not just about the right to get into places, though.

不过，性自由之战不仅仅关乎进入地方的权利。

It was also about the right to get out of them—specifically, unhappy households and marriages.

它还涉及摆脱困境的权利，特别是摆脱不幸福的家庭和婚姻的权利。

Between 1959 and 1979, the American divorce rate more than doubled.

1959年至1979年间，美国离婚率增加了一倍多。

By the early 1980s, nearly half of all American marriages ended in divorce.

到 20 世纪 80 年代初，近一半的美国婚姻以离婚告终。

49 The stigma attached to divorce evaporated and a growing sense of sexual and personal freedom motivated individuals to leave abusive or unfulfilling marriages.

49 离婚带来的耻辱消失了，性和个人自由意识的增强促使人们离开虐待或不幸福的婚姻。

Legal changes also promoted higher divorce rates.

法律变化也导致离婚率上升。

Before 1969, most states required one spouse to prove that the other was guilty of a specific offense, such as adultery.

1969 年之前，大多数州要求配偶一方证明另一方犯有特定罪行，例如通奸。

The difficulty of getting a divorce under this system encouraged widespread lying in divorce courts.

在这种制度下离婚的困难鼓励了离婚法庭上广泛撒谎。

Even couples desiring an amicable split were sometimes forced to claim that one spouse had cheated on the other even if neither (or both) had.

即使是希望友好分手的夫妇有时也被迫声称其中一方欺骗了另一方，即使双方（或双方）都没有。

Other couples temporarily relocated to states with more lenient divorce laws, such as Nevada.

其他夫妇暂时搬到离婚法更宽松的州，例如内华达州。

50 Widespread recognition of such practices prompted reforms.

50 对此类做法的广泛认可促进了改革。

In 1969, California adopted the first no-fault divorce law.

1969年，加利福尼亚州通过了第一部无过错离婚法。

By the end of the 1970s, almost every state had adopted some form of no-fault divorce.

到 20 世纪 70 年代末，几乎每个州都采取了某种形式的无过错离婚。

The new laws allowed for divorce on the basis of “irreconcilable differences,” even if only one party felt that he or she could not stay in the marriage.

新法律允许在“不可调和的分歧”的基础上离婚，即使只有一方认为他或她无法维持婚姻。

Gay men and women, meanwhile, negotiated a harsh world that stigmatized homosexuality as a mental illness or an immoral depravity.

与此同时，男同性恋者和女同性恋者正在应对一个严酷的世界，这个世界将同性恋视为精神疾病或不道德的堕落。

Building on postwar efforts by gay rights organizations to bring homosexuality into the mainstream of American culture, young gay activists of the late sixties and seventies began to challenge what they saw as the conservative gradualism of the “homophile” movement.

在同性恋权利组织战后将同性恋纳入美国文化主流的努力的基础上，六十年代末和七十年代的年轻同性恋活动家开始挑战他们所认为的保守渐进主义的“同性恋”运动。

Inspired by the burgeoning radicalism of the Black Power movement, the New Left protests of the Vietnam War, and the counterculture movement for sexual freedom, gay and lesbian activists agitated for a broader set of sexual rights that emphasized an assertive notion of liberation rooted not in mainstream assimilation but in pride of sexual difference.

受到黑人权力运动中新兴激进主义、越南战争中新左派抗议以及争取性自由的反文化运动的启发，男女同性恋活动人士鼓动更广泛的性权利，强调一种自信的解放观念，这种观念不是植根于主流同化，而是植根于对性差异的自豪。

Perhaps no single incident did more to galvanize gay and lesbian activism than the 1969 uprising at the Stonewall Inn in New York City’s Greenwich Village.

也许没有哪一事件比 1969 年纽约市格林威治村石墙旅馆 (Stonewall Inn) 的起义更能激发男女同性恋的激进主义。

Police regularly raided gay bars and hangouts.

警察经常突击搜查同性恋酒吧和聚会场所。

But when police raided the Stonewall in June 1969, the bar patrons protested and sparked a multiday street battle that catalyzed a national movement for gay liberation.

但 1969 年 6 月，当警察突袭石墙酒吧时，酒吧顾客提出抗议，并引发了一场持续数日的街头斗争，从而引发了一场全国性的同性恋解放运动。

Seemingly overnight, calls for homophile respectability were replaced with chants of “Gay Power!” 52

似乎一夜之间，对同性恋尊重的呼声被“同性恋权力！”的口号所取代。 52

The window under the Stonewall Inn sign reads: “We homosexuals plead with our people to please help maintain peaceful and quiet conduct on the streets of the Village–Mattachine.” Photograph 1969.

石墙旅馆招牌下的窗户上写着：“我们同性恋者恳求我们的人民帮助维持马塔钦村街道上的和平与安静。”照片 1969 年。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

In the following years, gay Americans gained unparalleled access to private and public spaces.

在接下来的几年里，美国同性恋者获得了无与伦比的进入私人和公共空间的机会。

Gay activists increasingly attacked cultural norms that demanded they keep their sexuality hidden.

同性恋活动人士越来越多地攻击要求他们隐藏性取向的文化规范。

Citing statistics that sexual secrecy contributed to stigma and suicide, gay activists urged people to come out and embrace their sexuality.

同性恋活动人士援引统计数据显示，性秘密会导致耻辱和自杀，敦促人们站出来拥抱自己的性取向。

A step towards the normalization of homosexuality occurred in 1973, when the American Psychiatric Association stopped classifying homosexuality as a mental illness.

1973 年，美国精神病学协会不再将同性恋归类为精神疾病，同性恋正常化迈出了一步。

Pressure mounted on politicians.

政治家面临的压力越来越大。

In 1982, Wisconsin became the first state to ban discrimination based on sexual orientation.

1982年，威斯康星州成为第一个禁止基于性取向的歧视的州。

More than eighty cities and nine states followed suit over the following decade.

在接下来的十年里，八十多个城市和九个州纷纷效仿。

But progress proceeded unevenly, and gay Americans continued to suffer hardships from a hostile culture.

但进展并不平衡，美国同性恋者继续遭受敌对文化的苦难。

Like all social movements, the sexual revolution was not free of division.

与所有社会运动一样，性革命也并非没有分裂。

Transgender people were often banned from participating in Gay Pride rallies and lesbian feminist conferences.

跨性别者经常被禁止参加同性恋骄傲集会和女同性恋女权主义会议。

They, in turn, mobilized to fight the high incidence of rape, abuse, and murder of transgender people.

反过来，他们也动员起来打击跨性别者遭受强奸、虐待和谋杀的高发率。

A 1971 newsletter denounced the notion that transgender people were mentally ill and highlighted the particular injustices they faced in and out of the gay community, declaring, “All power to Trans Liberation.” 53

1971 年的一份时事通讯谴责了跨性别者患有精神疾病的观点，并强调了他们在同性恋群体内外所面临的特殊不公正，并宣称“一切权力归跨性别解放”。 53

As events in the 1970s broadened sexual freedoms and promoted greater gender equality, so too did they generate sustained and organized opposition.

随着 20 世纪 70 年代的事件扩大了性自由并促进了更大程度的性别平等，它们也引发了持续且有组织的反对。

Evangelical Christians and other moral conservatives, for instance, mobilized to reverse gay victories.

例如，福音派基督徒和其他道德保守派动员起来扭转同性恋的胜利。

In 1977, activists in Dade County, Florida, used the slogan “Save Our Children” to overturn an ordinance banning discrimination based on sexual orientation.

1977年，佛罗里达州戴德县的活动人士用“拯救我们的孩子”的口号推翻了一项禁止基于性取向的歧视的法令。

54 A leader of the ascendant religious right, Jerry Falwell, said in 1980, “It is now time to take a stand on certain moral issues.

54 宗教右翼势力领袖杰里·福尔韦尔 (Jerry Falwell) 于 1980 年表示，“现在是在某些道德问题上表明立场的时候了。

。

We must stand against the Equal Rights Amendment, the feminist revolution, and the homosexual revolution.

我们必须反对平等权利修正案、女权主义革命和同性恋革命。

We must have a revival in this country.” 55

我们必须在这个国家实现复兴。” 55

Much to Falwell’s delight, conservative Americans did, in fact, stand against and defeat the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), their most stunning social victory of the 1970s.

事实上，令福尔韦尔高兴的是，美国保守派确实反对并击败了平等权利修正案（ERA），这是他们 20 世纪 70 年代最令人震惊的社会胜利。

Versions of the amendment—which declared, “Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any state on account of sex”—were introduced to Congress each year since 1923.

自 1923 年以来，每年都会向国会提交该修正案的各个版本，其中宣称“美国或任何州不得因性别而否认或削减法律规定的权利平等”。

It finally passed amid the upheavals of the sixties and seventies and went to the states for ratification in March 1972.

它最终在六七十年代的动荡中获得通过，并于1972年3月送各州批准。

56 With high approval ratings, the ERA seemed destined to pass swiftly through state legislatures and become the Twenty-Seventh Amendment.

56 凭借高支持率，ERA 似乎注定会迅速通过州立法机构并成为第二十七修正案。

Hawaii ratified the amendment the same day it cleared Congress.

夏威夷州在国会批准该修正案的同一天就批准了该修正案。

Within a year, thirty states had done so.

一年之内，三十个州都这样做了。

But then the amendment stalled.

但随后修正案陷入停滞。

It took years for more states to pass it.

更多州花了数年时间才通过该法案。

In 1977, Indiana became the thirty-fifth and final state to ratify.

1977 年，印第安纳州成为第 35 个也是最后一个批准该法案的州。

By 1977, anti-ERA forces had successfully turned the political tide against the amendment.

到 1977 年，反 ERA 势力成功扭转了反对该修正案的政治潮流。

At a time when many women shared Betty Friedan’s frustration that society seemed to confine women to the role of homemaker, Phyllis Schlafly’s STOP ERA organization (“Stop Taking Our Privileges”) trumpeted the value and advantages of being a homemaker and mother.

当许多女性与贝蒂·弗里丹一样对社会似乎将女性限制在家庭主妇的角色感到沮丧时，菲利斯·施拉夫利的 STOP ERA 组织（“停止夺取我们的特权”）宣扬了家庭主妇和母亲的价值和优势。

58 Marshaling the support of evangelical Christians and other religious conservatives, Schlafly worked tirelessly to stifle the ERA.

58 施拉夫利在福音派基督徒和其他宗教保守派的支持下，不知疲倦地努力压制 ERA。

She lobbied legislators and organized counter-rallies to ensure that Americans heard “from the millions of happily married women who believe in the laws which protect the family and require the husband to support his wife and children.” 59 The amendment needed only three more states for ratification.

她游说立法者并组织反集会，以确保美国人听到“数以百万计幸福婚姻的女性的声音，她们相信保护家庭并要求丈夫赡养妻子和孩子的法律”。 59 该修正案只需要另外三个州即可批准。

It never got them.

它从来没有得到他们。

In 1982, the time limit for ratification expired—and along with it, the amendment.

1982 年，批准时限到期，修正案也随之到期。

The failed battle for the ERA uncovered the limits of the feminist crusade.

ERA 的失败之战暴露了女权运动的局限性。

And it illustrated the women’s movement’s inherent incapacity to represent fully the views of 50 percent of the country’s population, a population riven by class differences, racial disparities, and cultural and religious divisions.

它还说明了妇女运动本质上无法充分代表该国 50% 人口的观点，而这些人口因阶级差异、种族差异以及文化和宗教分歧而分裂。

Supporters rally with pumpkins carved in the likeness of President Jimmy Carter in Polk County, Florida, in October 1980.

1980 年 10 月，佛罗里达州波尔克县，支持者拿着刻有吉米·卡特总统肖像的南瓜集会。

State Library and Archives of Florida via Flickr .

佛罗里达州立图书馆和档案馆，来自 Flickr。

Although Nixon eluded prosecution, Watergate continued to weigh on voters’ minds.

尽管尼克松逃脱了起诉，但水门事件继续困扰着选民。

It netted big congressional gains for Democrats in the 1974 midterm elections, and Ford’s pardon damaged his chances in 1976.

它在 1974 年中期选举中为民主党赢得了巨大的国会席位，而福特的赦免则损害了他在 1976 年的机会。

Former Georgia governor Jimmy Carter, a nuclear physicist and peanut farmer who represented the rising generation of younger, racially liberal “New South” Democrats, captured the Democratic nomination.

前佐治亚州州长吉米·卡特（Jimmy Carter）获得了民主党提名，他是一位核物理学家和花生农民，代表了新一代年轻、种族自由的“新南方”民主党人。

Carter did not identify with either his party’s liberal or conservative wing; his appeal was more personal and moral than political.

卡特并不认同党内的自由派或保守派。他的诉求更多的是个人和道德而非政治。

He ran on no great political issues, letting his background as a hardworking, honest, southern Baptist navy man ingratiate him to voters around the country, especially in his native South, where support for Democrats had wavered in the wake of the civil rights movement.

他的竞选没有涉及重大政治问题，他作为一名勤奋、诚实的南方浸信会海军军人的背景使他赢得了全国各地选民的青睐，尤其是在他的家乡南方，那里对民主党的支持在民权运动之后发生了动摇。

Carter’s wholesome image was painted in direct contrast to the memory of Nixon, and by association with the man who pardoned him.

卡特的健康形象与尼克松的记忆形成鲜明对比，并与赦免他的人联系在一起。

Carter sealed his party’s nomination in June and won a close victory in November.

卡特于 6 月获得党内提名，并于 11 月以微弱优势赢得胜利。

When Carter took the oath of office on January 20, 1977, however, he became president of a nation in the midst of economic turmoil.

然而，当卡特于 1977 年 1 月 20 日宣誓就职时，他成为了一个正处于经济动荡之中的国家的总统。

Oil shocks, inflation, stagnant growth, unemployment, and sinking wages weighed down the nation’s economy.

石油危机、通货膨胀、增长停滞、失业和工资下降拖累了国家经济。

Some of these problems were traceable to the end of World War II when American leaders erected a complex system of trade policies to help rebuild the shattered economies of Western Europe and Asia.

其中一些问题可以追溯到第二次世界大战结束时，当时美国领导人建立了一套复杂的贸易政策体系，以帮助重建西欧和亚洲支离破碎的经济。

After the war, American diplomats and politicians used trade relationships to win influence and allies around the globe.

战后，美国外交官和政客利用贸易关系在全球赢得影响力和盟友。

They saw the economic health of their allies, particularly West Germany and Japan, as a crucial bulwark against the expansion of communism.

他们将盟友（尤其是西德和日本）的经济健康视为抵御共产主义扩张的重要堡垒。

Americans encouraged these nations to develop vibrant export-oriented economies and tolerated restrictions on U.S. imports.

美国人鼓励这些国家发展充满活力的出口导向型经济，并容忍对美国进口的限制。

The 1979 energy crisis panicked consumers who remembered the 1973 oil shortage, prompting many Americans to buy oil in huge quantities.

1979 年的能源危机让那些记得 1973 年石油短缺的消费者感到恐慌，促使许多美国人大量购买石油。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

This came at great cost to the United States.

这让美国付出了巨大的代价。

As the American economy stalled, Japan and West Germany soared and became major forces in the global production for autos, steel, machine tools, and electrical products.

当美国经济陷入停滞时，日本和西德却飞速发展，成为全球汽车、钢铁、机床和电气产品生产的主要力量。

By 1970, the United States began to run massive trade deficits.

到1970年，美国开始出现巨额贸易逆差。

The value of American exports dropped and the prices of its imports skyrocketed.

美国出口价值下降，进口价格飙升。

Coupled with the huge cost of the Vietnam War and the rise of oil-producing states in the Middle East, growing trade deficits sapped the United States’ dominant position in the global economy.

再加上越南战争的巨大代价和中东产油国的崛起，不断扩大的贸易逆差削弱了美国在全球经济中的主导地位。

American leaders didn’t know how to respond.

美国领导人不知道如何应对。

After a series of negotiations with leaders from France, Great Britain, West Germany, and Japan in 1970 and 1971, the Nixon administration allowed these rising industrial nations to continue flouting the principles of free trade.

在1970年和1971年与法国、英国、西德和日本领导人进行一系列谈判后，尼克松政府允许这些新兴工业国家继续蔑视自由贸易原则。

They maintained trade barriers that sheltered their domestic markets from foreign competition while at the same time exporting growing amounts of goods to the United States.

他们维持贸易壁垒，保护国内市场免受外国竞争，同时向美国出口越来越多的商品。

By 1974, in response to U.S. complaints and their own domestic economic problems, many of these industrial nations overhauled their protectionist practices but developed even subtler methods (such as state subsidies for key industries) to nurture their economies.

到 1974 年，为了应对美国的抱怨和本国的经济问题，许多工业国家彻底改革了保护主义做法，但制定了更微妙的方法（例如对关键行业的国家补贴）来培育经济。

The result was that Carter, like Ford before him, presided over a hitherto unimagined economic dilemma: the simultaneous onset of inflation and economic stagnation, a combination popularized as stagflation .” 62 Neither Ford nor Carter had the means or ambition to protect American jobs and goods from foreign competition.

结果是，卡特和他之前的福特一样，陷入了迄今为止难以想象的经济困境：通货膨胀和经济停滞同时发生，这种组合被通俗地称为滞胀。 62 福特和卡特都没有办法或雄心来保护美国的就业机会和商品免受外国竞争。

As firms and financial institutions invested, sold goods, and manufactured in new rising economies like Mexico, Taiwan, Japan, Brazil, and elsewhere, American politicians allowed them to sell their often cheaper products in the United States.

随着公司和金融机构在墨西哥、台湾、日本、巴西等新兴经济体投资、销售商品和制造，美国政客允许他们在美国销售通常更便宜的产品。

As American officials institutionalized this new unfettered global trade, many American manufacturers perceived only one viable path to sustained profitability: moving overseas, often by establishing foreign subsidiaries or partnering with foreign firms.

随着美国官员将这种新的不受限制的全球贸易制度化，许多美国制造商认为只有一条可行的持续盈利途径：转移到海外，通常是通过建立外国子公司或与外国公司合作。

Investment capital, especially in manufacturing, fled the United States looking for overseas investments and hastened the decline in the productivity of American industry.

投资资本尤其是制造业的投资资本逃离美国寻找海外投资，加速了美国工业生产率的下降。

During the 1976 presidential campaign, Carter had touted the “misery index,” the simple addition of the unemployment rate to the inflation rate, as an indictment of Gerald Ford and Republican rule.

在 1976 年总统竞选期间，卡特曾吹捧“痛苦指数”，即失业率与通货膨胀率的简单相加，作为对杰拉尔德·福特和共和党统治的控诉。

But Carter failed to slow the unraveling of the American economy, and the stubborn and confounding rise of both unemployment and inflation damaged his presidency.

但卡特未能减缓美国经济的崩溃，失业率和通货膨胀的顽固而令人困惑的上升损害了他的总统任期。

Just as Carter failed to offer or enact policies to stem the unraveling of the American economy, his idealistic vision of human rights–based foreign policy crumbled.

正如卡特未能提出或颁布政策来阻止美国经济的崩溃一样，他基于人权的外交政策的理想主义愿景也崩溃了。

He had not made human rights a central theme in his campaign, but in May 1977 he declared his wish to move away from a foreign policy in which “inordinate fear of communism” caused American leaders to “adopt the flawed and erroneous principles and tactics of our adversaries.” Carter proposed instead “a policy based on constant decency in its values and on optimism in our historical vision.” 63

他并未将人权作为竞选的中心主题，但在 1977 年 5 月，他宣布希望放弃“对共产主义的过度恐惧”导致美国领导人“采用我们对手有缺陷和错误的原则和策略”的外交政策。相反，卡特提出“一项基于持续正派的价值观和我们历史愿景的乐观主义的政策”。 63

Carter’s human rights policy achieved real victories: the United States either reduced or eliminated aid to American-supported right-wing dictators guilty of extreme human rights abuses in places like South Korea, Argentina, and the Philippines.

卡特的人权政策取得了真正的胜利：美国减少或取消了对美国支持的右翼独裁者的援助，这些独裁者在韩国、阿根廷和菲律宾等地犯下了极端侵犯人权的罪行。

In September 1977, Carter negotiated the return to Panama of the Panama Canal, which cost him enormous political capital in the United States.

1977年9月，卡特谈判将巴拿马运河归还给巴拿马，这让他在美国损失了巨大的政治资本。

64 A year later, in September 1978, Carter negotiated a peace treaty between Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin and Egyptian president Anwar Sadat.

64 一年后，即 1978 年 9 月，卡特在以色列总理梅纳赫姆·贝京和埃及总统安瓦尔·萨达特之间谈判达成了一项和平条约。

The Camp David Accords—named for the president’s rural Maryland retreat, where thirteen days of secret negotiations were held—represented the first time an Arab state had recognized Israel, and the first time Israel promised Palestine self-government.

《戴维营协议》——以总统在马里兰州乡村度假胜地命名，在那里举行了十三天的秘密谈判——代表着阿拉伯国家首次承认以色列，也是以色列首次承诺巴勒斯坦自治。

The accords had limits, for both Israel and the Palestinians, but they represented a major foreign policy coup for Carter.

这些协议对以色列和巴勒斯坦都有限制，但对卡特来说却是一次重大的外交政策政变。

And yet Carter’s dreams of a human rights–based foreign policy crumbled before the Cold War and the realities of American politics.

然而，卡特基于人权的外交政策的梦想在冷战和美国政治现实面前破灭了。

The United States continued to provide military and financial support for dictatorial regimes vital to American interests, such as the oil-rich state of Iran.

美国继续向对美国利益至关重要的独裁政权提供军事和财政支持，例如石油资源丰富的伊朗。

When the President and First Lady Rosalynn Carter visited Tehran, Iran, in January 1978, the president praised the nation’s dictatorial ruler, Shah Reza Pahlavi, and remarked on the “respect and the admiration and love” Iranians had for their leader.

1978 年 1 月，当总统和第一夫人罗莎琳·卡特访问伊朗德黑兰时，总统赞扬了该国的独裁统治者礼萨·巴列维 (Shah Reza Pahlavi)，并评论了伊朗人对其领导人的“尊重、钦佩和爱戴”。

66 When the shah was deposed in November 1979, revolutionaries stormed the American embassy in Tehran and took fifty-two Americans hostage.

66 1979 年 11 月，国王被废黜后，革命者袭击了美国驻德黑兰大使馆，并劫持了 52 名美国人作为人质。

Americans not only experienced another oil crisis as Iran’s oil fields shut down, they watched America’s news programs, for 444 days, remind them of the hostages and America’s new global impotence.

美国人不仅因伊朗油田关闭而经历了另一场石油危机，而且他们连续 444 天观看美国的新闻节目，提醒他们人质和美国在全球新的无能为力。

Carter couldn’t win their release.

卡特未能赢得释放。

A failed rescue mission only ended in the deaths of eight American servicemen.

一次失败的救援任务仅以八名美国军人死亡而告终。

Already beset with a punishing economy, Carter’s popularity plummeted.

由于经济不景气，卡特的支持率直线下降。

Carter’s efforts to ease the Cold War by achieving a new nuclear arms control agreement disintegrated under domestic opposition from conservative Cold War hawks such as Ronald Reagan, who accused Carter of weakness.

卡特通过达成新的核军控协议来缓和冷战的努力因罗纳德·里根等保守派冷战鹰派的国内反对而瓦解，他们指责卡特软弱。

A month after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan in December 1979, a beleaguered Carter committed the United States to defending its “interests” in the Middle East against Soviet incursions, declaring that “an assault [would] be repelled by any means necessary, including military force.” The Carter Doctrine not only signaled Carter’s ambivalent commitment to de-escalation and human rights, it testified to his increasingly desperate presidency.

1979 年 12 月苏联入侵阿富汗一个月后，陷入困境的卡特承诺美国将捍卫其在中东的“利益”，抵御苏联的入侵，并宣称“将采取任何必要手段，包括军事力量来击退进攻”。卡特主义不仅表明了卡特对缓和局势和人权的矛盾承诺，也证明了他日益绝望的总统任期。

The collapse of American manufacturing, the stubborn rise of inflation, the sudden impotence of American foreign policy, and a culture ever more divided: the sense of unraveling pervaded the nation.

美国制造业的崩溃、通货膨胀的顽固上升、美国外交政策的突然无力以及日益分裂的文化：瓦解的感觉弥漫在全国。

“I want to talk to you right now about a fundamental threat to American democracy,” Jimmy Carter said in a televised address on July 15, 1979.

1979 年 7 月 15 日，吉米·卡特 (Jimmy Carter) 在电视讲话中说道：“我现在想和你们谈谈美国民主面临的根本威胁。”

“The threat is nearly invisible in ordinary ways.

“这种威胁在平常情况下几乎是看不见的。

It is a crisis of confidence.

这是一场信任危机。

It is a crisis that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will.”

这是一场打击我们国家意志的核心、灵魂和精神的危机。”

Though American politics moved right after Lyndon Johnson’s administration, Nixon’s 1968 election was no conservative counterrevolution.

尽管林登·约翰逊 (Lyndon Johnson) 执政后美国政治发生了重大变化，但尼克松 1968 年的选举并不是保守派的反革命。

American politics and society remained in flux throughout the 1970s.

整个 20 世纪 70 年代，美国政治和社会一直在不断变化。

American politicians on the right and the left pursued relatively moderate courses compared to those in the preceding and succeeding decades.

与之前和之后几十年相比，美国左右翼政客都采取了相对温和的路线。

But a groundswell of anxieties and angers brewed beneath the surface.

但表面之下却酝酿着一股焦虑和愤怒的浪潮。

The world’s greatest military power had floundered in Vietnam and an American president stood flustered by Middle Eastern revolutionaries.

世界上最强大的军事强国在越南陷入困境，而一位美国总统则对中东革命者感到慌乱。

The cultural clashes from the sixties persisted and accelerated.

六十年代以来的文化冲突持续存在并加速。

While cities burned, a more liberal sexuality permeated American culture.

当城市被烧毁时，更自由的性观念渗透到了美国文化中。

The economy crashed, leaving America’s cities prone before poverty and crime and its working class gutted by deindustrialization and globalization.

经济崩溃，导致美国城市陷入贫困和犯罪，工人阶级因去工业化和全球化而遭受重创。

American weakness was everywhere.

美国的弱点无处不在。

And so, by 1980, many Americans—especially white middle- and upper-class Americans—felt a nostalgic desire for simpler times and simpler answers to the frustratingly complex geopolitical, social, and economic problems crippling the nation.

因此，到了 1980 年，许多美国人——尤其是美国中上层阶级白人——怀念着一种怀旧的愿望，希望能用更简单的方式来解决困扰国家的复杂得令人沮丧的地缘政治、社会和经济问题。

The appeal of Carter’s soft drawl and Christian humility had signaled this yearning, but his utter failure to stop the unraveling of American power and confidence opened the way for a new movement, one with new personalities and a new conservatism—one that promised to undo the damage and restore the United States to its own nostalgic image of itself.

卡特缓慢的慢吞吞语调和基督教般的谦逊吸引人，表明了这种渴望，但他完全未能阻止美国实力和信心的瓦解，为一场新运动开辟了道路，一场具有新个性和新保守主义的运动——一场承诺消除损害并恢复美国自身怀旧形象的运动。

Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (1968)

国家民事骚乱咨询委员会的报告 (1968)

Riots rocked American cities in the mid-late sixties.

六十年代中后期，骚乱震撼了美国城市。

Hundreds died, thousands were injured, and thousands of buildings were destroyed.

数百人死亡，数千人受伤，数千座建筑物被毁。

Many communities never recovered.

许多社区从未恢复。

In 1967, devastating riots, particularly in Detroit, Michigan, and Newark, New Jersey, captivated national television audiences.

1967 年，毁灭性的骚乱，特别是在密歇根州底特律和新泽西州纽瓦克发生的骚乱，吸引了全国电视观众的关注。

President Lyndon Johnson appointed an 11-person commission, chaired by Illinois Governor Otto Kerner, to explain the origins of the riots and recommend policies to prevent them in the future.

林登·约翰逊总统任命了一个由 11 人组成的委员会，由伊利诺伊州州长奥托·克纳 (Otto Kerner) 担任主席，负责解释骚乱的根源，并提出未来预防骚乱的政策建议。

Statement by John Kerry of Vietnam Veterans Against the War (1971)

越战退伍军人反战声明 (1971)

On April 23, 1971, a young Vietnam veteran named John Kerry spoke on behalf of the Vietnam Veterans Against the War before the Senate Committee of Foreign Relations.

1971年4月23日，一位名叫约翰·克里的年轻越战老兵代表反战越战老兵在参议院外交关系委员会发表讲话。

Kerry, later a Massachusetts Senator and 2004 presidential contender, articulated a growing disenchantment with the Vietnam War and delivered a blistering indictment of the reasoning behind its prosecution.

克里后来成为马萨诸塞州参议员和 2004 年总统竞选人，他表达了人们对越南战争日益失望的情绪，并对起诉其背后的理由提出了严厉的控诉。

Richard Nixon, who built his political career on anti-communism, worked from the first day of his presidency to normalize relations with the communist People’s Republic of China.

理查德·尼克松的政治生涯建立在反共主义基础上，从就任总统的第一天起，他就致力于实现与中华人民共和国的关系正常化。

In 1971, Richard Nixon announced that he would make an unprecedented visit there to advance American-Chinese relations.

1971年，理查德·尼克松宣布将对中国进行史无前例的访问，以推进美中关系。

Here, he explains his intentions.

在这里，他解释了他的意图。

Barbara Jordan, 1976 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address (1976)

芭芭拉·乔丹 (Barbara Jordan)，1976 年民主党全国代表大会主题演讲 (1976)

On July 12, 1976, Texas Congresswoman Barbara Jordan delivered the keynote address at the Democratic National Convention.

1976年7月12日，得克萨斯州众议员芭芭拉·乔丹在民主党全国代表大会上发表主旨演讲。

As Americans sensed a fracturing of American life in the 1970s, Jordan called for Americans to commit themselves to a “national community” and the “common good.” Jordan began by noting she was the first Black woman to ever deliver a keynote address at a major party convention and that such a thing would have been almost impossible even a decade earlier.

当美国人在 20 世纪 70 年代感受到美国生活的破裂时，乔丹呼吁美国人致力于“民族共同体”和“共同利益”。乔丹首先指出，她是第一位在主要政党大会上发表主题演讲的黑人女性，即使在十年前，这样的事情也几乎是不可能的。

On July 15, 1979, amid stagnant economic growth, high inflation, and an energy crisis, Jimmy Carter delivered a televised address to the American people.

1979年7月15日，在经济增长停滞、通货膨胀高企和能源危机的背景下，吉米·卡特向美国人民发表了电视讲话。

In it, Carter singled out a pervasive “crisis of confidence” preventing the American people from moving the country forward.

卡特在其中指出了普遍存在的“信任危机”，阻碍了美国人民推动国家前进。

A year later, Ronald Reagan would frame his optimistic political campaign in stark contrast to the tone of Carter’s speech, which would be remembered, especially by critics, as the “malaise speech.”

一年后，罗纳德·里根将他乐观的政治竞选框架与卡特演讲的语气形成鲜明对比，卡特的演讲将被特别是批评者铭记为“萎靡不振的演讲”。

The first Congressional hearing on the equal rights amendment (ERA) was held in 1923, but the push for the amendment stalled until the 1960s, when a revived women’s movement thrust it again into the national consciousness.

关于平等权利修正案 (ERA) 的第一次国会听证会于 1923 年举行，但该修正案的推动一直停滞到 20 世纪 60 年代，当时复兴的妇女运动将其再次推入国民意识。

Congress passed and sent to the states for ratification the ERA on March 22, 1972.

国会于 1972 年 3 月 22 日通过了 ERA，并将其送交各州批准。

But it failed, stalling just three states short of the required three-fourths needed for ratification.

但它失败了，只拖延了三个州，距离批准所需的四分之三还差。

Despite popular support for the amendment, activists such as Phyllis Schlafly outmaneuvered the amendment’s supporters.

尽管该修正案得到了民众的支持，但菲利斯·施拉夫利（Phyllis Schlafly）等活动人士还是战胜了该修正案的支持者。

In 1970, author Gloria Steinem argued that such opposition was rooted in outmoded ideas about gender.

1970 年，作家格洛丽亚·斯泰纳姆 (Gloria Steinem) 认为，这种反对源于过时的性别观念。

In November 1969, Native American activists occupied Alcatraz Island and held it for nineteen months to bring attention to past injustices and contemporary issues confronting Native Americans, as state in this proclamation, drafted largely by Adam Fortunate Eagle of the Ojibwa Nation.

1969 年 11 月，美国原住民活动人士占领了阿尔卡特拉斯岛，并占领了该岛 19 个月，以引起人们对美国原住民过去所面临的不公正现象和当代问题的关注，正如这份主要由奥吉布瓦民族的亚当·福图纳特·伊格尔 (Adam Fortunate Eagle) 起草的公告中所述。

“Urban Decay” confronted Americans of the 1960s and 1970s.

“城市衰退”是 20 世纪 60 年代和 1970 年代的美国人面临的问题。

As the economy sagged and deindustrialization hit much of the country, many Americans associated major cities with poverty and crime.

随着经济衰退和去工业化席卷全国大部分地区，许多美国人将大城市与贫困和犯罪联系在一起。

In this 1973 photo, two subway riders sit amid a graffitied subway car in New York City.

在这张 1973 年的照片中，两名地铁乘客坐在纽约市一辆涂鸦的地铁车厢内。

In the 1970s, conservative Americans defeated the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA).

20世纪70年代，美国保守派击败了平等权利修正案（ERA）。

With high approval ratings, the ERA–which declared, “Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any state on account of sex”—seemed destined to pass swiftly through state legislatures and become the Twenty-Seventh Amendment, but conservative opposition stopped the Amendment just short of ratification.

凭借高支持率，《时代权利法》宣称“美国或任何州不得因性别而否认或削减法律规定的权利平等”，似乎注定会迅速通过州立法机关，成为第二十七修正案，但保守派反对派在批准之前阻止了该修正案。

This chapter was edited by Edwin Breeden, with content contributions by Seth Anziska, Jeremiah Bauer, Edwin Breeden, Kyle Burke, Brent Cebul, Alexandra Evans, Sean Fear, Anne Gray Fischer, Destin Jenkins, Matthew Kahn, Suzanne Kahn, Brooke Lamperd, Katherine McGarr, Matthew Pressman, Adam Parsons, Emily Prifogle, John Rosenberg, Brandy Thomas Wells, and Naomi R.

本章由 Edwin Breeden 编辑，内容贡献者包括 Seth Anziska、Jeremiah Bauer、Edwin Breeden、Kyle Burke、Brent Cebul、Alexandra Evans、Sean Fear、Anne Gray Fischer、Destin Jenkins、Matthew Kahn、Suzanne Kahn、Brooke Lamperd、Katherine McGarr、Matthew Pressman、Adam Parsons、Emily Prifogle、John Rosenberg、Brandy Thomas威尔斯和内奥米·R.

Williams.

威廉姆斯.

Recommended citation: Seth Anziska et al., “The Unraveling,” Edwin Breeden, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.

推荐引用：Seth Anziska 等人，“The Unraveling”，Edwin Breeden 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。

Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).

约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。

中文为机器翻译，仅供参考。