The American Yawp
Demonstrators march from Selma to Montgomery, Alabama, in 1965 to champion African American civil rights.
1965 年，示威者从塞尔玛游行到阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利，捍卫非裔美国人的公民权利。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
* NOTE: You are viewing a chapter from the archived, “First Edition” version of the American Yawp, which stopped receiving updates in spring 2026.
* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。
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Perhaps no decade is so immortalized in American memory as the 1960s.
也许没有哪个十年像 20 世纪 60 年代那样在美国人的记忆中如此永垂不朽。
Couched in the colorful rhetoric of peace and love, complemented by stirring images of the civil rights movement, and fondly remembered for its music, art, and activism, the decade brought many people hope for a more inclusive, forward-thinking nation.
这十年充满了和平与爱的丰富多彩的言辞，辅以民权运动的激动人心的图像，并因其音乐、艺术和行动主义而被人们深情铭记，这十年给许多人带来了对一个更具包容性、更具前瞻性的国家的希望。
But the decade was also plagued by strife, tragedy, and chaos.
但这十年也充满了冲突、悲剧和混乱。
It was the decade of the Vietnam War, inner-city riots, and assassinations that seemed to symbolize the crushing of a new generation’s idealism.
那十年的越南战争、内城骚乱和暗杀似乎象征着新一代理想主义的粉碎。
A decade of struggle and disillusionment rocked by social, cultural, and political upheaval, the 1960s are remembered because so much changed, and because so much did not.
20 世纪 60 年代经历了社会、文化和政治动荡，经历了斗争和幻灭，人们之所以铭记 20 世纪 60 年代，是因为发生了很多变化，也因为没有发生太多变化。
The decade’s political landscape began with a watershed presidential election.
这十年的政治格局始于一场具有分水岭意义的总统选举。
Americans were captivated by the 1960 race between Republican vice president Richard Nixon and Democratic senator John F.
1960 年，共和党副总统理查德·尼克松 (Richard Nixon) 与民主党参议员约翰·肯尼迪 (John F.
Kennedy, two candidates who pledged to move the nation forward and invigorate an economy experiencing the worst recession since the Great Depression.
肯尼迪两位候选人承诺推动国家前进，重振经历大萧条以来最严重衰退的经济。
Kennedy promised to use federal programs to strengthen the economy and address pockets of longstanding poverty, while Nixon called for a reliance on private enterprise and reduction of government spending.
肯尼迪承诺利用联邦计划来加强经济并解决长期贫困的问题，而尼克松则呼吁依赖私营企业并减少政府支出。
Both candidates faced criticism as well; Nixon had to defend Dwight Eisenhower’s domestic policies, while Kennedy, who was attempting to become the first Catholic president, had to counteract questions about his faith and convince voters that he was experienced enough to lead.
两位候选人都面临批评。尼克松必须捍卫德怀特·艾森豪威尔的国内政策，而试图成为第一位天主教总统的肯尼迪则必须反驳有关其信仰的问题，并让选民相信他有足够的经验来领导。
One of the most notable events of the Nixon-Kennedy presidential campaign was their televised debate in September, the first of its kind between major presidential candidates.
尼克松-肯尼迪总统竞选活动中最引人注目的事件之一是他们九月份的电视辩论，这是主要总统候选人之间的首次此类辩论。
The debate focused on domestic policy and provided Kennedy with an important moment to present himself as a composed, knowledgeable statesman.
这场辩论的重点是国内政策，为肯尼迪提供了一个重要的时刻来展示自己是一位沉着、知识渊博的政治家。
In contrast, Nixon, an experienced debater who faced higher expectations, looked sweaty and defensive.
相比之下，尼克松这位经验丰富、面临更高期望的辩手，看上去满头大汗，防守严密。
Radio listeners famously thought the two men performed equally well, but the TV audience was much more impressed by Kennedy, giving him an advantage in subsequent debates.
众所周知，广播听众认为这两个人的表现同样出色，但电视观众对肯尼迪的印象要深刻得多，这使他在随后的辩论中占据了优势。
Ultimately, the election was extraordinarily close; in the largest voter turnout in American history up to that point, Kennedy bested Nixon by less than one percentage point (34,227,096 to 34,107,646 votes).
最终，选举结果异常接近。肯尼迪以不到一个百分点的优势击败了尼克松（34,227,096 票对 34,107,646 票），这是迄今为止美国历史上投票率最高的一次。
Although Kennedy’s lead in electoral votes was more comfortable at 303 to 219, the Democratic Party’s victory did not translate in Congress, where Democrats lost a few seats in both houses.
尽管肯尼迪在选举人票上以 303 票对 219 票的领先优势较为轻松，但民主党的胜利并没有在国会得到体现，民主党在参众两院都失去了一些席位。
As a result, Kennedy entered office in 1961 without the mandate necessary to achieve the ambitious agenda he would refer to as the New Frontier.
结果，肯尼迪于 1961 年就任总统，但他并没有获得实现他所称的“新前沿”雄心勃勃的议程所必需的授权。
Kennedy also faced foreign policy challenges.
肯尼迪还面临外交政策挑战。
The United States entered the 1960s unaccustomed to stark foreign policy failures, having emerged from World War II as a global superpower before waging a Cold War against the Soviet Union in the 1950s.
美国在进入 20 世纪 60 年代时并不习惯外交政策的严重失败，在 20 世纪 50 年代对苏联发动冷战之前，美国已从二战中崛起为全球超级大国。
In the new decade, unsuccessful conflicts in Cuba and Vietnam would yield embarrassment, fear, and tragedy, stunning a nation that expected triumph and altering the way many thought of America’s role in international affairs.
在新的十年里，古巴和越南的不成功冲突将带来尴尬、恐惧和悲剧，让一个期待胜利的国家感到震惊，并改变许多人对美国在国际事务中角色的看法。
On January 8, 1959, Fidel Castro and his revolutionary army initiated a new era of Cuban history.
1959年1月8日，菲德尔·卡斯特罗和他的革命军队开启了古巴历史的新纪元。
Having ousted the corrupt Cuban president Fulgencio Batista, who had fled Havana on New Year’s Eve, Castro and his rebel forces made their way triumphantly through the capital city’s streets.
在推翻除夕夜逃离哈瓦那的腐败古巴总统富尔亨西奥·巴蒂斯塔后，卡斯特罗和他的叛军胜利地穿过首都的街道。
The United States, which had long propped up Batista’s corrupt regime, had withdrawn support and, initially, expressed sympathy for Castro’s new government, which was immediately granted diplomatic recognition.
长期支持巴蒂斯塔腐败政权的美国已撤回支持，并最初对卡斯特罗新政府表示同情，并立即获得外交承认。
But President Dwight Eisenhower and members of his administration were wary.
但德怀特·艾森豪威尔总统和他的政府成员对此持谨慎态度。
The new Cuban government soon instituted leftist economic policies centered on agrarian reform, land redistribution, and the nationalization of private enterprises.
古巴新政府很快制定了以土地改革、土地再分配和私营企业国有化为中心的左翼经济政策。
Cuba’s wealthy and middle-class citizens fled the island in droves.
古巴的富有和中产阶级公民成群结队地逃离该岛。
Many settled in Miami, Florida, and other American cities.
许多人定居在迈阿密、佛罗里达和其他美国城市。
The relationship between Cuba and the United States deteriorated rapidly.
古巴与美国的关系迅速恶化。
On October 19, 1960, the United States instituted a near-total trade embargo to economically isolate the Cuban regime, and in January 1961, the two nations broke off formal diplomatic relations.
1960年10月19日，美国实施近乎全面的贸易禁运，以在经济上孤立古巴政权，1961年1月，两国断绝了正式外交关系。
The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), acting under the mistaken belief that the Castro government lacked popular support and that Cuban citizens would revolt if given the opportunity, began to recruit members of the exile community to participate in an invasion of the island.
中央情报局（CIA）错误地认为卡斯特罗政府缺乏民众支持，古巴公民如果有机会就会反抗，开始招募流亡社区成员参与入侵该岛。
On April 16, 1961, an invasion force consisting primarily of Cuban émigrés landed on Girón Beach at the Bay of Pigs.
1961 年 4 月 16 日，一支主要由古巴移民组成的入侵部队在猪湾的吉隆海滩登陆。
Cuban soldiers and civilians quickly overwhelmed the exiles, many of whom were taken prisoner.
古巴士兵和平民很快压垮了流亡者，其中许多人被俘。
The Cuban government’s success at thwarting the Bay of Pigs invasion did much to legitimize the new regime and was a tremendous embarrassment for the Kennedy administration.
古巴政府成功挫败猪湾入侵，为新政权的合法化做出了很大贡献，但也让肯尼迪政府蒙羞。
As the political relationship between Cuba and the United States disintegrated, the Castro government became more closely aligned with the Soviet Union.
随着古巴和美国之间政治关系的瓦解，卡斯特罗政府与苏联的关系变得更加紧密。
This strengthening of ties set the stage for the Cuban Missile Crisis, perhaps the most dramatic foreign policy crisis in the history of the United States.
这种关系的加强为古巴导弹危机奠定了基础，这也许是美国历史上最严重的外交政策危机。
In 1962, in response to the United States’ longtime maintenance of a nuclear arsenal in Turkey and at the invitation of the Cuban government, the Soviet Union deployed nuclear missiles in Cuba.
1962年，为了回应美国在土耳其长期维持核武库的情况，苏联应古巴政府邀请，在古巴部署了核导弹。
On October 14, 1962, American spy planes detected the construction of missile launch sites, and on October 22, President Kennedy addressed the American people to alert them to this threat.
1962 年 10 月 14 日，美国间谍飞机发现了导弹发射场的建设，10 月 22 日，肯尼迪总统向美国人民发表讲话，提醒他们注意这一威胁。
Over the course of the next several days, the world watched in horror as the United States and the Soviet Union hovered on the brink of nuclear war.
在接下来的几天里，全世界惊恐地看着美国和苏联徘徊在核战争的边缘。
Finally, on October 28, the Soviet Union agreed to remove its missiles from Cuba in exchange for a U.S. agreement to remove its missiles from Turkey and a formal pledge that the United States would not invade Cuba, and the crisis was resolved peacefully.
最终，10月28日，苏联同意从古巴撤走导弹，以换取美国同意从土耳其撤走导弹，并正式承诺美国不会入侵古巴，危机得以和平解决。
The Cuban Missile Crisis was a time of great anxiety in America.
古巴导弹危机是美国极度焦虑的时期。
Eight hundred women demonstrated outside the United Nations Building in 1962 to promote peace.
1962 年，八百名妇女在联合国大楼外示威以促进和平。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
So much of the energy and character of the sixties emerged from the civil rights movement, which won its greatest victories in the early years of the decade.
六十年代的大部分活力和特征都源于民权运动，民权运动在这十年的最初几年赢得了最大的胜利。
The movement itself was changing.
运动本身正在发生变化。
Many of the civil rights activists pushing for school desegregation in the 1950s were middle-class and middle-aged.
20 世纪 50 年代，许多推动学校废除种族隔离的民权活动家都是中产阶级和中年人。
In the 1960s, a new student movement arose whose members wanted swifter changes in the segregated South.
20 世纪 60 年代，一场新的学生运动兴起，其成员希望在种族隔离的南方实现更快的变革。
Confrontational protests, marches, boycotts, and sit-ins accelerated.
对抗性抗议、游行、抵制和静坐加速。
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The tone of the modern U.S. civil rights movement changed at a North Carolina department store in 1960, when four African American students participated in a sit-in at a whites-only lunch counter.
1960 年，现代美国民权运动的基调在北卡罗来纳州的一家百货商店发生了变化，当时四名非裔美国学生在白人专用午餐柜台前静坐。
The 1960 Greensboro sit-ins were typical.
1960 年格林斯伯勒的静坐是典型的例子。
Activists sat at segregated lunch counters in an act of defiance, refusing to leave until being served and willing to be ridiculed, attacked, and arrested if they were not.
活动人士坐在隔离的午餐柜台前，表现出一种反抗行为，在接受服务之前拒绝离开，如果不接受服务，他们愿意被嘲笑、攻击和逮捕。
This tactic drew resistance but forced the desegregation of Woolworth’s department stores.
这一策略引起了抵制，但迫使伍尔沃斯百货公司废除了种族隔离。
It prompted copycat demonstrations across the South.
它引发了整个南方的模仿示威活动。
The protests offered evidence that student-led direct action could enact social change.
抗议活动提供了证据，表明学生主导的直接行动可以实现社会变革。
Increasingly disenchanted with the seemingly distant, professionalized civil rights leadership of older southern ministers, Ella Baker left King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference and helped organize the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC, and often pronounced “snick”) that year.
艾拉·贝克 (Ella Baker) 对老一辈南方牧师看似疏远、专业化的民权领导越来越不抱希望，她离开了国王南方基督教领袖会议，并于当年帮助组织了学生非暴力协调委员会（SNCC，通常发音为“snick”）。
She embraced the direct, grassroots action of student activists such as Julian Bond, Stokely Carmichael, Diane Nash, John Lewis, and countless other who would push the civil rights movement in a new, more confrontational direction.
她支持朱利安·邦德、斯托克利·卡迈克尔、黛安·纳什、约翰·刘易斯等学生活动家的直接、草根行动，以及无数其他将民权运动推向新的、更具对抗性方向的人。
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In the following year, 1961, civil rights advocates attempted a bolder variation of a sit-in when they participated in the Freedom Rides.
次年，即 1961 年，民权倡导者在参加自由乘车活动时尝试了更大胆的静坐形式。
Activists in the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) organized interstate bus rides following a Supreme Court decision outlawing segregation on public buses and trains.
在最高法院判决禁止公共巴士和火车上的种族隔离之后，种族平等大会 (CORE) 的活动人士组织了州际巴士出行。
The rides intended to test the court’s ruling, which many southern states had ignored.
这些游乐设施旨在测试法院的裁决，而许多南方州都忽视了这一裁决。
An interracial group of Freedom Riders boarded buses in Washington, D.C., with the intention of sitting in integrated patterns on the buses as they traveled through the Deep South.
一群跨种族的自由乘车者在华盛顿特区登上公共汽车，打算在穿越南方腹地时以统一的方式坐在公共汽车上。
On the initial rides in May 1961, the riders encountered fierce resistance in Alabama.
1961 年 5 月，在最初的骑行中，骑手们在阿拉巴马州遭遇了激烈的抵抗。
Angry mobs composed of KKK members attacked riders in Birmingham, burning one of the buses and beating the activists who escaped.
由三K党成员组成的愤怒暴徒袭击了伯明翰的乘客，烧毁了一辆公共汽车并殴打了逃跑的活动人士。
Additional Freedom Rides launched through the summer and generated national attention amid additional violent resistance.
今年夏天推出了更多的“自由乘车”活动，并在更多的暴力抵抗中引起了全国的关注。
Ultimately, the Interstate Commerce Commission enforced integrated interstate buses and trains in November 1961.
最终，州际商业委员会于 1961 年 11 月实施了州际巴士和火车一体化。
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In the fall of 1961, civil rights activists descended on Albany, a small city in southwest Georgia.
1961 年秋天，民权活动人士涌入佐治亚州西南部的小城市奥尔巴尼。
Known for entrenched segregation and racial violence, Albany seemed an unlikely place for Black Americans to rally and demand change.
奥尔巴尼以根深蒂固的种族隔离和种族暴力而闻名，对于美国黑人来说，这里似乎不太可能集会并要求变革。
The activists there, however, formed the Albany Movement, a coalition of civil rights organizers that included members of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), and the NAACP.
然而，那里的积极分子组建了奥尔巴尼运动，这是一个民权组织者联盟，其中包括学生非暴力协调委员会（SNCC）、南方基督教领袖会议（SCLC）和全国有色人种协进会的成员。
But the movement was stymied by Albany police chief Laurie Pritchett, who launched mass arrests but refused to engage in police brutality and bailed out leading officials to avoid negative media attention.
但这场运动受到奥尔巴尼警察局长劳里·普里切特(Laurie Pritchett)的阻挠，他发起了大规模逮捕行动，但拒绝参与警察的暴力行为，并保释了主要官员以避免媒体的负面关注。
It was a peculiar scene, and a lesson for southern activists.
这是一个奇特的场景，也是南方活动人士的一个教训。
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The Albany Movement included elements of a Christian commitment to social justice in its platform, with activists stating that all people were “of equal worth” in God’s family and that “no man may discriminate against or exploit another.” In many instances in the 1960s, Black Christianity propelled civil rights advocates to action and demonstrated the significance of religion to the broader civil rights movement.
奥尔巴尼运动在其纲领中纳入了基督教对社会正义的承诺，活动人士表示，在上帝的家庭中，所有人都“具有平等的价值”，并且“任何人都不得歧视或剥削他人”。在 20 世纪 60 年代的许多例子中，黑人基督教推动民权倡导者采取行动，并展示了宗教对更广泛的民权运动的重要性。
King’s rise to prominence underscored the role that African American religious figures played in the 1960s civil rights movement.
金的崛起突显了非裔美国宗教人士在 20 世纪 60 年代民权运动中所发挥的作用。
Protesters sang hymns and spirituals as they marched.
抗议者在游行时唱着赞美诗和圣歌。
Preachers rallied the people with messages of justice and hope.
传教士用正义和希望的信息来团结人们。
Churches hosted meetings, prayer vigils, and conferences on nonviolent resistance.
教会举办会议、守夜祈祷和非暴力抵抗会议。
The moral thrust of the movement strengthened African American activists and confronted white society by framing segregation as a moral evil.
该运动的道德推动力增强了非裔美国活动家的力量，并通过将种族隔离视为道德罪恶来对抗白人社会。
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As the civil rights movement garnered more followers and more attention, white resistance stiffened.
随着民权运动获得更多的追随者和更多的关注，白人的抵抗变得更加激烈。
In October 1962, James Meredith became the first African American student to enroll at the University of Mississippi.
1962 年 10 月，詹姆斯·梅雷迪思 (James Meredith) 成为第一位就读密西西比大学的非裔美国学生。
Meredith’s enrollment sparked riots on the Oxford campus, prompting President John F.
梅雷迪思的入学引发了牛津校园的骚乱，促使总统约翰·肯尼迪 (John F.
Kennedy to send in U.S. Marshals and National Guardsmen to maintain order.
肯尼迪派遣美国法警和国民警卫队维持秩序。
On an evening known infamously as the Battle of Ole Miss, segregationists clashed with troops in the middle of campus, resulting in two deaths and hundreds of injuries.
在一个臭名昭著的“密西西比之战”晚上，种族隔离主义者与军队在校园中央发生冲突，导致两人死亡、数百人受伤。
Violence served as a reminder of the strength of white resistance to the civil rights movement, particularly in the realm of education.
暴力提醒人们白人对民权运动的抵抗力量，特别是在教育领域。
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James Meredith, accompanied by U.S. Marshals, walks to class at the University of Mississippi in 1962.
1962 年，詹姆斯·梅雷迪思在美国法警的陪同下步行去密西西比大学上课。
Meredith was the first African American student admitted to the segregated university.
梅雷迪思是第一位被这所种族隔离大学录取的非裔美国学生。
Library of Congres .
国会图书馆。
White resistance intensified.
白人的反抗愈演愈烈。
While much of the rhetoric surrounding the 1960s focused on a younger, more liberal generation’s progressive ideas, conservatism maintained a strong presence on the American political scene.
虽然围绕 20 世纪 60 年代的大部分言论都集中在更年轻、更自由的一代人的进步思想上，但保守主义在美国政治舞台上仍然占据着重要地位。
Few political figures in the decade embodied the working-class, conservative views held by millions of white Americans quite like George Wallace.
十年来，很少有政治人物像乔治·华莱士那样体现了数百万美国白人所持有的工人阶级保守观点。
Wallace’s vocal stance on segregation was immortalized in his 1963 inaugural address as Alabama governor with the phrase: “Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever!” Just as the civil rights movement began to gain unprecedented strength, Wallace became the champion of the many white southerners opposed to the movement.
华莱士对种族隔离的直言不讳的立场在他 1963 年就任阿拉巴马州州长的就职演说中得到了不朽的体现：“现在种族隔离，明天种族隔离，永远种族隔离！”正当民权运动开始获得空前的力量时，华莱士成为许多反对该运动的南方白人的拥护者。
Consequently, Wallace was one of the best examples of the very real opposition civil rights activists faced in the late twentieth century.
因此，华莱士是二十世纪末民权活动人士面临的真正反对派的最佳例子之一。
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As governor, Wallace loudly supported segregation.
作为州长，华莱士大声支持种族隔离。
His efforts were symbolic, but they earned him national recognition as a political figure willing to fight for what many southerners saw as their traditional way of life.
他的努力具有象征意义，但也为他赢得了全国的认可，成为一名愿意为许多南方人视为传统生活方式而奋斗的政治人物。
In June 1963, just five months after becoming governor, in his “Stand in the Schoolhouse Door,” Wallace famously stood in the door of Foster Auditorium to protest integration at the University of Alabama.
1963 年 6 月，就任州长五个月后，华莱士在他的《站在校舍门口》中站在福斯特礼堂门口抗议阿拉巴马大学的融合。
President Kennedy addressed the nation that evening, criticizing Wallace and calling for a comprehensive civil rights bill.
肯尼迪总统当晚向全国发表讲话，批评华莱士并呼吁制定全面的民权法案。
A day later, civil rights leader Medgar Evers was assassinated at his home in Jackson, Mississippi.
一天后，民权领袖梅德加·埃弗斯在密西西比州杰克逊的家中被暗杀。
Alabama governor George Wallace stands defiantly at the door of the University of Alabama, blocking the attempted integration of the school.
阿拉巴马州州长乔治·华莱士挑衅地站在阿拉巴马大学门口，阻止学校的合并尝试。
Wallace became the most notorious pro-segregation politician of the 1960s, proudly proclaiming, in his 1963 inaugural address, “Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.” Library of Congress .
华莱士成为 20 世纪 60 年代最臭名昭著的支持种族隔离的政客，他在 1963 年的就职演说中自豪地宣称：“现在是种族隔离，明天是种族隔离，永远是种族隔离。”国会图书馆。
This photograph shows Martin Luther King Jr. and other Black civil rights leaders arm-in-arm with leaders of the Jewish community during the March on Washington on August 28, 1963.
这张照片显示了 1963 年 8 月 28 日华盛顿游行期间马丁·路德·金和其他黑人民权领袖与犹太社区领袖手挽手。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Kennedy offered support for a civil rights bill, but southern resistance was intense and Kennedy was unwilling to expend much political capital on it.
肯尼迪表示支持一项民权法案，但南方的抵制很强烈，肯尼迪不愿意在该法案上投入太多政治资本。
And so the bill stalled in Congress.
因此该法案在国会陷入停滞。
Then, on November 22, 1963, President Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas.
1963 年 11 月 22 日，肯尼迪总统在达拉斯遇刺身亡。
The nation’s youthful, popular president was gone.
这个国家年轻而受欢迎的总统已经去世了。
Vice President Lyndon Johnson lacked Kennedy’s youth, his charisma, his popularity, and his aristocratic upbringing, but no one knew Washington better and no one before or since fought harder and more successfully to pass meaningful civil rights legislation.
副总统林登·约翰逊缺乏肯尼迪的青春、魅力、声望和贵族出身，但没有人比肯尼迪更了解华盛顿，也没有人在之前或之后更努力、更成功地为通过有意义的民权立法而奋斗。
Raised in poverty in the Texas Hill Country, Johnson scratched and clawed his way up the political ladder.
约翰逊在得克萨斯山区的贫困中长大，他在政治阶梯上摸爬滚打。
He was both ruthlessly ambitious and keenly conscious of poverty and injustice.
他既雄心勃勃，又对贫困和不公正有着敏锐的认识。
He idolized Franklin Roosevelt whose New Deal had brought improvements for the impoverished central Texans Johnson grew up with.
他崇拜富兰克林·罗斯福，罗斯福的新政为与约翰逊一起长大的贫困的德克萨斯中部地区带来了改善。
President Lyndon Johnson, then, an old white southerner with a thick Texas drawl, embraced the civil rights movement.
当时的林登·约翰逊总统是一位年长的南方白人，带着浓重的德克萨斯拖腔，他拥护民权运动。
He took Kennedy’s stalled civil rights bill, ensured that it would have teeth, and navigated it through Congress.
他接受了肯尼迪陷入僵局的民权法案，确保该法案有效，并在国会推动该法案获得通过。
The following summer he signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, widely considered to be among the most important pieces of civil rights legislation in American history.
第二年夏天，他签署了 1964 年民权法案，该法案被广泛认为是美国历史上最重要的民权立法之一。
The comprehensive act barred segregation in public accommodations and outlawed discrimination based on race, ethnicity, gender, and national or religious origin.
这项全面的法案禁止公共设施中的种族隔离，并禁止基于种族、民族、性别、民族或宗教出身的歧视。
Lyndon B.
林登·B.
Johnson sits with Civil Rights Leaders in the White House.
约翰逊在白宫与民权领袖坐在一起。
One of Johnson’s greatest legacies would be his staunch support of civil rights legislation.
约翰逊最伟大的遗产之一就是他对民权立法的坚定支持。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Johnson gives Senator Richard Russell the famous “Johnson Treatment.” Yoichi R.
约翰逊给予参议员理查德·拉塞尔著名的“约翰逊待遇”。洋一 R.
Okamoto, Photograph of Lyndon B.
冈本，Lyndon B. 的照片
Johnson pressuring Senator Richard Russell, December 17, 1963.
约翰逊向参议员理查德·拉塞尔施压，1963 年 12 月 17 日。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
The civil rights movement created space for political leaders to pass legislation, and the movement continued pushing forward.
民权运动为政治领导人通过立法创造了空间，并且该运动继续向前推进。
Direct action continued through the summer of 1964, as student-run organizations like SNCC and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) helped with the Freedom Summer in Mississippi, a drive to register African American voters in a state with an ugly history of discrimination.
直接行动持续到 1964 年夏天，SNCC 和种族平等大会 (CORE) 等学生组织帮助密西西比州举办“自由之夏”活动，推动在这个有着丑恶歧视历史的州对非裔美国选民进行登记。
Freedom Summer campaigners set up schools for African American children.
自由之夏活动人士为非裔美国儿童建立学校。
Even with progress, intimidation and violent resistance against civil rights continued, particularly in regions with longstanding traditions of segregation.
即使取得了进展，针对公民权利的恐吓和暴力抵抗仍在继续，特别是在长期存在种族隔离传统的地区。
Three young CORE activists, James Chaney, Michael Schwerner, and Andrew Goodman, were murdered by local law enforcement officers and Klan members in Neshoba County, outside of Philadelphia, Mississippi.
三名年轻的 CORE 活动人士詹姆斯·钱尼 (James Chaney)、迈克尔·施维尔纳 (Michael Schwerner) 和安德鲁·古德曼 (Andrew Goodman) 在密西西比州费城郊外的内肖巴县被当地执法人员和三K党成员谋杀。
10 In August, over 2,000 Black Mississippians assembled in Jackson and formed the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party.
10 8 月，超过 2,000 名密西西比黑人聚集在杰克逊，成立了密西西比自由民主党。
They demanded that their delegates be seated at the Democratic National Convention.
他们要求他们的代表出席民主党全国代表大会。
Denied anything more than two at-large seats, the Party protested.
该党抗议拒绝拥有超过两个普通席位。
“I question America,” co-founder Fannie Lou Hamer said in a nationally televised address.
“我质疑美国，”联合创始人范妮·卢·哈默在全国电视讲话中说道。
“Is this America?” she asked.
“这里是美国吗？”她问道。
Activists kept fighting.
活动人士继续战斗。
In March 1965, activists attempted to march from Selma to Montgomery, Alabama, on behalf of local African American voting rights.
1965 年 3 月，活动人士试图代表当地非裔美国人的投票权从塞尔玛游行到阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利。
In a narrative that had become familiar, “Bloody Sunday” featured peaceful protesters attacked by white law enforcement with batons and tear gas.
在人们熟悉的叙述中，“血腥星期日”的特点是和平抗议者遭到白人执法人员用警棍和催泪瓦斯的袭击。
After they were turned away violently a second time, marchers finally made the fifty-mile trek to the state capitol later in the month.
在第二次遭到暴力驱赶后，游行者终于在本月晚些时候长途跋涉了五十英里到达州议会大厦。
Coverage of the first march prompted President Johnson to present the bill that became the Voting Rights Act of 1965, an act that abolished voting discrimination in federal, state, and local elections.
对第一次游行的报道促使约翰逊总统提出了一项法案，该法案后来成为 1965 年《投票权法案》，该法案废除了联邦、州和地方选举中的投票歧视。
In two consecutive years, landmark pieces of legislation had assaulted de jure (by law) segregation and disenfranchisement.
连续两年，具有里程碑意义的立法对法律上的种族隔离和剥夺公民权进行了攻击。
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Five leaders of the Civil Rights Movement in 1965.
1965 年民权运动的五位领导人。
From left: Bayard Rustin, Andrew Young, N.Y.
左起：Bayard Rustin、Andrew Young，纽约
Congressman William Ryan, James Farmer, and John Lewis.
国会议员威廉·瑞安、詹姆斯·法默和约翰·刘易斯。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
On a May morning in 1964, President Johnson laid out a sweeping vision for a package of domestic reforms known as the Great Society.
1964 年 5 月的一个早晨，约翰逊总统提出了被称为“伟大社会”的一揽子国内改革的全面愿景。
Speaking before that year’s graduates of the University of Michigan, Johnson called for “an end to poverty and racial injustice” and challenged both the graduates and American people to “enrich and elevate our national life, and to advance the quality of our American civilization.” At its heart, he promised, the Great Society would uplift racially and economically disfranchised Americans, too long denied access to federal guarantees of equal democratic and economic opportunity, while simultaneously raising all Americans’ standards and quality of life.
约翰逊在密歇根大学当年的毕业生面前发表讲话，呼吁“结束贫困和种族不平等”，并向毕业生和美国人民提出挑战，“丰富和提升我们的国民生活，提高我们美国文明的质量”。他承诺，伟大社会的核心是提高在种族和经济上被剥夺公民权的美国人的地位，他们长期以来一直无法获得联邦对平等民主和经济机会的保障，同时提高所有美国人的标准和生活质量。
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The Great Society’s legislation was breathtaking in scope, and many of its programs and agencies are still with us today.
伟大社会的立法范围之广令人惊叹，其许多计划和机构至今仍然存在。
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 codified federal support for many of the civil rights movement’s goals by prohibiting job discrimination, abolishing the segregation of public accommodations, and providing vigorous federal oversight of southern states’ election laws in order to guarantee minority access to the ballot.
1964 年的《民权法案》和 1965 年的《投票权法案》通过禁止工作歧视、废除公共设施隔离以及对南部各州的选举法进行强有力的联邦监督以保证少数族裔获得投票权，将联邦政府对民权运动的许多目标的支持编入法典。
Ninety years after Reconstruction, these measures effectively ended Jim Crow.
重建九十年后，这些措施有效地结束了种族隔离。
Moreover, the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965–or the Hart-Celler Act–abolished the quota regime established by the 1924 Reed-Johnson Act.
此外，1965 年《移民和国籍法》（或《哈特-塞勒法》）废除了 1924 年《里德-约翰逊法》建立的配额制度。
American immigration, which had for more than four decades effectively barred legal immigration to the United States from anywhere other than Northern and Western Europe, finally opened the United States up to the world and forever reshaped the demographics of the nation.
四十多年来，美国移民实际上禁止了除北欧和西欧以外的任何地方的合法移民进入美国，但最终使美国向世界开放，并永远重塑了国家的人口结构。
In addition to civil rights and immigration, the Great Society took on a range of quality-of-life concerns that seemed suddenly solvable in a society of such affluence.
除了公民权利和移民之外，“伟大社会”还承担了一系列生活质量问题，这些问题在如此富裕的社会中似乎突然得到了解决。
It established the first federal food stamp program.
它制定了第一个联邦食品券计划。
Medicare and Medicaid would ensure access to quality medical care for the aged and poor.
医疗保险和医疗补助将确保老年人和穷人获得优质医疗服务。
In 1965, the Elementary and Secondary Education Act was the first sustained and significant federal investment in public education, totaling more than $1 billion.
1965 年，《中小学教育法案》是联邦对公共教育的第一项持续且重大的投资，总额超过 10 亿美元。
Significant funds were poured into colleges and universities.
大量资金投入到学院和大学。
The Great Society also established the National Endowment for the Arts and the National Endowment for the Humanities, federal investments in arts and letters that fund American cultural expression to this day.
伟大社会还设立了国家艺术基金会和国家人文基金会，联邦政府对艺术和文学的投资为美国的文化表达提供了资金。
While these programs persisted and even thrived, in the years immediately following this flurry of legislative activity, the national conversation surrounding Johnson’s domestic agenda largely focused on the $3 billion spent on War on Poverty programming within the Great Society’s Economic Opportunity Act (EOA) of 1964.
虽然这些计划持续存在甚至蓬勃发展，但在一系列立法活动之后的几年里，围绕约翰逊国内议程的全国性讨论主要集中在 1964 年《伟大社会经济机会法案》(EOA) 内用于反贫困计划的 30 亿美元。
No EOA program was more controversial than Community Action, considered the cornerstone antipoverty program.
没有哪个 EOA 计划比“社区行动”更具争议性，该计划被认为是反贫困计划的基石。
Johnson’s antipoverty planners felt that the key to uplifting disfranchised and impoverished Americans was involving poor and marginalized citizens in the actual administration of poverty programs, what they called “maximum feasible participation.” Community Action Programs would give disfranchised Americans a seat at the table in planning and executing federally funded programs that were meant to benefit them—a significant sea change in the nation’s efforts to confront poverty, which had historically relied on local political and business elites or charitable organizations for administration.
约翰逊的反贫困规划者认为，提高被剥夺公民权和贫困美国人的水平的关键是让贫困和边缘化公民参与贫困计划的实际管理，他们称之为“最大程度的可行参与”。社区行动计划将使被剥夺公民权的美国人在规划和执行旨在使他们受益的联邦资助计划中占有一席之地——这对国家应对贫困的努力来说是一个重大变化，而贫困历来依赖当地政治和商业精英或慈善组织进行管理。
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In fact, Johnson himself had never conceived of poor Americans running their own poverty programs.
事实上，约翰逊本人从未想到贫穷的美国人会运行自己的贫困计划。
While the president’s rhetoric offered a stirring vision of the future, he had singularly old-school notions for how his poverty policies would work.
尽管总统的言辞对未来提出了激动人心的愿景，但他对于贫困政策的运作方式却抱有非常老派的观念。
In contrast to “maximum feasible participation,” the president imagined a second New Deal: local elite-run public works camps that would instill masculine virtues in unemployed young men.
与“最大限度的可行参与”相反，总统设想了第二项新政：当地精英经营的公共工程营地，向失业的年轻人灌输男性美德。
Community Action almost entirely bypassed local administrations and sought to build grassroots civil rights and community advocacy organizations, many of which had originated in the broader civil rights movement.
社区行动几乎完全绕过地方行政部门，寻求建立草根民权和社区倡导组织，其中许多组织起源于更广泛的民权运动。
Despite widespread support for most Great Society programs, the War on Poverty increasingly became the focal point of domestic criticisms from the left and right.
尽管大多数伟大社会计划得到了广泛支持，但反贫困战争日益成为国内左翼和右翼批评的焦点。
On the left, frustrated Americans recognized the president’s resistance to further empowering poor minority communities and also assailed the growing war in Vietnam, the cost of which undercut domestic poverty spending.
在左翼方面，沮丧的美国人认识到总统拒绝进一步赋予贫困少数族裔社区权力，并批评越南战争日益加剧，其成本削弱了国内贫困支出。
As racial unrest and violence swept across urban centers, critics from the right lambasted federal spending for “unworthy” citizens.
随着种族骚乱和暴力席卷城市中心，右翼批评者痛斥联邦政府为“不值得”的公民支出。
Johnson had secured a series of meaningful civil rights laws, but then things began to stall.
约翰逊制定了一系列有意义的民权法，但随后事情开始陷入停滞。
Days after the ratification of the Voting Rights Act, race riots broke out in the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles.
《投票权法案》批准几天后，洛杉矶瓦茨社区爆发种族骚乱。
Rioting in Watts stemmed from local African American frustrations with residential segregation, police brutality, and racial profiling.
瓦茨的骚乱源于当地非裔美国人对居住隔离、警察暴力和种族定性的不满。
Waves of riots rocked American cities every summer thereafter.
此后每年夏天，美国城市都会发生一波又一波的骚乱。
Particularly destructive riots occurred in 1967—two summers later—in Newark and Detroit.
1967 年（两年后的夏天），纽瓦克和底特律发生了破坏性特别严重的骚乱。
Each resulted in deaths, injuries, arrests, and millions of dollars in property damage.
每一起事件都造成死亡、受伤、逮捕以及数百万美元的财产损失。
In spite of Black achievements, problems persisted for many African Americans.
尽管黑人取得了成就，但许多非裔美国人的问题仍然存在。
The phenomenon of “white flight”—when whites in metropolitan areas fled city centers for the suburbs—often resulted in resegregated residential patterns.
“白人逃亡”现象——大都市地区的白人逃离市中心前往郊区——往往会导致居住模式的重新隔离。
Limited access to economic and social opportunities in urban areas bred discord.
城市地区经济和社会机会有限导致了不和谐。
In addition to reminding the nation that the civil rights movement was a complex, ongoing event without a concrete endpoint, the unrest in northern cities reinforced the notion that the struggle did not occur solely in the South.
除了提醒全国民权运动是一个复杂的、持续的事件，没有具体的终点之外，北方城市的骚乱还强化了这样一种观念，即这场斗争不仅仅发生在南方。
Many Americans also viewed the riots as an indictment of the Great Society, President Johnson’s sweeping agenda of domestic programs that sought to remedy inner-city ills by offering better access to education, jobs, medical care, housing, and other forms of social welfare.
许多美国人还将骚乱视为对“伟大社会”的控诉，“伟大社会”是约翰逊总统推行的全面国内计划议程，旨在通过提供更好的教育、就业、医疗、住房和其他形式的社会福利来解决市中心的弊病。
The civil rights movement was never the same.
民权运动从来都不是一样的。
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The Civil Rights Acts, the Voting Rights Acts, and the War on Poverty provoked conservative resistance and were catalysts for the rise of Republicans in the South and West.
《民权法案》、《投票权法案》和《反贫困战争》激起了保守派的抵抗，并成为南部和西部共和党崛起的催化剂。
However, subsequent presidents and Congresses have left intact the bulk of the Great Society, including Medicare and Medicaid, food stamps, federal spending for arts and literature, and Head Start.
然而，随后的总统和国会完好无损地保留了伟大社会的大部分内容，包括医疗保险和医疗补助、食品券、联邦艺术和文学支出以及启蒙计划。
Even Community Action Programs, so fraught during their few short years of activity, inspired and empowered a new generation of minority and poverty community activists who had never before felt, as one put it, that “this government is with us.” 15
即使是社区行动计划，在其短短几年的活动中充满了挑战，也激励并赋予了新一代少数族裔和贫困社区活动人士权力，正如有人所说，他们以前从未感到“这个政府与我们同在”。 15
American involvement in the Vietnam War began during the postwar period of decolonization.
美国介入越南战争始于战后非殖民化时期。
The Soviet Union backed many nationalist movements across the globe, but the United States feared the expansion of communist influence and pledged to confront any revolutions aligned against Western capitalism.
苏联支持全球许多民族主义运动，但美国担心共产主义影响力的扩大，并承诺对抗任何反对西方资本主义的革命。
The Domino Theory—the idea that if a country fell to communism, then neighboring states would soon follow—governed American foreign policy.
多米诺骨牌理论——如果一个国家陷入共产主义，那么邻国很快就会效仿——主导着美国的外交政策。
After the communist takeover of China in 1949, the United States financially supported the French military’s effort to retain control over its colonies in Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos.
1949 年共产党接管中国后，美国在财政上支持法国军队保住其在越南、柬埔寨和老挝殖民地的控制权。
Between 1946 and 1954, France fought a counterinsurgency campaign against the nationalist Viet Minh forces led by Ho Chi Minh.
1946年至1954年间，法国对胡志明领导的民族主义越盟军队进行了平叛运动。
The United States assisted the French war effort with funds, arms, and advisors, but it was not enough.
美国为法国的战争提供了资金、武器和顾问援助，但这还不够。
On the eve of the Geneva Peace Conference in 1954, Viet Minh forces defeated the French army at Dien Bien Phu.
1954年日内瓦和会前夕，越盟军队在奠边府击败了法军。
The conference temporarily divided Vietnam into two separate states until UN-monitored elections occurred.
会议暂时将越南分为两个独立的国家，直到联合国监督的选举发生。
But the United States feared a communist electoral victory and blocked the elections.
但美国担心共产主义选举获胜并阻止了选举。
The temporary partition became permanent.
临时分区变成了永久分区。
The United States established the Republic of Vietnam, or South Vietnam, with the U.S.-backed Ngo Dinh Diem as prime minister.
美国建立了越南共和国，即南越，并由美国支持的吴庭艳担任总理。
Diem, who had lived in the United States, was a committed anticommunist.
曾居住在美国的吴庭艳是一位坚定的反共主义者。
Diem’s government, however, and its Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) could not contain the communist insurgency seeking the reunification of Vietnam.
然而，吴廷琰政府及其越南共和国陆军（ARVN）无法遏制寻求越南统一的共产主义叛乱。
The Americans provided weapons and support, but despite a clear numerical and technological advantage, South Vietnam stumbled before insurgent Vietcong (VC) units.
美国提供了武器和支持，但尽管南越在数量和技术上具有明显优势，但在叛乱的越共部队面前还是失败了。
Diem, a corrupt leader propped up by the American government with little domestic support, was assassinated in 1963.
吴庭艳是一位腐败领导人，受到美国政府的支持，国内支持很少，于 1963 年被暗杀。
A merry-go-round of military dictators followed as the situation in South Vietnam continued to deteriorate.
随着南越局势持续恶化，军事独裁者上台。
The American public, though, remained largely unaware of Vietnam in the early 1960s, even as President John F.
然而，尽管美国总统约翰·肯尼迪 (John F.
Kennedy deployed some sixteen thousand military advisors to help South Vietnam suppress a domestic communist insurgency.
肯尼迪派遣了大约一万六千名军事顾问帮助南越镇压国内的共产主义叛乱。
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This all changed in 1964.
这一切在 1964 年发生了改变。
On August 2, the USS Maddox reported incoming fire from North Vietnamese ships in the Gulf of Tonkin.
8 月 2 日，马多克斯号航空母舰报告北部湾北越船只开火。
Although the details of the incident are controversial, the Johnson administration exploited the event to provide a pretext for escalating American involvement in Vietnam.
尽管该事件的细节存在争议，但约翰逊政府利用该事件为美国升级介入越南提供了借口。
Congress passed the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, granting President Johnson the authority to deploy the American military to defend South Vietnam.
国会通过了北部湾决议，授予约翰逊总统部署美国军队保卫南越的权力。
U.S. Marines landed in Vietnam in March 1965, and the American ground war began.
1965 年 3 月，美国海军陆战队登陆越南，美国地面战争开始。
American forces under General William Westmoreland were tasked with defending South Vietnam against the insurgent VC and the regular North Vietnamese Army (NVA).
威廉·威斯特摩兰 (William Westmoreland) 将军领导下的美国军队的任务是保卫南越，对抗叛乱的越共和北越正规军 (NVA)。
But no matter how many troops the Americans sent or how many bombs they dropped, they could not win.
但无论美国人派出多少军队，投下多少炸弹，他们都无法获胜。
This was a different kind of war.
这是一场不同类型的战争。
Progress was not measured by cities won or territory taken but by body counts and kill ratios.
进展不是以赢得的城市或占领的领土来衡量，而是以死亡人数和杀戮率来衡量。
Although American officials like Westmoreland and secretary of defense Robert McNamara claimed a communist defeat was on the horizon, by 1968 half a million American troops were stationed in Vietnam, nearly twenty thousand had been killed, and the war was still no closer to being won.
尽管威斯特摩兰和国防部长罗伯特·麦克纳马拉等美国官员声称共产主义即将失败，但到 1968 年，已有 50 万美军驻扎在越南，近两万人被杀，战争仍然距离胜利还很远。
Protests, which would provide the backdrop for the American counterculture, erupted across the country.
全国各地爆发了抗议活动，这为美国反文化提供了背景。
Epitomizing the folk music and protest culture of 1960s youth, Joan Baez and Bob Dylan are pictured here singing together at the March on Washington in 1963.
照片中，琼·贝兹 (Joan Baez) 和鲍勃·迪伦 (Bob Dylan) 在 1963 年华盛顿游行中一起唱歌，象征着 20 世纪 60 年代青年的民间音乐和抗议文化。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
The 1960s wrought enormous cultural change.
20 世纪 60 年代带来了巨大的文化变革。
The United States that entered the decade looked and sounded little like the one that left it.
进入这个十年的美国看起来和听起来都与离开这个十年的美国相差甚远。
Rebellion rocked the supposedly hidebound conservatism of the 1950s as the youth counterculture became mainstream.
随着青年反主流文化成为主流，叛逆动摇了 20 世纪 50 年代所谓的墨守成规的保守主义。
Native Americans, Chicanos, women, and environmentalists participated in movements demonstrating that rights activism could be applied to ethnicity, gender, and nature.
美洲原住民、奇卡诺人、妇女和环保主义者参加了运动，表明权利行动主义可以应用于种族、性别和自然。
Even established religious institutions such as the Catholic Church underwent transformations, emphasizing freedom and tolerance.
甚至天主教会等既定的宗教机构也经历了转变，强调自由和宽容。
In each instance, the decade brought substantial progress and evidence that activism remained fluid and unfinished.
在每一个例子中，这十年都带来了实质性进展，并有证据表明激进主义仍然不稳定且尚未完成。
Much of the counterculture was filtered through popular culture and consumption.
许多反主流文化是通过流行文化和消费过滤出来的。
The fifties consumer culture still saturated the country, and advertisers continued to appeal to teenagers and the expanding youth market.
五十年代的消费文化仍然在全国饱和，广告商继续吸引青少年和不断扩大的青年市场。
During the 1960s, though, advertisers looked to a growing counterculture to sell their products.
然而，在 20 世纪 60 年代，广告商希望通过日益增长的反主流文化来销售他们的产品。
Popular culture and popular advertising in the 1950s had promoted an ethos of “fitting in” and buying products to conform.
20 世纪 50 年代的流行文化和流行广告宣扬了一种“融入”和购买产品来顺应潮流的风气。
The new countercultural ethos touted individuality and rebellion.
新的反文化风气宣扬个性和反叛。
Some advertisers were subtle; ads for Volkswagens (VWs) acknowledged the flaws and strange look of their cars.
有些广告商很狡猾；有些则很狡猾。大众汽车 (VW) 的广告承认了其汽车的缺陷和奇怪的外观。
One ad read, “Presenting America’s slowest fastback,” which “won’t go over 72 mph even though the speedometer shows a wildly optimistic top speed of 90.” Another stated, “And if you run out of gas, it’s easy to push.” By marketing the car’s flaws and reframing them as positive qualities, the advertisers commercialized young people’s resistance to commercialism, while simultaneously positioning the VW as a car for those wanting to stand out in a crowd.
一则广告上写道，“展示美国最慢的快背车”，“尽管车速表显示的最高时速令人乐观地达到 90 英里，但它的速度不会超过 72 英里/小时。”另一个人说，“如果你没油了，就很容易推动。”通过宣传汽车的缺陷并将其重新塑造为积极的品质，广告商将年轻人对商业主义的抵制商业化，同时将大众汽车定位为一款适合那些想要在人群中脱颖而出的人的汽车。
A more obviously countercultural ad for the VW Bug showed two cars: one black and one painted multicolor in the hippie style; the contrasting captions read, “We do our thing,” and “You do yours.”
大众 Bug 的一个更明显的反文化广告展示了两辆车：一辆是黑色的，一辆是嬉皮风格的彩色车；一辆是黑色的，一辆是嬉皮风格的彩色车；对比鲜明的标题写着“我们做我们的事”和“你做你的事”。
Companies marketed their products as countercultural in and of themselves.
公司将其产品本身作为反文化进行营销。
One of the more obvious examples was a 1968 ad from Columbia Records, a hugely successful record label since the 1920s.
更明显的例子之一是哥伦比亚唱片公司 (Columbia Records) 1968 年的一则广告，该唱片公司是 20 年代以来非常成功的唱片公司。
The ad pictured a group of stock rebellious characters—a shaggy-haired white hippie, a buttoned-up Beat, two biker types, and a Black jazz man sporting an Afro—in a jail cell.
广告描绘了一群典型的叛逆人物——一个头发蓬乱的白人嬉皮士、一个保守的垮掉派、两个骑自行车的人，以及一个留着爆炸头的黑人爵士乐手——关在牢房里。
The counterculture had been busted, the ad states, but “the man can’t bust our music.” Merely buying records from Columbia was an act of rebellion, one that brought the buyer closer to the counterculture figures portrayed in the ad.
广告称，反主流文化已经被摧毁，但“这个人无法摧毁我们的音乐。”仅仅从哥伦比亚购买唱片就是一种叛逆行为，这种行为让买家更接近广告中描绘的反主流文化人物。
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But it wasn’t just advertising: the culture was changing and changing rapidly.
但这不仅仅是广告：文化正在迅速变化。
Conservative cultural norms were falling everywhere.
保守的文化规范到处都在瓦解。
The dominant style of women’s fashion in the 1950s, for instance, was the poodle skirt and the sweater, tight-waisted and buttoned up.
例如，20世纪50年代女性时尚的主导风格是贵宾犬裙和紧身毛衣，扣子扣紧。
The 1960s ushered in an era of much less restrictive clothing.
20 世纪 60 年代迎来了一个服装限制大大减少的时代。
Capri pants became popular casual wear.
卡普里裤成为流行的休闲装。
Skirts became shorter.
裙子变短了。
When Mary Quant invented the miniskirt in 1964, she said it was a garment “in which you could move, in which you could run and jump.” 18 By the late 1960s, the hippies’ more androgynous look became trendy.
当 Mary Quant 于 1964 年发明迷你裙时，她说这是一件“你可以在里面移动、可以跑、可以跳”的服装。 18 到 20 世纪 60 年代末，嬉皮士中性化的造型开始流行。
Such trends bespoke the new popular ethos of the 1960s: freedom, rebellion, and individuality.
这些趋势预示着 20 世纪 60 年代新的流行精神：自由、叛逆和个性。
In a decade plagued by social and political instability, the American counterculture also sought psychedelic drugs as its remedy for alienation.
在受到社会和政治不稳定困扰的十年里，美国反主流文化也寻求迷幻药物作为疏离感的补救措施。
For middle-class white teenagers, society had become stagnant and bureaucratic.
对于中产阶级白人青少年来说，社会已经变得停滞和官僚化。
The New Left, for instance, arose on college campuses frustrated with the lifeless bureaucracies that they believed strangled true freedom.
例如，新左派兴起于大学校园，他们对死气沉沉的官僚机构感到沮丧，他们认为官僚机构扼杀了真正的自由。
Lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD) began its life as a drug used primarily in psychological research before trickling down into college campuses and out into society at large.
麦角酸二乙酰胺 (LSD) 最初是一种主要用于心理学研究的药物，后来逐渐进入大学校园并进入整个社会。
The counterculture’s notion that American stagnation could be remedied by a spiritual-psychedelic experience drew heavily from psychologists and sociologists.
反主流文化认为美国的停滞可以通过精神迷幻体验来补救，这一观点在很大程度上来自心理学家和社会学家。
The popularity of these drugs also spurred a political backlash.
这些药物的流行也引发了政治上的强烈反对。
By 1966, enough incidents had been connected to LSD to spur a Senate hearing on the drug, and newspapers were reporting that hundreds of LSD users had been admitted to psychiatric wards.
到 1966 年，与 LSD 有关的事件已经足够多，促使参议院就该药物举行听证会，报纸报道称，数百名 LSD 使用者已被送进精神病房。
The counterculture conquered popular culture.
反主流文化征服了流行文化。
Rock ’n’ roll, liberalized sexuality, an embrace of diversity, recreational drug use, unalloyed idealism, and pure earnestness marked a new generation.
摇滚乐、自由化的性行为、对多样性的拥抱、消遣性毒品的使用、纯粹的理想主义和纯粹的真诚标志着新一代。
Criticized by conservatives as culturally dangerous and by leftists as empty narcissism, the youth culture nevertheless dominated headlines and steered American culture.
尽管被保守派批评为文化危险，被左翼人士批评为空洞的自恋，但青年文化仍然占据着头条新闻并引导着美国文化。
Perhaps one hundred thousand youth descended on San Francisco for the utopic promise of 1967’s Summer of Love.
也许有十万名年轻人来到旧金山，追求 1967 年《爱之夏》的乌托邦承诺。
1969’s Woodstock concert in New York became shorthand for the new youth culture and its mixture of politics, protest, and personal fulfillment.
1969 年纽约伍德斯托克音乐会成为新青年文化及其政治、抗议和个人成就的混合体的缩影。
While the ascendance of the hippies would be both exaggerated and short-lived, and while Vietnam and Richard Nixon shattered much of its idealism, the counterculture’s liberated social norms and its embrace of personal fulfillment still define much of American culture.
尽管嬉皮士的崛起既被夸大又短暂，尽管越南战争和理查德·尼克松粉碎了其大部分理想主义，但反主流文化的解放社会规范和对个人成就的拥抱仍然定义了美国文化的大部分。
Despite substantial legislative achievements, frustrations with the slow pace of change grew.
尽管取得了巨大的立法成就，但对变革步伐缓慢的不满情绪却与日俱增。
Tensions continued to mount in cities, and the tone of the civil rights movement changed yet again.
城市中的紧张局势继续加剧，民权运动的基调再次发生变化。
Activists became less conciliatory in their calls for progress.
活动人士在呼吁进步方面变得不那么和解。
Many embraced the more militant message of the burgeoning Black Power Movement and Malcolm X, a Nation of Islam (NOI) minister who encouraged African Americans to pursue freedom, equality, and justice by “any means necessary.” Prior to his death in 1965, Malcolm X and the NOI emerged as the radical alternative to the racially integrated, largely Protestant approach of Martin Luther King Jr. Malcolm advocated armed resistance in defense of the safety and well-being of Black Americans, stating, “I don’t call it violence when it’s self-defense, I call it intelligence.” For his part, King and leaders from more mainstream organizations like the NAACP and the Urban League criticized both Malcolm X and the NOI for what they perceived to be racial demagoguery.
许多人接受了蓬勃发展的黑人权力运动和伊斯兰民族组织 (NOI) 部长马尔科姆·X 所传达的更具战斗性的信息，马尔科姆·X 鼓励非裔美国人通过“一切必要手段”追求自由、平等和正义。在 1965 年去世之前，马尔科姆·X 和 NOI 成为小马丁·路德·金种族融合、主要是新教方法的激进替代者。马尔科姆主张武装抵抗，以捍卫美国黑人的安全和福祉，他说：“当自卫时，我不称之为暴力，我称之为情报。”就金而言，他和来自全国有色人种协进会和城市联盟等更主流组织的领导人批评马尔科姆·X 和 NOI 的种族煽动行为。
King believed Malcolm X’s speeches were a “great disservice” to Black Americans, claiming that they lamented the problems of African Americans without offering solutions.
金认为马尔科姆·X 的演讲对美国黑人来说是“极大的伤害”，声称他们对非洲裔美国人的问题表示哀叹，却没有提供解决方案。
The differences between King and Malcolm X represented a core ideological tension that would inhabit Black political thought throughout the 1960s and 1970s.
金和马尔科姆 X 之间的分歧代表了一种核心意识形态的紧张关系，这种紧张关系将贯穿 20 世纪 60 年代和 1970 年代的黑人政治思想。
19
19
Like Booker T.
就像布克·T.
Washington and W.
华盛顿和W.
E.
E.
B.
B.
Du Bois before them, Martin Luther King Jr., and Malcolm X, pictured here in 1964, represented different strategies to achieve racial justice.
他们面前的杜波依斯、小马丁·路德·金和马尔科姆·X（照片拍摄于 1964 年）代表了实现种族正义的不同策略。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
The Black Panther Party used radical and incendiary tactics to bring attention to the continued oppression of Black Americans.
黑豹党使用激进和煽动性的策略来引起人们对美国黑人持续受压迫的关注。
This 1970 poster captures their outlook.
这张 1970 年的海报反映了他们的观点。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Carmichael asserted that “black power means black people coming together to form a political force.” 21 To others it also meant violence.
卡迈克尔断言，“黑人权力意味着黑人聚集在一起形成一股政治力量”。 21 对于其他人来说，这也意味着暴力。
In 1966, Huey Newton and Bobby Seale formed the Black Panther Party in Oakland, California.
1966 年，休伊·牛顿 (Huey Newton) 和鲍比·西尔 (Bobby Seale) 在加利福尼亚州奥克兰成立了黑豹党。
The Black Panthers became the standard-bearers for direct action and self-defense, using the concept of decolonization in their drive to liberate Black communities from white power structures.
黑豹党成为直接行动和自卫的旗手，利用非殖民化概念将黑人社区从白人权力结构中解放出来。
The revolutionary organization also sought reparations and exemptions for Black men from the military draft.
该革命组织还为黑人寻求赔偿和免除兵役。
Citing police brutality and racist governmental policies, the Black Panthers aligned themselves with the “other people of color in the world” against whom America was fighting abroad.
黑豹党以警察暴行和政府种族主义政策为由，与美国在海外作战的“世界上其他有色人种”结盟。
Although it was perhaps most well known for its open display of weapons, military-style dress, and Black nationalist beliefs, the party’s 10-Point Plan also included employment, housing, and education.
尽管该党最著名的可能是公开展示武器、军装和黑人民族主义信仰，但该党的十点计划还包括就业、住房和教育。
The Black Panthers worked in local communities to run “survival programs” that provided food, clothing, medical treatment, and drug rehabilitation.
黑豹党在当地社区开展“生存计划”，提供食物、衣服、医疗和戒毒康复。
They focused on modes of resistance that empowered Black activists on their own terms.
他们关注的是赋予黑人活动家按照自己的条件赋予权力的抵抗模式。
22
22
But African Americans weren’t the only Americans struggling to assert themselves in the 1960s.
但非裔美国人并不是 20 世纪 60 年代唯一努力维护自己权利的美国人。
The successes of the civil rights movement and growing grassroots activism inspired countless new movements.
民权运动的成功和不断增长的草根激进主义激发了无数新的运动。
In the summer of 1961, for instance, frustrated Native American university students founded the National Indian Youth Council (NIYC) to draw attention to the plight of Indigenous Americans.
例如，1961 年夏天，沮丧的美国原住民大学生成立了全国印第安青年委员会 (NIYC)，以引起人们对美国原住民困境的关注。
In the Pacific Northwest, the council advocated for tribal fisherman to retain immunity from conservation laws on reservations and in 1964 held a series of “fish-ins”: activists and celebrities cast nets and waited for the police to arrest them.
在太平洋西北地区，该委员会主张部落渔民保留保留地保护法的豁免权，并于 1964 年举行了一系列“钓鱼活动”：活动人士和名人撒网等待警察逮捕。
23 The NIYC’s militant rhetoric and use of direct action marked the beginning of what was called the Red Power movement, an intertribal movement designed to draw attention to Native issues and to protest discrimination.
23 NIYC 的激进言论和直接行动标志着所谓红色权力运动的开始，这是一场旨在引起人们对原住民问题的关注并抗议歧视的部落间运动。
The American Indian Movement (AIM) and other activists staged dramatic demonstrations.
美国印第安人运动（AIM）和其他活动人士举行了戏剧性的示威活动。
In November 1969, dozens began a year-and-a-half-long occupation of the abandoned Alcatraz Island in San Francisco Bay.
1969 年 11 月，数十人开始占领旧金山湾废弃的恶魔岛，长达一年半的时间。
In 1973, hundreds occupied the town of Wounded Knee, South Dakota, site of the infamous 1890 massacre, for several months.
1973 年，数百人占领了南达科他州受伤膝镇（1890 年臭名昭著的大屠杀发生地）长达数月之久。
24
24
Meanwhile, the Chicano movement in the 1960s emerged out of the broader Mexican American civil rights movement of the post–World War II era.
与此同时，20 世纪 60 年代的奇卡诺运动脱胎于二战后更广泛的墨西哥裔美国民权运动。
The word Chicano was initially considered a derogatory term for Mexican immigrants, until activists in the 1960s reclaimed the term and used it as a catalyst to campaign for political and social change among Mexican Americans.
Chicano 这个词最初被认为是对墨西哥移民的贬义词，直到 20 世纪 60 年代的活动人士重新使用这个词，并将其用作墨西哥裔美国人政治和社会变革运动的催化剂。
The Chicano movement confronted discrimination in schools, politics, agriculture, and other formal and informal institutions.
奇卡诺运动在学校、政治、农业以及其他正式和非正式机构中面临歧视。
Organizations like the Mexican American Political Association (MAPA) and the Mexican American Legal Defense Fund (MALDF) buoyed the Chicano movement and patterned themselves after similar influential groups in the African American civil rights movement.
墨西哥裔美国人政治协会 (MAPA) 和墨西哥裔美国人法律辩护基金会 (MALDF) 等组织支持了奇卡诺运动，并效仿非裔美国民权运动中类似的有影响力的团体。
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25
Cesar Chavez became the most well-known figure of the Chicano movement, using nonviolent tactics to campaign for workers’ rights in the grape fields of California.
塞萨尔·查韦斯 (Cesar Chavez) 成为奇卡诺运动中最著名的人物，他利用非暴力策略为加州葡萄田的工人争取权利。
Chavez and activist Dolores Huerta founded the National Farm Workers Association, which eventually merged and became the United Farm Workers of America (UFWA).
查韦斯和活动家多洛雷斯·韦尔塔创立了全国农场工人协会，该协会最终合并成为美国农场工人联合会（UFWA）。
The UFWA fused the causes of Chicano and Filipino activists protesting the subpar working conditions of California farmers on American soil.
UFWA 将奇卡诺和菲律宾活动人士的事业融合在一起，抗议加州农民在美国土地上的恶劣工作条件。
In addition to embarking on a hunger strike and a boycott of table grapes, Chavez led a three-hundred-mile march in March and April 1966 from Delano, California, to the state capital of Sacramento.
除了进行绝食抗议和抵制鲜食葡萄外，查韦斯还在 1966 年 3 月和 4 月领导了从加利福尼亚州德拉诺到州首府萨克拉门托的三百英里游行。
The pro-labor campaign garnered the national spotlight and the support of prominent political figures such as Robert Kennedy.
支持劳工的运动赢得了全国的关注和罗伯特·肯尼迪等著名政治人物的支持。
Today, Chavez’s birthday (March 31) is observed as a federal holiday in California, Colorado, and Texas.
今天，查韦斯的生日（3 月 31 日）在加利福尼亚州、科罗拉多州和德克萨斯州被定为联邦假日。
Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales was another activist whose calls for Chicano self-determination resonated long past the 1960s.
鲁道夫·“科基”·冈萨雷斯 (Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales) 是另一位活动家，他对奇卡诺自决的呼吁在 20 世纪 60 年代很久以前就引起了共鸣。
A former boxer and Denver native, Gonzales founded the Crusade for Justice in 1966, an organization that would establish the first annual Chicano Liberation Day at the National Chicano Youth Conference.
冈萨雷斯曾是一名拳击手，是丹佛人，他于 1966 年创立了“正义十字军”，该组织后来在全国奇卡诺青年大会上设立了第一个年度奇卡诺解放日。
The conference also yielded the Plan Espiritual de Aztlán, a Chicano nationalist manifesto that reflected Gonzales’s vision of Chicanos as a unified, historically grounded, all-encompassing group fighting against discrimination in the United States.
会议还产生了《阿兹特兰精神计划》，这是一份奇卡诺民族主义宣言，反映了冈萨雷斯对奇卡诺人的愿景，即奇卡诺人是一个统一的、有历史基础的、包罗万象的团体，在美国反对歧视。
By 1970, the Texas-based La Raza Unida political party had a strong foundation for promoting Chicano nationalism and continuing the campaign for Mexican American civil rights.
到 1970 年，总部位于德克萨斯州的拉拉扎联盟 (La Raza Unida) 政党在促进奇卡诺民族主义和继续争取墨西哥裔美国人的民权运动方面拥有了坚实的基础。
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26
The 1966 Rio Grande Valley Farm Workers March (“La Marcha”).
1966 年里奥格兰德河谷农场工人游行（“La Marcha”）。
August 27, 1966.
1966 年 8 月 27 日。
The University of Texas-San Antonio Libraries’ Special Collections (MS 360: E-0012-187-D-16)
德克萨斯大学圣安东尼奥分校图书馆的特藏（MS 360：E-0012-187-D-16）
An older generation of women who preferred to work within state institutions figured prominently in the early part of the decade.
在本世纪初，喜欢在国家机构工作的老一代女性占据了显着地位。
When John F.
当约翰·F.
Kennedy established the Presidential Commission on the Status of Women in 1961, former first lady Eleanor Roosevelt headed the effort.
肯尼迪于 1961 年成立了总统妇女地位委员会，前第一夫人埃莉诺·罗斯福领导了这项工作。
The commission’s official report, a self-declared “invitation to action,” was released in 1963.
该委员会的官方报告于 1963 年发布，是一份自我宣称的“行动邀请”。
Finding discriminatory provisions in the law and practices of industrial, labor, and governmental organizations, the commission advocated for “changes, many of them long overdue, in the conditions of women’s opportunity in the United States.” 27 Change was recommended in areas of employment practices, federal tax and benefit policies affecting women’s income, labor laws, and services for women as wives, mothers, and workers.
该委员会在工业、劳工和政府组织的法律和实践中发现了歧视性条款，主张“对美国妇女的机会条件进行变革，其中许多变革早就应该进行”。 27 建议在就业实践、影响妇女收入的联邦税收和福利政策、劳动法以及为妇女作为妻子、母亲和工人提供的服务等领域进行变革。
This call for action, if heeded, would ameliorate the types of discrimination primarily experienced by middle-class and elite white working women, all of whom were used to advocating through institutional structures like government agencies and unions.
这一行动呼吁如果得到重视，将改善主要由中产阶级和精英白人职业女性所经历的歧视类型，她们所有人都习惯于通过政府机构和工会等制度结构进行倡导。
28 The specific concerns of poor and nonwhite women lay largely beyond the scope of the report.
28 贫困妇女和非白人妇女的具体关切很大程度上超出了报告的范围。
Betty Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique hit bookshelves the same year the commission released its report.
贝蒂·弗里丹 (Betty Friedan) 的《女性的奥秘》(The Feminine Mystique) 在委员会发布报告的同一年上架。
Friedan had been active in the union movement and was by this time a mother in the new suburban landscape of postwar America.
弗里丹一直积极参与工会运动，此时已成为战后美国新郊区的母亲。
In her book, Friedan labeled the “problem that has no name,” and in doing so helped many white middle-class American women come to see their dissatisfaction as housewives not as something “wrong with [their] marriage, or [themselves],” but instead as a social problem experienced by millions of American women.
弗里丹在她的书中将这个问题称为“无名的问题”，并以此帮助许多美国中产阶级白人女性认识到她们作为家庭主妇的不满不是“[她们的]婚姻或[她们自己]的问题”，而是数百万美国女性经历的社会问题。
Friedan observed that there was a “discrepancy between the reality of our lives as women and the image to which we were trying to conform, the image I call the feminine mystique.” No longer would women allow society to blame the “problem that has no name” on a loss of femininity, too much education, or too much female independence and equality with men.
弗里丹观察到，“作为女性，我们的生活现实与我们试图遵循的形象（我称之为女性神秘感的形象）之间存在着差异。”妇女不再允许社会将“无名问题”归咎于女性气质的丧失、教育程度过高或女性独立性和与男性的平等程度过高。
29
29
The 1960s also saw a different group of women pushing for change in government policy.
20 世纪 60 年代，还有一群不同的女性推动政府政策的变革。
Mothers on welfare began to form local advocacy groups in addition to the National Welfare Rights Organization, founded in 1966.
除了 1966 年成立的国家福利权利组织之外，领取福利的母亲们也开始组建当地的倡导团体。
Mostly African American, these activists fought for greater benefits and more control over welfare policy and implementation.
这些活动人士大多是非裔美国人，他们为争取更大的利益以及对福利政策和实施的更多控制而奋斗。
Women like Johnnie Tillmon successfully advocated for larger grants for school clothes and household equipment in addition to gaining due process and fair administrative hearings prior to termination of welfare entitlements.
像约翰尼·蒂尔蒙（Johnnie Tillmon）这样的女性，除了在终止福利权利之前获得正当程序和公平的行政听证会外，还成功主张为校服和家用设备提供更多补助。
Yet another mode of feminist activism was the formation of consciousness-raising groups.
女权主义行动的另一种模式是组建意识提升团体。
These groups met in women’s homes and at women’s centers, providing a safe environment for women to discuss everything from experiences of gender discrimination to pregnancy, from relationships with men and women to self-image.
这些团体在妇女之家和妇女中心举行会议，为妇女提供一个安全的环境，让她们讨论从性别歧视经历到怀孕、从男女关系到自我形象等一切问题。
The goal of consciousness-raising was to increase self-awareness and validate the experiences of women.
提高意识的目标是提高自我意识并验证妇女的经历。
Groups framed such individual experiences as examples of society-wide sexism, and claimed that “the personal is political.” 30 Consciousness-raising groups created a wealth of personal stories that feminists could use in other forms of activism and crafted networks of women from which activists could mobilize support for protests.
一些团体将此类个人经历视为全社会性别歧视的例子，并声称“个人就是政治”。 30 个意识提升团体创造了大量个人故事，女权主义者可以将这些故事用于其他形式的激进主义，并精心打造了女性网络，激进分子可以从中动员对抗议的支持。
The end of the decade was marked by the Women’s Strike for Equality, celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of women’s right to vote.
妇女争取平等罢工标志着这个十年的结束，庆祝妇女投票权五十周年。
Sponsored by the National Organization for Women (NOW), the 1970 protest focused on employment discrimination, political equality, abortion, free childcare, and equality in marriage.
1970 年的抗议活动由全国妇女组织 (NOW) 赞助，重点关注就业歧视、政治平等、堕胎、免费儿童保育和婚姻平等。
All of these issues foreshadowed the backlash against feminist goals in the 1970s.
所有这些问题都预示着 20 世纪 70 年代对女权主义目标的强烈抵制。
Not only would feminism face opposition from other women who valued the traditional homemaker role to which feminists objected, the feminist movement would also fracture internally as minority women challenged white feminists’ racism and lesbians vied for more prominence within feminist organizations.
女权主义不仅会面临其他重视女权主义者所反对的传统家庭主妇角色的女性的反对，而且随着少数族裔妇女挑战白人女权主义者的种族主义以及女同性恋者在女权主义组织中争夺更重要的地位，女权运动也会在内部分裂。
The women’s movement stalled during the 1930s and 1940s, but by the 1960s it was back in full force.
妇女运动在 20 世纪 30 年代和 1940 年代陷入停滞，但到了 1960 年代又全面卷土重来。
Inspired by the civil rights movement and fed up with gender discrimination, women took to the streets to demand their rights as American citizens.
受到民权运动的启发，并厌倦了性别歧视，妇女走上街头，要求她们作为美国公民的权利。
Here, women march during the “Women’s Strike for Equality,” a nationwide protest launched on the 50th anniversary of women’s suffrage.
在这里，妇女们在“妇女争取平等罢工”中游行，这是一场为纪念妇女选举权 50 周年而发起的全国性抗议活动。
Photograph, August 26, 1970.
照片，1970 年 8 月 26 日。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
American environmentalism’s significant gains during the 1960s emerged in part from Americans’ recreational use of nature.
美国环保主义在 20 世纪 60 年代取得的重大成就部分源于美国人对自然的娱乐性利用。
Postwar Americans backpacked, went to the beach, fished, and joined birding organizations in greater numbers than ever before.
战后，背包客、去海滩、钓鱼和加入观鸟组织的美国人比以往任何时候都多。
These experiences, along with increased formal education, made Americans more aware of threats to the environment and, consequently, to themselves.
这些经历，加上正规教育的增加，使美国人更加意识到环境所面临的威胁，从而也意识到自己所面临的威胁。
Many of these threats increased in the postwar years as developers bulldozed open space for suburbs and new hazards emerged from industrial and nuclear pollutants.
战后，随着开发商推平郊区的开放空间，以及工业和核污染物带来的新危害，其中许多威胁有所增加。
By the time that biologist Rachel Carson published her landmark book, Silent Spring , in 1962, a nascent environmentalism had emerged in America.
1962 年，生物学家雷切尔·卡森 (Rachel Carson) 出版了她具有里程碑意义的著作《寂静的春天》时，美国已经出现了新生的环保主义。
Silent Spring stood out as an unparalleled argument for the interconnectedness of ecological and human health.
《寂静的春天》是生态与人类健康相互关联性的无与伦比的论据。
Pesticides, Carson argued, also posed a threat to human health, and their overuse threatened the ecosystems that supported food production.
卡森认为，农药也对人类健康构成威胁，其过度使用威胁到支持粮食生产的生态系统。
Carson’s argument was compelling to many Americans, including President Kennedy, but was virulently opposed by chemical industries that suggested the book was the product of an emotional woman, not a scientist.
卡森的论点对包括肯尼迪总统在内的许多美国人来说很有吸引力，但遭到了化学工业的强烈反对，他们认为这本书是一位情感丰富的女性而不是科学家的产物。
31
31
After Silent Spring , the social and intellectual currents of environmentalism continued to expand rapidly, culminating in the largest demonstration in history, Earth Day, on April 22, 1970, and in a decade of lawmaking that significantly restructured American government.
《寂静的春天》之后，环保主义的社会和知识潮流继续迅速扩张，最终在 1970 年 4 月 22 日地球日这一历史上最大规模的示威活动中达到顶峰，并在十年的立法过程中对美国政府进行了重大重组。
Even before the massive gathering for Earth Day, lawmakers from the local to the federal level had pushed for and achieved regulations to clean up the air and water.
甚至在地球日大规模集会之前，从地方到联邦的立法者就已经推动并制定了清洁空气和水的法规。
President Richard Nixon signed the National Environmental Policy Act into law in 1970, requiring environmental impact statements for any project directed or funded by the federal government.
理查德·尼克松 (Richard Nixon) 总统于 1970 年签署《国家环境政策法案》成为法律，要求联邦政府指导或资助的任何项目都必须发表环境影响报告。
He also created the Environmental Protection Agency, the first agency charged with studying, regulating, and disseminating knowledge about the environment.
他还创建了环境保护局，这是第一个负责研究、监管和传播环境知识的机构。
A raft of laws followed that were designed to offer increased protection for air, water, endangered species, and natural areas.
随后出台了一系列法律，旨在加强对空气、水、濒危物种和自然区域的保护。
The decade’s activism manifested across the world.
这十年来的激进主义在世界各地得到体现。
It even affected the Catholic Church.
它甚至影响了天主教会。
The Second Vatican Council, called by Pope John XXIII to modernize the church and bring it in closer dialogue with the non-Catholic world, operated from 1962 to 1965, when it proclaimed multiple reforms, including the vernacular mass (mass in local languages, rather than in Latin) and a greater role for laypeople, and especially women, in the Church.
梵蒂冈第二次大公会议由教皇约翰二十三世号召，旨在实现教会现代化，并使其与非天主教世界进行更密切的对话，该大公会议于 1962 年至 1965 年间举行，当时宣布了多项改革，包括白话弥撒（用当地语言而不是拉丁语进行弥撒）以及平信徒（尤其是妇女）在教会中发挥更大的作用。
Many Catholic churches adopted more informal, contemporary styles.
许多天主教堂采用了更加非正式的现代风格。
Many conservative Catholics recoiled at what they perceived as rapid and dangerous changes, but Vatican II’s reforms in many ways created the modern Catholic Church.
许多保守的天主教徒对他们认为的快速而危险的变化感到退缩，但梵蒂冈二世的改革在很多方面创造了现代天主教会。
In 1969, Americans hailed the moon landing as a profound victory in the space race against the Soviet Union.
1969年，美国人称赞登月是在与苏联的太空竞赛中取得的重大胜利。
This landmark achievement fulfilled the promise of the late John F.
这一里程碑式的成就实现了已故约翰·F·肯尼迪的承诺。
Kennedy, who had declared in 1961 that the United States would put a man on the moon by the end of the decade.
肯尼迪于 1961 年宣布美国将在本世纪末将人类送上月球。
But while Neil Armstrong said his steps marked “one giant leap for mankind,” and Americans marveled at the achievement, the brief moment of wonder only punctuated years of turmoil.
然而，尽管尼尔·阿姆斯特朗说他的脚步标志着“人类的一次巨大飞跃”，美国人也对这一成就感到惊叹，但短暂的惊叹只是打断了多年的动荡。
The Vietnam War disillusioned a generation, riots rocked cities, protests hit campuses, and assassinations robbed the nation of many of its leaders.
越南战争让一代人的理想幻灭，骚乱席卷城市，抗议活动席卷校园，暗杀行动夺走了国家许多领导人的生命。
The forward-thinking spirit of a complex decade had waned.
复杂十年的前瞻性思维精神已经减弱。
Uncertainty loomed.
不确定性隐现。
1.
1.
Barry Goldwater, Republican Nomination Acceptance Speech (1964)
巴里·戈德华特，共和党提名接受演讲 (1964)
In 1964, Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona accepted the Republican Party’s nomination for the presidency.
1964年，亚利桑那州参议员巴里·戈德华特接受了共和党的总统提名。
In his speech, Goldwater refused to apologize for his strict conservative politics.
在演讲中，戈德华特拒绝为他严格的保守政治立场道歉。
“Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice,” he said, and “moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.”
他说：“捍卫自由的极端主义不是罪恶，追求正义的温和主义也不是美德。”
2.
2.
Lyndon Johnson on Voting Rights and the American Promise (1965)
林登·约翰逊论投票权和美国承诺 (1965)
On March 15, 1965, Lyndon Baines Johnson addressed a joint session of Congress to push for the Voting Rights Act.
1965 年 3 月 15 日，林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊在国会联席会议上发表讲话，推动投票权法案的通过。
In his speech, Johnson not only advocated policy, he borrowed the language of the civil rights movement and tied the movement to American history.
约翰逊在演讲中不仅宣扬政策，还借用了民权运动的语言，并将该运动与美国历史联系起来。
3.
3.
Lyndon Johnson, Howard University Commencement Address (1965)
林登·约翰逊，霍华德大学毕业典礼演讲（1965 年）
On June 4, 1965, President Johnson delivered the commencement address at Howard University, the nation’s most prominent historically Black university.
1965 年 6 月 4 日，约翰逊总统在霍华德大学（美国历史上最著名的黑人大学）发表毕业典礼致辞。
In his address, Johnson explained why “opportunity” was not enough to ensure the civil rights of disadvantaged Americans.
约翰逊在讲话中解释了为什么“机会”不足以确保弱势美国人的公民权利。
4.
4.
National Organization for Women, “Statement of Purpose” (1966)
全国妇女组织，“目的声明”（1966 年）
The National Organization for Women was founded in 1966 by prominent American feminists, including Betty Friedan, Shirley Chisolm, and others.
全国妇女组织于 1966 年由贝蒂·弗里丹 (Betty Friedan)、雪莉·奇索姆 (Shirley Chisolm) 等著名美国女权主义者创立。
The organization’s “statement of purpose” laid out the goals of the organization and the targets of its feminist vision.
该组织的“宗旨声明”阐述了该组织的目标及其女权主义愿景的目标。
5.
5.
George M.
乔治·M。
Garcia, Vietnam Veteran, Oral Interview (2012/1969)
加西亚，越南退伍军人，口头采访（2012/1969）
In 2012, George Garcia sat down to be interviewed about his experiences as a corporal in the United States Marine Corps during the Vietnam War.
2012 年，乔治·加西亚 (George Garcia) 接受采访，讲述了他在越南战争期间作为美国海军陆战队下士的经历。
Alternating between English and Spanish, Garcia told of early life in Brownsville, Texas, his time as a U.S. Marine in Vietnam, and his experience coming home from the war.
加西亚交替使用英语和西班牙语讲述了他在德克萨斯州布朗斯维尔的早年生活、他作为美国海军陆战队员在越南的经历，以及他从战争中归来的经历。
The Port Huron Statement was a 1962 manifesto by the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), written primarily by student activist Tom Hayden, that proposed a new form of “participatory democracy” to rescue modern society from destructive militarism and cultural alienation.
休伦港声明是民主社会学生会 (SDS) 于 1962 年发表的宣言，主要由学生活动家汤姆·海登 (Tom Hayden) 撰写，提出了一种新形式的“参与式民主”，以将现代社会从破坏性的军国主义和文化异化中拯救出来。
7.
7.
Fannie Lou Hamer: Testimony at the Democratic National Convention 1964
范妮·卢·哈默 (Fannie Lou Hamer)：1964 年民主党全国代表大会上的证词
Civil rights activists struggled against the repressive violence of Mississippi’s racial regime.
民权活动人士与密西西比州种族政权的镇压暴力作斗争。
State NAACP head Medger Evers was murdered in 1963.
全国有色人种协进会 (NAACP) 州主席梅杰·埃弗斯 (Medger Evers) 于 1963 年被谋杀。
Freedom Summer activists tried to register Black voters in 1964.
1964 年，“自由之夏”活动人士试图登记黑人选民。
Three disappeared and were found murdered.
三人失踪并被发现被谋杀。
The Mississippi Democratic Party continued to disfranchise the state’s African American voters.
密西西比州民主党继续剥夺该州非裔美国选民的选举权。
Civil rights activist Fannie Lou Hamer co-founded the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) and traveled to the Democratic National Convention in 1964 to demand that the MFDP’s delegates, rather than the all-white Mississippi Democratic Party delegates, be seated in the convention.
民权活动人士范妮·卢·哈默 (Fannie Lou Hamer) 是密西西比州自由民主党 (MFDP) 的联合创始人，并于 1964 年前往民主党全国代表大会，要求在大会上占有 MFDP 代表的席位，而不是全是白人的密西西比民主党代表。
Although unsuccessful, her moving testimony was broadcast on national television and drew further attention to the plight of African Americans in the South.
尽管没有成功，但她感人的证词在国家电视台播出，并引起了人们对南方非裔美国人困境的进一步关注。
Civil rights activists protested against the injustice of segregation in a variety of ways.
民权活动人士以各种方式抗议种族隔离的不公正现象。
Here, in 1965, marchers, some carrying American flags, march from Selma to Montgomery, Alabama, to champion African American voting rights.
1965 年，游行者从塞尔玛游行到阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利，争取非裔美国人的投票权，其中一些人举着美国国旗。
As civil rights demonstrations rocked the American South, civil rights legislation made its way through Washington D.C. Here, President Lyndon B.
随着民权示威活动震撼美国南部，民权立法在华盛顿特区通过。总统林登·B·布什 (Lyndon B.
Johnson sits with civil rights leaders in the White House.
约翰逊在白宫与民权领袖坐在一起。
American popular feminism accelerated throughout the 1960s.
美国大众女权主义在整个 20 世纪 60 年代加速发展。
The slogan “Women’s Liberation” accompanied a growing women’s movement but also alarmed conservative Americans.
“妇女解放”的口号伴随着日益壮大的妇女运动，但也引起了保守的美国人的警惕。
In this 1970 photograph, women march during the “Women’s Strike for Equality,” a nationwide protest launched on the 50th anniversary of women’s suffrage, carrying signs reading, “Women Demand Equality,” “I’m a Second Class Citizen,” and “Women’s Liberation.”
在这张 1970 年的照片中，妇女们在“妇女争取平等罢工”中游行，这是一场为纪念妇女选举权 50 周年而发起的全国性抗议活动，她们举着写着“妇女要求平等”、“我是二等公民”和“妇女解放”的标语。
This chapter was edited by Samuel Abramson, with content contributions by Samuel Abramson, Marsha Barrett, Brent Cebul, Michell Chresfield, William Cossen, Jenifer Dodd, Michael Falcone, Leif Fredrickson, Jean-Paul de Guzman, Jordan Hill, William Kelly, Lucie Kyrova, Maria Montalvo, Emily Prifogle, Ansley Quiros, Tanya Roth, and Robert Thompson.
本章由 Samuel Abramson 编辑，内容贡献者包括 Samuel Abramson、Marsha Barrett、Brent Cebul、Michell Chresfield、William Cossen、Jenifer Dodd、Michael Falcone、Leif Fredrickson、Jean-Paul de Guzman、Jordan Hill、William Kelly、Lucie Kyrova、Maria Montalvo、Emily Prifogle、Ansley Quiros、Tanya Roth 和 Robert Thompson。
Recommended citation: Samuel Abramson et al., “The Sixties,” Samuel Abramson, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.
推荐引用：Samuel Abramson 等人，“六十年代”，Samuel Abramson 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。
Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).
约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。