The American Yawp

Test of the tactical nuclear weapon “Small Boy” at the Nevada Test Site, July 14, 1962.

1962 年 7 月 14 日，在内华达试验场测试战术核武器“小男孩”。

National Nuclear Security Administration, #760-5-NTS .

国家核安全局，#760-5-NTS。

* NOTE: You are viewing a chapter from the archived, “First Edition” version of the American Yawp, which stopped receiving updates in spring 2026.

* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。

Click here to access the current, updated edition *

单击此处访问当前的更新版本*

Relations between the United States and the Soviet Union—erstwhile allies—soured soon after World War II.

美国和曾经的盟友苏联之间的关系在第二次世界大战后不久就恶化了。

On February 22, 1946, less than a year after the end of the war, the chargé d’affaires of the U.S. embassy in Moscow, George Kennan sent a famously lengthy telegram—literally referred to as the Long Telegram—to the State Department denouncing the Soviet Union.

1946 年 2 月 22 日，战争结束后不到一年，美国驻莫斯科大使馆临时代办乔治·凯南 (George Kennan) 向国务院发出了一封著名的长电报（字面称为“长电报”），谴责苏联。

“World communism is like a malignant parasite which feeds only on diseased tissue,” he wrote, and “the steady advance of uneasy Russian nationalism .

“世界共产主义就像一种恶性寄生虫，只以患病组织为食，”他写道，“令人不安的俄罗斯民族主义稳步前进……”。

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in [the] new guise of international Marxism .

国际马克思主义的新面貌。

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is more dangerous and insidious than ever before.” 1 There could be no cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union, Kennan wrote.

比以往任何时候都更加危险和阴险。” 1 凯南写道，美国和苏联之间不可能进行合作。

Instead, the Soviets had to be “contained.” Less than two weeks later, on March 5, former British prime minister Winston Churchill visited President Harry Truman in his home state of Missouri and declared that Europe had been cut in half, divided by an “iron curtain” that had “descended across the Continent.” 2 Aggressive anti-Soviet sentiment seized the American government and soon the American people.

相反，苏联必须被“遏制”。不到两周后，即 3 月 5 日，英国前首相温斯顿·丘吉尔在其家乡密苏里州拜访了哈里·杜鲁门总统，并宣布欧洲已被“横跨整个大陆”的“铁幕”一分为二。 2 强烈的反苏联情绪席卷了美国政府，并很快席卷了美国人民。

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The Cold War was a global, political, and ideological struggle between capitalist and communist countries, particularly between the two surviving superpowers of the postwar world: the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR).

冷战是资本主义和共产主义国家之间的全球政治和意识形态斗争，特别是战后世界两个幸存的超级大国：美国和苏维埃社会主义共和国联盟（苏联）之间的斗争。

“Cold” because it was never a “hot,” direct shooting war between the United States and the Soviet Union, the generations-long, multifaceted rivalry nevertheless bent the world to its whims.

“冷”是因为美国和苏联之间从来都不是一场“热”的直接战争，但这种长达几代人的、多方面的竞争却让世界随心所欲。

Tensions ran highest, perhaps, during the first Cold War, which lasted from the mid-1940s through the mid-1960s, after which followed a period of relaxed tensions and increased communication and cooperation, known by the French term détente , until the second Cold War interceded from roughly 1979 until the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991.

紧张局势可能在第一次冷战期间最为紧张，冷战从 20 世纪 40 年代中期一直持续到 1960 年代中期，此后经历了一段紧张局势缓和、沟通与合作加强的时期（法语术语“缓和”），直到第二次冷战从大约 1979 年开始，一直到 1989 年柏林墙倒塌和 1991 年苏联解体。

The Cold War reshaped the world and the generations of Americans that lived under its shadow.

冷战重塑了世界以及生活在冷战阴影下的几代美国人。

The Cold War grew out of a failure to achieve a durable settlement among leaders from the Big Three Allies—the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union—as they met at Yalta in Russian Crimea and at Potsdam in occupied Germany to shape the postwar order.

冷战的起因是美国、英国和苏联三大盟国领导人在俄罗斯克里米亚的雅尔塔和被占领德国的波茨坦会面以塑造战后秩序，但未能达成持久解决方案。

The Germans had pillaged their way across Eastern Europe, and the Soviets had pillaged their way back.

德国人一路掠夺东欧，苏联人又一路掠夺回来。

Millions of lives were lost.

数百万人丧生。

Stalin considered the newly conquered territory part of a Soviet sphere of influence.

斯大林认为新征服的领土是苏联势力范围的一部分。

With Germany’s defeat imminent, the Allies set terms for unconditional surrender.

随着德国战败在即，盟军设定了无条件投降的条件。

At the same time, deliberation began over reparations, tribunals, and the nature of an occupation regime that would initially be divided into American, British, French, and Soviet zones.

与此同时，人们开始就赔偿、法庭以及最初被划分为美国、英国、法国和苏联占领区的占领政权的性质进行审议。

Suspicion and mistrust were already mounting.

怀疑和不信任已经在增加。

The political landscape was altered drastically by Franklin Roosevelt’s sudden death in April 1945, just days before the inaugural meeting of the UN.

1945 年 4 月，就在联合国成立大会召开前几天，富兰克林·罗斯福突然去世，政治格局发生了巨大变化。

Although Roosevelt was skeptical of Stalin, he always held out hope that the Soviets could be brought into the “Free World.” Truman, like Churchill, had no such illusions.

尽管罗斯福对斯大林持怀疑态度，但他始终对苏联能够进入“自由世界”抱有希望。杜鲁门和丘吉尔一样，没有这样的幻想。

He committed the United States to a hard-line, anti-Soviet approach.

他承诺美国采取强硬的反苏联方针。

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At the Potsdam Conference, held on the outskirts of Berlin from mid-July to early August, the Allies debated the fate of Soviet-occupied Poland.

七月中旬至八月初在柏林郊区举行的波茨坦会议上，盟军就苏联占领的波兰的命运进行了辩论。

Toward the end of the meeting, the American delegation received word that Manhattan Project scientists had successfully tested an atomic bomb.

会议即将结束时，美国代表团收到消息称，曼哈顿计划的科学家们已经成功试验了原子弹。

On July 24, when Truman told Stalin about this “new weapon of unusual destructive force,” the Soviet leader simply nodded his acknowledgment and said that he hoped the Americans would make “good use” of it.

7月24日，当杜鲁门向斯大林介绍这种“具有不同寻常破坏力的新武器”时，这位苏联领导人只是点头承认，并表示希望美国人“好好利用”它。

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The Cold War had long roots.

冷战由来已久。

The World War II alliance of convenience was not enough to erase decades of mutual suspicions.

二战期间的便利联盟不足以消除数十年的相互猜疑。

The Bolshevik Revolution had overthrown the Russian tsarists during World War I.

布尔什维克革命在第一次世界大战期间推翻了俄罗斯沙皇。

Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin urged an immediate worldwide peace that would pave the way for world socialism just as Woodrow Wilson brought the United States into the war with promises of global democracy and free trade.

布尔什维克领导人弗拉基米尔·列宁敦促立即实现世界和平，这将为世界社会主义铺平道路，就像伍德罗·威尔逊以全球民主和自由贸易的承诺将美国带入战争一样。

The United States had intervened militarily against the Red Army during the Russian Civil War, and when the Soviet Union was founded in 1922 the United States refused to recognize it.

美国在俄罗斯内战期间对红军进行了军事干预，1922年苏联成立时，美国拒绝承认它。

The two powers were brought together only by their common enemy, and without that common enemy, there was little hope for cooperation.

两个强国只是因为共同的敌人才走到一起的，没有共同的敌人，合作就没有希望。

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On the eve of American involvement in World War II, on August 14, 1941, Roosevelt and Churchill had issued a joint declaration of goals for postwar peace, known as the Atlantic Charter.

1941 年 8 月 14 日，在美国卷入第二次世界大战前夕，罗斯福和丘吉尔发表了一份关于战后和平目标的联合宣言，即《大西洋宪章》。

An adaptation of Wilson’s Fourteen Points, the Atlantic Charter established the creation of the United Nations.

《大西洋宪章》改编自威尔逊的十四点，确立了联合国的成立。

The Soviet Union was among the fifty charter UN member-states and was given one of five seats—alongside the United States, Britain, France, and China—on the select Security Council.

苏联是 50 个联合国宪章成员国之一，并获得了安理会五个席位之一（另外两个席位是美国、英国、法国和中国）。

The Atlantic Charter also set in motion the planning for a reorganized global economy.

《大西洋宪章》还启动了重组全球经济的规划。

The July 1944 UN Financial and Monetary Conference, more popularly known as the Bretton Woods Conference, created the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the forerunner of the World Bank, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD).

1944 年 7 月召开的联合国金融和货币会议（通常称为布雷顿森林会议）创建了国际货币基金组织 (IMF) 和世界银行的前身国际复兴开发银行 (IBRD)。

The Bretton Woods system was bolstered in 1947 with the addition of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), forerunner of the World Trade Organization (WTO).

1947 年，世界贸易组织 (WTO) 的前身关税及贸易总协定 (GATT) 的加入进一步巩固了布雷顿森林体系。

The Soviets rejected it all.

苏联人全都拒绝了。

Many officials on both sides knew that the Soviet-American relationship would dissolve into renewed hostility at the end of the war, and events proved them right.

双方许多官员都知道，战争结束后，苏美关系将陷入新的敌对状态，事实证明他们是对的。

In 1946 alone, the Soviet Union refused to cede parts of occupied Iran, a Soviet defector betrayed a Soviet spy who had worked on the Manhattan Project, and the United States refused Soviet calls to dismantle its nuclear arsenal.

仅在 1946 年，苏联就拒绝割让被占领的伊朗部分地区，一名苏联叛逃者背叛了一名参与曼哈顿计划的苏联间谍，美国拒绝了苏联要求拆除其核武库的呼吁。

In a 1947 article for Foreign Affairs —written under the pseudonym “Mr. X”—George Kennan warned that Americans should “continue to regard the Soviet Union as a rival, not a partner,” since Stalin harbored “no real faith in the possibility of a permanent happy coexistence of the Socialist and capitalist worlds.” He urged U.S. leaders to pursue “a policy of firm containment, designed to confront the Russians.” 7

乔治·凯南在 1947 年以“X 先生”为笔名撰写的《外交事务》文章中警告说，美国人应该“继续将苏联视为竞争对手，而不是伙伴”，因为斯大林“对社会主义世界和资本主义世界永久幸福共存的可能性并不抱有真正的信心”。他敦促美国领导人奉行“旨在对抗俄罗斯的坚定遏制政策”。 7

Truman, on March 12, 1947, announced $400 million in aid to Greece and Turkey, where “terrorist activities .

1947 年 3 月 12 日，杜鲁门宣布向希腊和土耳其提供 4 亿美元援助，因为那里的“恐怖活动……”

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led by Communists” jeopardized “democratic” governance.

共产党人领导的”危害了“民主”治理。

With Britain “reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece,” it fell on the United States, Truman said, “to support free peoples .

杜鲁门表示，随着英国“减少或取消其在包括希腊在内的世界多个地区的承诺”，“支持自由人民的责任”落在了美国身上。

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resisting attempted subjugation by .

抵抗企图征服。

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outside pressures.” 8 The so-called Truman Doctrine became a cornerstone of the American policy of containment designed to stop Soviet expansion anywhere in the world.

外界压力。” 8 所谓的杜鲁门主义成为美国旨在阻止苏联在世界任何地方扩张的遏制政策的基石。

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In the harsh winter of 1946–1947, famine loomed in much of continental Europe.

1946 年至 1947 年的严冬期间，欧洲大陆大部分地区面临饥荒。

Blizzards and freezing cold halted coal production.

暴风雪和严寒导致煤炭生产停止。

Factories closed.

工厂关闭。

Unemployment spiked.

失业率飙升。

Amid these conditions, the communist parties of France and Italy gained nearly a third of the seats in their respective parliaments.

在这种情况下，法国和意大利共产党在各自议会中获得了近三分之一的席位。

American officials worried that Europe’s impoverished masses were increasingly vulnerable to Soviet propaganda.

美国官员担心欧洲的贫困群众越来越容易受到苏联宣传的影响。

The situation remained dire through the spring, when secretary of state General George Marshall gave an address at Harvard University on June 5, 1947, suggesting that “the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health to the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace.” 10 Although Marshall had stipulated to potential critics that his proposal was “not directed against any country, but against hunger, poverty .

整个春天，形势依然严峻，1947 年 6 月 5 日，国务卿乔治·马歇尔将军在哈佛大学发表讲话，建议“美国应尽一切努力帮助世界恢复正常的经济健康，否则就不可能有政治​​稳定和有保障的和平。” 10 尽管马歇尔向潜在的批评者表明，他的提议“不是针对任何国家，而是针对饥饿、贫困……”

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and chaos,” Stalin clearly understood this as an assault against communism in Europe.

和混乱”，斯大林清楚地理解这是对欧洲共产主义的攻击。

He saw it as a “Trojan Horse” designed to lure Germany and other countries into the capitalist web.

他将其视为旨在引诱德国和其他国家进入资本主义网络的“特洛伊木马”。

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The European Recovery Program (ERP), popularly known as the Marshall Plan, pumped enormous sums of capital into Western Europe.

欧洲复苏计划（ERP），俗称马歇尔计划，向西欧注入了大量资金。

From 1948 to 1952 the United States invested $13 billion toward reconstruction while simultaneously loosening trade barriers.

从 1948 年到 1952 年，美国投资了 130 亿美元用于重建，同时放松了贸易壁垒。

To avoid the postwar chaos that had followed in the wake World War I, the Marshall Plan was designed to rebuild Western Europe, open markets, and win European support for capitalist democracies.

为了避免第一次世界大战后出现的战后混乱，马歇尔计划旨在重建西欧、开放市场并赢得欧洲对资本主义民主国家的支持。

The Soviets countered with their rival Molotov Plan, a symbolic pledge of aid to Eastern Europe.

苏联提出了其竞争对手“莫洛托夫计划”，这是向东欧提供援助的象征性承诺。

Polish leader Józef Cyrankiewicz was rewarded with a five-year, $450 million trade agreement from Russia for boycotting the Marshall Plan.

波兰领导人约瑟夫·西兰凯维奇因抵制马歇尔计划而获得了俄罗斯为期五年、价值 4.5 亿美元的贸易协议。

Stalin was jealous of Eastern Europe.

斯大林嫉妒东欧。

When Czechoslovakia received $200 million in American assistance, Stalin summoned Czech foreign minister Jan Masaryk to Moscow.

当捷克斯洛伐克获得美国2亿美元的援助时，斯大林召见捷克外交部长扬·马萨里克前往莫斯科。

Masaryk later recounted that he “went to Moscow as the foreign minister of an independent sovereign state” but “returned as a lackey of the Soviet Government.” Stalin exercised ever tighter control over Soviet “satellite” countries in central and Eastern Europe.

马萨里克后来回忆说，他“作为一个独立主权国家的外交部长前往莫斯科”，但“作为苏联政府的走狗回来了”。斯大林对苏联在中欧和东欧的“卫星”国家的控制越来越严格。

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The situation in Germany meanwhile deteriorated.

与此同时，德国的局势恶化。

Berlin had been divided into communist and capitalist zones.

柏林被分为共产主义区和资本主义区。

In June 1948, when U.S., British, and French officials introduced a new currency, the Soviet Union initiated a ground blockade, cutting off rail and road access to West Berlin (landlocked within the Soviet occupation zone) to gain control over the entire city.

1948 年 6 月，当美国、英国和法国官员推出新货币时，苏联发起了地面封锁，切断了通往西柏林（位于苏联占领区内陆）的铁路和公路通道，以控制整个城市。

The United States organized and coordinated a massive airlift that flew essential supplies into the beleaguered city for eleven months, until the Soviets lifted the blockade on May 12, 1949.

美国组织和协调了一次大规模空运，将必需品运送到这座陷入困境的城市，持续了 11 个月，直到苏联于 1949 年 5 月 12 日解除封锁。

Germany was officially broken in half.

德国正式被分成两半。

On May 23, the western half of the country was formally renamed the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and the eastern Soviet zone became the German Democratic Republic (GDR) later that fall.

5 月 23 日，该国西半部正式更名为德意志联邦共和国 (FRG)，苏联东部地区于当年秋天晚些时候更名为德意志民主共和国 (GDR)。

Berlin, which lay squarely within the GDR, was divided into two sections (and, from August 1961 until November 1989, famously separated by physical walls).

柏林正好位于东德境内，被分为两个部分（从 1961 年 8 月到 1989 年 11 月，柏林被有形的墙隔开）。

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The Berlin Blockade and resultant Allied airlift was one of the first major crises of the Cold War.

柏林封锁和随之而来的盟军空运是冷战时期最早的重大危机之一。

Here a U.S. Navy Douglas R4D and U.S. Air Force C-47 aircraft unload at Tempelhof Airport in 1948 or 1949.

1948 年或 1949 年，一架美国海军道格拉斯 R4D 和美国空军 C-47 飞机在滕珀尔霍夫机场卸货。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

In the summer of 1949, American officials launched the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), a mutual defense pact in which the United States and Canada were joined by England, France, Belgium, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Italy, Portugal, Norway, Denmark, and Iceland.

1949 年夏天，美国官员发起了北大西洋公约组织 (NATO)，这是一项共同防御条约，美国、加拿大、英国、法国、比利时、卢森堡、荷兰、意大利、葡萄牙、挪威、丹麦和冰岛都加入了该条约。

The Soviet Union would formalize its own collective defensive agreement in 1955, the Warsaw Pact, which included Albania, Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland, and East Germany.

苏联于 1955 年正式制定了自己的集体防御协议，即《华沙条约》，其中包括阿尔巴尼亚、罗马尼亚、保加利亚、匈牙利、捷克斯洛伐克、波兰和东德。

Liberal journalist Walter Lippmann was largely responsible for popularizing the term Cold War in his book The Cold War: A Study in U.S. Foreign Policy , published in 1947.

自由派记者沃尔特·李普曼 (Walter Lippmann) 在其 1947 年出版的《冷战：美国外交政策研究》一书中普及了“冷战”一词。

Lippmann envisioned a prolonged stalemate between the United States and the USSR, a war of words and ideas in which direct shots would not necessarily be fired between the two.

李普曼设想美国和苏联之间会出现长期僵局，一场口水战和思想战，两国之间不一定会直接开枪。

Lippmann agreed that the Soviet Union would only be “prevented from expanding” if it were “confronted with .

李普曼同意，只有“面对……”，苏联才会“阻止其扩张”。

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American power,” but he felt “that the strategical conception and plan” recommended by Mr. X (George Kennan) was “fundamentally unsound,” as it would require having “the money and the military power always available in sufficient amounts to apply ‘counter-force’ at constantly shifting points all over the world.” Lippmann cautioned against making far-flung, open-ended commitments, favoring instead a more limited engagement that focused on halting the influence of communism in the “heart” of Europe; he believed that if the Soviet system were successfully restrained on the continent, it could otherwise be left alone to collapse under the weight of its own imperfections.

美国的力量”，但他认为 X 先生（乔治·凯南）推荐的“战略构想和计划”“从根本上来说是不健全的”，因为它需要“始终拥有足够的资金和军事力量，以便在世界各地不断变化的地点施加‘反制力量’”。李普曼警告不要做出广泛的、开放式的承诺，而是赞成进行更有限的参与，重点是阻止共产主义在欧洲“心脏”的影响；他相信，如果苏联体系能够成功地在非洲大陆受到抑制，那么它就可能会在自身缺陷的重压下崩溃。

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A new chapter in the Cold War began on October 1, 1949, when the CCP, led by Mao Zedong, declared victory against Kuomintang nationalists led by the Western-backed Chiang Kai-shek.

1949年10月1日，毛泽东领导的中国共产党宣布战胜西方支持的蒋介石领导的国民党民族主义者，冷战的新篇章开始了。

The Kuomintang retreated to the island of Taiwan and the CCP took over the mainland under the red flag of the People’s Republic of China (PRC).

国民党撤退到台湾岛，共产党打着中华人民共和国的红旗接管了大陆。

Coming so soon after the Soviet Union’s successful test of an atomic bomb, on August 29, the “loss of China,” the world’s most populous country, contributed to a sense of panic among American foreign policy makers, whose attention began to shift from Europe to Asia.

8月29日，苏联试爆原子弹成功后不久，“失去中国”这个世界上人口最多的国家，引起了美国外交政策制定者的恐慌，他们的注意力开始从欧洲转向亚洲。

After Dean Acheson became secretary of state in 1949, Kennan was replaced in the State Department by former investment banker Paul Nitze, whose first task was to help compose, as Acheson later described in his memoir, a document designed to “bludgeon the mass mind of ‘top government’” into approving a “substantial increase” in military expenditures.

1949 年迪安·艾奇逊 (Dean Acheson) 成为国务卿后，凯南 (Kennan) 在国务院的职务被前投资银行家保罗·尼策 (Paul Nitze) 取代，正如艾奇逊后来在回忆录中描述的那样，保罗·尼策 (Paul Nitze) 的首要任务是帮助撰写一份文件，旨在“打击‘最高政府’的大众思想”，以批准“大幅增加”军费开支。

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Global communism was shaped by the relationship between the two largest communist nations—the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China.

全球共产主义是由两个最大的共产主义国家——苏联和中华人民共和国——之间的关系塑造的。

Despite persistent tensions between the two, this 1950 Chinese stamp depicts Joseph Stalin shaking hands with Mao Zedong.

尽管两人之间关系持续紧张，这幅 1950 年的中国邮票描绘了约瑟夫·斯大林与毛泽东的握手。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

“National Security Memorandum 68: United States Objectives and Programs for National Security,” a national defense memo known as NSC-68, achieved its goal.

“国家安全备忘录 68：美国国家安全目标和计划”，一份名为 NSC-68 的国防备忘录实现了其目标。

Issued in April 1950, the nearly sixty-page classified memo warned of “increasingly terrifying weapons of mass destruction,” which served to remind “every individual” of “the ever-present possibility of annihilation.” It said that leaders of the USSR and its “international communist movement” sought only “to retain and solidify their absolute power.” As the central “bulwark of opposition to Soviet expansion,” America had become “the principal enemy” that “must be subverted or destroyed by one means or another.” NSC-68 urged a “rapid build-up of political, economic, and military strength” in order to “roll back the Kremlin’s drive for world domination.” Such a massive commitment of resources, amounting to more than a threefold increase in the annual defense budget, was necessary because the USSR, “unlike previous aspirants to hegemony,” was “animated by a new fanatic faith,” seeking “to impose its absolute authority over the rest of the world.” 16 Both Kennan and Lippmann were among a minority in the foreign policy establishment who argued to no avail that such a “militarization of containment” was tragically wrongheaded.

这份近六十页的机密备忘录于 1950 年 4 月发布，警告“日益可怕的大规模杀伤性武器”，旨在提醒“每个人”“毁灭的可能性始终存在”。报告称，苏联及其“国际共产主义运动”领导人只寻求“保留和巩固其绝对权力”。作为“反对苏联扩张的核心堡垒”，美国已经成为“必须通过某种手段颠覆或摧毁”的“主要敌人”。 NSC-68 敦促“迅速增强政治、经济和军事实力”，以“挫败克里姆林宫统治世界的企图”。如此大规模的资源承诺，相当于年度国防预算增加三倍以上，是必要的，因为苏联“与以前的霸权野心不同”，“受到一种新的狂热信仰的激励”，寻求“将其绝对权威强加于世界其他国家”。 16 凯南和李普曼都是外交政策机构中的少数人，他们认为这种“军事化遏制”是错误的，但无济于事。

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On June 25, 1950, as U.S. officials were considering the merits of NSC-68’s proposals, including “the intensification of .

1950 年 6 月 25 日，正当美国官员考虑 NSC-68 提案的优点时，其中包括“加强……”。

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。

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。

operations by covert means in the fields of economic .

在经济领域进行秘密活动。

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。

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。

political and psychological warfare” designed to foment “unrest and revolt in .

政治和心理战”旨在煽动“……的骚乱和叛乱。”

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。

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。

[Soviet] satellite countries,” fighting erupted in Korea between communists in the north and American-backed anti-communists in the south.

[苏联]卫星国家”，朝鲜北部的共产党人和美国支持的南部的反共分子之间爆发了战斗。

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After Japan surrendered in September 1945, a U.S.-Soviet joint occupation had paved the way for the division of Korea.

1945 年 9 月日本投降后，美苏联合占领为朝鲜半岛的分裂铺平了道路。

In November 1947, the UN passed a resolution that a united government in Korea should be created, but the Soviet Union refused to cooperate.

1947年11月，联合国通过决议，要求朝鲜建立统一政府，但苏联拒绝合作。

Only the south held elections.

只有南方举行了选举。

The Republic of Korea (ROK), South Korea, was created three months after the election.

大韩民国（ROK），韩国，在选举三个月后成立。

A month later, communists in the north established the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK).

一个月后，北方的共产党人建立了朝鲜民主主义人民共和国（朝鲜）。

Both claimed to stand for a unified Korean peninsula.

两人都声称主张朝鲜半岛统一。

The UN recognized the ROK, but incessant armed conflict broke out between North and South.

联合国承认韩国，但南北之间武装冲突不断。

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In the spring of 1950, Stalin hesitantly endorsed North Korean leader Kim Il Sung’s plan to liberate the South by force, a plan heavily influenced by Mao’s recent victory in China.

1950 年春，斯大林犹豫地批准了朝鲜领导人金日成以武力解放南方的计划，这一计划深受毛泽东最近在中国取得的胜利的影响。

While he did not desire a military confrontation with the United States, Stalin thought correctly that he could encourage his Chinese comrades to support North Korea if the war turned against the DPRK.

虽然斯大林不希望与美国发生军事对抗，但他正确地认为，如果战争转向对朝鲜不利，他可以鼓励中国同志支持朝鲜。

The North Koreans launched a successful surprise attack and Seoul, the capital of South Korea, fell to the communists on June 28.

朝鲜发动了一次成功的突然袭击，韩国首都首尔于 6 月 28 日落入共产党之手。

The UN passed resolutions demanding that North Korea cease hostilities and withdraw its armed forces to the thirty-eighth parallel and calling on member states to provide the ROK military assistance to repulse the northern attack.

联合国通过决议，要求朝鲜停止敌对行动，将武装部队撤至北纬三十八度线，并呼吁成员国向韩国提供军事援助，击退朝鲜的进攻。

That July, UN forces mobilized under American general Douglas MacArthur.

那年七月，联合国部队在美国将军道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟的领导下动员起来。

Troops landed at Inchon, a port city about thirty miles from Seoul, and took the city on September 28.

部队在距首尔约 30 英里的港口城市仁川登陆，并于 9 月 28 日占领该市。

They moved on North Korea.

他们转向朝鲜。

On October 1, ROK/UN forces crossed the thirty-eighth parallel, and on October 26 they reached the Yalu River, the traditional Korea-China border.

10月1日，韩联军越过北纬38度线，10月26日到达中朝传统边界鸭绿江。

They were met by three hundred thousand Chinese troops who broke the advance and rolled up the offensive.

他们遇到了三十万中国军队，打破了前进并展开了攻势。

On November 30, ROK/UN forces began a fevered retreat.

11月30日，韩联军开始疯狂撤退。

They returned across the thirty-eighth parallel and abandoned Seoul on January 4, 1951.

1951 年 1 月 4 日，他们穿越北纬三十八度线返回并放弃首尔。

The United Nations forces regrouped, but the war entered into a stalemate.

联合国军重新集结，但战争陷入僵局。

General MacArthur, growing impatient and wanting to eliminate the communist threats, requested authorization to use nuclear weapons against North Korea and China.

麦克阿瑟将军越来越不耐烦，想要消除共产主义威胁，请求授权对朝鲜和中国使用核武器。

Denied, MacArthur publicly denounced Truman.

麦克阿瑟予以否认，并公开谴​​责杜鲁门。

Truman, unwilling to threaten World War III and refusing to tolerate MacArthur’s public insubordination, dismissed the general in April.

杜鲁门不愿威胁第三次世界大战，也拒绝容忍麦克阿瑟公开不服从命令，于四月解雇了这位将军。

On June 23, 1951, the Soviet ambassador to the UN suggested a cease-fire, which the U.S. immediately accepted.

1951年6月23日，苏联驻联合国大使建议停火，美国立即接受。

Peace talks continued for two years.

和谈持续了两年。

With the stated policy of “containing” communism at home and abroad, the U.S. pressured the United Nations to support the South Koreans and deployed American troops to the Korean Peninsula.

美国以“遏制”国内外“遏制”共产主义的既定政策，向联合国施压，要求其支持韩国，并向朝鲜半岛部署美军。

Though overshadowed in the annals of American history, the Korean War caused over 30,000 American deaths and 100,000 wounded, leaving an indelible mark on those who served.

尽管在美国历史上黯然失色，但朝鲜战争造成超过 30,000 名美国人死亡和 100,000 人受伤，给参战的人们留下了不可磨灭的印记。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

General Dwight Eisenhower defeated Illinois Governor Adlai Stevenson in the 1952 presidential election, and Stalin died in March 1953.

德怀特·艾森豪威尔将军在 1952 年总统选举中击败了伊利诺伊州州长阿德莱·史蒂文森，斯大林于 1953 年 3 月去世。

The DPRK warmed to peace, and an armistice agreement was signed on July 27, 1953.

朝鲜走向和平，于1953年7月27日签署停战协定。

More than 30,000 Americans had died in the war.

超过 30,000 名美国人在战争中丧生。

Millions of Korean soldiers and civilians lost their lives.

数百万朝鲜士兵和平民丧生。

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Coming so soon after World War II and ending without clear victory, Korea became for many Americans a “forgotten war.” Decades later, though, the nation’s other major intervention in Asia would be anything but forgotten.

第二次世界大战结束后不久，朝鲜战争就以没有明显胜利告终，对许多美国人来说成为一场“被遗忘的战争”。然而几十年后，该国对亚洲的另一次重大干预绝不会被遗忘。

The Vietnam War had deep roots in the Cold War world.

越南战争深深植根于冷战世界。

Vietnam had been colonized by France and seized by Japan during World War II.

越南曾在二战期间被法国殖民，又被日本占领。

The nationalist leader Ho Chi Minh had been backed by the United States during his anti-Japanese insurgency and, following Japan’s surrender in 1945, Viet Minh nationalists, quoting the American Declaration of Independence, created the independent Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV).

民族主义领袖胡志明在抗日起义期间得到了美国的支持，1945年日本投降后，越明民族主义者引用美国《独立宣言》，创建了独立的越南民主共和国（DRV）。

Yet France moved to reassert authority over its former colony in Indochina, and the United States sacrificed Vietnamese self-determination for France’s colonial imperatives.

然而，法国采取行动，重新确立了对其前殖民地印度支那的权威，而美国则为了法国的殖民利益而牺牲了越南的自决权。

Ho Chi Minh turned to the Soviet Union for assistance in waging war against the French colonizers in a protracted war.

胡志明向苏联寻求援助，对法国殖民者进行持久战。

After French troops were defeated at the Battle of Dien Bien Phu in May 1954, U.S. officials helped broker a temporary settlement that partitioned Vietnam in two, with a Soviet/Chinese-backed state in the north and an American-backed state in the south.

1954 年 5 月，法国军队在奠边府战役中被击败后，美国官员帮助促成了一项临时解决方案，将越南一分为二，北部是苏联/中国支持的国家，南部是美国支持的国家。

To stifle communist expansion southward, the United States would send arms, offer military advisors, prop up corrupt politicians, stop elections, and, eventually, send over five hundred thousand troops, of whom nearly sixty thousand would be lost before the communists finally reunified the country.

为了遏制共产主义向南扩张，美国将派遣武器、提供军事顾问、支持腐败政客、停止选举，并最终派遣超过五十万军队，其中近六万人在共产党最终统一国家之前被损失。

The world was never the same after the United States leveled Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945 with atomic bombs.

1945 年 8 月，美国用原子弹将广岛和长崎夷为平地后，世界发生了翻天覆地的变化。

Not only had perhaps 180,000 civilians been killed, the nature of warfare was forever changed.

不仅有大约 180,000 名平民被杀，战争的性质也发生了永远的改变。

The Soviets accelerated their nuclear research, expedited in no small part by “atom spies” such as Klaus Fuchs, who had stolen nuclear secrets from the Americans’ secret Manhattan Project.

苏联加速了他们的核研究，这在很大程度上是由克劳斯·福克斯等“原子间谍”加速的，克劳斯·福克斯从美国秘密的曼哈顿计划中窃取了核秘密。

Soviet scientists successfully tested an atomic bomb on August 29, 1949, years before American officials had estimated they would.

1949 年 8 月 29 日，苏联科学家成功试验了原子弹，比美国官员预计的时间早了好几年。

This unexpectedly quick Russian success not only caught the United States off guard but alarmed the Western world and propelled a nuclear arms race between the United States and the USSR.

俄罗斯出乎意料地迅速取得成功，不仅让美国措手不及，也震惊了西方世界，并推动了美苏之间的核军备竞赛。

The United States detonated the first thermonuclear weapon, or hydrogen bomb (using fusion explosions of theoretically limitless power) on November 1, 1952.

1952 年 11 月 1 日，美国引爆了第一枚热核武器，即氢弹（使用理论上具有无限威力的聚变爆炸）。

The blast measured over ten megatons and generated an inferno five miles wide with a mushroom cloud twenty-five miles high and a hundred miles across.

爆炸的重量超过十兆吨，产生了五英里宽的地狱，并形成了二十五英里高、一百英里宽的蘑菇云。

The irradiated debris—fallout—from the blast circled the earth, occasioning international alarm about the effects of nuclear testing on human health and the environment.

爆炸产生的辐射碎片（沉降物）环绕地球，引起了国际社会对核试验对人类健康和环境影响的警惕。

It only hastened the arms race, with each side developing increasingly advanced warheads and delivery systems.

它只会加速军备竞赛，双方都在开发越来越先进的弹头和运载系统。

The USSR successfully tested a hydrogen bomb in 1953, and soon thereafter Eisenhower announced a policy of “massive retaliation.” The United States would henceforth respond to threats or acts of aggression with perhaps its entire nuclear might.

苏联于1953年成功试验了氢弹，此后不久艾森豪威尔就宣布了“大规模报复”政策。从此，美国可能会动用全部核力量来应对威胁或侵略行为。

Both sides, then, would theoretically be deterred from starting a war, through the logic of mutually assured destruction (MAD).

那么，从理论上讲，双方都将通过相互保证毁灭（MAD）的逻辑而被阻止发动战争。

J.

J。

Robert Oppenheimer, director of Los Alamos nuclear laboratory that developed the first nuclear bomb, likened the state of “nuclear deterrence” between the United States and the USSR to “two scorpions in a bottle, each capable of killing the other,” but only by risking their own lives.

研制出第一颗核弹的洛斯阿拉莫斯核实验室主任罗伯特·奥本海默将美国和苏联之间的“核威慑”状态比作“瓶子里的两只蝎子，每只都能杀死对方”，但前提是冒着生命危险。

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In response to the Soviet Union’s test of a pseudo-hydrogen bomb in 1953, the United States began Castle Bravo — the first U.S. test of a dry fuel, hydrogen bomb.

为了回应苏联 1953 年进行的伪氢弹试验，美国开始了“布拉沃城堡”试验，这是美国首次进行干燃料氢弹试验。

Detonated on March 1, 1954, it was the most powerful nuclear device ever tested by the U.S. But the effects were more gruesome than expected, causing nuclear fall-out and radiation poisoning in nearby Pacific islands.

它于 1954 年 3 月 1 日引爆，是美国迄今为止测试过的最强大的核装置，但其影响比预期更可怕，在附近的太平洋岛屿造成了核泄漏和辐射中毒。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

Fears of nuclear war produced a veritable atomic culture.

对核战争的恐惧产生了名副其实的原子文化。

Films such as Godzilla , On the Beach , Fail-Safe , and Dr. Strangelove or: How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb plumbed the depths of American anxieties with plots featuring radioactive monsters, nuclear accidents, and doomsday scenarios.

《哥斯拉》、《海滩上》、《万无一失》和《奇爱博士》或《我如何学会停止担忧并热爱原子弹》等电影通过以放射性怪物、核事故和世界末日场景为特色的情节，深入探究了美国焦虑的深度。

Antinuclear protests in the United States and abroad warned against the perils of nuclear testing and highlighted the likelihood that a thermonuclear war would unleash a global environmental catastrophe.

美国和国外的反核抗议活动警告核试验的危险，并强调热核战争可能引发全球环境灾难。

Yet at the same time, peaceful nuclear technologies, such as fission- and fusion-based energy, seemed to herald a utopia of power that would be clean, safe, and “too cheap to meter.” In 1953, Eisenhower proclaimed at the UN that the United States would share the knowledge and means for other countries to use atomic power.

但与此同时，和平核技术，例如基于裂变和聚变的能源，似乎预示着一个清洁、安全且“便宜到无法计量”的电力乌托邦。 1953年，艾森豪威尔在联合国宣布美国将与其他国家分享使用原子能的知识和手段。

Henceforth, “the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life.” The “Atoms for Peace” speech brought about the establishment of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), along with worldwide investment in this new economic sector.

从此，“人类神奇的创造力将不会献给他的死亡，而是献给他的生命。” “原子促进和平”演讲促成了国际原子能机构（IAEA）的成立，以及全球对这一新经济领域的投资。

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As Germany fell at the close of World War II, the United States and the Soviet Union each sought to acquire elements of the Nazi’s V-2 superweapon program.

第二次世界大战结束后，德国陷落，美国和苏联各自寻求获得纳粹 V-2 超级武器计划的要素。

A devastating rocket that had terrorized England, the V-2 was capable of delivering its explosive payload up to a distance of nearly six hundred miles, and both nations sought to capture the scientists, designs, and manufacturing equipment to make it work.

V-2 是一种毁灭性的火箭，曾让英国感到恐惧，它能够将爆炸性有效载荷发射到近 600 英里的距离，两国都试图夺取使其发挥作用的科学家、设计和制造设备。

A former top German rocket scientist, Wernher von Braun, became the leader of the American space program; the Soviet Union’s program was secretly managed by former prisoner Sergei Korolev.

德国前顶级火箭科学家沃纳·冯·布劳恩 (Wernher von Braun) 成为美国太空计划的领导人；苏联的计划是由前囚犯谢尔盖·科罗廖夫秘密管理的。

After the end of the war, American and Soviet rocket engineering teams worked to adapt German technology in order to create an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM).

战争结束后，美国和苏联火箭工程团队致力于采用德国技术来制造洲际弹道导弹（ICBM）。

The Soviets achieved success first.

苏联人首先取得了成功。

They even used the same launch vehicle on October 4, 1957, to send Sputnik 1, the world’s first human-made satellite, into orbit.

他们甚至于 1957 年 10 月 4 日使用同一运载火箭将世界上第一颗人造卫星 Sputnik 1 送入轨道。

It was a decisive Soviet propaganda victory.

这是苏联宣传的决定性胜利。

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In response, the U.S. government rushed to perfect its own ICBM technology and launch its own satellites and astronauts into space.

作为回应，美国政府急忙完善自己的洲际弹道导弹技术，并将自己的卫星和宇航员发射到太空。

In 1958, the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) was created as a successor to the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics (NACA).

1958 年，美国国家航空航天局 (NASA) 成立，其前身是国家航空咨询委员会 (NACA)。

Initial American attempts to launch a satellite into orbit using the Vanguard rocket suffered spectacular failures, heightening fears of Soviet domination in space.

美国最初尝试使用先锋火箭将卫星送入轨道，但遭遇了巨大的失败，加剧了人们对苏联在太空统治地位的担忧。

While the American space program floundered, on September 13, 1959, the Soviet Union’s Luna 2 capsule became the first human-made object to touch the moon.

当美国太空计划陷入困境时，1959 年 9 月 13 日，苏联的月球 2 号太空舱成为第一个接触月球的人造物体。

The “race for survival,” as it was called by the New York Times , reached a new level.

《纽约时报》称之为“生存竞赛”，达到了一个新的水平。

24 The Soviet Union successfully launched a pair of dogs (Belka and Strelka) into orbit and returned them to Earth while the American Mercury program languished behind schedule.

24 苏联成功地将一对狗（Belka 和 Strelka）送入轨道并将其送回地球，而美国的水星计划则落后于计划。

Despite countless failures and one massive accident that killed nearly one hundred Soviet military and rocket engineers, Russian cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin was launched into orbit on April 12, 1961.

尽管经历了无数次失败和一场导致近百名苏联军事和火箭工程师死亡的重大事故，俄罗斯宇航员尤里·加加林还是于 1961 年 4 月 12 日被送入轨道。

American astronaut Alan Shepard accomplished a suborbital flight in the Freedom 7 capsule on May 5.

5 月 5 日，美国宇航员艾伦·谢泼德 (Alan Shepard) 乘坐自由 7 号太空舱完成了亚轨道飞行。

The United States had lagged behind, and John Kennedy would use America’s losses in the “space race” to bolster funding for a moon landing.

美国已经落后了，约翰·肯尼迪将利用美国在“太空竞赛”中的损失来增加登月资金。

While outer space captivated the world’s imagination, the Cold War still captured its anxieties.

虽然外太空吸引了全世界的想象力，但冷战仍然引起了人们的焦虑。

The ever-escalating arms race continued to foster panic.

不断升级的军备竞赛继续引发恐慌。

In the early 1950s, the Federal Civil Defense Administration (FCDA) began preparing citizens for the worst.

20 世纪 50 年代初，联邦民防管理局 (FCDA) 开始让公民做好应对最坏情况的准备。

Schoolchildren were instructed, via a film featuring Bert the Turtle, to “duck and cover” beneath their desks in the event of a thermonuclear war.

通过一部以海龟伯特为主角的电影，学生们被指示在发生热核战争时“躲在课桌下面”。

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Although it took a backseat to space travel and nuclear weapons, the advent of modern computing was yet another major Cold War scientific innovation, the effects of which were only just beginning to be understood.

尽管现代计算的出现仅次于太空旅行和核武器，但它是冷战时期另一项重大科学创新，其影响才刚刚开始被人们所理解。

In 1958, following the humiliation of the Sputnik launches, Eisenhower authorized the creation of an Advanced Research Projects Agency (ARPA) housed within the Department of Defense (later changed to DARPA).

1958 年，在人造卫星发射事件蒙羞之后，艾森豪威尔授权在国防部内成立高级研究计划局 (ARPA)（后来更名为 DARPA）。

As a secretive military research and development operation, ARPA was tasked with funding and otherwise overseeing the production of sensitive new technologies.

作为一个秘密的军事研发机构，ARPA 的任务是资助和监督敏感新技术的生产。

Soon, in cooperation with university-based computer engineers, ARPA would develop the world’s first system of “network packing switches,” and computer networks would begin connecting to one another.

很快，ARPA 与大学计算机工程师合作开发了世界上第一个“网络打包交换机”系统，计算机网络将开始相互连接。

Joseph McCarthy, Republican Senator from Wisconsin, fueled fears during the early 1950s that communism was rampant and growing.

威斯康星州共和党参议员约瑟夫·麦卡锡 (Joseph McCarthy) 在 20 世纪 50 年代初加剧了人们对共产主义猖獗且不断增长的担忧。

This intensified Cold War tensions felt by every segment of society, from government officials to ordinary American citizens.

从政府官员到普通美国公民，社会各阶层都感受到了冷战紧张局势的加剧。

Photograph of Senator Joseph R.

参议员约瑟夫·R.的照片

McCarthy, March 14, 1950.

麦卡锡，1950 年 3 月 14 日。

National Archives and Records Administration, http://research.archives.gov/description/6802721.

国家档案和记录管理局，http://research.archives.gov/description/6802721。

Joseph McCarthy burst onto the national scene during a speech in Wheeling, West Virginia, on February 9, 1950.

1950 年 2 月 9 日，约瑟夫·麦卡锡 (Joseph McCarthy) 在西弗吉尼亚州惠灵 (Wheeling) 发表演讲时突然出现在全国舞台上。

Waving a sheet of paper in the air, he proclaimed: “I have here in my hand a list of 205 .

他在空中挥舞着一张纸，宣称：“我手里有一份 205 份名单。

.

。

.

。

names that were made known to the Secretary of State as being members of the Communist party and who nevertheless are still working and shaping [U.S.] policy.” Since the Wisconsin Republican had no actual list, when pressed, the number changed to fifty-seven, then, later, eighty-one.

国务卿知道这些人是共产党员，但他们仍在努力制定[美国]政策。”由于威斯康星州共和党人没有实际的名单，当受到追问时，这个数字变成了五十七人，后来又变成了八十一人。

Finally, he promised to disclose the name of just one communist, the nation’s “top Soviet agent.” The shifting numbers brought ridicule, but it didn’t matter: McCarthy’s claims won him fame and fueled the ongoing “red scare.” 26

最后，他承诺只透露一名共产党员的名字，即该国“苏联最高特工”。数字的变化带来了嘲笑，但这并不重要：麦卡锡的说法为他赢得了名气，并加剧了持续的“红色恐慌”。 26

McCarthyism was a symptom of a massive and widespread anticommunist hysteria that engulfed Cold War America.

麦卡锡主义是席卷冷战美国的大规模、广泛的反共歇斯底里的症状。

Popular fears, for instance, had long since shot through the federal government.

例如，民众的担忧早已席卷了联邦政府。

Only two years after World War II, President Truman, facing growing anticommunist excitement and with a tough election on the horizon, gave in to pressure in March 1947 and issued his “loyalty order,” Executive Order 9835, establishing loyalty reviews for federal employees.

第二次世界大战后仅两年，杜鲁门总统面对日益高涨的反共情绪和即将到来的艰难选举，于 1947 年 3 月屈服于压力，发布了他的“忠诚令”——第 9835 号行政命令，对联邦雇员进行忠诚度审查。

The FBI conducted closer examinations of all potential “security risks” among Foreign Service officers.

联邦调查局对外交官员中所有潜在的“安全风险”进行了更仔细的检查。

In Congress, the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) and the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations (SPSI) held hearings on communist influence in American society.

在国会，众议院非美活动委员会（HUAC）和参议院常设调查小组委员会（SPSI）就共产主义对美国社会的影响举行了听证会。

Between 1949 and 1954, congressional committees conducted over one hundred investigations into subversive activities.

1949年至1954年间，国会委员会对颠覆活动进行了一百多项调查。

Antisubversion committees emerged in over a dozen state legislatures, and review procedures proliferated in public schools and universities across the country.

反颠覆委员会在十几个州立法机构中出现，审查程序在全国各地的公立学校和大学激增。

At the University of California, for example, thirty-one professors were dismissed in 1950 for refusing to sign a loyalty oath.

例如，1950 年，加州大学有 31 名教授因拒绝签署忠诚宣誓而被解雇。

The Internal Security Act, or McCarran Act, passed by Congress in September 1950, mandated all “communist organizations” to register with the government, gave the government greater powers to investigate sedition, and made it possible to prevent suspected individuals from gaining or keeping their citizenship.

国会于 1950 年 9 月通过的《内部安全法》（又称《麦卡伦法》）规定所有“共产主义组织”必须向政府登记，赋予政府调查煽动叛乱的更大权力，并可以防止可疑人员获得或保留公民身份。

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Anticommunist policies reflected national fears of a surging global communism.

反共产主义政策反映了各国对全球共产主义崛起的恐惧。

Within a ten-month span beginning in 1949, for instance, the USSR developed a nuclear bomb, China fell to communism, and over three hundred thousand American soldiers were deployed to fight a land war in Korea.

例如，从 1949 年开始的十个月内，苏联研制出了核弹，中国陷入共产主义，超过三十万美国士兵被部署到朝鲜打陆战。

Newspapers, meanwhile, were filled with headlines alleging Soviet espionage.

与此同时，报纸上充斥着指控苏联间谍活动的头条新闻。

During the war, Julius Rosenberg worked briefly at the U.S. Army Signal Corps Laboratory in New Jersey, where he had access to classified information.

战争期间，朱利叶斯·罗森伯格在新泽西州的美国陆军通信兵实验室短暂工作过，在那里他可以接触到机密信息。

He and his wife, Ethel, who had both been members of the Communist Party of the USA (CPUSA) in the 1930s, were accused of passing secret bomb-related documents to Soviet officials and were indicted in August 1950 on charges of giving nuclear secrets to the Russians.

他和他的妻子埃塞尔都是 1930 年代的美国共产党 (CPUUSA) 成员，他们被指控向苏联官员传递与炸弹有关的秘密文件，并于 1950 年 8 月被指控向俄罗斯提供核机密。

After a trial in March 1951, they were found guilty and executed on June 19, 1953.

1951年3月审判后，他们被判有罪并于1953年6月19日被处决。

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The environment of fear and panic instigated by McCarthyism led to the arrest of many innocent people.

麦卡锡主义煽动的恐惧和恐慌环境导致许多无辜者被捕。

Still, some Americans accused of supplying top-secret information to the Soviets were, in fact, spies.

尽管如此，一些被指控向苏联提供绝密信息的美国人实际上是间谍。

Julius and Ethel Rosenbergs were convicted of espionage and executed in 1953 for delivering information about the atomic bomb to the Soviets.

朱利叶斯·罗森伯格斯 (Julius Rosenbergs) 和埃塞尔·罗森伯格斯 (Ethel Rosenbergs) 因向苏联提供有关原子弹的信息而于 1953 年被判犯有间谍罪并被处决。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

Alger Hiss, the highest-ranking government official linked to Soviet espionage, was another prize for conservatives.

与苏联间谍活动有关的最高级别政府官员阿尔杰·希斯（Alger Hiss）是保守派的另一个奖品。

Hiss was a prominent official in the U.S. State Department and served as secretary-general of the UN Charter Conference in San Francisco from April to June 1945 before leaving the State Department in 1946.

希斯是美国国务院的一位知名官员，并于 1945 年 4 月至 6 月期间担任旧金山联合国宪章会议秘书长，随后于 1946 年离开国务院。

A young congressman and member of HUAC, Richard Nixon, made waves by accusing Hiss of espionage.

年轻的国会议员兼 HUAC 成员理查德·尼克松因指控希斯从事间谍活动而引起轰动。

On August 3, 1948, Whittaker Chambers testified before HUAC that he and Hiss had worked together as part of the secret “communist underground” in Washington, D.C., during the 1930s.

1948 年 8 月 3 日，惠特克·钱伯斯 (Whittaker Chambers) 在 HUAC 面前作证称，他和希斯在 1930 年代曾作为华盛顿特区秘密“共产主义地下组织”的一部分一起工作。

Hiss, who always maintained his innocence, stood trial twice.

一直坚称自己无罪的希斯曾两次受审。

After a hung jury in July 1949, he was convicted on two counts of perjury (the statute of limitations for espionage having expired).

1949 年 7 月，陪审团悬而未决，他被判两项伪证罪（间谍罪时效已过）。

Later evidence suggested their guilt.

后来的证据表明他们有罪。

At the time, their convictions fueled an anticommunist frenzy.

当时，他们的信念激起了反共狂热。

Some began seeing communists everywhere.

有些人开始到处看到共产主义者。

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Alger Hiss and the Rosenbergs offered anticommunists such as Joseph McCarthy the evidence they needed to allege a vast Soviet conspiracy to infiltrate and subvert the U.S. government and justify the smearing of all left-liberals, even those who were resolutely anticommunist.

阿尔杰·希斯和罗森伯格夫妇向约瑟夫·麦卡锡等反共分子提供了他们所需的证据，指控苏联存在渗透和颠覆美国政府的巨大阴谋，并为抹黑所有左翼自由主义者（甚至是那些坚决反共的人）辩护。

Not long after his February 1950 speech in Wheeling, McCarthy’s sensational charges became a source of growing controversy.

1950 年 2 月，麦卡锡在惠灵发表演讲后不久，他的耸人听闻的指控就引发了越来越多的争议。

Forced to respond, President Truman arranged a partisan congressional investigation designed to discredit McCarthy.

杜鲁门总统被迫做出回应，安排了一场党派国会调查，旨在抹黑麦卡锡。

The Tydings Committee held hearings from early March through July 1950 and issued a final report admonishing McCarthy for perpetrating a “fraud and a hoax” on the American public.

泰丁斯委员会从 3 月初到 1950 年 7 月举行了听证会，并发布了一份最终报告，谴责麦卡锡对美国公众实施“欺诈和骗局”。

American progressives saw McCarthy’s crusade as nothing less than a political witch hunt.

美国进步人士认为麦卡锡的十字军东征无异于政治迫害。

In June 1950, The Nation magazine editor Freda Kirchwey characterized “McCarthyism” as “the means by which a handful of men, disguised as hunters of subversion, cynically subvert the instruments of justice .

1950 年 6 月，《国家》杂志编辑弗雷达·基尔奇韦 (Freda Kirchwey) 将“麦卡锡主义”描述为“一小撮人伪装成颠覆猎手，愤世嫉俗地颠覆正义工具的手段……”。

.

。

.

。

in order to help their own political fortunes.” 30 Truman’s liberal supporters, and leftists like Kirchwey, hoped in vain that McCarthy and the new “ism” that bore his name would blow over quickly.

以帮助他们自己的政治命运。” 30 杜鲁门的自由派支持者和基尔奇韦等左派人士希望麦卡锡和以他的名字命名的新“主义”能够迅速消失，但徒劳无功。

There had, of course, been a communist presence in the United States.

当然，美国曾经有过共产主义势力。

The CPUSA was formed in the aftermath of the 1917 Russian Revolution when the Bolsheviks created a Communist International (the Comintern) and invited socialists from around the world to join.

美国共产党是在 1917 年俄罗斯革命后成立的，当时布尔什维克创建了共产国际（共产国际）并邀请世界各地的社会主义者加入。

During its first two years of existence, the CPUSA functioned in secret, hidden from a surge of antiradical and anti-immigrant hysteria, investigations, deportations, and raids at the end of World War I.

在其成立的头两年里，美国共产党秘密运作，躲避第一次世界大战结束时反激进和反移民的歇斯底里浪潮、调查、驱逐和袭击。

The CPUSA began its public life in 1921, after the panic subsided, but communism remained on the margins of American life until the 1930s, when leftists and liberals began to see the Soviet Union as a symbol of hope amid the Great Depression.

恐慌消退后，美国共产党于 1921 年开始公开活动，但共产主义仍然处于美国生活的边缘，直到 1930 年代，当时左派和自由派开始将苏联视为大萧条时期希望的象征。

Then many communists joined the Popular Front, an effort to make communism mainstream by adapting it to American history and American culture.

随后，许多共产主义者加入了人民阵线，试图通过使共产主义适应美国历史和美国文化来使其成为主流。

During the Popular Front era, communists were integrated into mainstream political institutions through alliances with progressives in the Democratic Party.

在人民阵线时代，共产党人通过与民主党进步派结盟而融入主流政治机构。

The CPUSA enjoyed most of its influence and popularity among workers in unions linked to the newly formed CIO.

美国共产党在与新成立的首席信息官有联系的工会中的工人中享有很大的影响力和声望。

Communists also became strong opponents of Jim Crow segregation and developed a presence in both the NAACP and the ACLU.

共产党人也成为吉姆·克劳种族隔离的强烈反对者，并在全国有色人种协进会和美国公民自由联盟中占有一席之地。

The CPUSA, moreover, established “front” groups, such as the League of American Writers, in which intellectuals participated without even knowing of its ties to the Comintern.

此外，美国共产党还建立了“前线”团体，例如美国作家联盟，知识分子甚至不知道其与共产国际的关系就参与其中。

But even at the height of the global economic crisis, communism never attracted many Americans.

但即使在全球经济危机最严重的时候，共产主义也从未吸引过很多美国人。

Even at the peak of its membership, the CPUSA had just eighty thousand national “card-carrying” members.

即使在其成员人数最多的时候，美国共产党也只有八万名全国“正式”成员。

From the mid-1930s through the mid-1940s, the party exercised most of its power indirectly, through coalitions with liberals and reformers.

从 1930 年代中期到 1940 年代中期，该党通过与自由派和改革派的联盟间接行使大部分权力。

When news broke of Hitler’s and Stalin’s 1939 nonaggression pact, many fled the party, feeling betrayed.

当希特勒和斯大林 1939 年互不侵犯条约的消息传出时，许多人因感到被背叛而逃离了党。

A bloc of left-liberal anticommunists, meanwhile, purged remaining communists in their ranks, and the Popular Front collapsed.

与此同时，一群左翼自由反共主义者清洗了他们队伍中剩余的共产主义者，人民阵线崩溃了。

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Lacking the legal grounds to abolish the CPUSA, officials instead sought to expose and contain CPUSA influence.

由于缺乏废除美国共产党的法律依据，官员们转而寻求揭露和遏制美国共产党的影响力。

Following a series of predecessor committees, HUAC was established in 1938, then reorganized after the war and given the explicit task of investigating communism.

继一系列前任委员会之后，HUAC 于 1938 年成立，战后进行重组，并赋予了调查共产主义的明确任务。

By the time the Communist Control Act was passed in August 1954, effectively criminalizing party membership, the CPUSA had long ceased to have meaningful influence.

到 1954 年 8 月《共产党控制法》通过时，美国共产党实际上将党员身份定为犯罪，但美国共产党早已不再具有有意义的影响力。

Anticommunists were driven to eliminate remaining CPUSA influence from progressive institutions, including the NAACP and the CIO.

反共分子被迫消除美国共产党对进步机构（包括全国有色人种协进会和首席信息官）的残余影响。

The Taft-Hartley Act (1947) gave union officials the initiative to purge communists from the labor movement.

《塔夫脱-哈特利法案》（1947 年）赋予工会官员从劳工运动中清除共产主义者的主动权。

A kind of Cold War liberalism took hold.

一种冷战自由主义占据了主导地位。

In January 1947, anticommunist liberals formed Americans for Democratic Action (ADA), whose founding members included labor leader Walter Reuther and NAACP chairman Walter White, as well as historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr., theologian Reinhold Niebuhr, and former first lady Eleanor Roosevelt.

1947年1月，反共自由派成立了美国民主行动组织（ADA），其创始成员包括劳工领袖沃尔特·鲁瑟和全国有色人种协进会主席沃尔特·怀特，以及历史学家小阿瑟·施莱辛格、神学家莱因霍尔德·尼布尔和前第一夫人埃莉诺·罗斯福。

Working to help Truman defeat former vice president Henry Wallace’s Popular Front–backed campaign in 1948, the ADA combined social and economic reforms with staunch anticommunism.

1948 年，ADA 将社会和经济改革与坚定的反共主义结合起来，致力于帮助杜鲁门击败前副总统亨利·华莱士 (Popular Front) 支持的竞选活动。

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The domestic Cold War was bipartisan, fueled by a consensus drawn from a left-liberal and conservative anticommunist alliance that included politicians and policy makers, journalists and scientists, business and civic/religious leaders, and educators and entertainers.

国内冷战是两党合作的，由左翼自由派和保守派反共联盟达成的共识推动，该联盟包括政治家和政策制定者、记者和科学家、商界和公民/宗教领袖、教育家和演艺人员。

Led by its imperious director, J.

由专横的董事 J 领导。

Edgar Hoover, the FBI took an active role in the domestic battle against communism.

埃德加·胡佛（Edgar Hoover），联邦调查局在国内反共产主义斗争中发挥了积极作用。

Hoover’s FBI helped incite panic by assisting the creation of blatantly propagandistic films and television shows, including The Red Menace (1949), My Son John (1951), and I Led Three Lives (1953–1956).

胡佛的联邦调查局通过协助制作公然的宣传电影和电视节目来煽动恐慌，其中包括《红色威胁》（1949）、《我的儿子约翰》（1951）和《我过着三种生活》（1953-1956）。

Such alarmist depictions of espionage and treason in a “free world” imperiled by communism heightened the 1950s culture of fear.

这种对共产主义威胁下的“自由世界”中间谍活动和叛国行为的危言耸听的描述加剧了 20 世纪 50 年代的恐惧文化。

In the fall of 1947, HUAC entered the fray with highly publicized hearings of Hollywood.

1947 年秋天，HUAC 在好莱坞举行了广为人知的听证会，加入了这场争论。

Film mogul Walt Disney and actor Ronald Reagan, among others, testified to aid investigators’ attempts to expose communist influence in the entertainment industry.

电影大亨沃尔特·迪士尼和演员罗纳德·里根等人作证，协助调查人员揭露共产主义对娱乐业的影响。

A group of writers, directors, and producers who refused to answer questions were held in contempt of Congress.

一群拒绝回答问题的编剧、导演和制片人被视为蔑视国会。

This Hollywood Ten created the precedent for a blacklist in which hundreds of film artists were barred from industry work for the next decade.

这个好莱坞十大电影开创了黑名单的先例，在接下来的十年里，数百名电影艺术家被禁止从事行业工作。

HUAC made repeated visits to Hollywood during the 1950s, and their interrogation of celebrities often began with the same intimidating refrain: “Are you now, or have you ever been, a member of the Communist Party?” Many witnesses cooperated, and “named names,” naming anyone they knew who had ever been associated with communist-related groups or organizations.

HUAC 在 20 世纪 50 年代多次造访好莱坞，他们对名人的审讯往往以同样的恐吓语气开始：“你现在是、或者曾经是共产党员吗？”许多目击者配合并“点名”，点名任何他们认识的曾与共产主义相关团体或组织有联系的人。

In 1956, Black entertainer and activist Paul Robeson chided his HUAC inquisitors, claiming that they had put him on trial not for his politics but because he had spent his life “fighting for the rights” of his people.

1956 年，黑人艺人兼活动家保罗·罗伯森 (Paul Robeson) 斥责他的 HUAC 调查人员，声称他们对他进行审判不是因为他的政治观点，而是因为他一生都在“为人民的权利而战”。

“You are the un-Americans,” he told them, “and you ought to be ashamed of yourselves.” 33 As Robeson and other victims of McCarthyism learned firsthand, this “second red scare,” in the glow of nuclear annihilation and global totalitarianism, fueled an intolerant and skeptical political world, what Cold War liberal Arthur Schlesinger, in his The Vital Center (1949), called an “age of anxiety.” 34

“你们是非美国人，”他告诉他们，“你们应该为自己感到羞耻。” 33 正如罗伯逊和其他麦卡锡主义受害者的第一手经验一样，在核毁灭和全球极权主义的光芒下，这场“第二次红色恐慌”助长了一个不宽容和怀疑的政治世界，冷战自由派阿瑟·施莱辛格在他的《生命中心》（1949）中将其称为“焦虑时代”。 34

Many accused of Communist sentiments refused to denounce friends and acquaintances.

许多被指控具有共产主义情绪的人拒绝谴责朋友和熟人。

One of the most well-known Americans of the time, African American actor and singer Paul Robeson was unwilling to sign an affidavit attesting that he was not a Communist and, as a result, his U.S. passport was revoked.

当时最著名的美国人之一、非裔美国演员兼歌手保罗·罗伯森 (Paul Robeson) 不愿意签署一份宣誓书，证明他不是共产党员，因此，他的美国护照被吊销。

During the Cold War, he was condemned by the press and neither his music nor films could be purchased in the United States.

冷战期间，他受到媒体谴责，他的音乐和电影在美国都无法购买。

Anticommunist ideology valorized overt patriotism, religious conviction, and faith in capitalism.

反共产主义意识形态宣扬公开的爱国主义、宗教信仰和对资本主义的信仰。

Those who shunned such “American values” were open to attack.

那些回避这种“美国价值观”的人很容易受到攻击。

If communism was a plague spreading across Europe and Asia, anticommunist hyperbole infected cities, towns, and suburbs throughout the country.

如果说共产主义是席卷欧洲和亚洲的一场瘟疫，那么反共的夸张说法则感染了全国的城市、城镇和郊区。

The playwright Arthur Miller’s popular 1953 play The Crucible compared the red scare to the Salem Witch Trials.

剧作家阿瑟·米勒 1953 年广受欢迎的戏剧《坩埚》将红色恐慌与塞勒姆女巫审判进行了比较。

Miller wrote, “In America any man who is not reactionary in his views is open to the charge of alliance with the Red hell.

米勒写道：“在美国，任何观点不反动的人都会受到与红色地狱结盟的指控。

Political opposition, thereby, is given an inhumane overlay which then justifies the abrogation of all normally applied customs of civilized intercourse.

因此，政治反对派被赋予了不人道的外衣，从而证明废除所有通常适用的文明交往习俗是合理的。

A political policy is equated with moral right, and opposition to it with diabolical malevolence.

政治政策等同于道德权利，而反对它则等同于恶魔般的恶意。

Once such an equation is effectively made, society becomes a congerie of plots and counterplots, and the main role of government changes from that of the arbiter to that of the scourge of God.” 35

一旦这样的等式有效地建立起来，社会就变成了阴谋与反阴谋的大杂烩，政府的主要角色就从仲裁者变成了上帝的鞭笞者。” 35

Rallying against communism, American society urged conformity.

美国社会集会反对共产主义，呼吁顺从。

“Deviant” behavior became dangerous.

“异常”行为变得危险。

Having entered the workforce en masse as part of a collective effort in World War II, middle-class women were told to return to housekeeping responsibilities.

作为二战期间集体努力的一部分，中产阶级女性集体进入劳动力市场，并被告知要重新承担起家务责任。

Having fought and died abroad for American democracy, Black soldiers were told to return home and acquiesce to the American racial order.

在国外为美国民主而奋斗并牺牲的黑人士兵被告知返回家园并默许美国的种族秩序。

Homosexuality, already stigmatized, became dangerous.

同性恋已经受到污名化，变得危险。

Personal secrets were seen as a liability that exposed one to blackmail.

个人秘密被视为一种使人遭受勒索的责任。

The same paranoid mind-set that fueled the second red scare also ignited the Cold War “lavender scare” against gay Americans.” 36

助长第二次红色恐慌的同样偏执心态也引发了冷战时期针对美国同性恋的“薰衣草恐慌”。 36

American religion, meanwhile, was fixated on what McCarthy, in his 1950 Wheeling speech, called an “all-out battle between communistic atheism and Christianity.” Cold warriors in the United States routinely referred to a fundamental incompatibility between “godless communism” and God-fearing Americanism.

与此同时，美国宗教则专注于麦卡锡在 1950 年惠灵演讲中所说的“共产主义无神论与基督教之间的全面战争”。美国的冷战分子经常提到“不敬虔的共产主义”与敬畏上帝的美国主义之间根本不相容。

Religious conservatives championed the idea of the traditional nuclear, God-fearing family as a bulwark against the spread of atheistic totalitarianism.

宗教保守派拥护传统的敬畏上帝的核心家庭的理念，将其作为抵御无神论极权主义蔓延的堡垒。

As Baptist minister Billy Graham sermonized in 1950, communism aimed to “destroy the American home and cause .

正如浸信会牧师比利·格雷厄姆 (Billy Graham) 1950 年布道时所说，共产主义旨在“摧毁美国的家园和事业……”。

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moral deterioration,” leaving the country exposed to communist infiltration.

道德恶化”，使该国面临共产主义渗透。

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In an atmosphere in which ideas of national belonging and citizenship were so closely linked to religious commitment, Americans during the early Cold War years attended church, professed a belief in a supreme being, and stressed the importance of religion in their lives at higher rates than in any time in American history.

在民族归属感和公民意识与宗教信仰紧密相连的氛围中，冷战初期的美国人去教堂，表达对至高无上存在的信仰，并强调宗教在他们生活中的重要性，其比例比美国历史上任何时期都高。

Americans sought to differentiate themselves from godless communists through public displays of religiosity.

美国人试图通过公开表现宗教信仰来将自己与不信神的共产主义者区分开来。

Politicians infused government with religious symbols.

政客们给政府注入了宗教象征。

The Pledge of Allegiance was altered to include the words one nation, under God in 1954.

1954年，效忠誓言被修改，加入了“一个国家，在上帝之下”的字样。

In God We Trust was adopted as the official national motto in 1956.

1956 年，“我们信仰上帝”被采纳为官方国家座右铭。

In popular culture, one of the most popular films of the decade, The Ten Commandments (1956), retold the biblical Exodus story as a Cold War parable, echoing (incidentally) NSC-68’s characterization of the Soviet Union as a “slave state.” Monuments of the Ten Commandments went up at courthouses and city halls across the country.

在流行文化中，十年来最受欢迎的电影之一《十诫》（1956）将《圣经》中的《出埃及记》故事重述为冷战寓言，呼应了（顺便说一下）NSC-68 将苏联描述为“奴隶国家”的说法。十诫纪念碑矗立在全国各地的法院和市政厅。

While the link between American nationalism and religion grew much closer during the Cold War, many Americans began to believe that just believing in almost any religion was better than being an atheist.

虽然美国民族主义和宗教之间的联系在冷战期间变得更加密切，但许多美国人开始相信，信仰几乎任何宗教都比成为无神论者要好。

Gone was the overt anti-Catholic and anti-Semitic language of Protestants in the past.

过去新教徒公开的反天主教和反犹太主义语言已经一去不复返了。

Now, leaders spoke of a common Judeo-Christian heritage.

现在，领导人谈到了共同的犹太教和基督教遗产。

In December 1952, a month before his inauguration, Dwight Eisenhower said that “our form of government makes no sense unless it is founded in a deeply-felt religious faith, and I don’t care what it is.” 38

1952 年 12 月，即就职前一个月，德怀特·艾森豪威尔 (Dwight Eisenhower) 表示，“我们的政府形式没有任何意义，除非它建立在深厚的宗教信仰之上，而且我不在乎它是什么。” 38

Joseph McCarthy, an Irish Catholic, made common cause with prominent religious anticommunists, including southern evangelist Billy James Hargis of Christian Crusade , a popular radio and television ministry that peaked in the 1950s and 1960s.

爱尔兰天主教徒约瑟夫·麦卡锡 (Joseph McCarthy) 与著名的宗教反共人士达成了共同目标，其中包括基督教十字军 (Christian Crusade) 的南方福音传教士比利·詹姆斯·哈吉斯 (Billy James Hargis)，基督教十字军是一个受欢迎的广播电视部门，在 20 世纪 50 年代和 1960 年代达到顶峰。

Cold War religion in America also crossed the political divide.

冷战时期美国的宗教也跨越了政治分歧。

During the 1952 campaign, Eisenhower spoke of U.S. foreign policy as “a war of light against darkness, freedom against slavery, Godliness against atheism.” 39 His Democratic opponent, former Illinois governor Adlai Stevenson, said that America was engaged in a battle with the “Anti-Christ.” While Billy Graham became a spiritual advisor to Eisenhower as well as other Republican and Democratic presidents, the same was true of the liberal Protestant Reinhold Niebuhr, perhaps the nation’s most important theologian when he appeared on the cover of Life in March 1948.

在 1952 年竞选期间，艾森豪威尔将美国外交政策称为“一场光明对抗黑暗、自由对抗奴隶制、虔诚对抗无神论的战争”。 39 他的民主党对手、前伊利诺伊州州长阿德莱·史蒂文森 (Adlai Stevenson) 表示，美国正在与“反基督”进行斗争。虽然比利·格雷厄姆成为艾森豪威尔以及其他共和党和民主党总统的精神顾问，但自由派新教徒莱因霍尔德·尼布尔也是如此，他在 1948 年 3 月登上《生活》杂志封面时可能是美国最重要的神学家。

Though publicly rebuked by the Tydings Committee, McCarthy soldiered on.

尽管受到泰丁斯委员会的公开谴责，麦卡锡仍坚持不懈。

In June 1951, on the floor of Congress, McCarthy charged that then secretary of defense (and former secretary of state) General George Marshall had fallen prey to “a conspiracy on a scale so immense as to dwarf any previous such venture in the history of man.” He claimed that Marshall, a war hero, had helped to “diminish the United States in world affairs,” enabling the United States to “finally fall victim to Soviet intrigue .

1951 年 6 月，麦卡锡在国会指控时任国防部长（兼前国务卿）乔治·马歇尔将军陷入了“一场阴谋，其规模之大，使人类历史上任何此类冒险都相形见绌”。他声称，战争英雄马歇尔帮助“削弱了美国在世界事务中的地位”，使美国“最终成为苏联阴谋的受害者……”。

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and Russian military might.” The speech caused an uproar.

和俄罗斯的军事力量。”言论引起轩然大波。

During the 1952 campaign, Eisenhower, who was in all things moderate and politically cautious, refused to publicly denounce McCarthy.

1952年竞选期间，在所有方面都温和且政治上谨慎的艾森豪威尔拒绝公开谴责麦卡锡。

“I will not .

“我不会。”

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get into the gutter with that guy,” he wrote privately.

和那个家伙一起进入阴沟，”他私下写道。

McCarthy campaigned for Eisenhower, who won a stunning victory.

麦卡锡为艾森豪威尔竞选，艾森豪威尔赢得了惊人的胜利。

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So did the Republicans, who regained Congress.

共和党也是如此，他们重新夺回了国会。

McCarthy became chairman of the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations (SPSI).

麦卡锡成为参议院常设调查小组委员会（SPSI）主席。

He turned his newfound power against the government’s overseas broadcast division, the Voice of America (VOA).

他将新获得的权力转向政府的海外广播部门——美国之音（VOA）。

McCarthy’s investigation in February–March 1953 resulted in several resignations or transfers.

1953 年 2 月至 3 月麦卡锡的调查导致数人辞职或调动。

McCarthy’s mudslinging had become increasingly unrestrained.

麦卡锡的诽谤越来越肆无忌惮。

Soon he went after the U.S. Army.

很快他就追击了美国陆军。

After forcing the army to again disprove theories of a Soviet spy ring at Fort Monmouth in New Jersey, McCarthy publicly berated officers suspected of promoting leftists.

在迫使军队再次驳斥新泽西州蒙茅斯堡苏联间谍团伙的理论后，麦卡锡公开谴责了涉嫌提拔左翼分子的军官。

McCarthy’s badgering of witnesses created cover for critics to publicly denounce his abrasive fearmongering.

麦卡锡纠缠证人为批评者公开谴责他粗鲁的恐吓行为创造了掩护。

On March 9, CBS anchor Edward R.

3 月 9 日，哥伦比亚广播公司 (CBS) 主播爱德华·R.

Murrow, a respected journalist, told his television audience that McCarthy’s actions had “caused alarm and dismay amongst .

默罗是一位受人尊敬的记者，他告诉电视观众，麦卡锡的行为“引起了……的恐慌和沮丧。”

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allies abroad, and given considerable comfort to our enemies.” Yet, Murrow explained, “he didn’t create this situation of fear; he merely exploited it—and rather successfully.

国外的盟友，给我们的敌人带来了相当大的安慰。”然而，默罗解释说，“他并没有制造这种恐惧的情况；他只是制造了这种恐惧。”他只是利用了它——而且相当成功。

Cassius was right.

卡修斯是对的。

‘The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, but in ourselves.’” 41

“亲爱的布鲁图斯，错误不在于我们的星星，而在于我们自己。”41

Twenty million people saw the Army-McCarthy hearings unfold over thirty-six days in 1954.

1954 年，历时三十六天的陆军-麦卡锡听证会在 2000 万人的见证下展开。

The army’s head counsel, Joseph Welch, captured much of the mood of the country when he defended a fellow lawyer from McCarthy’s public smears, saying, “Let us not assassinate this lad further, Senator.

陆军首席法律顾问约瑟夫·韦尔奇（Joseph Welch）在为一位律师同事免受麦卡锡的公开诽谤辩护时，抓住了全国的大部分情绪，他说：“参议员，我们不要进一步暗杀这个小伙子。

You’ve done enough.

你已经做得够多了。

Have you no sense of decency, sir?

先生，你一点礼貌都没有吗？

At long last, have you left no sense of decency?” In September, a senate subcommittee recommended that McCarthy be censured.

终于连一点点正经都没有了吗？”九月，参议院小组委员会建议谴责麦卡锡。

On December 2, 1954, his colleagues voted 67–22 to “condemn” his actions.

1954年12月2日，他的同事以67票对22票“谴责”他的行为。

Humiliated, McCarthy faded into irrelevance and alcoholism and died in May 1957 at age 48.

麦卡锡受到羞辱，逐渐变得无关紧要并酗酒，并于 1957 年 5 月去世，享年 48 岁。

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By the late 1950s, the worst of the second red scare was over.

到 20 世纪 50 年代末，第二次红色恐慌最严重的时期已经结束。

Stalin’s death, followed by the Korean War armistice, opened new space—and hope—for the easing of Cold War tensions.

斯大林去世后，朝鲜战争停战，为缓和冷战紧张局势开辟了新的空间和希望。

Détente and the upheavals of the late 1960s were on the horizon.

缓和局势和 20 世纪 60 年代末的剧变即将到来。

But McCarthyism outlasted McCarthy and the 1950s.

但麦卡锡主义比麦卡锡和 20 世纪 50 年代更长久。

The tactics he perfected continued to be practiced long after his death.

他完善的战术在他死后很长一段时间内仍在继续实行。

“Red-baiting,” the act of smearing a political opponent by linking them to communism or some other demonized ideology, persevered.

“红色诱饵”，即通过将政治对手与共产主义或其他妖魔化意识形态联系起来来抹黑政治对手的行为，仍然存在。

But McCarthy had hardly been alone.

但麦卡锡并不孤单。

Congressman Richard Nixon, for instance, used his place on HUAC and his public role in the campaign against Alger Hiss to catapult himself into the White House alongside Eisenhower and later into the presidency.

例如，国会议员理查德·尼克松利用他在 HUAC 中的地位以及他在反对阿尔杰·希斯的竞选活动中的公开角色，与艾森豪威尔一起入主白宫，后来成为总统。

Ronald Reagan bolstered the fame he had won in Hollywood with his testimony before Congress and his anticommunist work for major American corporations such as General Electric.

罗纳德·里根通过在国会作证以及为通用电气等美国大公司从事反共工作，增强了他在好莱坞赢得的声誉。

He too would use anticommunism to enter public life and chart a course to the presidency.

他也利用反共主义进入公共生活，并为总统职位制定了路线。

In 1958, radical anticommunists founded the John Birch Society, attacking liberals and civil rights activists such as Martin Luther King Jr. as communists.

1958年，激进的反共主义者成立了约翰·伯奇协会，攻击自由主义者和马丁·路德·金等民权活动人士为共产主义者。

Although joined by Cold War liberals, the weight of anticommunism was used as part of an assault against the New Deal and its defenders.

尽管有冷战自由主义者加入，但反共主义的力量被用来攻击新政及其捍卫者。

Even those liberals, such as historian Arthur Schlesinger, who had fought against communism found themselves smeared by the red scare.

即使是那些曾经反对共产主义的自由主义者，例如历史学家阿瑟·施莱辛格，也发现自己被红色恐慌所玷污。

The leftist American tradition was in tatters, destroyed by anticommunist hysteria.

美国左翼传统已被反共歇斯底里所摧毁，支离破碎。

Movements for social justice, from civil rights to gay rights to feminism, were all suppressed under Cold War conformity.

从公民权利到同性恋权利再到女权主义的社会正义运动都在冷战的整合下受到压制。

In an influential 1941 Life magazine editorial titled “The American Century,” publishing magnate Henry Luce outlined his “vision of America as the principal guarantor of freedom of the seas” and “the dynamic leader of world trade.” In his embrace of an American-led international system, the conservative Luce was joined by liberals including historian Arthur Schlesinger, who in his 1949 Cold War tome The Vital Center proclaimed that a “world destiny” had been “thrust” upon the United States, with perhaps no other nation becoming “a more reluctant great power.” Emerging from the war as the world’s preeminent military and economic force, the United States was perhaps destined to compete with the Soviet Union for influence in the Third World, where a power vacuum had been created by the demise of European imperialism.

1941 年，出版业巨头亨利·卢斯在《生活》杂志一篇颇具影响力的社论《美国世纪》中概述了他的“美国作为海洋自由的主要保障者”和“世界贸易的活力领导者”的愿景。保守派卢斯与包括历史学家阿瑟·施莱辛格在内的自由主义者一起拥护美国主导的国际体系，施莱辛格在其 1949 年的冷战巨著《重要中心》中宣称，“世界命运”已被“推”到美国身上，也许没有其他国家更不情愿地成为“一个大国”。战争结束后，美国成为世界上最杰出的军事和经济力量，也许注定要与苏联争夺在第三世界的影响力，因为欧洲帝国主义的灭亡在第三世界造成了权力真空。

As France and Britain in particular struggled in vain to control colonies in Asia, the Middle East, and North Africa, the United States assumed responsibility for maintaining order and producing a kind of “pax-Americana.” Little of the postwar world, however, would be so peaceful.

特别是当法国和英国徒劳地努力控制亚洲、中东和北非的殖民地时，美国承担了维持秩序和创造一种“美国和平”的责任。然而，战后世界几乎不会如此和平。

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Based on the logic of militarized containment established by NSC-68 and American Cold War strategy, interventions in Korea and Vietnam were seen as appropriate American responses to the ascent of communism in China.

基于NSC-68建立的军事化遏制逻辑和美国冷战战略，对朝鲜和越南的干预被视为美国对中国共产主义崛起的适当反应。

Unless Soviet power in Asia was halted, Chinese influence would ripple across the continent, and one country after another would fall to communism.

除非苏联停止在亚洲的势力，否则中国的影响力将波及整个非洲大陆，一个又一个国家将陷入共产主义。

Easily transposed onto any region of the world, the Domino Theory became a standard basis for the justification of U.S. interventions abroad.

多米诺骨牌理论很容易移植到世界任何地区，成为美国海外干预合理性的标准基础。

Cuba was seen as a communist beachhead that imperiled Latin America, the Caribbean, and perhaps eventually the United States.

古巴被视为危及拉丁美洲、加勒比地区甚至最终危及美国的共产主义滩头阵地。

Like Ho Chi Minh, Cuban leader Fidel Castro was a revolutionary nationalist whose career as a communist began in earnest after he was rebuffed by the United States, and American interventions targeted nations that never espoused official communist positions.

与胡志明一样，古巴领导人菲德尔·卡斯特罗也是一位革命民族主义者，在遭到美国的拒绝后，他正式开始了共产主义者的职业生涯，而美国的干预针对的是从未拥护官方共产主义立场的国家。

Many interventions in Asia, Latin America, and elsewhere were driven by factors that were shaped by but also transcended anticommunist ideology.

亚洲、拉丁美洲和其他地方的许多干预措施都是由反共意识形态影响但又超越反共意识形态的因素驱动的。

The Cuban revolution seemed to confirm the fears of many Americans that the spread of communism could not be stopped.

古巴革命似乎证实了许多美国人的担忧，即共产主义的蔓延无法被阻止。

In this photograph, Castro and fellow revolutionary Che Guevara march in a memorial for those killed in the explosion of a ship unloading munitions in Havana in March 1960.

在这张照片中，卡斯特罗和革命同僚切·格瓦拉在 1960 年 3 月哈瓦那一艘装卸弹药的船只爆炸中丧生的纪念碑前行进。

The U.S. government had been active in undermining Castro’s regime, and although there was no evidence in this instance, Castro publicly blamed the United States for the explosion.

美国政府一直积极破坏卡斯特罗政权，尽管没有证据，但卡斯特罗公开将爆炸归咎于美国。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

Instead of the United States dismantling its military after World War II, as it had after every major conflict, the Cold War facilitated a new permanent defense establishment.

美国并没有像每次重大冲突后那样在二战后解散军队，而是促进了新的永久性国防建设。

Federal investments in national defense affected the entire country.

联邦对国防的投资影响到整个国家。

Different regions housed various sectors of what sociologist C.

不同地区拥有社会学家 C. 的不同部门。

Wright Mills, in 1956, called the “permanent war economy.” The aerospace industry was concentrated in areas like Southern California and Long Island, New York; Massachusetts was home to several universities that received major defense contracts; the Midwest became home base for intercontinental ballistic missiles pointed at the Soviet Union; many of the largest defense companies and military installations were concentrated in the South, so much so that in 1956 author William Faulkner, who was born in Mississippi, remarked, “Our economy is the Federal Government.” 44

赖特·米尔斯 (Wright Mills) 于 1956 年将其称为“永久战争经济”。航空航天业集中在南加州和纽约长岛等地区；马萨诸塞州拥有几所获得重大国防合同的大学。中西部成为针对苏联的洲际弹道导弹的基地；许多最大的国防公司和军事设施都集中在南方，以至于 1956 年出生于密西西比州的作家威廉·福克纳 (William Faulkner) 说道：“我们的经济就是联邦政府。” 44

A radical critic of U.S. policy, Mills was one of the first thinkers to question the effects of massive defense spending, which, he said, corrupted the ruling class, or “power elite,” who now had the potential to take the country into war for the sake of corporate profits.

作为美国政策的激进批评者，米尔斯是最早质疑大规模国防开支影响的思想家之一，他说，这腐蚀了统治阶级或“权力精英”，他们现在有可能为了企业利润而将国家带入战争。

Yet perhaps the most famous critique of the entrenched war economy came from an unlikely source.

然而，对根深蒂固的战争经济最著名的批评也许来自一个不太可能的来源。

During his farewell address to the nation in January 1961, President Eisenhower cautioned Americans against the “unwarranted influence” of a “permanent armaments industry of vast proportions” that could threaten “liberties” and “democratic processes.” While the “conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry” was a fairly recent development, this “military-industrial complex” had cultivated a “total influence,” which was “economic, political, even spiritual .

1961 年 1 月，艾森豪威尔总统在向全国发表的告别演说中警告美国人，要警惕“规模庞大的永久军备工业”的“无理影响”，这可能会威胁“自由”和“民主进程”。虽然“庞大的军事设施和庞大的军火工业的结合”是最近的发展，但这种“军工复合体”已经形成了“全面的影响力”，即“经济、政治、甚至精神……”。

.

。

.

。

felt in every city .

每个城市都有感觉。

.

。

.

。

Statehouse .

州议会大厦。

.

。

.

。

[and] office of the Federal government.” There was, he said, great danger in failing to “comprehend its grave implications.” 45

[和]联邦政府办公室。”他说，如果不能“理解其严重影响”，就会面临巨大的危​​险。 45

In Eisenhower’s formulation, the “military-industrial complex” referred specifically to domestic connections between arms manufacturers, members of Congress, and the Department of Defense.

在艾森豪威尔的表述中，“军工联合体”特指军火制造商、国会议员和国防部之间的国内联系。

Yet the new alliance between corporations, politicians, and the military was dependent on having an actual conflict to wage, without which there could be no ultimate financial gain.

然而，企业、政客和军队之间的新联盟依赖于发生实际的冲突，否则就不可能获得最终的经济利益。

To critics, military-industrial partnerships at home were now linked to U.S. interests abroad.

对于批评者来说，国内的军工伙伴关系现在与美国的海外利益联系在一起。

Suddenly American foreign policy had to secure foreign markets and protect favorable terms for American trade all across the globe.

突然之间，美国的外交政策必须保护外国市场并保护美国在全球范围内的贸易的有利条件。

Seen in such a way, the Cold War was just a by-product of America’s new role as the remaining Western superpower.

从这个角度来看，冷战只是美国作为剩余西方超级大国的新角色的副产品。

Regardless, the postwar rise of U.S. power correlated with what many historians describe as a “national security consensus” that has dominated American policy since World War II.

无论如何，战后美国实力的崛起与许多历史学家所说的“国家安全共识”相关，这种共识自二战以来一直主导着美国的政策。

And so the United States was now more intimately involved in world affairs than ever before.

因此，美国现在比以往任何时候都更加密切地参与世界事务。

Ideological conflicts and independence movements erupted across the postwar world.

战后世界各地爆发了意识形态冲突和独立运动。

More than eighty countries achieved independence, primarily from European control.

八十多个国家实现了独立，主要是摆脱了欧洲的控制。

As it took center stage in the realm of global affairs, the United States played a complicated and often contradictory role in this process of “decolonization.” The sweeping scope of post-1945 U.S. military expansion was unique in the country’s history.

由于美国在全球事务领域占据中心地位，因此在这一“非殖民化”进程中扮演着复杂且常常矛盾的角色。 1945 年后美国军事扩张的广泛范围在该国历史上是独一无二的。

Critics believed that the advent of a “standing army,” so feared by many of the founding fathers, set a disturbing precedent.

批评者认为，许多国父们都害怕的“常备军”的出现开创了一个令人不安的先例。

But in the postwar world, American leaders eagerly set about maintaining a new permanent military juggernaut and creating viable international institutions.

但在战后世界，美国领导人急切地着手维持新的永久军事力量并建立可行的国际机构。

But what of independence movements around the world?

但世界各地的独立运动又如何呢？

Roosevelt had spoken for many in his remark to British prime minister Winston Churchill, in 1941, that it was hard to imagine “fight[ing] a war against fascist slavery, and at the same time not work to free people all over the world from a backward colonial policy.” 46 American postwar foreign policy leaders therefore struggled to balance support for decolonization against the reality that national independence movements often posed a threat to America’s global interests.

1941 年，罗斯福在对英国首相温斯顿·丘吉尔的讲话中代表了很多人，他很难想象“在与法西斯奴隶制进行一场战争的同时，不努力将全世界人民从落后的殖民政策中解放出来”。 46 因此，美国战后外交政策领导人努力平衡对非殖民化的支持与民族独立运动经常对美国全球利益构成威胁的现实。

American strategy became consumed with thwarting Russian power and the concomitant global spread of communism.

美国的战略全神贯注于挫败俄罗斯的力量以及随之而来的共产主义在全球的蔓延。

Foreign policy officials increasingly opposed all insurgencies or independence movements that could in any way be linked to international communism.

外交政策官员越来越反对所有可能与国际共产主义有任何联系的叛乱或独立运动。

The Soviet Union, too, was attempting to sway the world.

苏联也试图影响世界。

Stalin and his successors pushed an agenda that included not only the creation of Soviet client states in Eastern and Central Europe, but also a tendency to support leftwing liberation movements everywhere, particularly when they espoused anti-American sentiment.

斯大林及其继任者推行的议程不仅包括在东欧和中欧建立苏联附庸国，还包括支持各地左翼解放运动的倾向，特别是当他们支持反美情绪时。

As a result, the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) engaged in numerous proxy wars in the Third World.

结果，美国和苏维埃社会主义共和国联盟（苏联）在第三世界进行了多次代理人战争。

American planners felt that successful decolonization could demonstrate the superiority of democracy and capitalism against competing Soviet models.

美国规划者认为，成功的非殖民化可以证明民主和资本主义相对于苏联模式的优越性。

Their goal was in essence to develop an informal system of world power based as much as possible on consent (hegemony) rather than coercion (empire).

他们的目标本质上是建立一个尽可能基于同意（霸权）而不是强制（帝国）的非正式世界权力体系。

But European powers still defended colonization and American officials feared that anticolonial resistance would breed revolution and push nationalists into the Soviet sphere.

但欧洲列强仍然捍卫殖民主义，美国官员担心反殖民抵抗会孕育革命，并将民族主义者推入苏联势力范围。

And when faced with such movements, American policy dictated alliances with colonial regimes, alienating nationalist leaders in Asia and Africa.

面对此类运动，美国的政策决定与殖民政权结盟，疏远亚洲和非洲的民族主义领导人。

The architects of American power needed to sway the citizens of decolonizing nations toward the United States.

美国权力的缔造者需要让非殖民化国家的公民转向美国。

In 1948, Congress passed the Smith-Mundt Act to “promote a better understanding of the United States in other countries.” The legislation established cultural exchanges with various nations, including even the USSR, in order to showcase American values through American artists and entertainers.

1948 年，国会通过了《史密斯-蒙特法案》，以“促进其他国家更好地了解美国”。该立法建立了与各国（甚至包括苏联）的文化交流，以便通过美国艺术家和艺人展示美国价值观。

The Soviets did the same, through what they called an international peace offensive, which by most accounts was more successful than the American campaign.

苏联也采取了同样的做法，通过他们所谓的国际和平攻势，大多数人认为这比美国的战役更为成功。

Although U.S. officials made strides through the initiation of various overt and covert programs, they still perceived that they were lagging behind the Soviet Union in the “war for hearts and minds.” But as unrest festered in much of the Third World, American officials faced difficult choices.

尽管美国官员在启动各种公开和秘密计划方面取得了长足进步，但他们仍然认为自己在“人心之战”中落后于苏联。但随着第三世界大部分地区的动荡加剧，美国官员面临着艰难的选择。

47

47

As Black Americans fought for justice at home, prominent American Black radicals, including Malcolm X, Paul Robeson, and the aging W.

当美国黑人在国内争取正义时，著名的美国黑人激进分子，包括马尔科姆·X、保罗·罗伯逊和年迈的 W.

E.

E.

B.

B.

Du Bois, joined in solidarity with the global anticolonial movement, arguing that the United States had inherited the racist European imperial tradition.

杜波依斯声援全球反殖民运动，认为美国继承了欧洲帝国的种族主义传统。

Supporters of the Soviet Union made their own effort to win over countries, claiming that Marxist-Leninist doctrine offered a road map for their liberation from colonial bondage.

苏联的支持者为争取各国的支持做出了自己的努力，声称马克思列宁主义学说为他们摆脱殖民奴役提供了路线图。

Moreover, Kremlin propaganda pointed to injustices of the American South as an example of American hypocrisy: how could the United States claim to fight for global freedom when it refused to guarantee freedoms for its own citizenry?

此外，克里姆林宫的宣传指出美国南方的不公正现象是美国虚伪的一个例子：当美国拒绝保障本国公民的自由时，它怎么能声称为全球自由而战呢？

In such ways the Cold War connected the Black freedom struggle, the Third World, and the global Cold War.

通过这种方式，冷战将黑人自由斗争、第三世界和全球冷战联系起来。

The Soviet Union took advantage of racial tensions in the United States to create anti-American propaganda.

苏联利用美国的种族紧张局势进行反美宣传。

This 1930 Soviet poster shows a Black American being lynched from the Statue of Liberty, while the text below asserts the links between racism and Christianity.

这张 1930 年的苏联海报展示了一名美国黑人在自由女神像上被私刑处死，而下面的文字则断言了种族主义和基督教之间的联系。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

In June 1987, American president Ronald Reagan stood at the Berlin Wall and demanded that Soviet premier Mikhail Gorbachev “Tear down this wall!” Less than three years later, amid civil unrest in November 1989, East German authorities announced that their citizens were free to travel to and from West Berlin.

1987年6月，美国总统罗纳德·里根站在柏林墙前，要求苏联总理米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫“推倒这堵墙！”不到三年后，在 1989 年 11 月的内乱中，东德当局宣布其公民可以自由往返西柏林。

The concrete curtain would be lifted and East Berlin would be opened to the world.

混凝土帷幕将被揭开，东柏林将向世界开放。

Within months, the Berlin Wall was reduced to rubble by jubilant crowds anticipating the reunification of their city and their nation, which took place on October 3, 1990.

几个月之内，柏林墙就被欢呼雀跃的人群夷为废墟，他们期待着 1990 年 10 月 3 日实现城市和国家的统一。

By July 1991 the Warsaw Pact had crumbled, and on December 25 of that year, the Soviet Union was officially dissolved.

1991年7月，华沙条约组织解体，同年12月25日，苏联正式解体。

Hungary, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and the Baltic States (Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania) were freed from Russian domination.

匈牙利、波兰、捷克斯洛伐克和波罗的海国家（拉脱维亚、爱沙尼亚和立陶宛）摆脱了俄罗斯的统治。

Partisans fought to claim responsibility for the breakup of the Soviet Union and the ending of the Cold War.

游击队为声称对苏联解体和冷战结束负有责任而进行斗争。

Whether it was the triumphalist rhetoric and militaristic pressure of conservatives or the internal fracturing of ossified bureaucracies and work of Russian reformers that shaped the ending of the Cold War is a question of later decades.

究竟是保守派的必胜主义言论和军国主义压力，还是僵化官僚机构的内部分裂和俄罗斯改革者的工作，决定了冷战的结束，这是几十年后的问题。

Questions about the Cold War’s end must pause before appreciations of the Cold War’s impact at home and abroad.

在了解冷战对国内外的影响之前，必须暂停有关冷战结束的问题。

Whether measured by the tens of millions killed in Cold War–related conflicts, in the reshaping of American politics and culture, or in the transformation of America’s role in the world, the Cold War pushed American history upon a new path, one that it has yet to yield.

无论是从冷战相关冲突中数千万人的死亡、美国政治和文化的重塑，还是美国在世界角色的转变来衡量，冷战都将美国历史推上了一条尚未屈服的新道路。

The “Truman Doctrine” directed the United States to actively support anti-communist forces around the world.

“杜鲁门主义”指示美国积极支持世界各地的反共势力。

The following is from President Truman’s March 12, 1947 address before a joint session of congress requesting support for anti-communist regimes in Greece and Turkey.

以下内容摘自杜鲁门总统 1947 年 3 月 12 日在国会联席会议上的讲话，请求支持希腊和土耳其的反共政权。

In 1950, the National Security Council produced a 58-page, top-secret report proclaiming the threat of Soviet communism.

1950年，国家安全委员会发布了一份长达58页的绝密报告，宣称苏联共产主义的威胁。

In the new postwar world, the report argued, the United States could no longer retreat toward isolationism without encouraging the aggressive expansion of communism across the globe.

报告认为，在战后的新世界中，如果不鼓励共产主义在全球范围内的积极扩张，美国就不能再退回到孤立主义。

The United States, the report said, had to mobilize to ensure the survival of “civilization itself.”

报告称，美国必须动员起来，确保“文明本身”的生存。

Senator Joseph McCarthy’s relentless attacks on suspected communist influence in American government so captivated American attention that “McCarthyism” came to stand in for the fervor of Cold War America’s anti-communism.

参议员约瑟夫·麦卡锡对美国政府中疑似共产主义影响的无情攻击引起了美国人的关注，以至于“麦卡锡主义”取代了冷战时期美国反共主义的热情。

In the following extract, McCarthy depicts what he imagined were the stakes his anti-communist crusades.

在下面的摘录中，麦卡锡描述了他所想象的反共运动的赌注。

In 1953, President Dwight Eisenhower spoke to the United Nations’ General Assembly about the possibilities of peace in “the atomic age.”

1953 年，德怀特·艾森豪威尔总统在联合国大会上谈到“原子时代”和平的可能性。

5.

5.

Senator Margaret Chase Smith’s “Declaration of Conscience” (1950)

参议员玛格丽特·蔡斯·史密斯的《良心宣言》（1950）

Senator Margaret Chase Smith of Maine condemned the tactics of Senator Joseph McCarthy in a congressional speech on June 1, 1950.

1950 年 6 月 1 日，缅因州参议员玛格丽特·蔡斯·史密斯在国会演讲中谴责了参议员约瑟夫·麦卡锡的策略。

She attacked McCarthy’s conspiratorial charges and broken lives left in their wake.

她攻击了麦卡锡的阴谋指控以及随之而来的破碎的生活。

She blamed political leaders of both parties for failing to corral McCarthy’s wild attacks.

她指责两党政治领导人未能遏制麦卡锡的疯狂攻击。

The House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) held hearings in 1947 on Communist activity in Hollywood.

1947 年，众议院非美活动委员会 (HUAC) 就好莱坞的共产主义活动举行了听证会。

Many were called to testify and some, like playwright and screenwriter Lillian Hellman, refused to “name names”—to inform on others.

许多人被传唤出庭作证，而剧作家兼编剧莉莲·赫尔曼等一些人则拒绝“点名”——以举报其他人。

Hellman invoked the Fifth Amendment protection against self-incrimination.

赫尔曼援引了第五修正案，防止自证其罪。

Her decision landed her on the Hollywood “blacklist” and film companies refused to hire her.

她的决定使她被列入好莱坞“黑名单”，电影公司拒绝雇用她。

In the following letter to HUAC’s chairman, Hellman offered to testify as to her own activities if she would not be forced to inform on others.

在接下来写给 HUAC 主席的信中，赫尔曼表示，如果她不被迫向其他人通报情况，她愿意就自己的活动作证。

7.

7.

Paul Robeson’s Appearance Before the House Un-American Activities Committee (1956)

保罗·罗伯逊 (Paul Robeson) 出席众议院非美活动委员会 (1956)

Paul Robeson was a popular performer and African American political activist.

保罗·罗伯逊是一位受欢迎的表演者和非裔美国政治活动家。

He attacked racism and imperialism and advocated for African decolonization.

他攻击种族主义和帝国主义，主张非洲非殖民化。

He appeared before the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1956.

1956 年，他出席众议院非美活动委员会的听证会。

He invoked the Fifth Amendment and refused to cooperate.

他援引第五修正案并拒绝合作。

This toy laboratory set was intended to let young people perform small scale experiments with radioactive materials in their own home.

这套玩具实验室套装的目的是让年轻人在自己的家里用放射性物质进行小规模实验。

Equipped with a small working Geiger Counter, a “cloud chamber,” and samples of radioactive ore, the set’s creator claimed that the government supported its production to help Americans become more comfortable with nuclear energy.

该装置配备了一个小型盖革计数器、一个“云室”和放射性矿石样本，该装置的创造者声称政府支持其生产，以帮助美国人更加适应核能。

In 1951, Archer Productions created “Duck and Cover,” a civil defense film funded by the U.S. Federal Civil Defense Administration.

1951 年，Archer Productions 制作了一部由美国联邦民防管理局资助的民防电影《Duck and Cover》。

The short film, starring Bert the Turtle and shown to Cold War school children, demonstrates “duck and cover”–a physical position designed to mitigate the effects of a nuclear blast.

这部短片由海龟伯特主演，向冷战学童放映，展示了“躲避和掩护”——一种旨在减轻核爆炸影响的物理姿势。

This chapter was edited by Ari Cushner, with content contributions by Michael Brenes, Ari Cushner, Michael Franczak, Joseph Haker, Jonathan Hunt, Jun Suk Hyun, Zack Jacobson, Micki Kaufman, Lucie Kyrova, Celeste Day Moore, Joseph Parrott, Colin Reynolds, and Tanya Roth.

本章由 Ari Cushner 编辑，内容贡献者包括 Michael Brenes、Ari Cushner、Michael Franczak、Joseph Haker、Jonathan Hunt、Jun Suk Hyun、Zack Jacobson、Micki Kaufman、Lucie Kyrova、Celeste Day Moore、Joseph Parrott、Colin Reynolds 和 Tanya Roth。

Recommended citation: Michael Brenes et al., “The Cold War,” Ari Cushner, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.

推荐引用：Michael Brenes 等人，“冷战”，Ari Cushner 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。

Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).

约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。