The American Yawp

美国狂吠

· The American Yawp (Stanford open textbook) · 原文

Little Rock schools closed rather than allow integration.

小石城的学校关闭而不是允许融合。

This 1958 photograph shows an African American high school girl watching school lessons on television.

这张 1958 年的照片拍摄的是一名非洲裔美国高中女生正在电视上观看学校课程。

Library of Congress (LC-U9- 1525F-28).

美国国会图书馆 (LC-U9-1525F-28)。

* NOTE: You are viewing a chapter from the archived, “First Edition” version of the American Yawp, which stopped receiving updates in spring 2026.

* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。

Click here to access the current, updated edition *

单击此处访问当前的更新版本*

In 1958, Harvard economist and public intellectual John Kenneth Galbraith published The Affluent Society .

1958年，哈佛大学经济学家兼公共知识分子约翰·肯尼思·加尔布雷思出版了《富裕社会》。

Galbraith’s celebrated book examined America’s new post–World War II consumer economy and political culture.

加尔布雷思的这本著名著作审视了美国二战后新的消费经济和政治文化。

While noting the unparalleled riches of American economic growth, it criticized the underlying structures of an economy dedicated only to increasing production and the consumption of goods.

在注意到美国经济增长无与伦比的财富的同时，它批评了一个只致力于增加生产和商品消费的经济的基本结构。

Galbraith argued that the U.S. economy, based on an almost hedonistic consumption of luxury products, would inevitably lead to economic inequality as private-sector interests enriched themselves at the expense of the American public.

加尔布雷思认为，美国经济以近乎享乐主义的奢侈品消费为基础，将不可避免地导致经济不平等，因为私营部门的利益以牺牲美国公众的利益为代价来充实自己。

Galbraith warned that an economy where “wants are increasingly created by the process by which they are satisfied” was unsound, unsustainable, and, ultimately, immoral.

加尔布雷思警告说，“需求越来越多地通过满足需求的过程而产生”的经济是不健全、不可持续的，而且最终是不道德的。

“The Affluent Society,” he said, was anything but.

他说，“富裕社会”绝非如此。

While economists and scholars debate the merits of Galbraith’s warnings and predictions, his analysis was so insightful that the title of his book has come to serve as a ready label for postwar American society.

当经济学家和学者争论加尔布雷思的警告和预测的优点时，他的分析是如此富有洞察力，以至于他的书名已成为战后美国社会的现成标签。

In the two decades after the end of World War II, the American economy witnessed massive and sustained growth that reshaped American culture through the abundance of consumer goods.

第二次世界大战结束后的二十年里，美国经济实现了大规模持续增长，丰富的消费品重塑了美国文化。

Standards of living—across all income levels—climbed to unparalleled heights and economic inequality plummeted.

所有收入水平的生活水平都上升到了前所未有的高度，经济不平等大幅下降。

And yet, as Galbraith noted, the Affluent Society had fundamental flaws.

然而，正如加尔布雷思指出的那样，富裕社会存在根本缺陷。

The new consumer economy that lifted millions of Americans into its burgeoning middle class also reproduced existing inequalities.

新的消费经济将数百万美国人带入了新兴的中产阶级，但也重现了现有的不平等现象。

Women struggled to claim equal rights as full participants in American society.

妇女努力争取作为美国社会的充分参与者的平等权利。

The poor struggled to win access to good schools, good healthcare, and good jobs.

穷人努力争取获得好学校、良好医疗保健和好工作的机会。

The same suburbs that gave middle-class Americans new space left cities withering in spirals of poverty and crime and caused irreversible ecological disruptions.

为美国中产阶级提供新空间的郊区，却让城市因贫困和犯罪的螺旋式上升而衰落，并造成了不可逆转的生态破坏。

The Jim Crow South tenaciously defended segregation, and Black Americans and other minorities suffered discrimination all across the country.

种族隔离南方顽强地捍卫种族隔离，美国黑人和其他少数族裔在全国各地遭受歧视。

The contradictions of the Affluent Society defined the decade: unrivaled prosperity alongside persistent poverty, life-changing technological innovation alongside social and environmental destruction, expanded opportunity alongside entrenched discrimination, and new liberating lifestyles alongside a stifling conformity.

富裕社会的矛盾定义了这十年：无与伦比的繁荣与持续的贫困、改变生活的技术创新与社会和环境的破坏、扩大的机会与根深蒂固的歧视、新的解放生活方式与令人窒息的一致性。

The seeds of a suburban nation were planted in New Deal government programs.

新政政府计划中播下了郊区国家的种子。

At the height of the Great Depression, in 1932, some 250,000 households lost their property to foreclosure.

1932 年，大萧条最严重的时候，大约 25 万户家庭因丧失抵押品赎回权而失去了财产。

A year later, half of all U.S. mortgages were in default.

一年后，美国一半的抵押贷款出现违约。

The foreclosure rate stood at more than one thousand per day.

止赎率每天超过一千。

In response, FDR’s New Deal created the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC), which began purchasing and refinancing existing mortgages at risk of default.

作为回应，罗斯福新政创建了业主贷款公司（HOLC），该公司开始购买存在违约风险的现有抵押贷款并为其再融资。

The HOLC introduced the amortized mortgage, allowing borrowers to pay back interest and principal regularly over fifteen years instead of the then standard five-year mortgage that carried large balloon payments at the end of the contract.

HOLC 推出了摊销抵押贷款，允许借款人在十五年内定期偿还利息和本金，而不是当时标准的五年期抵押贷款，后者在合同结束时需要大量支付。

The HOLC eventually owned nearly one of every five mortgages in America.

HOLC 最终拥有美国近五分之一的抵押贷款。

Though homeowners paid more for their homes under this new system, home ownership was opened to the multitudes who could now gain residential stability, lower monthly mortgage payments, and accrue wealth as property values rose over time.

尽管在这种新制度下，房主为自己的房屋支付了更多费用，但住房所有权向大众开放，他们现在可以获得住房稳定性，降低每月抵押贷款付款，并随着房地产价值随着时间的推移而上涨，从而积累财富。

Additionally, the Federal Housing Administration (FHA), another New Deal organization, increased access to home ownership by insuring mortgages and protecting lenders from financial loss in the event of a default.

此外，另一个新政组织联邦住房管理局（FHA）通过为抵押贷款提供保险并保护贷款人在违约时免受经济损失，增加了获得住房所有权的机会。

Lenders, however, had to agree to offer low rates and terms of up to twenty or thirty years.

然而，贷款人必须同意提供低利率和长达二十年或三十年的期限。

Even more consumers could afford homes.

更多的消费者买得起房。

Though only slightly more than a third of homes had an FHA-backed mortgage by 1964, FHA loans had a ripple effect, with private lenders granting more and more home loans even to non-FHA-backed borrowers.

尽管到 1964 年只有略多于三分之一的家庭拥有 FHA 支持的抵押贷款，但 FHA 贷款产生了连锁反应，私人贷款机构甚至向非 FHA 支持的借款人发放了越来越多的住房贷款。

Government programs and subsidies like the HOLC and the FHA fueled the growth of home ownership and the rise of the suburbs.

HOLC 和 FHA 等政府计划和补贴推动了住房拥有量的增长和郊区的崛起。

Government spending during World War II pushed the United States out of the Depression and into an economic boom that would be sustained after the war by continued government spending.

第二次世界大战期间的政府支出使美国摆脱了大萧条，进入了经济繁荣，而战后持续的政府支出使经济繁荣得以维持。

Government expenditures provided loans to veterans, subsidized corporate research and development, and built the interstate highway system.

政府支出为退伍军人提供贷款，补贴企业研发，并建设州际高速公路系统。

In the decades after World War II, business boomed, unionization peaked, wages rose, and sustained growth buoyed a new consumer economy.

二战后的几十年里，商业蓬勃发展，工会化达到顶峰，工资上涨，持续增长提振了新的消费经济。

The Servicemen’s Readjustment Act (popularly known as the G.I.

《军人调整法案》（俗称《G.I.》）

Bill), passed in 1944, offered low-interest home loans, a stipend to attend college, loans to start a business, and unemployment benefits.

法案）于 1944 年通过，提供低息住房贷款、上大学的津贴、创业贷款和失业救济金。

The rapid growth of home ownership and the rise of suburban communities helped drive the postwar economic boom.

住房所有权的快速增长和郊区社区的兴起推动了战后经济繁荣。

Builders created sprawling neighborhoods of single-family homes on the outskirts of American cities.

建筑商在美国城市的郊区建造了庞大的单户住宅社区。

William Levitt built the first Levittown, the prototypical suburban community, in 1946 in Long Island, New York.

1946 年，威廉·莱维特 (William Levitt) 在纽约长岛建造了第一个莱维敦 (Levittown)，这是典型的郊区社区。

Purchasing large acreage, subdividing lots, and contracting crews to build countless homes at economies of scale, Levitt offered affordable suburban housing to veterans and their families.

莱维特购买大片土地，细分土地，并承包工作人员以规模经济建造无数房屋，为退伍军人及其家人提供负担得起的郊区住房。

Levitt became the prophet of the new suburbs, and his model of large-scale suburban development was duplicated by developers across the country.

莱维特成为新郊区的预言家，他的大规模郊区开发模式被全国各地的开发商复制。

The country’s suburban share of the population rose from 19.5 percent in 1940 to 30.7 percent by 1960.

该国郊区人口比例从 1940 年的 19.5% 上升到 1960 年的 30.7%。

Home ownership rates rose from 44 percent in 1940 to almost 62 percent in 1960.

住房拥有率从 1940 年的 44% 上升到 1960 年的近 62%。

Between 1940 and 1950, suburban communities with more than ten thousand people grew 22.1 percent, and planned communities grew at an astonishing rate of 126.1 percent.

1940年至1950年间，万人以上的郊区社区增长了22.1%，规划社区的增长速度更是惊人，高达126.1%。

4 As historian Lizabeth Cohen notes, these new suburbs “mushroomed in territorial size and the populations they harbored.” 5 Between 1950 and 1970, America’s suburban population nearly doubled to seventy-four million.

4 正如历史学家丽莎贝斯·科恩 (Lizabeth Cohen) 所指出的，这些新郊区“领土面积和人口都如雨后春笋般增长”。 5 1950 年至 1970 年间，美国郊区人口几乎翻了一番，达到 7400 万。

Eighty-three percent of all population growth occurred in suburban places.

百分之八十三的人口增长发生在郊区。

The postwar construction boom fed into countless industries.

战后的建筑热潮催生了无数行业。

As manufacturers converted from war materials back to consumer goods, and as the suburbs developed, appliance and automobile sales rose dramatically.

随着制造商从战争材料转向消费品，并且随着郊区的发展，家电和汽车的销售大幅增长。

Flush with rising wages and wartime savings, homeowners also used newly created installment plans to buy new consumer goods at once instead of saving for years to make major purchases.

随着工资的上涨和战时储蓄的增加，房主还使用新制定的分期付款计划立即购买新的消费品，而不是多年储蓄来进行大宗采购。

Credit cards, first issued in 1950, further increased access to credit.

信用卡于 1950 年首次发行，进一步增加了获得信贷的机会。

No longer stymied by the Depression or wartime restrictions, consumers bought countless washers, dryers, refrigerators, freezers, and, suddenly, televisions.

消费者不再受到大萧条或战时限制的阻碍，购买了无数的洗衣机、烘干机、冰箱、冰柜，突然之间，还购买了电视机。

The percentage of Americans that owned at least one television increased from 12 percent in 1950 to more than 87 percent in 1960.

至少拥有一台电视机的美国人比例从 1950 年的 12% 增加到 1960 年的 87% 以上。

This new suburban economy also led to increased demand for automobiles.

这种新的郊区经济也导致了汽车需求的增加。

The percentage of American families owning cars increased from 54 percent in 1948 to 74 percent in 1959.

美国家庭拥有汽车的比例从 1948 年的 54% 增加到 1959 年的 74%。

Motor fuel consumption rose from some twenty-two million gallons in 1945 to around fifty-nine million gallons in 1958.

汽车燃油消耗量从 1945 年的约 2200 万加仑增加到 1958 年的约 5900 万加仑。

On the surface, the postwar economic boom turned America into a land of abundance.

从表面上看，战后的经济繁荣使美国变成了一片富饶的土地。

For advantaged buyers, loans had never been easier to obtain, consumer goods had never been more accessible, single-family homes had never been so cheap, and well-paying jobs had never been more abundant.

对于有优势的买家来说，获得贷款从未如此容易，消费品从未如此容易获得，单户住宅从未如此便宜，高薪工作也从未如此丰富。

“If you had a college diploma, a dark suit, and anything between the ears,” a businessman later recalled, “it was like an escalator; you just stood there and you moved up.” 8 But the escalator did not serve everyone.

一位商人后来回忆说：“如果你有大学文凭，穿着深色西装，耳朵之间有任何东西，那就像是一部自动扶梯；你只要站在那里，就可以向上移动。” 8 但自动扶梯并没有服务所有人。

Beneath aggregate numbers, racial disparity, sexual discrimination, and economic inequality persevered, undermining many of the assumptions of an Affluent Society.

在总体数字之下，种族差异、性别歧视和经济不平等依然存在，破坏了富裕社会的许多假设。

In 1939, real estate appraisers arrived in sunny Pasadena, California.

1939年，房地产估价师抵达阳光明媚的加利福尼亚州帕萨迪纳。

Armed with elaborate questionnaires to evaluate the city’s building conditions, the appraisers were well versed in the policies of the HOLC.

评估人员使用详细的调查问卷来评估城市的建筑条件，他们非常熟悉 HOLC 的政策。

In one neighborhood, most structures were rated in “fair” repair, and appraisers noted a lack of “construction hazards or flood threats.” However, they concluded that the area “is detrimentally affected by 10 owner occupant Negro families.” While “the Negroes are said to be of the better class,” the appraisers concluded, “it seems inevitable that ownership and property values will drift to lower levels.” 9

在一个社区，大多数建筑都被评为“一般”修复，评估人员指出缺乏“建筑危险或洪水威胁”。然而，他们得出的结论是，该地区“受到 10 个黑人家庭的不利影响”。估价师总结道，虽然“黑人据说属于较高阶层”，但“所有权和财产价值似乎不可避免地会下降到较低水平。” 9

Wealth created by the booming economy filtered through social structures with built-in privileges and prejudices.

蓬勃发展的经济创造的财富渗透到具有内在特权和偏见的社会结构中。

Just when many middle- and working-class white American families began their journey of upward mobility by moving to the suburbs with the help of government programs such as the FHA and the G.I.

就在许多美国中产阶级和工薪阶层白人家庭在联邦住房管理局和退伍军人管理局等政府项目的帮助下搬到郊区开始向上流动的旅程时，

Bill, many African Americans and other racial minorities found themselves systematically shut out.

比尔、许多非裔美国人和其他少数族裔发现自己被系统性地排除在外。

A look at the relationship between federal organizations such as the HOLC, the FHA, and private banks, lenders, and real estate agents tells the story of standardized policies that produced a segregated housing market.

看看 HOLC、FHA 等联邦组织与私人银行、贷方和房地产经纪人之间的关系，就可以了解标准化政策产生了隔离的住房市场的故事。

At the core of HOLC appraisal techniques, which reflected the existing practices of private real estate agents, was the pernicious insistence that mixed-race and minority-dominated neighborhoods were credit risks.

HOLC 评估技术的核心反映了私人房地产经纪人的现有做法，它顽固地坚持认为混血和少数族裔主导的社区存在信用风险。

In partnership with local lenders and real estate agents, the HOLC created Residential Security Maps to identify high- and low-risk-lending areas.

HOLC 与当地贷款机构和房地产经纪人合作，创建了住宅安全地图来识别高风险和低风险的贷款区域。

People familiar with the local real estate market filled out uniform surveys on each neighborhood.

熟悉当地房地产市场的人对每个社区填写了统一的调查。

Relying on this information, the HOLC assigned every neighborhood a letter grade from A to D and a corresponding color code.

根据这些信息，HOLC 为每个社区分配了从 A 到 D 的字母等级以及相应的颜色代码。

The least secure, highest-risk neighborhoods for loans received a D grade and the color red.

最不安全、贷款风险最高的社区获得 D 级和红色。

Banks limited loans in such “redlined” areas.

银行限制了此类“红线”地区的贷款。

Black communities in cities such as Detroit, Chicago, Brooklyn, and Atlanta (mapped here) experienced redlining, the process by which banks and other organizations demarcated minority neighborhoods on a map with a red line.

底特律、芝加哥、布鲁克林和亚特兰大（如图所示）等城市的黑人社区经历了红线划定，即银行和其他组织在地图上用红线划定少数族裔社区的过程。

Doing so made visible the areas they believed were unfit for their services, directly denying Black residents loans, but also, indirectly, housing, groceries, and other necessities of modern life.

这样做暴露了他们认为不适合提供服务的地区，直接拒绝向黑人居民提供贷款，但也间接拒绝提供住房、杂货和其他现代生活必需品。

National Archives .

国家档案馆。

Phrases like subversive racial elements and racial hazards pervade the redlined-area description files of surveyors and HOLC officials.

测量员和 HOLC 官员的红线区域描述文件中充斥着颠覆性种族元素和种族危害等短语。

Los Angeles’s Echo Park neighborhood, for instance, had concentrations of Japanese and African Americans and a “sprinkling of Russians and Mexicans.” The HOLC security map and survey noted that the neighborhood’s “adverse racial influences which are noticeably increasing inevitably presage lower values, rentals and a rapid decrease in residential desirability.” 11

例如，洛杉矶的回声公园社区是日本人和非裔美国人的聚集地，还有“少量的俄罗斯人和墨西哥人”。 HOLC 安全地图和调查指出，该社区“明显增加的不利种族影响不可避免地预示着价值、租金的下降和住宅需求的迅速下降。” 11

While the HOLC was a fairly short-lived New Deal agency, the influence of its security maps lived on in the FHA and Veterans Administration (VA), the latter of which dispensed G.I.

虽然 HOLC 是一个相当短命的新政机构，但其安全地图的影响力一直存在于联邦住房管理局 (FHA) 和退伍军人管理局 (VA) 中，后者负责分配退伍军人管理局 (VA)。

Bill–backed mortgages.

票据支持的抵押贷款。

Both of these government organizations, which reinforced the standards followed by private lenders, refused to back bank mortgages in “redlined” neighborhoods.

这两个政府组织都强化了私人贷款机构遵循的标准，但都拒绝支持“红线”社区的银行抵押贷款。

On the one hand, FHA- and VA-backed loans were an enormous boon to those who qualified for them.

一方面，联邦住房管理局和退伍军人管理局支持的贷款对那些有资格获得贷款的人来说是一个巨大的福音。

Millions of Americans received mortgages that they otherwise would not have qualified for.

数以百万计的美国人获得了原本没有资格获得的抵押贷款。

But FHA-backed mortgages were not available to all.

但联邦住房管理局支持的抵押贷款并不是所有人都能获得。

Racial minorities could not get loans for property improvements in their own neighborhoods and were denied mortgages to purchase property in other areas for fear that their presence would extend the red line into a new community.

少数族裔无法获得贷款用于改善自己社区的房产，也无法获得抵押贷款购买其他地区的房产，因为担心他们的存在会将红线延伸到新社区。

Levittown, the poster child of the new suburban America, only allowed whites to purchase homes.

莱维敦是美国新郊区的典型代表，只允许白人购买房屋。

Thus, FHA policies and private developers increased home ownership and stability for white Americans while simultaneously creating and enforcing racial segregation.

因此，联邦住房管理局的政策和私人开发商增加了美国白人的住房拥有率和稳定性，同时创造和加强了种族隔离。

The exclusionary structures of the postwar economy prompted protest from African Americans and other minorities who were excluded.

战后经济的排他性结构引发了非裔美国人和其他被排除在外的少数族裔的抗议。

Fair housing, equal employment, consumer access, and educational opportunity, for instance, all emerged as priorities of a brewing civil rights movement.

例如，公平住房、平等就业、消费者准入和教育机会都成为酝酿中的民权运动的优先事项。

In 1948, the U.S. Supreme Court sided with African American plaintiffs and, in Shelley v.

1948 年，美国最高法院在“雪莱诉美国”案中支持非裔美国原告。

Kraemer , declared racially restrictive neighborhood housing covenants—property deed restrictions barring sales to racial minorities—legally unenforceable.

克雷默宣布，具有种族限制性的邻里住房契约——禁止向少数族裔出售房产的契约限制——在法律上无法执行。

Discrimination and segregation continued, however, and activists would continue to push for fair housing practices.

然而，歧视和隔离仍在继续，活动人士将继续推动公平住房做法。

During the 1950s and early 1960s many Americans retreated to the suburbs to enjoy the new consumer economy and search for some normalcy and security after the instability of depression and war.

在 20 世纪 50 年代和 1960 年代初，许多美国人撤退到郊区，享受新的消费经济，并在大萧条和战争的不稳定之后寻求一些常态和安全。

But many could not.

但很多人做不到。

It was both the limits and opportunities of housing, then, that shaped the contours of postwar American society.

那么，正是住房的限制和机会塑造了战后美国社会的轮廓。

Moreover, the postwar suburban boom not only exacerbated racial and class inequalities, it precipitated a major environmental crisis.

此外，战后郊区的繁荣不仅加剧了种族和阶级不平等，还引发了一场重大的环境危机。

The introduction of mass production techniques in housing wrought ecological destruction.

住房大规模生产技术的引入造成了生态破坏。

Developers sought cheaper land ever farther way from urban cores, wrecking havoc on particularly sensitive lands such as wetlands, hills, and floodplains.

开发商在远离城市核心的地方寻找更便宜的土地，对湿地、丘陵和洪泛区等特别敏感的土地造成了严重破坏。

“A territory roughly the size of Rhode Island,” historian Adam Rome wrote, “was bulldozed for urban development” every year.

历史学家亚当·罗马写道，“面积与罗德岛州相当的土地每年都因城市发展而被推土机推平”。

12 Innovative construction strategies, government incentives, high consumer demand, and low energy prices all pushed builders away from more sustainable, energy-conserving building projects.

12 创新的建筑策略、政府激励措施、高消费需求和低能源价格都迫使建筑商放弃更可持续、节能的建筑项目。

Typical postwar tract-houses were difficult to cool in the summer and heat in the winter.

典型的战后农舍难以夏季制冷、冬季取暖。

Many were equipped with malfunctioning septic tanks that polluted local groundwater.

许多都配备了故障化粪池，污染了当地地下水。

Such destructiveness did not go unnoticed.

这种破坏性并没有被忽视。

By the time Rachel Carson published Silent Spring, a forceful denunciation of the excessive use of pesticides such as DDT in agricultural and domestic settings, in 1962, many Americans were already primed to receive her message.

1962 年，雷切尔·卡森 (Rachel Carson) 出版了《寂静的春天》一书，强烈谴责在农业和家庭环境中过度使用滴滴涕等杀虫剂，当时许多美国人已经准备好接受她的信息。

Stories of kitchen faucets spouting detergent foams and children playing in effluents brought the point home: comfort and convenience did not have to come at such cost.

厨房水龙头喷出洗涤剂泡沫和孩子们在污水中玩耍的故事充分说明了这一点：舒适和便利并不一定要付出如此大的代价。

And yet most of the Americans who joined the early environmentalist crusades of the 1950s and 1960s rarely questioned the foundations of the suburban ideal.

然而，大多数参加 20 世纪 50 年代和 1960 年代早期环保运动的美国人很少质疑郊区理想的基础。

Americans increasingly relied upon automobiles and idealized the single-family home, blunting any major push to shift prevailing patterns of land and energy use.

美国人越来越依赖汽车，并将单户住宅理想化，从而削弱了改变现行土地和能源使用模式的重大推动力。

School desegregation was a tense experience for all involved, but none more so than the African American students who integrated white schools.

对于所有参与者来说，学校废除种族隔离都是一次紧张的经历，但对于融入白人学校的非裔美国学生来说，情况更是如此。

The Little Rock Nine were the first to do so in Arkansas.

小石城九人组是阿肯色州第一个这样做的人。

Their escorts, the 101st Airborne Division of the U.S. Army, protected students who took that first step in 1957.

他们的护航——美国陆军第 101 空降师保护了 1957 年迈出第一步的学生。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

Older battles over racial exclusion also confronted postwar American society.

战后美国社会也面临着有关种族排斥的较早斗争。

One long-simmering struggle targeted segregated schooling.

一场长期酝酿的斗争针对的是学校隔离教育。

In 1896, the Supreme Court declared the principle of “separate but equal” constitutional.

1896年，最高法院宣布“隔离但平等”原则成为宪法。

Segregated schooling, however, was rarely “equal”: in practice, Black Americans, particularly in the South, received fewer funds, attended inadequate facilities, and studied with substandard materials.

然而，隔离学校教育很少是“平等的”：实际上，美国黑人，尤其是南方的黑人，获得的资金较少，就读设施不足，学习材料不合格。

African Americans’ battle against educational inequality stretched across half a century before the Supreme Court again took up the merits of “separate but equal.”

在最高法院再次讨论“隔离但平等”的优点之前，非裔美国人与教育不平等的斗争持续了半个世纪。

On May 17, 1954, after two years of argument, re-argument, and deliberation, Chief Justice Earl Warren announced the Supreme Court’s decision on segregated schooling in Brown v.

1954 年 5 月 17 日，经过两年的论证、再论证和深思熟虑，首席大法官厄尔·沃伦 (Earl Warren) 宣布了最高法院对布朗诉美国黑人学校种族隔离的裁决。

Board of Education (1954).

教育委员会（1954）。

The court found by a unanimous 9–0 vote that racial segregation violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

法院以 9 比 0 的一致投票结果裁定种族隔离违反了第十四修正案的平等保护条款。

The court’s decision declared, “Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal.” “Separate but equal” was made unconstitutional.

法院的判决宣称：“分开的教育设施本质上是不平等的。” “隔离但平等”被判违宪。

Decades of African American–led litigation, local agitation against racial inequality, and liberal Supreme Court justices made Brown possible.

几十年来非裔美国人主导的诉讼、当地反对种族不平等的鼓动以及自由派最高法院法官使布朗成为可能。

In the early 1930s, the NAACP began a concerted effort to erode the legal underpinnings of segregation in the American South.

1930 年代初，全国有色人种协进会开始齐心协力削弱美国南部种族隔离的法律基础。

Legal, or de jure, segregation subjected racial minorities to discriminatory laws and policies.

法律上或法律上的隔离使少数种族受到歧视性法律和政策的影响。

Law and custom in the South hardened antiblack restrictions.

南方的法律和习俗加强了反黑人的限制。

But through a series of carefully chosen and contested court cases concerning education, disfranchisement, and jury selection, NAACP lawyers such as Charles Hamilton Houston, Robert L.

但通过一系列精心挑选和有争议的有关教育、剥夺公民权和陪审团选择的法庭案件，全国有色人种协进会的律师，如查尔斯·汉密尔顿·休斯顿、罗伯特·L·

Clark, and future Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall undermined Jim Crow’s constitutional underpinnings.

克拉克和未来的最高法院法官瑟古德·马歇尔破坏了吉姆·克劳的宪法基础。

These attorneys initially sought to demonstrate that states systematically failed to provide African American students “equal” resources and facilities, and thus failed to live up to Plessy .

这些律师最初试图证明，各州系统性地未能为非裔美国学生提供“平等”的资源和设施，因此未能达到普莱西的要求。

By the late 1940s activists began to more forcefully challenge the assumptions that “separate” was constitutional at all.

到 20 世纪 40 年代末，活动人士开始更有力地挑战“分离”根本符合宪法的假设。

The NAACP was a key organization in the fight to end legalized racial discrimination.

全国有色人种协进会是结束合法种族歧视斗争的关键组织。

In this 1956 photograph, NAACP leaders, including Thurgood Marshall, who would become the first African American Supreme Court Justice, hold a poster decrying racial bias in Mississippi in 1956.

在这张 1956 年的照片中，全国有色人种协进会领导人，包括后来成为首位非裔美国最高法院法官的瑟古德·马歇尔，举着一张海报谴责 1956 年密西西比州的种族偏见。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

Though remembered as just one lawsuit, Brown v.

尽管布朗诉.

Board of Education consolidated five separate cases that had originated in the southeastern United States: Briggs v.

教育委员会合并了起源于美国东南部的五个独立案件：布里格斯诉。

Elliott (South Carolina), Davis v.

埃利奥特（南卡罗来纳州），戴维斯诉。

County School Board of Prince Edward County (Virginia), Beulah v.

爱德华王子县县学校委员会（弗吉尼亚州），Beulah 诉。

Belton (Delaware), Bolling v.

贝尔顿（特拉华州），博林诉。

Sharpe (Washington, D.C.), and Brown v.

夏普（华盛顿特区）和布朗诉。

Board of Education (Kansas).

教育委员会（堪萨斯州）。

Working with local activists already involved in desegregation fights, the NAACP purposely chose cases with a diverse set of local backgrounds to show that segregation was not just an issue in the Deep South, and that a sweeping judgment on the fundamental constitutionality of Plessy was needed.

全国有色人种协进会与当地已经参与废除种族隔离斗争的活动人士合作，特意选择了具有不同当地背景的案例，以表明种族隔离不仅仅是南方腹地的一个问题，而且需要对普莱西的基本合宪性进行全面的判断。

Briggs v.

布里格斯诉。

Elliott , the first case accepted by the NAACP, illustrated the plight of segregated Black schools.

艾略特案是全国有色人种协进会受理的第一个案例，说明了种族隔离黑人学校的困境。

Briggs originated in rural Clarendon County, South Carolina, where taxpayers in 1950 spent $179 to educate each white student and $43 for each Black student.

布里格斯起源于南卡罗来纳州克拉伦登县的乡村，1950 年，该县的纳税人为每位白人学生的教育支出为 179 美元，为每位黑人学生的教育支出为 43 美元。

The district’s twelve white schools were cumulatively worth $673,850; the value of its sixty-one Black schools (mostly dilapidated, overcrowded shacks) was $194,575.

该学区的 12 所白人学校累计价值 673,850 美元；其 61 所黑人学校（大部分是破旧、拥挤的棚屋）的价值为 194,575 美元。

15 While Briggs underscored the South’s failure to follow Plessy , the Brown suit focused less on material disparities between Black and white schools (which were significantly less than in places like Clarendon County) and more on the social and spiritual degradation that accompanied legal segregation.

15 虽然布里格斯强调南方未能效仿普莱西，但布朗诉讼较少关注黑人和白人学校之间的物质差异（明显低于克拉伦登县等地），而更多地关注伴随法律隔离而来的社会和精神退化。

This case cut to the basic question of whether “separate” was itself inherently unequal.

这个案例切入了“分离”本身是否本质上不平等的基本问题。

The NAACP said the two notions were incompatible.

全国有色人种协进会表示，这两个概念是不相容的。

As one witness before the U.S. District Court of Kansas said, “The entire colored race is craving light, and the only way to reach the light is to start [black and white] children together in their infancy and they come up together.” 16

正如美国堪萨斯地方法院的一位证人所说：“整个有色人种都渴望光明，而获得光明的唯一方法就是让[黑人和白人]孩子在婴儿期就一起长大，然后他们一起成长。” 16

To make its case, the NAACP marshaled historical and social scientific evidence.

为了证明自己的观点，全国有色人种协进会收集了历史和社会科学证据。

The Court found the historical evidence inconclusive and drew their ruling more heavily from the NAACP’s argument that segregation psychologically damaged Black children.

法院认为历史证据并不确凿，并更多地从全国有色人种协进会的论点中得出结论，即种族隔离对黑人儿童造成心理伤害。

To make this argument, association lawyers relied on social scientific evidence, such as the famous doll experiments of Kenneth and Mamie Clark.

为了提出这一论点，协会律师依赖于社会科学证据，例如肯尼斯·克拉克和玛米·克拉克著名的玩偶实验。

The Clarks demonstrated that while young white girls would naturally choose to play with white dolls, young Black girls would, too.

克拉克夫妇证明，虽然年轻的白人女孩自然会选择玩白人娃娃，但年轻的黑人女孩也会选择玩。

The Clarks argued that Black children’s aesthetic and moral preference for white dolls demonstrated the pernicious effects and self-loathing produced by segregation.

克拉克夫妇认为，黑人儿童对白色娃娃的审美和道德偏好证明了种族隔离所产生的有害影响和自我厌恶。

Identifying and denouncing injustice, though, is different from rectifying it.

然而，识别和谴责不公正现象与纠正不公正现象不同。

Though Brown repudiated Plessy , the Court’s orders did not extend to segregation in places other than public schools and, even then, to preserve a unanimous decision for such an historically important case, the justices set aside the divisive yet essential question of enforcement.

Their infamously ambiguous order in 1955 (what came to be known as Brown II ) that school districts desegregate “with all deliberate speed” was so vague and ineffectual that it left the actual business of desegregation in the hands of those who opposed it.

In 1959, photographer John Bledsoe captured this image of the crowd on the steps of the Arkansas state capitol building protesting the federally mandated integration of Little Rock’s Central High School.

This image shows how worries about desegregation were bound up with other concerns, such as the reach of communism and government power.

这张图片显示了对废除种族隔离的担忧是如何与其他担忧（例如共产主义和政府权力的影响范围）联系在一起的。

Library of Congress.

国会图书馆。

In most of the South, as well as the rest of the country, school integration did not occur on a wide scale until well after Brown .

在南方大部分地区以及该国其他地区，学校一体化直到布朗事件之后才大规模发生。

Only in the 1964 Civil Rights Act did the federal government finally implement some enforcement of the Brown decision by threatening to withhold funding from recalcitrant school districts, but even then southern districts found loopholes.

Court decisions such as Green v.

法院判决，例如格林诉。

New Kent County (1968) and Alexander v.

新肯特县 (1968) 和亚历山大诉。

Holmes (1969) finally closed some of those loopholes, such as “freedom of choice” plans, to compel some measure of actual integration.

Holmes（1969）最终堵住了其中一些漏洞，例如“选择自由”计划，以强制采取某种措施进行实际整合。

When Brown finally was enforced in the South, the quantitative impact was staggering.

当布朗最终在南方得到执行时，其数量影响是惊人的。

In 1968, fourteen years after Brown , some 80 percent of school-age Black southerners remained in schools that were 90 to 100 percent nonwhite.

1968 年，即布朗事件发生 14 年后，约 80% 的学龄南方黑人仍然就读于 90% 至 100% 非白人学生的学校。

By 1972, though, just 25 percent were in such schools, and 55 percent remained in schools with a simple nonwhite minority.

然而，到 1972 年，只有 25% 的学生就读于此类学校，而 55% 的学生仍然就读于只有非白人少数族裔的学校。

By many measures, the public schools of the South became, ironically, the most integrated in the nation.

具有讽刺意味的是，从许多方面来看，南方的公立学校成为全国一体化程度最高的学校。

17 号

As a landmark moment in American history, Brown ’s significance perhaps lies less in immediate tangible changes—which were slow, partial, and inseparable from a much longer chain of events—than in the idealism it expressed and the momentum it created.

The nation’s highest court had attacked one of the fundamental supports of Jim Crow segregation and offered constitutional cover for the creation of one of the greatest social movements in American history.

This segregated drinking fountain was located on the grounds of the Halifax County courthouse in North Carolina.

这个隔离饮水机位于北卡罗来纳州哈利法克斯县法院大楼内。

Photograph, April 1938.

照片，1938 年 4 月。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

Education was but one aspect of the nation’s Jim Crow machinery.

教育只是国家种族隔离制度的一个方面。

African Americans had been fighting against a variety of racist policies, cultures, and beliefs in all aspects of American life.

非裔美国人一直在与美国生活各个方面的各种种族主义政策、文化和信仰作斗争。

And while the struggle for Black inclusion had few victories before World War II, the war and the Double V campaign for victory against fascism abroad and racism at home, as well as the postwar economic boom led, to rising expectations for many African Americans.

When persistent racism and racial segregation undercut the promise of economic and social mobility, African Americans began mobilizing on an unprecedented scale against the various discriminatory social and legal structures.

While many of the civil rights movement’s most memorable and important moments, such as the sit-ins, the Freedom Rides, and especially the March on Washington, occurred in the 1960s, the 1950s were a significant decade in the sometimes tragic, sometimes triumphant march of civil rights in the United States.

In 1953, years before Rosa Parks’s iconic confrontation on a Montgomery city bus, an African American woman named Sarah Keys publicly challenged segregated public transportation.

Keys, then serving in the Women’s Army Corps, traveled from her army base in New Jersey back to North Carolina to visit her family.

当时在女子陆军服役的凯斯从新泽西州的陆军基地回到北卡罗来纳州探望家人。

When the bus stopped in North Carolina, the driver asked her to give up her seat for a white customer.

当巴士停在北卡罗来纳州时，司机要求她给一位白人顾客让座。

Her refusal to do so landed her in jail in 1953 and led to a landmark 1955 decision, Sarah Keys v.

她因拒绝这样做而于 1953 年入狱，并于 1955 年做出了一项具有里程碑意义的判决：莎拉·凯斯诉科特迪瓦案。

Carolina Coach Company , in which the Interstate Commerce Commission ruled that “separate but equal” violated the Interstate Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution.

Poorly enforced, it nevertheless gave legal coverage for the Freedom Riders years later and motivated further assaults against Jim Crow.

虽然执行不力，但它在多年后为自由乘车者提供了法律保障，并引发了针对种族隔离法的进一步攻击。

But if some events encouraged civil rights workers with the promise of progress, others were so savage they convinced activists that they could do nothing but resist.

In the summer of 1955, two white men in Mississippi kidnapped and brutally murdered fourteen-year-old Emmett Till.

1955 年夏天，密西西比州的两名白人绑架并残忍杀害了 14 岁的埃米特·蒂尔。

Till, visiting from Chicago and perhaps unfamiliar with the “etiquette” of Jim Crow, allegedly whistled at a white woman named Carolyn Bryant.

Her husband, Roy Bryant, and another man, J.

她的丈夫罗伊·布莱恩特 (Roy Bryant) 和另一个男人 J.

Milam, abducted Till from his relatives’ home, beat him, mutilated him, shot him, and threw his body in the Tallahatchie River.

米拉姆从蒂尔亲戚家绑架了他，殴打他，肢解他，开枪射杀他，并将他的尸体扔进塔拉哈奇河。

Emmett’s mother held an open-casket funeral so that Till’s disfigured body could make national news.

埃米特的母亲举行了一场开棺葬礼，以便蒂尔毁容的尸体成为全国新闻。

The men were brought to trial.

这些人被带去受审。

The evidence was damning, but an all-white jury found the two not guilty.

证据确凿，但全白人陪审团裁定两人无罪。

Mere months after the decision, the two boasted of their crime, in all of its brutal detail, in Look magazine.

做出决定仅几个月后，两人就在《Look》杂志上吹嘘了他们的犯罪行为，以及所有残酷的细节。

“They ain’t gonna go to school with my kids,” Milam said.

“他们不会和我的孩子一起上学，”米拉姆说。

They wanted “to make an example of [Till]—just so everybody can know how me and my folks stand.” 18 The Till case became an indelible memory for the young Black men and women soon to propel the civil rights movement forward.

他们想“以[蒂尔]为例——这样每个人都可以知道我和我的家人的立场。” 18 蒂尔案很快成为年轻黑人男女不可磨灭的记忆，推动民权运动向前发展。

On December 1, 1955, four months after Till’s death and six days after the Keys v.

1955 年 12 月 1 日，即蒂尔去世四个月后、凯斯诉美国案六天后。

Carolina Coach Company decision, Rosa Parks refused to surrender her seat on a Montgomery city bus and was arrested.

根据卡罗莱纳州长途汽车公司的决定，罗莎·帕克斯拒绝在蒙哥马利市公交车上交出座位并被捕。

Montgomery’s public transportation system had longstanding rules requiring African American passengers to sit in the back of the bus and to give up their seats to white passengers if the buses filled.

蒙哥马利的公共交通系统长期以来都有规定，要求非裔美国乘客坐在公共汽车后部，如果公共汽车满员，则将座位让给白人乘客。

Parks was not the first to protest the policy by staying seated, but she was the first around whom Montgomery activists rallied.

帕克斯并不是第一个通过留在座位上抗议这项政策的人，但她是第一个蒙哥马利活动人士聚集在她周围的人。

Activists sprang into action.

活动人士立即行动起来。

Joanne Robinson, who as head of the Women’s Political Council had long fought against the city’s segregated busing, worked long into the night to with a colleague and two students from Alabama State College to mimeograph over 50,000 handbills calling for an immediate boycott.

Montgomery’s Black community responded, and, in response, l ocal ministers and civil rights workers formed the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) to coordinate an organized, sustained boycott of the city’s buses.

蒙哥马利的黑人社区做出了回应，作为回应，当地部长和民权工作者成立了蒙哥马利改进协会（MIA），以协调对该市公交车的有组织、持续的抵制。

The Montgomery Bus Boycott lasted from December 1955 until December 20, 1956, when the Supreme Court ordered their integration.

蒙哥马利巴士抵制运动从 1955 年 12 月持续到 1956 年 12 月 20 日，最高法院下令将他们整合。

The boycott not only crushed segregation in Montgomery’s public transportation, it energized the entire civil rights movement and established the leadership of the MIA’s president, a recently arrived, twenty-six-year-old Baptist minister named Martin Luther King Jr.

这次抵制不仅镇压了蒙哥马利公共交通中的种族隔离，还激发了整个民权运动，并确立了蒙哥马利民权运动主席的领导地位，他是一位新近上任的二十六岁浸信会牧师，名叫马丁·路德·金。

Motivated by the success of the Montgomery boycott, King and other Black leaders looked to continue the fight.

受到蒙哥马利抵制运动成功的激励，金和其他黑人领导人希望继续这场斗争。

In 1957, King, fellow ministers such as Ralph Abernathy and Fred Shuttlesworth, and key staffers such as Ella Baker and Septima Clark helped create and run the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) to coordinate civil rights groups across the South in their efforts to organize and sustain boycotts, protests, and other assaults against Jim Crow discrimination.

1957 年，金、拉尔夫·阿伯内西 (Ralph Abernathy) 和弗雷德·沙特尔斯沃思 (Fred Shuttlesworth) 等部长同事以及埃拉·贝克 (Ella Baker) 和塞普蒂玛·克拉克 (Septima Clark) 等主要工作人员帮助创建和运作了南方基督教领袖会议 (SCLC)，以协调南方各地的民权团体组织和维持抵制、抗议和其他针对种族隔离歧视的行动。

As pressure built, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1957, the first such measure passed since Reconstruction.

随着压力的增加，国会通过了 1957 年的《民权法案》，这是重建以来通过的第一项此类措施。

The act was compromised away nearly to nothing, although it did achieve some gains, such as creating the Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Commission, which was charged with investigating claims of racial discrimination.

尽管该法案确实取得了一些成果，例如成立了司法部民权委员会，负责调查种族歧视的指控，但该法案几乎没有任何妥协。

And yet, despite its weakness, the act signaled that pressure was finally mounting on Americans to confront the legacy of discrimination.

然而，尽管该法案存在缺陷，但它表明美国人面对歧视遗留问题的压力终于越来越大。

Despite successes at both the local and national level, the civil rights movement faced bitter opposition.

尽管民权运动在地方和国家层面都取得了成功，但仍面临激烈的反对。

Those opposed to the movement often used violent tactics to scare and intimidate African Americans and subvert legal rulings and court orders.

反对该运动的人经常使用暴力手段来恐吓和恐吓非裔美国人，并颠覆法律裁决和法院命令。

For example, a year into the Montgomery bus boycott, angry white southerners bombed four African American churches as well as the homes of King and fellow civil rights leader E.

例如，蒙哥马利公交车抵制活动一年后，愤怒的南方白人轰炸了四座非裔美国教堂以及金和民权领袖 E. 的住宅。

D .

Nixon.

尼克松。

Though King, Nixon, and the MIA persevered in the face of such violence, it was only a taste of things to come.

尽管金、尼克松和内政部在此类暴力面前坚持不懈，但这只是未来的尝试。

Such unremitting hostility and violence left the outcome of the burgeoning civil rights movement in doubt.

这种持续不断的敌意和暴力使蓬勃发展的民权运动的结果令人怀疑。

Despite its successes, civil rights activists looked back on the 1950s as a decade of mixed results and incomplete accomplishments.

尽管取得了成功，民权活动人士回顾 20 世纪 50 年代是一个结果喜忧参半、成就不完全的十年。

While the bus boycott, Supreme Court rulings, and other civil rights activities signaled progress, church bombings, death threats, and stubborn legislators demonstrated the distance that still needed to be traveled.

As shown in this 1958 advertisement for a “Westinghouse with Cold Injector,” a midcentury marketing frenzy targeted female consumers by touting technological innovations designed to make housework easier.

正如 1958 年“带冷注射器的西屋电气”广告所示，上世纪中叶的一场营销狂潮以女性消费者为目标，宣传旨在简化家务劳动的技术创新。

Westinghouse .

西屋电气。

America’s consumer economy reshaped how Americans experienced culture and shaped their identities.

美国的消费经济重塑了美国人体验文化和塑造身份的方式。

The Affluent Society gave Americans new experiences, new outlets, and new ways to understand and interact with one another.

富裕社会为美国人提供了新的体验、新的出路以及相互理解和互动的新方式。

“The American household is on the threshold of a revolution,” the New York Times declared in August 1948.

1948 年 8 月，《纽约时报》宣称：“美国家庭正处于一场革命的门槛上。”

“The reason is television.” 19 Television was presented to the American public at the New York World’s Fair in 1939, but commercialization of the new medium in the United States lagged during the war years.

“原因是电视。” 19 电视在 1939 年的纽约世界博览会上向美国公众展示，但这种新媒体在美国的商业化在战争年代滞后。

In 1947, though, regular full-scale broadcasting became available to the public.

然而，到了 1947 年，公众可以进行定期的全面广播。

Television was instantly popular, so much so that by early 1948 Newsweek reported that it was “catching on like a case of high-toned scarlet fever.” 20 Indeed, between 1948 and 1955 close to two thirds of the nation’s households purchased a television set.

电视立即流行起来，以至于到 1948 年初，《新闻周刊》报道称电视“像严重猩红热一样流行”。 20 事实上，1948 年至 1955 年间，全国近三分之二的家庭购买了电视机。

By the end of the 1950s, 90 percent of American families had one and the average viewer was tuning in for almost five hours a day.

到 20 世纪 50 年代末，90% 的美国家庭都拥有一台电视，平均观众每天观看节目的时间接近五个小时。

The technological ability to transmit images via radio waves gave birth to television.

通过无线电波传输图像的技术能力催生了电视。

Television borrowed radio’s organizational structure, too.

电视也借用了广播的组织结构。

The big radio broadcasting companies—NBC, CBS, and the American Broadcasting Corporation (ABC)—used their technical expertise and capital reserves to conquer the airwaves.

大型广播公司——全国广播公司（NBC）、哥伦比亚广播公司（CBS）和美国广播公司（ABC）——利用他们的技术专长和资本储备征服了无线电波。

They acquired licenses to local stations and eliminated their few independent competitors.

他们获得了当地电视台的许可，并淘汰了少数独立的竞争对手。

The refusal of the Federal Communication Commission (FCC) to issue any new licenses between 1948 and 1955 was a de facto endorsement of the big three’s stranglehold on the market.

1948 年至 1955 年间，美国联邦通信委员会 (FCC) 拒绝颁发任何新许可证，这实际上是对三大巨头对市场垄断的认可。

In addition to replicating radio’s organizational structure, television also looked to radio for content.

除了复制广播的组织结构外，电视还向广播寻求内容。

Many of the early programs were adaptations of popular radio variety and comedy shows, including The Ed Sullivan Show and Milton Berle’s Texaco Star Theater .

许多早期的节目都是根据流行的广播综艺和喜剧节目改编的，包括《埃德·沙利文秀》和米尔顿·伯利的德士古明星剧院。

These were accompanied by live plays, dramas, sports, and situation comedies.

伴随着现场戏剧、戏剧、体育和情景喜剧。

Because of the cost and difficulty of recording, most programs were broadcast live, forcing stations across the country to air shows at the same time.

由于成本和录制困难，大多数节目都是现场直播，迫使全国各地的电视台同时播出。

And since audiences had a limited number of channels to choose from, viewing experiences were broadly shared.

由于观众可供选择的频道数量有限，因此观看体验得到了广泛共享。

More than two thirds of television-owning households, for instance, watched popular shows such as I Love Lucy .

例如，超过三分之二的拥有电视的家庭观看了《我爱露西》等热门节目。

The limited number of channels and programs meant that networks selected programs that appealed to the widest possible audience to draw viewers and advertisers, television’s greatest financers.

频道和节目的数量有限，这意味着电视网会选择能够吸引尽可能多观众的节目，以吸引观众和广告商（电视最大的资助者）。

By the mid-1950s, an hour of primetime programming cost about $150,000 (about $1.5 million in today’s dollars) to produce.

到 20 世纪 50 年代中期，一小时黄金时段节目的制作成本约为 15 万美元（按今天的美元计算约为 150 万美元）。

This proved too expensive for most commercial sponsors, who began turning to a joint financing model of thirty-second spot ads.

事实证明，这对于大多数商业赞助商来说过于昂贵，他们开始转向三十秒广告的联合融资模式。

The need to appeal to as many people as possible promoted the production of noncontroversial shows aimed at the entire family.

吸引尽可能多的人的需要促进了针对整个家庭的无争议节目的制作。

Programs such as Father Knows Best and Leave it to Beaver featured light topics, humor, and a guaranteed happy ending the whole family could enjoy.

《Father Knows Best》和《Leave it to Beaver》等节目的主题轻松、幽默，并保证全家人都能享受到幸福的结局。

Advertising was everywhere in the 1950s, including on TV shows such as the quiz show Twenty One, sponsored by Geritol, a dietary supplement.

20 世纪 50 年代，广告随处可见，包括电视节目，例如由膳食补充剂 Geritol 赞助的智力问答节目《二十一》。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

Television’s broad appeal, however, was about more than money and entertainment.

然而，电视的广泛吸引力不仅仅在于金钱和娱乐。

Shows of the 1950s, such as Father Knows Best and I Love Lucy , idealized the nuclear family, “traditional” gender roles, and white, middle-class domesticity.

20 世纪 50 年代的电视剧，例如《父亲最了解》和《我爱露西》，将核心家庭、“传统”性别角色以及白人中产阶级的家庭生活理想化。

Leave It to Beaver , which became the prototypical example of the 1950s television family, depicted its breadwinner father and homemaker mother guiding their children through life lessons.

《交给海狸》成为 20 世纪 50 年代电视家庭的典型例子，讲述了养家糊口的父亲和家庭主妇引导孩子们完成人生课程的故事。

Such shows, and Cold War America more broadly, reinforced a popular consensus that such lifestyles were not only beneficial but the most effective way to safeguard American prosperity against communist threats and social “deviancy.”

此类节目以及更广泛的冷战美国强化了一种普遍共识，即这种生活方式不仅有益，而且是维护美国繁荣免受共产主义威胁和社会“异常”影响的最有效方法。

Postwar prosperity facilitated, and in turn was supported by, the ongoing postwar baby boom.

战后的繁荣促进了战后持续的婴儿潮，反过来又得到了战后婴儿潮的支持。

From 1946 to 1964, American fertility experienced an unprecedented spike.

从 1946 年到 1964 年，美国的生育率经历了前所未有的飙升。

A century of declining birth rates abruptly reversed.

一个世纪以来出生率下降的趋势突然逆转。

Although popular memory credits the cause of the baby boom to the return of virile soldiers from battle, the real story is more nuanced.

尽管大众记忆将婴儿潮的原因归功于刚从战场上归来的阳刚士兵，但真实的故事却更加微妙。

After years of economic depression, families were now wealthy enough to support larger families and had homes large enough to accommodate them, while women married younger and American culture celebrated the ideal of a large, insular family.

经过多年的经济衰退，现在的家庭已经足够富裕，可以养活更大的家庭，并且拥有足够大的房屋来容纳他们，而女性则更年轻地结婚，美国文化推崇大而孤立的家庭的理想。

Underlying this “reproductive consensus” was the new cult of professionalism that pervaded postwar American culture, including the professionalization of homemaking.

这种“生殖共识”的基础是战后美国文化中弥漫的新的专业主义崇拜，包括家政的专业化。

Mothers and fathers alike flocked to the experts for their opinions on marriage, sexuality, and, most especially, child-rearing.

母亲和父亲都纷纷向专家寻求关于婚姻、性，尤其是育儿方面的意见。

Psychiatrists held an almost mythic status as people took their opinions and prescriptions, as well as their vocabulary, into their everyday life.

精神科医生几乎具有神话般的地位，因为人们将他们的观点、处方以及词汇融入到日常生活中。

Books like Dr. Spock’s Baby and Child Care (1946) were diligently studied by women who took their career as housewife as just that: a career, complete with all the demands and professional trappings of job development and training.

像斯波克博士的《婴儿和儿童护理》（1946）这样的书受到了女性的孜孜不倦的研究，她们将家庭主妇的职业视为一种职业，包括工作发展和培训的所有要求和专业特征。

And since most women had multiple children roughly the same age as their neighbors’ children, a cultural obsession with kids flourished throughout the era.

由于大多数女性都有多个与邻居孩子年龄大致相同的孩子，因此对孩子的文化痴迷在整个时代盛行。

Women bore the brunt of this pressure, chided if they did not give enough of their time to the children—especially if it was because of a career—yet cautioned that spending too much time would lead to “Momism,” producing “sissy” boys who would be incapable of contributing to society and extremely susceptible to the communist threat.

女性首当其冲地承受着这种压力，如果她们没有给孩子足够的时间——尤其是因为职业——就会受到指责，但同时也警告说，花太多时间会导致“妈妈主义”，产生“娘娘腔”的男孩，这些男孩将无法为社会做出贡献，而且极易受到共产主义的威胁。

A new youth culture exploded in American popular culture.

一种新的青年文化在美国流行文化中爆发。

On the one hand, the anxieties of the atomic age hit America’s youth particularly hard.

一方面，原子时代的焦虑对美国年轻人的打击尤其严重。

Keenly aware of the discontent bubbling beneath the surface of the Affluent Society, many youth embraced rebellion.

许多年轻人敏锐地意识到富裕社会表面下涌动的不满情绪，因此拥抱叛逆。

The 1955 film Rebel Without a Cause demonstrated the restlessness and emotional incertitude of the postwar generation raised in increasing affluence yet increasingly unsatisfied with their comfortable lives.

1955 年的电影《无因的反叛》展现了战后一代人在日益富裕的环境中成长起来的不安和情感上的不确定性，但他们对舒适的生活却越来越不满意。

At the same time, perhaps yearning for something beyond the “massification” of American culture yet having few other options to turn to beyond popular culture, American youth embraced rock ’n’ roll.

与此同时，也许是渴望超越美国文化“大众化”的东西，但除了流行文化之外几乎没有其他选择，美国年轻人拥抱了摇滚乐。

They listened to Little Richard, Buddy Holly, and especially Elvis Presley (whose sexually suggestive hip movements were judged subversive).

他们听小理查德、巴迪·霍利，尤其是猫王埃尔维斯·普雷斯利（他的性暗示臀部动作被认为具有颠覆性）。

The popularity of rock ’n’ roll had not yet blossomed into the countercultural musical revolution of the coming decade, but it provided a magnet for teenage restlessness and rebellion.

摇滚乐的流行尚未发展成为未来十年的反文化音乐革命，但它为青少年的不安和叛逆提供了一块磁石。

“Television and Elvis,” the musician Bruce Springsteen recollected, “gave us full access to a new language, a new form of communication, a new way of being, a new way of looking, a new way of thinking; about sex, about race, about identity, about life; a new way of being an American, a human being; and a new way of hearing music.” American youth had seen so little of Elvis’s energy and sensuality elsewhere in their culture.

音乐家布鲁斯·斯普林斯汀回忆道：“电视和猫王让我们充分接触到一种新的语言、一种新的交流方式、一种新的存在方式、一种新的看待方式、一种新的思维方式；关于性、关于种族、关于身份、关于生活；一种作为美国人、一个人的新方式；以及一种聆听音乐的新方式。”美国年轻人在他们文化的其他地方很少看到猫王的活力和性感。

“Once Elvis came across the airwaves,” Springsteen said, “once he was heard and seen in action, you could not put the genie back in the bottle.

“一旦猫王出现在电波中，”斯普林斯汀说，“一旦人们听到并看到他的行动，你就无法将精灵放回瓶子里。

After that moment, there was yesterday, and there was today, and there was a red hot, rockabilly forging of a new tomorrow, before your very eyes.” 23

在那一刻之后，有昨天，有今天，在你的眼前，一个炽热、摇滚般的新明天正在锻造。” 23

While many Black musicians such as Chuck Berry helped pioneer rock ’n’ roll, white artists such as Elvis Presley brought it into the mainstream American culture.

虽然查克·贝里（Chuck Berry）等许多黑人音乐家帮助开创了摇滚乐，但埃尔维斯·普雷斯利（Elvis Presley）等白人艺术家将其带入了美国主流文化。

Elvis’s good looks, sensual dancing, and sonorous voice stole the hearts of millions of American teenage girls, who were at that moment becoming a central segment of the consumer population.

猫王漂亮的外表、性感的舞蹈和洪亮的声音俘获了数百万美国少女的心，她们此时正成为消费群体的核心部分。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

Other Americans took larger steps to reject the expected conformity of the Affluent Society.

其他美国人采取了更大的措施来拒绝富裕社会的预期一致性。

The writers, poets, and musicians of the Beat Generation, disillusioned with capitalism, consumerism, and traditional gender roles, sought a deeper meaning in life.

“垮掉的一代”的作家、诗人和音乐家对资本主义、消费主义和传统性别角色感到失望，开始寻求生活的更深层次意义。

Beats traveled across the country, studied Eastern religions, and experimented with drugs, sex, and art.

垮掉的一代走遍全国，研究东方宗教，并尝试毒品、性和艺术。

Behind the scenes, Americans were challenging sexual mores.

在幕后，美国人正在挑战性观念。

The gay rights movement, for instance, stretched back into the Affluent Society.

例如，同性恋权利运动可以追溯到富裕社会。

While the country proclaimed homosexuality a mental disorder, gay men established the Mattachine Society in Los Angeles and gay women formed the Daughters of Bilitis in San Francisco as support groups.

虽然该国宣布同性恋是一种精神障碍，但男同性恋者在洛杉矶成立了马塔钦协会，女同性恋者在旧金山成立了比利蒂斯之女作为支持团体。

They held meetings, distributed literature, provided legal and counseling services, and formed chapters across the country.

他们举行会议、分发文献、提供法律和咨询服务，并在全国各地成立分会。

Much of their work, however, remained secretive because homosexuals risked arrest and abuse if discovered.

然而，他们的大部分工作仍然保密，因为同性恋者一旦被发现就会面临被捕和虐待的风险。

Society’s “consensus,” on everything from the consumer economy to gender roles, did not go unchallenged.

从消费经济到性别角色等各个方面，社会的“共识”并非没有受到挑战。

Much discontent was channeled through the machine itself: advertisers sold rebellion no less than they sold baking soda.

许多不满情绪是通过机器本身传达的：广告商出售的叛乱不亚于出售小苏打。

And yet others were rejecting the old ways, choosing new lifestyles, challenging old hierarchies, and embarking on new paths.

而另一些人则拒绝旧的生活方式，选择新的生活方式，挑战旧的等级制度，走上新的道路。

Postwar economic prosperity and the creation of new suburban spaces inevitably shaped American politics.

战后的经济繁荣和新郊区空间的创建不可避免地塑造了美国政治。

In stark contrast to the Great Depression, the new prosperity renewed belief in the superiority of capitalism, cultural conservatism, and religion.

与大萧条形成鲜明对比的是，新的繁荣重新激发了人们对资本主义、文化保守主义和宗教优越性的信念。

In the 1930s, the economic ravages of the international economic catastrophe knocked the legs out from under the intellectual justifications for keeping government out of the economy.

20 世纪 30 年代，国际经济灾难对经济造成的破坏使政府不介入经济的理智理由失去了支撑。

And yet pockets of true believers kept alive the gospel of the free market.

然而，仍有一小群真正的信徒让自由市场的福音继续存在。

The single most important was the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM).

最重要的是全国制造商协会（NAM）。

In the midst of the depression, NAM reinvented itself and went on the offensive, initiating advertising campaigns supporting “free enterprise” and “The American Way of Life.” 25 More importantly, NAM became a node for business leaders, such as J.

在大萧条时期，NAM 重塑自我并继续进攻，发起了支持“自由企业”和“美国生活方式”的广告活动。 25 更重要的是，NAM 成为商业领袖的节点，例如 J.

Howard Pew of Sun Oil and Jasper Crane of DuPont Chemical Co., to network with like-minded individuals and take the message of free enterprise to the American people.

太阳石油公司的霍华德·皮尤（Howard Pew）和杜邦化学公司的贾斯珀·克兰（Jasper Crane）与志同道合的人建立联系，并向美国人民传达自由企业的信息。

The network of business leaders that NAM brought together in the midst of the Great Depression formed the financial, organizational, and ideological underpinnings of the free market advocacy groups that emerged and found ready adherents in America’s new suburban spaces in the postwar decades.

NAM 在大萧条期间汇集的商界领袖网络为自由市场倡导团体奠定了财务、组织和意识形态基础，这些团体在战后几十年的美国新郊区空间中涌现并找到了现成的追随者。

One of the most important advocacy groups that sprang up after the war was Leonard Read’s Foundation for Economic Education (FEE).

战后兴起的最重要的倡导团体之一是伦纳德·里德经济教育基金会 (FEE)。

Read founded FEE in 1946 on the premise that “The American Way of Life” was essentially individualistic and that the best way to protect and promote that individualism was through libertarian economics.

里德于 1946 年创立了 FEE，其前提是“美国生活方式”本质上是个人主义，而保护和促进个人主义的最佳方式是通过自由主义经济学。

Libertarianism took as its core principle the promotion of individual liberty, property rights, and an economy with a minimum of government regulation.

自由主义的核心原则是促进个人自由、财产权和政府监管最少的经济。

FEE, whose advisory board and supporters came mostly from the NAM network of Pew and Crane, became a key ideological factory, supplying businesses, service clubs, churches, schools, and universities with a steady stream of libertarian literature, much of it authored by Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises.

FEE 的顾问委员会和支持者主要来自皮尤和克兰的 NAM 网络，它成为一个重要的意识形态工厂，为企业、服务俱乐部、教堂、学校和大学提供源源不断的自由主义文献，其中大部分由奥地利经济学家路德维希·冯·米塞斯撰写。

Shortly after FEE’s formation, Austrian economist and libertarian intellectual Friedrich Hayek founded the Mont Pelerin Society (MPS) in 1947.

FEE 成立后不久，奥地利经济学家和自由主义知识分子弗里德里希·哈耶克 (Friedrich Hayek) 于 1947 年创立了朝圣山学会 (MPS)。

The MPS brought together libertarian intellectuals from both sides of the Atlantic to challenge Keynesian economics—the dominant notion that government fiscal and monetary policy were necessary economic tools—in academia.

MPS汇集了来自大西洋两岸的自由主义知识分子，挑战学术界的凯恩斯主义经济学——即政府财政和货币政策是必要的经济工具的主导观念。

University of Chicago economist Milton Friedman became its president.

芝加哥大学经济学家米尔顿·弗里德曼成为该校校长。

Friedman (and his Chicago School of Economics) and the MPS became some of the most influential free market advocates in the world and helped legitimize for many the libertarian ideology so successfully evangelized by FEE, its descendant organizations, and libertarian popularizers such as the novelist Ayn Rand.

弗里德曼（和他的芝加哥经济学院）和 MPS 成为世界上最有影响力的自由市场倡导者之一，并帮助许多自由主义意识形态合法化，而 FEE 及其衍生组织和自由主义普及者（如小说家艾因·兰德）成功地传播了自由主义意识形态。

Libertarian politics and evangelical religion were shaping the origins of a new conservative, suburban constituency.

自由主义政治和福音派宗教正在塑造新的保守派郊区选区的起源。

Suburban communities’ distance from government and other top-down community-building mechanisms—despite relying on government subsidies and government programs—left a social void that evangelical churches eagerly filled.

郊区社区与政府和其他自上而下的社区建设机制的距离——尽管依赖政府补贴和政府计划——留下了福音派教会急切填补的社会空白。

More often than not the theology and ideology of these churches reinforced socially conservative views while simultaneously reinforcing congregants’ belief in economic individualism.

这些教会的神学和意识形态常常强化社会保守观点，同时强化会众对经济个人主义的信仰。

Novelist Ayn Rand, meanwhile, whose novels The Fountainhead (1943) and Atlas Shrugged (1957) were two of the decades’ best sellers, helped move the ideas of individualism, “rational self-interest,” and “the virtue of selfishness” outside the halls of business and academia and into suburbia.

与此同时，小说家艾因·兰德的小说《源泉》（1943年）和《阿特拉斯耸耸肩》（1957年）成为几十年来最畅销的两部小说，帮助将个人主义、“理性利己”和“自私美德”的思想从商业和学术界带到了郊区。

The ethos of individualism became the building blocks for a new political movement.

个人主义精神成为新政治运动的基石。

And yet, while the growing suburbs and their brewing conservative ideology eventually proved immensely important in American political life, their impact was not immediately felt.

然而，尽管不断发展的郊区及其酝酿中的保守主义意识形态最终被证明在美国政治生活中极其重要，但它们的影响并没有立即感受到。

They did not yet have a champion.

他们还没有冠军。

In the post–World War II years the Republican Party faced a fork in the road.

二战后的几年里，共和党面临着一个岔路口。

Its complete lack of electoral success since the Depression led to a battle within the party about how to revive its electoral prospects.

自大萧条以来，该党在选举中完全没有取得成功，导致党内就如何重振其选举前景展开了一场斗争。

The more conservative faction, represented by Ohio senator Robert Taft (son of former president William Howard Taft) and backed by many party activists and financiers such as J.

较为保守的派系，以俄亥俄州参议员罗伯特·塔夫脱（前总统威廉·霍华德·塔夫脱的儿子）为代表，并得到许多党内活动家和金融家的支持，例如 J·塔夫脱。

Howard Pew, sought to take the party further to the right, particularly in economic matters, by rolling back New Deal programs and policies.

霍华德·皮尤 (Howard Pew) 试图通过取消新政计划和政策，使该党进一步右倾，特别是在经济问题上。

On the other hand, the more moderate wing of the party, led by men such as New York governor Thomas Dewey and Nelson Rockefeller, sought to embrace and reform New Deal programs and policies.

另一方面，以纽约州州长托马斯·杜威和纳尔逊·洛克菲勒等人为首的党内较为温和的派别则寻求拥抱和改革新政计划和政策。

There were further disagreements among party members about how involved the United States should be in the world.

对于美国应该如何参与世界事务，党员之间还存在进一步的分歧。

Issues such as foreign aid, collective security, and how best to fight communism divided the party.

对外援助、集体安全以及如何最好地对抗共产主义等问题使党内产生了分歧。

Just like the internet, don’t always trust what you read in newspapers.

就像互联网一样，不要总是相信你在报纸上读到的内容。

This obviously incorrect banner from the front page of the Chicago Daily Tribune on November 3, 1948 made its own headlines as the newspaper’s most embarrassing gaff.

1948 年 11 月 3 日，《芝加哥每日论坛报》头版上的这条明显不正确的横幅成为该报最尴尬的错误，并登上了头条。

Photograph, 1948.

照片，1948 年。

http://media-2.web.britannica.com/eb-media/14/65214-050-D86AAA4E.jpg. Undated portrait of President Harry S.

http://media-2.web.britannica.com/eb-media/14/65214-050-D86AAA4E.jpg。哈里·S·总统的未注明日期的肖像

Truman.

杜鲁门。

National Archives .

国家档案馆。

Initially, the moderates, or “liberals,” won control of the party with the nomination of Thomas Dewey in 1948.

最初，温和派或“自由派”在 1948 年提名托马斯·杜威 (Thomas Dewey) 后赢得了党的控制权。

Dewey’s shocking loss to Truman, however, emboldened conservatives, who rallied around Taft as the 1952 presidential primaries approached.

然而，杜威令人震惊地输给了杜鲁门，这让保守派变得更加大胆，随着 1952 年总统初选的临近，他们团结在塔夫脱周围。

With the conservative banner riding high in the party, General Dwight Eisenhower (“Ike”), most recently North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) supreme commander, felt obliged to join the race in order to beat back the conservatives and “prevent one of our great two Parties from adopting a course which could lead to national suicide.” In addition to his fear that Taft and the conservatives would undermine collective security arrangements such as NATO, he also berated the “neanderthals” in his party for their anti–New Deal stance.

随着保守派旗帜在党内高高飘扬，最近担任北大西洋公约组织（NATO）最高指挥官的德怀特·艾森豪威尔将军（“艾克”）感到有必要参加竞选，以击退保守派并“防止我们伟大的两党之一采取可能导致民族自杀的方针。”除了担心塔夫脱和保守派会破坏北约等集体安全安排外，他还斥责党内“尼安德特人”的反新政立场。

Eisenhower felt that the best way to stop communism was to undercut its appeal by alleviating the conditions under which it was most attractive.

艾森豪威尔认为，阻止共产主义的最佳方法是通过减轻其最具吸引力的条件来削弱其吸引力。

That meant supporting New Deal programs.

这意味着支持新政计划。

There was also a political calculus to Eisenhower’s position.

艾森豪威尔的立场还有政治考量。

He observed, “Should any political party attempt to abolish social security, unemployment insurance, and eliminate labor laws and farm programs, you would not hear of that party again in our political history.” 28

他观察到，“如果任何政党试图废除社会保障、失业保险，并取消劳动法和农业计划，那么在我们的政治历史上你就不会再听到那个政党了。” 28

The primary contest between Taft and Eisenhower was close and controversial.

塔夫脱和艾森豪威尔之间的初选竞争十分激烈且充满争议。

Taft supporters claimed that Eisenhower stole the nomination from Taft at the convention.

塔夫脱的支持者声称艾森豪威尔在大会上窃取了塔夫脱的提名。

Eisenhower, attempting to placate the conservatives in his party, picked California congressman and virulent anticommunist Richard Nixon as his running mate.

艾森豪威尔试图安抚党内保守派，选择加利福尼亚州国会议员、恶毒的反共分子理查德·尼克松作为竞选搭档。

With the Republican nomination sewn up, the immensely popular Eisenhower swept to victory in the 1952 general election, easily besting Truman’s hand-picked successor, Adlai Stevenson.

随着共和党提名的确定，极受欢迎的艾森豪威尔在 1952 年大选中大获全胜，轻松击败了杜鲁门精心挑选的继任者阿德莱·史蒂文森。

Eisenhower’s popularity boosted Republicans across the country, leading them to majorities in both houses of Congress.

艾森豪威尔的声望提振了全国各地的共和党人，使他们在国会两院获得多数席位。

The Republican sweep in the 1952 election, owing in part to Eisenhower’s popularity, translated into few tangible legislative accomplishments.

共和党在 1952 年大选中大获全胜，部分原因是艾森豪威尔的受欢迎程度，但并没有带来多少切实的立法成就。

Within two years of his election, the moderate Eisenhower saw his legislative proposals routinely defeated by an unlikely alliance of conservative Republicans, who thought Eisenhower was going too far, and liberal Democrats, who thought he was not going far enough.

在当选后的两年内，温和的艾森豪威尔看到他的立法提案经常被保守派共和党和自由派民主党组成的不太可能的联盟击败，保守派共和党认为艾森豪威尔走得太远，而自由派民主党则认为艾森豪威尔走得还不够。

For example, in 1954 Eisenhower proposed a national healthcare plan that would have provided federal support for increasing healthcare coverage across the nation without getting the government directly involved in regulating the healthcare industry.

例如，1954 年，艾森豪威尔提出了一项国家医疗保健计划，该计划将为增加全国范围内的医疗保健覆盖率提供联邦支持，而无需让政府直接参与监管医疗保健行业。

The proposal was defeated in the house by a 238–134 vote with a swing bloc of seventy-five conservative Republicans joining liberal Democrats voting against the plan.

该提案在众议院以 238 票对 134 票被否决，由 75 名保守派共和党人和自由民主党人组成的摇摆集团投票反对该计划。

29 Eisenhower’s proposals in education and agriculture often suffered similar defeats.

29 艾森豪威尔在教育和农业方面的建议也经常遭遇类似的失败。

By the end of his presidency, Ike’s domestic legislative achievements were largely limited to expanding social security; making Health, Education and Welfare (HEW) a cabinet position; passing the National Defense Education Act; and bolstering federal support to education, particularly in math and science.

到总统任期结束时，艾克的国内立法成就主要限于扩大社会保障；将健康、教育和福利（HEW）列为内阁职位；通过国防教育法；加强联邦对教育的支持，特别是在数学和科学方面。

As with any president, however, Eisenhower’s impact was bigger than just legislation.

然而，与任何一位总统一样，艾森豪威尔的影响不仅仅是立法。

Ike’s “middle of the road” philosophy guided his foreign policy as much as his domestic agenda.

艾克的“中间道路”哲学指导着他的外交政策和国内议程。

He sought to keep the United States from direct interventions abroad by bolstering anticommunist and procapitalist allies.

他试图通过支持反共和亲资本主义盟友来阻止美国对海外进行直接干预。

Ike funneled money to the French in Vietnam fighting the Ho Chi Minh–led communists, walked a tight line between helping Chiang Kai-Shek’s Taiwan without overtly provoking Mao Zedong’s China, and materially backed groups that destabilized “unfriendly” governments in Iran and Guatemala.

艾克向在越南与胡志明领导的共产党人作战的法国人输送资金，在帮助蒋介石的台湾而不公然激怒毛泽东的中国之间保持着严格的界限，并在物质上支持破坏伊朗和危地马拉“不友好”政府稳定的组织。

The centerpiece of Ike’s Soviet policy, meanwhile, was the threat of “massive retaliation,” or the threat of nuclear force in the face of communist expansion, thereby checking Soviet expansion without direct American involvement.

与此同时，艾克苏联政策的核心是威胁进行“大规模报复”，即面对共产主义扩张时威胁使用核武力，从而在美国不直接参与的情况下遏制苏联的扩张。

While Ike’s “mainstream” “middle way” won broad popular support, his own party was slowly moving away from his positions.

尽管艾克的“主流”“中间道路”赢得了广泛的民众支持，但他自己的政党正在慢慢偏离他的立场。

By 1964 the party had moved far enough to the right to nominate Arizona senator Barry Goldwater, the most conservative candidate in a generation.

到 1964 年，该党已经足够右倾，提名亚利桑那州参议员巴里·戈德华特 (Barry Goldwater)，他是一代人中最保守的候选人。

The political moderation of the Affluent Society proved little more than a way station on the road to liberal reforms and a more distant conservative ascendancy.

事实证明，富裕社会的政治温和派只不过是通向自由主义改革和更遥远的保守派崛起道路上的一个中转站。

The postwar American “consensus” held great promise.

战后美国的“共识”前景广阔。

Despite the looming threat of nuclear war, millions experienced an unprecedented prosperity and an increasingly proud American identity.

尽管核战争的威胁迫在眉睫，数百万人仍然经历了前所未有的繁荣和日益自豪的美国身份。

Prosperity seemed to promise ever higher standards of living.

繁荣似乎预示着更高的生活水平。

But things fell apart, and the center could not hold: wracked by contradiction, dissent, discrimination, and inequality, the Affluent Society stood on the precipice of revolution.

但事情分崩离析，中心无法维持：饱受矛盾、异议、歧视和不平等的摧残，富裕社会站在了革命的悬崖边。

During the labor shortages of World War II, the United States’ launched the Bracero (“laborer”) program to bring Mexican laborers into the United States.

第二次世界大战期间劳动力短缺，美国推出了Bracero（“劳工”）计划，将墨西哥劳工引入美国。

The program continued into the 1960s and brought more than a million workers into the United States on short-term contracts.

该计划一直持续到 20 世纪 60 年代，为美国带来了超过 100 万短期合同工人。

Undocumented immigration continued, however.

然而，无证移民仍在继续。

Congress held hearings and, in the selection below, a migrant worker named Juanita Garcia testifies to Congress about the state of affairs in California’s Imperial Valley.

国会举行了听证会，在下面的选择中，一位名叫胡安妮塔·加西亚 (Juanita Garcia) 的移民工人向国会就加州帝王谷的事态作证。

Beginning in 1954, Dwight Eisenhower’s administration oversaw, with the cooperation of the Mexican government, “Operation Wetback,” which empowered to the Border Patrol to crack down upon illegal immigration.

从 1954 年开始，德怀特·艾森豪威尔政府在墨西哥政府的合作下实施了“湿背行动”，授权边境巡逻队打击非法移民。

Pete Hernandez, a migrant worker, was tried for the murder of his employer, Joe Espinosa, in Edna, Texas, in 1950.

皮特·埃尔南德斯 (Pete Hernandez) 是一名移民工人，1950 年因谋杀雇主乔·埃斯皮诺萨 (Joe Espinosa) 在德克萨斯州埃德纳受审。

Hernandez was convicted by an all-white jury.

埃尔南德斯被全白人陪审团定罪。

His lawyers appealed.

他的律师提出上诉。

They argued that Hernandez was entitled to a jury “of his peers” and that systematic exclusion of Mexican Americans violated constitutional law.

他们认为，埃尔南德斯有权获得“同侪”组成的陪审团，系统性地排斥墨西哥裔美国人违反了宪法。

In a unanimous decision, the United States Supreme Court ruled that Mexican Americans—and all “classes”—were entitled to the “equal protection” articulated in the Fourteenth Amendment.

美国最高法院在一项一致决定中裁定，墨西哥裔美国人以及所有“阶层”都有权获得第十四修正案中阐明的“平等保护”。

In 1896, the United States Supreme Court declared in Plessy v.

1896年，美国最高法院在普莱西诉.

Ferguson that the doctrine of “separate but equal” was constitutional.

弗格森认为“隔离但平等”的原则符合宪法。

In 1954, the United States Supreme Court overturned that decision and ruled unanimously against school segregation.

1954年，美国最高法院推翻了这一决定，一致裁定反对学校种族隔离。

As Cold War tensions eased, exhibitions allowed for Americans and Soviets to survey the other’s culture and way of life.

随着冷战紧张局势的缓和，美国人和苏联人可以通过展览了解对方的文化和生活方式。

In 1959, the Russians held an exhibition in New York, and the Americans in Moscow.

1959年，俄罗斯人在纽约举办了展览，美国人则在莫斯科举办了展览。

A videotaped discussion between Vice President Richard Nixon and Soviet Premier Nikita Kruschev, the so-called “Kitchen Debate,” won Richard Nixon acclaim at home for his articulate defense of the American standard of living.

副总统理查德·尼克松和苏联总理尼基塔·克鲁舍夫之间的一段录像讨论，即所谓的“厨房辩论”，因其对美国生活水平的明确捍卫而在国内赢得了赞誉。

In the following extract from July 24, 1959, Nixon opened the American Exhibition in Moscow.

以下摘录自 1959 年 7 月 24 日，尼克松在莫斯科为美国展览会开幕。

John F.

约翰·F.

Kennedy on the Separation of Church and State (1960)

肯尼迪论政教分离 (1960)

American Anti-Catholicism had softened in the aftermath of World War II, but no Catholic had ever been elected president and Protestant Americans had long been suspicious of Catholic politicians when John F.

第二次世界大战后，美国的反天主教情绪有所减弱，但从未有天主教徒当选总统，而当约翰·肯尼迪 (John F.

Kennedy ran for the presidency in 1960.

1960年，肯尼迪竞选总统。

(Al Smith, the first Catholic presidential candidate, was roundly defeated in 1928 owing in large part to popular anti-Catholic prejudice).

（第一位天主教总统候选人阿尔·史密斯在 1928 年惨败，这在很大程度上是由于民众的反天主教偏见）。

On September 12, 1960, Kennedy addressed the Greater Houston Ministerial Association and he not only allayed popular fears of his Catholic faith, he delivered a seminal statement on the separation of church and state.

1960 年 9 月 12 日，肯尼迪在大休斯敦部长级协会发表讲话，他不仅缓解了公众对其天主教信仰的恐惧，还发表了关于政教分离的开创性声明。

Congressman Arthur L.

国会议员阿瑟·L.

Miller Gives “the Putrid Facts” About Homosexuality (1950)

米勒给出了关于同性恋的“腐烂的事实”（1950）

In 1950, Representative Arthur L.

1950 年，众议员 Arthur L.

Miller, a Nebraska Republican, offered an amendment to a bill requiring background checks for employees of the Economic Cooperation Administration (ECA).

内布拉斯加州共和党人米勒对一项要求对经济合作管理局（ECA）雇员进行背景调查的法案提出了修正案。

Miller proposed to bar homosexuals from working with the ECA.

米勒提议禁止同性恋者与 ECA 合作。

Although his amendment was rejected, his views of homosexuality revealed much about postwar American views.

尽管他的修正案被拒绝，但他对同性恋的看法很大程度上反映了战后美国的观点。

In this unfinished correspondence and undated personal notes, Rosa Parks recounted living under segregation in Montgomery, Alabama, explained why she refused to surrender her seat on a city bus, and lamented the psychological toll exacted by Jim Crow.

在这封未完成的信件和未注明日期的个人笔记中，罗莎·帕克斯讲述了阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利的种族隔离生活，解释了她拒绝在城市公交车上让座的原因，并对吉姆·克劳造成的心理伤害表示遗憾。

In 1959, photographer John Bledsoe captured this image of the crowd on the steps of the Arkansas state capitol building, protesting the federally mandated integration of Little Rock’s Central High School.

1959 年，摄影师约翰·布莱索 (John Bledsoe) 拍摄了这张阿肯色州议会大厦台阶上的人群的照片，抗议联邦政府强制整合小石城中央高中。

This image shows how worries about desegregation were bound up with other concerns, such as the reach of communism and government power.

这张图片显示了对废除种族隔离的担忧是如何与其他担忧（例如共产主义和政府权力的影响范围）联系在一起的。

Redbook made this film to convince advertisers that the magazine would help them attract the white suburban consumers they desired.

红皮书制作这部电影是为了让广告商相信这本杂志将帮助他们吸引他们想要的郊区白人消费者。

The “happy go spending, buy it now, young adults of today” are depicted by the film as flocking to the suburbs to escape global and urban turmoil.

影片将“当今的年轻人，乐于消费，立即购买”描述为涌向郊区以逃避全球和城市的动荡。

Redbook Magazine, “In The Suburbs” (1957).

红皮书杂志，“在郊区”（1957）。

Via The Internet Archive .

通过互联网档案馆。

This chapter was edited by James McKay, with content contributions by Edwin C.

本章由 James McKay 编辑，内容由 Edwin C.

Breeden, Aaron Cowan, Elsa Devienne, Maggie Flamingo, Destin Jenkins, Kyle Livie, Jennifer Mandel, James McKay, Laura Redford, Ronny Regev, and Tanya Roth.

布里登、亚伦·考恩、埃尔莎·德维安、玛吉·弗拉明戈、德斯汀·詹金斯、凯尔·利维、詹妮弗·曼德尔、詹姆斯·麦凯、劳拉·雷德福、罗尼·雷格夫和坦尼娅·罗斯。

Recommended citation: Edwin C.

推荐引用：Edwin C.

Breeden et al., “The Affluent Society,” James McKay, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.

Breeden 等人，“富裕社会”，James McKay 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。

Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).

约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。

中文为机器翻译，仅供参考。