The American Yawp

美国狂吠

· The American Yawp (Stanford open textbook) · 原文

In this famous 1936 photograph by Dorothea Lange, a destitute, thirty-two-year-old mother of seven captures the agonies of the Great Depression.

在多萝西娅·兰格 1936 年拍摄的这张著名照片中，一位 32 岁、七个孩子的母亲一贫如洗，捕捉到了大萧条时期的痛苦。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

* NOTE: You are viewing a chapter from the archived, “First Edition” version of the American Yawp, which stopped receiving updates in spring 2026.

* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。

Click here to access the current, updated edition *

单击此处访问当前的更新版本*

Hard times had hit the United States before, but never had an economic crisis lasted so long or inflicted as much harm as the slump that followed the 1929 crash.

美国以前也曾经历过困难时期，但从来没有一场经济危机像 1929 年经济崩溃后的经济衰退那样持续如此之久或造成如此之大的伤害。

After nearly a decade of supposed prosperity, the economy crashed to a halt.

经过近十年的所谓繁荣后，经济陷入停滞。

People suddenly stopped borrowing and buying.

人们突然停止借贷和购买。

Industries built on debt-fueled purchases sold fewer goods.

建立在债务驱动的采购基础上的行业销售的商品减少了。

Retailers lowered prices and, when that did not attract enough buyers to turn profits, they laid off workers to lower labor costs.

零售商降低价格，但当这不能吸引足够多的买家来盈利时，他们就会解雇工人以降低劳动力成本。

With so many people out of work and without income, shops sold even less, dropped their prices lower still, and then shed still more workers, creating a vicious downward cycle.

由于这么多人失业、没有收入，商店的销量就更少了，价格也降得更低，然后又裁掉更多的工人，形成恶性循环。

Four years after the crash, the Great Depression reached its lowest point: nearly one in four Americans who wanted a job could not find one and, of those who could, more than half had to settle for part-time work.

经济危机四年后，大萧条达到了最低点：近四分之一想要工作的美国人找不到工作，而在那些能找到工作的人中，一半以上不得不满足于兼职工作。

Farmers could not make enough money from their crops to make harvesting worthwhile.

农民无法从农作物中赚到足够的钱来使收割变得有价值。

Food rotted in the fields of a starving nation.

食物在饥饿国家的田野里腐烂。

The needy drew down whatever savings they had, turned to their families, and sought out charities for public assistance.

有需要的人拿出他们所有的积蓄，向家人求助，并向慈善机构寻求公共援助。

Soon they all were depleted.

很快他们就全部耗尽了。

Unemployed workers and cash-strapped farmers defaulted on their debts, including mortgages.

失业工人和囊中羞涩的农民拖欠债务，包括抵押贷款。

Already over-extended banks, deprived of income, took savings accounts down with them when they closed.

已经过度扩张的银行，被剥夺了收入，在关闭时将储蓄账户一并扣押。

Fear-stricken observers went to their own banks and demanded their deposits.

惊恐万状的观察家纷纷前往自己的银行索取存款。

Banks that otherwise might have endured the crisis fell prey to panic, and shut down as well.

原本可能经受住危机的银行也陷入恐慌，纷纷倒闭。

With so little being bought and sold, and so little lent and spent, with even bankers unable to lay their hands on money, the nation’s economy ground nearly to a halt.

由于买卖量如此之少，借贷和支出也如此之少，甚至银行家也无法拿到钱，国家经济几乎陷入停滞。

None of the remedies adopted by the president or the Congress succeeded—not higher tariffs, nor restriction of immigration, nor sticking to sound money, nor expressions of confidence in the resilience of the American people.

总统或国会采取的补救措施都没有成功——没有提高关税，没有限制移民，没有坚持使用稳健的货币，也没有对美国人民的韧性表示信心。

Whatever good these measures achieved, it was not enough.

无论这些措施取得了什么成效，但这还不够。

In the 1932 presidential election, the incumbent president, Herbert Hoover, a Republican, promised that he would stand firm against those who, he said, would destroy the U.S. Constitution to restore the economy.

在 1932 年总统选举中，现任总统、共和党人赫伯特·胡佛承诺，他将坚决反对那些他所说的破坏美国宪法以恢复经济的人。

Chief among these supposedly dangerous experimenters was the Democratic presidential nominee, New York governor Franklin D.

这些被认为是危险的实验者中最主要的是民主党总统候选人、纽约州州长富兰克林·D·富兰克林。

Roosevelt, who began his campaign by pledging a New Deal for the American people.

罗斯福在竞选之初就承诺为美国人民实施新政。

The voters chose Roosevelt in a landslide, inaugurating a rapid and enduring transformation in the U.S. government.

选民以压倒性优势选择了罗斯福，开启了美国政府快速而持久的变革。

Even though the New Deal never achieved as much as its proponents hoped or its opponents feared, it did more than any other peacetime program to change how Americans saw their country.

尽管新政从未达到其支持者所希望或反对者所担心的程度，但它比任何其他和平时期的计划都更能改变美国人对自己国家的看法。

Crowds of people gather outside the New York Stock Exchange following the crash of 1929.

1929 年股市崩盘后，人群聚集在纽约证券交易所外。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

On Thursday, October 24, 1929, stock market prices suddenly plummeted.

1929 年 10 月 24 日星期四，股市价格突然暴跌。

Ten billion dollars in investments (roughly equivalent to about $100 billion today) disappeared in a matter of hours.

数百亿美元的投资（大约相当于今天的 1000 亿美元）在几个小时内就消失了。

Panicked selling set in, stock values sank to sudden lows, and stunned investors crowded the New York Stock Exchange demanding answers.

恐慌性抛售开始出现，股价突然跌至低点，震惊的投资者涌入纽约证券交易所寻求答案。

Leading bankers met privately at the offices of J.

主要银行家在 J. 的办公室私下会面。

P。

Morgan and raised millions in personal and institutional contributions to halt the slide.

摩根并筹集了数百万美元的个人和机构捐款来阻止下滑。

They marched across the street and ceremoniously bought stocks at inflated prices.

他们游行过街，隆重地以高价购买股票。

The market temporarily stabilized but fears spread over the weekend and the following week frightened investors dumped their portfolios to avoid further losses.

市场暂时企稳，但担忧情绪在周末蔓延，接下来的一周，投资者纷纷抛售投资组合以避免进一步损失。

On October 29, Black Tuesday, the stock market began its long precipitous fall.

10月29日黑色星期二，股市开始了长期的暴跌。

Stock values evaporated.

股票价值蒸发了。

Shares of U.S. Steel dropped from $262 to $22.

美国钢铁公司的股价从 262 美元跌至 22 美元。

General Motors stock fell from $73 a share to $8.

通用汽车股价从每股 73 美元跌至 8 美元。

Four fifths of J.

J的五分之四

D .

Rockefeller’s fortune—the greatest in American history—vanished.

洛克菲勒的财富——美国历史上最伟大的财富——消失了。

Although the crash stunned the nation, it exposed the deeper, underlying problems with the American economy in the 1920s.

尽管这次崩盘震惊了全国，但它暴露了 20 年代美国经济更深层次的根本问题。

The stock market’s popularity grew throughout the decade, but only 2.5 percent of Americans had brokerage accounts; the overwhelming majority of Americans had no direct personal stake in Wall Street.

这十年来，股市越来越受欢迎，但只有 2.5% 的美国人拥有经纪账户；绝大多数美国人在华尔街没有直接的个人利益。

The stock market’s collapse, no matter how dramatic, did not by itself depress the American economy.

股市的崩溃，无论多么剧烈，本身并没有抑制美国经济。

Instead, the crash exposed a great number of factors that, when combined with the financial panic, sank the American economy into the greatest of all economic crises.

相反，这次崩盘暴露了许多因素，这些因素与金融恐慌结合在一起，使美国经济陷入了所有经济危机中最严重的危机。

Rising inequality, declining demand, rural collapse, overextended investors, and the bursting of speculative bubbles all conspired to plunge the nation into the Great Depression.

不平等加剧、需求下降、农村崩溃、投资者过度扩张以及投机泡沫破裂，所有这些共同导致美国陷入大萧条。

Despite resistance by Progressives, the vast gap between rich and poor accelerated throughout the early twentieth century.

尽管受到进步派的抵制，贫富之间的巨大差距在整个二十世纪初期仍在加剧。

In the aggregate, Americans were better off in 1929 than in 1920.

总体而言，1929 年美国人的生活状况比 1920 年要好。

Per capita income had risen 10 percent for all Americans, but 75 percent for the nation’s wealthiest citizens.

所有美国人的人均收入增长了 10%，但美国最富有公民的人均收入增长了 75%。

1 The return of conservative politics in the 1920s reinforced federal fiscal policies that exacerbated the divide: low corporate and personal taxes, easy credit, and depressed interest rates overwhelmingly favored wealthy investors who, flush with cash, spent their money on luxury goods and speculative investments in the rapidly rising stock market.

1 20 年代保守政治的回归强化了联邦财政政策，从而加剧了分歧：低企业税和个人税、宽松的信贷和低迷的利率压倒性地有利于富有的投资者，他们手头充裕，将钱花在奢侈品上，并在快速上涨的股市中进行投机性投资。

The pro-business policies of the 1920s were designed for an American economy built on the production and consumption of durable goods.

20 年代的亲商政策是为建立在耐用品生产和消费基础上的美国经济而设计的。

Yet by the late 1920s, much of the market was saturated.

然而到 20 年代末，大部分市场已经饱和。

The boom of automobile manufacturing, the great driver of the American economy in the 1920s, slowed as fewer and fewer Americans with the means to purchase a car had not already done so.

汽车制造业的繁荣是 20 年代美国经济的主要推动力，但随着有能力购买汽车的美国人越来越少，汽车制造业的繁荣放缓了。

More and more, the well-to-do had no need for the new automobiles, radios, and other consumer goods that fueled gross domestic product (GDP) growth in the 1920s.

越来越多的富人不再需要新的汽车、收音机和其他在 20 年代推动国内生产总值 (GDP) 增长的消费品。

When products failed to sell, inventories piled up, manufacturers scaled back production, and companies fired workers, stripping potential consumers of cash, blunting demand for consumer goods, and replicating the downward economic cycle.

当产品滞销时，库存堆积，制造商缩减生产，企业解雇工人，从而剥夺了潜在消费者的现金，削弱了对消费品的需求，并复制了经济下行周期。

The situation was only compounded by increased automation and rising efficiency in American factories.

美国工厂自动化程度的提高和效率的提高使情况变得更加复杂。

Despite impressive overall growth throughout the 1920s, unemployment hovered around 7 percent throughout the decade, suppressing purchasing power for a great swath of potential consumers.

尽管 20 世纪 20 年代整体经济增长令人印象深刻，但失业率在整个 10 年间一直徘徊在 7% 左右，抑制了大量潜在消费者的购买力。

While a manufacturing innovation, Henry Ford’s assembly line produced so many cars as to flood the automobile market in the 1920s.

亨利·福特的装配线虽然是一项制造业创新，但生产的汽车数量如此之多，以至于充斥了 20 年代的汽车市场。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

For American farmers, meanwhile, hard times began long before the markets crashed.

与此同时，对于美国农民来说，早在市场崩溃之前，困难时期就开始了。

In 1920 and 1921, after several years of larger-than-average profits, farm prices in the South and West continued their long decline, plummeting as production climbed and domestic and international demand for cotton, foodstuffs, and other agricultural products stalled.

1920 年和 1921 年，在经历了几年高于平均水平的利润之后，南部和西部的农产品价格继续长期下跌，随着产量的攀升以及国内外对棉花、食品和其他农产品的需求停滞而暴跌。

Widespread soil exhaustion on western farms only compounded the problem.

西部农场广泛的土壤枯竭只会加剧问题。

Farmers found themselves unable to make payments on loans taken out during the good years, and banks in agricultural areas tightened credit in response.

农民发现自己无法偿还丰年期间借出的贷款，农业地区的银行因此收紧信贷。

By 1929, farm families were overextended, in no shape to make up for declining consumption, and in a precarious economic position even before the Depression wrecked the global economy.

到 1929 年，农场家庭已经过度扩张，无法弥补消费的下降，甚至在大萧条摧毁全球经济之前就处于不稳定的经济地位。

Despite serious foundational problems in the industrial and agricultural economy, most Americans in 1929 and 1930 still believed the economy would bounce back.

尽管工农业经济存在严重的基础性问题，1929年和1930年的大多数美国人仍然相信经济会反弹。

In 1930, amid one of the Depression’s many false hopes, President Herbert Hoover reassured an audience that “the depression is over.” 4 But the president was not simply guilty of false optimism.

1930 年，在大萧条带来的众多虚假希望之一中，赫伯特·胡佛总统向观众保证“大萧条已经结束”。 4 但总统不仅仅犯了错误的乐观主义。

Hoover made many mistakes.

胡佛犯了很多错误。

During his 1928 election campaign, Hoover promoted higher tariffs as a means for encouraging domestic consumption and protecting American farmers from foreign competition.

在 1928 年竞选期间，胡佛提倡提高关税，以此作为鼓励国内消费和保护美国农民免受外国竞争的手段。

Spurred by the ongoing agricultural depression, Hoover signed into law the highest tariff in American history, the Smoot-Hawley Tariff of 1930, just as global markets began to crumble.

在持续的农业萧条的刺激下，正当全球市场开始崩溃时，胡佛签署了美国历史上最高的关税——1930 年的斯穆特-霍利关税法案。

Other countries responded in kind, tariff walls rose across the globe, and international trade ground to a halt.

其他国家也做出了同样的回应，关税壁垒在全球范围内兴起，国际贸易陷入停滞。

Between 1929 and 1932, international trade dropped from $36 billion to only $12 billion.

1929 年至 1932 年间，国际贸易额从 360 亿美元降至仅 120 亿美元。

American exports fell by 78 percent.

美国出口下降了 78%。

Combined with overproduction and declining domestic consumption, the tariff exacerbated the world’s economic collapse.

加之生产过剩和国内消费下降，关税加剧了世界经济崩溃。

But beyond structural flaws, speculative bubbles, and destructive protectionism, the final contributing element of the Great Depression was a quintessentially human one: panic.

但除了结构性缺陷、投机泡沫和破坏性的保护主义之外，大萧条的最后一个促成因素是典型的人类因素：恐慌。

The frantic reaction to the market’s fall aggravated the economy’s other many failings.

对市场下跌的疯狂反应加剧了经济的其他许多缺陷。

More economic policies backfired.

更多的经济政策适得其反。

The Federal Reserve overcorrected in their response to speculation by raising interest rates and tightening credit.

美联储通过提高利率和收紧信贷来应对投机行为，结果矫枉过正。

Across the country, banks denied loans and called in debts.

全国各地的银行都拒绝发放贷款并催收债务。

Their patrons, afraid that reactionary policies meant further financial trouble, rushed to withdraw money before institutions could close their doors, ensuring their fate.

他们的赞助人担心反动政策意味着进一步的财务困难，在机构关门之前急于撤回资金，以确保他们的命运。

Such bank runs were not uncommon in the 1920s, but in 1930, with the economy worsening and panic from the crash accelerating, 1,352 banks failed.

此类银行挤兑在 1920 年代并不罕见，但在 1930 年，随着经济恶化和崩盘引发的恐慌加剧，1,352 家银行倒闭。

In 1932, nearly 2,300 banks collapsed, taking personal deposits, savings, and credit with them.

1932 年，近 2,300 家银行倒闭，吸收了个人存款、储蓄和信贷。

The Great Depression was the confluence of many problems, most of which had begun during a time of unprecedented economic growth.

大萧条是许多问题的综合体，其中大部分是在前所未有的经济增长时期开始的。

Fiscal policies of the Republican “business presidents” undoubtedly widened the gap between rich and poor and fostered a standoff over international trade, but such policies were widely popular and, for much of the decade, widely seen as a source of the decade’s explosive growth.

共和党“商业总统”的财政政策无疑扩大了贫富差距，并加剧了国际贸易的僵局，但此类政策受到广泛欢迎，并且在这十年的大部分时间里，被广泛视为这十年爆炸性增长的源泉。

With fortunes to be won and standards of living to maintain, few Americans had the foresight or wherewithal to repudiate an age of easy credit, rampant consumerism, and wild speculation.

由于要赢得财富和维持生活水平，很少有美国人有远见或资金来否认信贷宽松、消费主义猖獗和疯狂投机的时代。

Instead, as the Depression worked its way across the United States, Americans hoped to weather the economic storm as best they could, hoping for some relief from the ever-mounting economic collapse that was strangling so many lives.

相反，当大萧条席卷美国时，美国人希望尽最大努力度过这场经济风暴，希望能从扼杀许多人生命的不断加剧的经济崩溃中得到一些缓解。

Unemployed men queued outside a depression soup kitchen opened in Chicago by Al Capone.

失业者在艾尔·卡彭在芝加哥开设的一家抑郁症施粥所外排队。

February 1931.

1931 年 2 月。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

As the Depression spread, public blame settled on President Herbert Hoover and the conservative politics of the Republican Party.

随着大萧条的蔓延，公众将责任归咎于赫伯特·胡佛总统和共和党的保守政治。

In 1928, having won the presidency in a landslide, Hoover had no reason to believe that his presidency would be any different than that of his predecessor, Calvin Coolidge, whose time in office was marked by relative government inaction, seemingly rampant prosperity, and high approval ratings.

1928年，胡佛以压倒性优势赢得总统宝座，他没有理由相信他的总统任期会与他的前任卡尔文·柯立芝的总统任期有任何不同，卡尔文·柯立芝在任期间的特点是政府相对不作为、看似繁荣昌盛和高支持率。

7 Hoover entered office on a wave of popular support, but by October 1929 the economic collapse had overwhelmed his presidency.

7 胡佛在民众的支持下上任，但到 1929 年 10 月，经济崩溃压垮了他的总统任期。

Like all too many Americans, Hoover and his advisors assumed—or perhaps simply hoped—that the sharp financial and economic decline was a temporary downturn, another “bust” of the inevitable boom-bust cycles that stretched back through America’s commercial history.

像所有太多的美国人一样，胡佛和他的顾问们认为——或者也许只是希望——金融和经济的急剧下滑只是暂时的低迷，是美国商业史上不可避免的繁荣-萧条周期的又一次“萧条”。

“Any lack of confidence in the economic future and the basic strength of business in the United States is simply foolish,” he said in November.

“任何对美国经济未来和商业基本实力缺乏信心的行为都是愚蠢的，”他去年 11 月表示。

8 And yet the crisis grew.

8 然而危机却愈演愈烈。

Unemployment commenced a slow, sickening rise.

失业率开始缓慢而令人恶心地上升。

New-car registrations dropped by almost a quarter within a few months.

几个月内新车注册量下降了近四分之一。

9 Consumer spending on durable goods dropped by a fifth in 1930.

9 1930 年，耐用品消费者支出下降了五分之一。

When suffering Americans looked to Hoover for help, Hoover could only answer with volunteerism.

当苦难的美国人向胡佛寻求帮助时，胡佛只能以志愿服务来回应。

He asked business leaders to promise to maintain investments and employment and encouraged state and local charities to assist those in need.

他要求商界领袖承诺维持投资和就业，并鼓励州和地方慈善机构帮助有需要的人。

Hoover established the President’s Organization for Unemployment Relief, or POUR, to help organize the efforts of private agencies.

胡佛建立了总统失业救济组织（POUR），以帮助组织私营机构的努力。

While POUR urged charitable giving, charitable relief organizations were overwhelmed by the growing needs of the many multiplying unemployed, underfed, and unhoused Americans.

尽管 POUR 呼吁进行慈善捐赠，但许多失业、食物不足和无家可归的美国人日益增长的需求却让慈善救济组织不堪重负。

By mid-1932, for instance, a quarter of all of New York’s private charities closed: they had simply run out of money.

例如，到 1932 年中期，纽约四分之一的私人慈善机构都关门了：他们的钱已经用完了。

In Atlanta, solvent relief charities could only provide $1.30 per week to needy families.

在亚特兰大，有偿付能力的救济慈善机构每周只能向贫困家庭提供 1.30 美元。

The size and scope of the Depression overpowered the radically insufficient capacity of private volunteer organizations to mediate the crisis.

大萧条的规模和范围压倒了私人志愿者组织调解危机的根本不足的能力。

Although Hoover is sometimes categorized as a “business president” in line with his Republican predecessors, he also embraced a kind of business progressivism, a system of voluntary action called associationalism that assumed Americans could maintain a web of voluntary cooperative organizations dedicated to providing economic assistance and services to those in need.

尽管胡佛有时被归类为与他的共和党前任一致的“商业总统”，但他也拥护一种商业进步主义，一种称为联合主义的自愿行动体系，该体系假设美国人可以维持一个致力于为有需要的人提供经济援助和服务的自愿合作组织网络。

Businesses, the thinking went, would willingly limit harmful practice for the greater economic good.

人们认为，为了更大的经济利益，企业会愿意限制有害做法。

To Hoover, direct government aid would discourage a healthy work ethic while associationalism would encourage the self-control and self-initiative that fueled economic growth.

对胡佛来说，政府的直接援助会阻碍健康的职业道德，而结社主义会鼓励促进经济增长的自我控制和自我主动性。

But when the Depression exposed the incapacity of such strategies to produce an economic recovery, Hoover proved insufficiently flexible to recognize the limits of his ideology.

但当大萧条暴露出这些策略无法带来经济复苏时，胡佛的灵活性被证明不够灵活，无法认识到其意识形态的局限性。

12 “We cannot legislate ourselves out of a world economic depression,” he told Congress in 1931.

12 “我们无法通过立法来摆脱世界经济萧条，”他于 1931 年告诉国会。

Hoover resisted direct action.

胡佛拒绝采取直接行动。

As the crisis deepened, even bankers and businessmen and the president’s own advisors and appointees all pleaded with him to use the government’s power to fight the Depression.

随着危机的加深，甚至银行家、商人以及总统自己的顾问和任命者都恳求他利用政府的权力来对抗大萧条。

But his conservative ideology wouldn’t allow him to.

但他的保守意识形态不允许他这样做。

He believed in limited government as a matter of principle.

他相信有限政府是一个原则问题。

Senator Robert Wagner of New York said in 1931 that the president’s policy was “to do nothing and when the pressure becomes irresistible to do as little as possible.” 14 By 1932, with the economy long since stagnant and a reelection campaign looming, Hoover, hoping to stimulate American industry, created the Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC) to provide emergency loans to banks, building-and-loan societies, railroads, and other private industries.

纽约参议员罗伯特·瓦格纳 (Robert Wagner) 1931 年表示，总统的政策是“什么都不做，当压力不可抗拒时，尽可能少做”。 14 到 1932 年，经济长期停滞不前，连任竞选迫在眉睫，胡佛希望刺激美国工业，创建了重建金融公司 (RFC)，为银行、建筑贷款协会、铁路和其他私营行业提供紧急贷款。

It was radical in its use of direct government aid and out of character for the normally laissez-faire Hoover, but it also bypassed needy Americans to bolster industrial and financial interests.

它对政府直接援助的使用是激进的，不符合通常自由放任的胡佛的性格，但它也绕过了贫困的美国人来支持工业和金融利益。

New York congressman Fiorello LaGuardia, who later served as mayor of New York City, captured public sentiment when he denounced the RFC as a “millionaire’s dole.” 15

后来担任纽约市市长的纽约众议员菲奥雷洛·拉瓜迪亚 (Fiorello LaGuardia) 谴责 RFC 是“百万富翁的救济金”，抓住了公众的情绪。 15

A Hooverville in Seattle, Washington between 1932 and 1937.

1932 年至 1937 年间，华盛顿州西雅图的胡佛村。

Washington State Archives .

华盛顿州档案馆。

In 1934 a woman from Humboldt County, California, wrote to First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt seeking a job for her husband, a surveyor, who had been out of work for nearly two years.

1934 年，加利福尼亚州洪堡县的一名妇女写信给第一夫人埃莉诺·罗斯福，为她失业近两年的测量员丈夫寻找一份工作。

The pair had survived on the meager income she received from working at the county courthouse.

两人靠她在县法院工作的微薄收入度日。

“My salary could keep us going,” she explained, “but—I am to have a baby.” The family needed temporary help, and, she explained, “after that I can go back to work and we can work out our own salvation.

“我的薪水可以让我们维持下去，”她解释道，“但是——我要生孩子了。”这个家庭需要暂时的帮助，她解释说，“之后我就可以回去工作，我们就可以找到自己的救赎之路。

But to have this baby come to a home full of worry and despair, with no money for the things it needs, is not fair.

但让这个婴儿来到一个充满忧虑和绝望的家，又没有钱购买所需的东西，这是不公平的。

It needs and deserves a happy start in life.” 16

它需要并且值得拥有一个幸福的人生开始。” 16

As the United States slid ever deeper into the Great Depression, such tragic scenes played out time and time again.

随着美国在大萧条中越陷越深，这样的悲惨场面一次又一次上演。

Individuals, families, and communities faced the painful, frightening, and often bewildering collapse of the economic institutions on which they depended.

个人、家庭和社区都面临着他们所依赖的经济机构的痛苦、可怕和常常令人困惑的崩溃。

The more fortunate were spared the worst effects, and a few even profited from it, but by the end of 1932, the crisis had become so deep and so widespread that most Americans had suffered directly.

较幸运的人没有受到最严重的影响，少数人甚至从中获利，但到 1932 年底，这场危机已经变得如此严重和广泛，以至于大多数美国人直接遭受了损失。

Markets crashed through no fault of their own.

市场崩溃并不是其自身的过错。

Workers were plunged into poverty because of impersonal forces for which they shared no responsibility.

工人因非个人力量而陷入贫困，而他们对此不负有任何责任。

With rampant unemployment and declining wages, Americans slashed expenses.

由于失业率高涨和工资下降，美国人削减了开支。

The fortunate could survive by simply deferring vacations and regular consumer purchases.

幸运者只需推迟假期和定期消费即可生存。

Middle- and working-class Americans might rely on disappearing credit at neighborhood stores, default on utility bills, or skip meals.

美国中产阶级和工薪阶层可能会依赖邻里商店不断消失的信贷、拖欠水电费或不吃饭。

Those who could borrowed from relatives or took in boarders in homes or “doubled up” in tenements.

那些可以向亲戚借钱或在家里接纳寄宿生或在公寓里“合住”的人。

But such resources couldn’t withstand the unending relentlessness of the economic crisis.

但这样的资源无法承受经济危机的无休止的影响。

As one New York City official explained in 1932,

正如纽约市一位官员在 1932 年解释的那样，

When the breadwinner is out of a job he usually exhausts his savings if he has any.…

当养家糊口的人失业时，他通常会耗尽他的积蓄（如果有的话）……

He borrows from his friends and from his relatives until they can stand the burden no longer.

他向朋友和亲戚借钱，直到他们再也无法承受为止。

He gets credit from the corner grocery store and the butcher shop, and the landlord forgoes collecting the rent until interest and taxes have to be paid and something has to be done.

他从街角的杂货店和肉店获得信贷，房东放弃收取租金，直到必须支付利息和税款并且必须采取措施。

All of these resources are finally exhausted over a period of time, and it becomes necessary for these people, who have never before been in want, to go on assistance.

所有这些资源最终在一段时间内都耗尽了，对于这些从来没有缺乏过的人们来说，需要继续援助。

17 号

But public assistance and private charities were quickly exhausted by the scope of the crisis.

但公共援助和私人慈善机构很快就因危机的范围而耗尽。

As one Detroit city official put it in 1932,

正如一位底特律市官员在 1932 年所说的那样，

Many essential public services have been reduced beyond the minimum point absolutely essential to the health and safety of the city.…

许多基本公共服务的减少超出了对城市健康和安全绝对必要的最低限度。……

The salaries of city employees have been twice reduced …

城市职工工资已两次下调……

and hundreds of faithful employees …

以及数百名忠诚的员工……

have been furloughed.

已被休假。

Thus has the city borrowed from its own future welfare to keep its unemployed on the barest subsistence levels.…

因此，这座城市从自己未来的福利中借钱，将失业者维持在最低限度的生存水平……

A wage work plan which had supported 11,000 families collapsed last month because the city was unable to find funds to pay these unemployed—men who wished to earn their own support.

上个月，一项支持 11,000 个家庭的工资工作计划宣告失败，因为该市无法找到资金来支付这些失业者——那些希望自己养活自己的人。

For the coming year, Detroit can see no possibility of preventing wide-spread hunger and slow starvation through its own unaided resources.

在未来的一年里，底特律认为不可能通过自己的独立资源来防止大范围的饥饿和缓慢的饥饿。

These most desperate Americans, the chronically unemployed, encamped on public or marginal lands in “Hoovervilles,” spontaneous shantytowns that dotted America’s cities, depending on bread lines and street-corner peddling.

这些最绝望的美国人，即长期失业者，在“胡佛村”的公共或边缘土地上安营扎寨，胡佛村是美国城市中随处可见的自发棚户区，靠排队领取面包和街角小贩为生。

One doctor recalled that “every day …

一位医生回忆说，“每天......

someone would faint on a streetcar.

有人会在有轨电车上晕倒。

They’d bring him in, and they wouldn’t ask any questions.…

他们把他带进来，他们不会问任何问题……

they knew what it was.

他们知道那是什么。

Hunger.” 19 “A man is not a man without work,” one of the jobless told an interviewer.

饥饿。” 19 “一个人没有工作就不是一个人，”一名失业者告诉采访者。

20 The ideal of the “male breadwinner” was always a fiction for poor Americans, and, during the crisis, women and young children entered the labor force, as they always had.

20 对于贫穷的美国人来说，“男性养家糊口”的理想始终是一个虚构的故事，在危机期间，妇女和儿童像往常一样进入劳动力市场。

But, in such a labor crisis, many employers, subscribing to traditional notions of male bread-winning, were less likely to hire married women and more likely to dismiss those they already employed.

但是，在这样的劳动力危机中，许多雇主遵循男性养家糊口的传统观念，不太可能雇用已婚女性，而更有可能解雇那些已经雇用的女性。

21 As one politician remarked at the time, the woman worker was “the first orphan in the storm.” 22

21 正如一位政治家当时所说，这名女工是“风暴中的第一个孤儿”。 22

American suppositions about family structure meant that women suffered disproportionately from the Depression.

美国人对家庭结构的假设意味着妇女在大萧条中遭受了不成比例的痛苦。

Since the start of the twentieth century, single women had become an increasing share of the workforce, but married women, Americans were likely to believe, took a job because they wanted to and not because they needed it.

自二十世纪初以来，单身女性在劳动力中所占的比例越来越大，但美国人可能认为，已婚女性接受工作是因为她们想要工作，而不是因为她们需要工作。

Once the Depression came, employers were therefore less likely to hire married women and more likely to dismiss those they already employed.

一旦大萧条到来，雇主就不太可能雇用已婚女性，而更有可能解雇那些已经雇用的女性。

23 Women on their own and without regular work suffered a greater threat of sexual violence than their male counterparts; accounts of such women suggest they depended on each other for protection 24

23 独自且没有正常工作的妇女比男性同行遭受更大的性暴力威胁；对这些妇女的描述表明她们相互依赖以寻求保护 24

The Great Depression was particularly tough for nonwhite Americans.

大萧条对于非白人美国人来说尤其艰难。

“The Negro was born in depression,” one Black pensioner told interviewer Studs Terkel.

“黑人生来就在抑郁症中，”一位黑人养老金领取者告诉采访者斯塔兹·特克尔。

“It didn’t mean too much to him.

“这对他来说并没有太大意义。

The Great American Depression .

美国大萧条。

。

only became official when it hit the white man.” 25 Black workers were generally the last hired when businesses expanded production and the first fired when businesses experienced downturns.

当它袭击白人时才成为正式的。” 25 当企业扩大生产时，黑人工人通常是最后被雇用的，而当企业经历衰退时，黑人工人通常是最先被解雇的。

As a National Urban League study found, “So general is this practice that one is warranted in suspecting that it has been adopted as a method of relieving unemployment of whites without regard to the consequences upon Negroes.” 26 In 1932, with the national unemployment average hovering around 25 percent, Black unemployment reached as high as 50 percent, while even Black workers who kept their jobs saw their already low wages cut dramatically.

正如全国城市联盟的一项研究发现，“这种做法如此普遍，以至于人们有理由怀疑它已被采用作为缓解白人失业的一种方法，而不考虑对黑人的后果。” 26 1932 年，全国平均失业率徘徊在 25% 左右，黑人失业率高达 50%，而即使是保住工作的黑人工人，本已很低的工资也大幅削减。

On the Great Plains, environmental catastrophe deepened America’s longstanding agricultural crisis and magnified the tragedy of the Depression.

在大平原地区，环境灾难加深了美国长期存在的农业危机，并放大了大萧条的悲剧。

Beginning in 1932, severe droughts hit from Texas to the Dakotas and lasted until at least 1936.

从 1932 年开始，从德克萨斯州到达科他州发生严重干旱，并至少持续到 1936 年。

The droughts compounded years of agricultural mismanagement.

干旱加剧了多年来的农业管理不善。

To grow their crops, Plains farmers had plowed up natural ground cover that had taken ages to form over the surface of the dry Plains states.

为了种植农作物，平原农民犁出了自然地面覆盖物，这些地面覆盖物需要很长时间才能在干燥的平原州表面形成。

Relatively wet decades had protected them, but, during the early 1930s, without rain, the exposed fertile topsoil turned to dust, and without sod or windbreaks such as trees, rolling winds churned the dust into massive storms that blotted out the sky, choked settlers and livestock, and rained dirt not only across the region but as far east as Washington, D.C., New England, and ships on the Atlantic Ocean.

相对潮湿的几十年保护了它们，但在 20 世纪 30 年代初，没有下雨，裸露的肥沃表土变成了灰尘，没有草皮或树木等防风林，滚滚的风将灰尘搅动成巨大的风暴，遮蔽了天空，使定居者和牲畜窒息，泥土雨不仅横扫整个地区，还远至华盛顿特区、新英格兰和大西洋上的船只。

The Dust Bowl, as the region became known, exposed all-too-late the need for conservation.

该地区后来被称为“沙尘暴”，它暴露出保护的必要性，但为时已晚。

The region’s farmers, already hit by years of foreclosures and declining commodity prices, were decimated.

该地区的农民已经因多年丧失抵押品赎回权和大宗商品价格下跌而遭受重创。

28 For many in Texas, Oklahoma, Kansas, and Arkansas who were “baked out, blown out, and broke,” their only hope was to travel west to California, whose rains still brought bountiful harvests and—potentially—jobs for farmworkers.

28 对于得克萨斯州、俄克拉荷马州、堪萨斯州和阿肯色州的许多“被烘烤、被吹垮、破产”的人来说，他们唯一的希望就是向西前往加利福尼亚州，那里的降雨仍然带来丰收，并可能为农场工人带来就业机会。

It was an exodus.

这是一次出走。

Oklahoma lost 440,000 people, or a full 18.4 percent of its 1930 population, to outmigration.

俄克拉荷马州因移民而失去了 44 万人，占该州 1930 年人口的 18.4%。

This iconic 1936 photograph by Dorothea Lange of a destitute, thirty-two-year-old mother of seven made real the suffering of millions during the Great Depression.

多萝西娅·兰格 (Dorothea Lange) 于 1936 年拍摄了这张标志性照片，拍摄的是一位 32 岁、七个孩子的贫困母亲，真实地展现了大萧条时期数百万人的苦难。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

Dorothea Lange’s Migrant Mother became one of the most enduring images of the Dust Bowl and the ensuing westward exodus.

多萝西娅·兰格笔下的移民母亲成为沙尘暴和随后的西迁最持久的形象之一。

Lange, a photographer for the Farm Security Administration, captured the image at a migrant farmworker camp in Nipomo, California, in 1936.

兰格是农场安全管理局的一名摄影师，1936 年在加利福尼亚州尼波莫的一个移民农场工人营地拍摄了这张照片。

In the photograph a young mother stares out with a worried, weary expression.

照片中，一位年轻的母亲表情忧虑、疲惫地凝视着外面。

She was a migrant, having left her home in Oklahoma to follow the crops to the Golden State.

她是一名移民，离开俄克拉荷马州的家，跟随农作物来到金州。

She took part in what many in the mid-1930s were beginning to recognize as a vast migration of families out of the southwestern Plains states.

她参加了 20 世纪 30 年代中期许多人开始认识到的大规模家庭迁出西南平原各州的活动。

In the image she cradles an infant and supports two older children, who cling to her.

在照片中，她抱着一个婴儿，并扶着两个紧贴着她的大孩子。

Lange’s photo encapsulated the nation’s struggle.

兰格的照片概括了这个国家的斗争。

The subject of the photograph seemed used to hard work but down on her luck, and uncertain about what the future might hold.

照片中的主人公似乎习惯了艰苦的工作，但运气不佳，对未来充满不确定性。

The Okies, as such westward migrants were disparagingly called by their new neighbors, were the most visible group who were on the move during the Depression, lured by news and rumors of jobs in far-flung regions of the country.

俄亥俄州（Okis），这些向西移民被他们的新邻居轻蔑地称为，是大萧条时期最引人注目的迁徙群体，他们被该国偏远地区的就业消息和谣言所吸引。

Men from all over the country, some abandoning families, hitched rides, hopped freight cars, or otherwise made their way around the country.

来自全国各地的男人，其中一些人抛弃了家庭，搭便车，跳上货车，或者以其他方式在全国各地旅行。

By 1932, sociologists were estimating that millions of men were on the roads and rails traveling the country.

到 1932 年，社会学家估计有数百万男性通过公路和铁路在全国各地旅行。

30 Popular magazines and newspapers were filled with stories of homeless boys and the veterans-turned-migrants of the Bonus Army commandeering boxcars.

30 流行杂志和报纸上充斥着无家可归的男孩和红利军退伍军人征用棚车的故事。

Popular culture, such as William Wellman’s 1933 film, Wild Boys of the Road, and, most famously, John Steinbeck’s The Grapes of Wrath , published in 1939 and turned into a hit movie a year later, captured the Depression’s dislocated populations.

流行文化，例如威廉·威尔曼 (William Wellman) 1933 年的电影《狂野男孩》(Wild Boys of the Road)，以及最著名的约翰·斯坦贝克 (John Steinbeck) 于 1939 年出版并在一年后成为热门电影的《愤怒的葡萄》(The Grapes of Wrath)，都捕捉到了大萧条时期流离失所的人们的生活。

These years witnessed the first significant reversal in the flow of people between rural and urban areas.

这些年，城乡人口流动首次发生重大逆转。

Thousands of city dwellers fled the jobless cities and moved to the country looking for work.

成千上万的城市居民逃离失业的城市，前往乡村寻找工作。

As relief efforts floundered, many state and local officials threw up barriers to migration, making it difficult for newcomers to receive relief or find work.

随着救援工作陷入困境，许多州和地方官员对移民设置了障碍，使新移民难以获得救援或找到工作。

Some state legislatures made it a crime to bring poor migrants into the state and allowed local officials to deport migrants to neighboring states.

一些州立法机构将贫困移民带入该州定为犯罪行为，并允许地方官员将移民驱逐到邻国。

In the winter of 1935–1936, California, Florida, and Colorado established “border blockades” to block poor migrants from their states and reduce competition with local residents for jobs.

1935年至1936年冬天，加利福尼亚州、佛罗里达州和科罗拉多州建立了“边境封锁”，阻止贫困移民进入本州，减少与当地居民的就业竞争。

A billboard outside Tulsa, Oklahoma, informed potential migrants that there were “NO JOBS in California” and warned them to “KEEP Out.” 31

俄克拉荷马州塔尔萨郊外的一块广告牌告知潜在移民“加州没有工作”，并警告他们“请勿进入”。 31

During her assignment as a photographer for the Works Progress Administration (WPA), Dorothea Lange documented the movement of migrant families forced from their homes by drought and economic depression.

多萝西娅·兰格 (Dorothea Lange) 在担任公共工程振兴管理局 (WPA) 的摄影师期间，记录了因干旱和经济萧条而被迫背井离乡的移民家庭的迁徙。

This family, captured by Lange in 1938, was in the process of traveling 124 miles by foot, across Oklahoma, because the father was ill and therefore unable to receive relief or WPA work.

1938 年，这个家庭被兰格抓获，当时他们正在步行 124 英里穿越俄克拉荷马州，因为父亲生病了，因此无法接受救济或 WPA 工作。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

Sympathy for migrants, however, accelerated late in the Depression with the publication of John Steinbeck’s The Grapes of Wrath .

然而，随着约翰·斯坦贝克（John Steinbeck）的《愤怒的葡萄》（The Grapes of Wrath）的出版，在大萧条后期，人们对移民的同情加剧了。

The Joad family’s struggles drew attention to the plight of Depression-era migrants and, just a month after the nationwide release of the film version, Congress created the Select Committee to Investigate the Interstate Migration of Destitute Citizens.

乔德一家的挣扎引起了人们对大萧条时期移民困境的关注，电影版在全国上映一个月后，国会成立了调查贫困公民州际移民特别委员会。

Starting in 1940, the committee held widely publicized hearings.

从 1940 年开始，该委员会举行了广泛公开的听证会。

But it was too late.

但为时已晚。

Within a year of its founding, defense industries were already gearing up in the wake of the outbreak of World War II, and the “problem” of migration suddenly became a lack of migrants needed to fill war industries.

其成立不到一年，二战爆发后，国防工业就已经开始加速发展，而移民“问题”突然变成了缺乏填补军工工业所需的移民。

Such relief was nowhere to be found in the 1930s.

这种缓解在 20 世纪 30 年代是找不到的。

Americans meanwhile feared foreign workers willing to work for even lower wages.

与此同时，美国人担心外国工人愿意以更低的工资工作。

The Saturday Evening Post warned that foreign immigrants, who were “compelled to accept employment on any terms and conditions offered,” would exacerbate the economic crisis.

《周六晚邮报》警告说，外国移民“被迫接受任何条款和条件的就业”，这将加剧经济危机。

32 On September 8, 1930, the Hoover administration issued a press release on the administration of immigration laws “under existing conditions of unemployment.” Hoover instructed consular officers to scrutinize carefully the visa applications of those “likely to become public charges” and suggested that this might include denying visas to most, if not all, alien laborers and artisans.

32 1930 年 9 月 8 日，胡佛政府发布了一份关于“在现有失业条件下”实施移民法的新闻稿。胡佛指示领事官员仔细审查那些“可能成为公共负担”的人的签证申请，并建议这可能包括拒绝向大多数（如果不是全部）外籍劳工和工匠发放签证。

The crisis itself had stifled foreign immigration, but such restrictive and exclusionary actions in the first years of the Depression intensified its effects.

危机本身抑制了外国移民，但大萧条最初几年的限制性和排他性行动加剧了其影响。

The number of European visas issued fell roughly 60 percent while deportations dramatically increased.

发放的欧洲签证数量下降了大约 60%，而驱逐出境的人数却急剧增加。

Between 1930 and 1932, fifty-four thousand people were deported.

1930 年至 1932 年间，五万四千人被驱逐出境。

An additional forty-four thousand deportable aliens left “voluntarily.” 33

另外还有四万四千名可被驱逐的外国人“自愿”离开。 33

Exclusionary measures hit Mexican immigrants particularly hard.

排他性措施对墨西哥移民的打击尤其严重。

The State Department made a concerted effort to reduce immigration from Mexico as early as 1929, and Hoover’s executive actions arrived the following year.

国务院早在 1929 年就齐心协力减少来自墨西哥的移民，胡佛的行政行动于次年出台。

Officials in the Southwest led a coordinated effort to push out Mexican immigrants.

西南部的官员协调一致，驱逐墨西哥移民。

In Los Angeles, the Citizens Committee on Coordination of Unemployment Relief began working closely with federal officials in early 1931 to conduct deportation raids, while the Los Angeles County Department of Charities began a simultaneous drive to repatriate Mexicans and Mexican Americans on relief, negotiating a charity rate with the railroads to return Mexicans “voluntarily” to their mother country.

在洛杉矶，失业救济协调公民委员会于 1931 年初开始与联邦官员密切合作，开展驱逐行动，而洛杉矶县慈善部开始同时推动遣返墨西哥人和墨西哥裔美国人的救济，并与铁路公司协商慈善费率，让墨西哥人“自愿”返回祖国。

According to the federal census, from 1930 to 1940 the Mexican-born population living in Arizona, California, New Mexico, and Texas fell from 616,998 to 377,433.

根据联邦人口普查，从 1930 年到 1940 年，居住在亚利桑那州、加利福尼亚州、新墨西哥州和德克萨斯州的墨西哥出生人口从 616,998 人下降到 377,433 人。

Franklin Roosevelt did not indulge anti-immigrant sentiment as willingly as Hoover had.

富兰克林·罗斯福不像胡佛那样心甘情愿地纵容反移民情绪。

Under the New Deal, the Immigration and Naturalization Service halted some of the Hoover administration’s most divisive practices, but with jobs suddenly scarce, hostile attitudes intensified, and official policies less than welcoming, immigration plummeted and deportations rose.

在新政下，移民和归化局停止了胡佛政府的一些最具分裂性的做法，但随着就业机会突然稀缺、敌对态度加剧、官方政策不那么欢迎，移民数量锐减，驱逐出境人数增加。

Over the course of the Depression, more people left the United States than entered it.

在大萧条期间，离开美国的人多于进入美国的人。

Shacks, put up by the Bonus Army on the Anacostia flats, Washington, D.C., burning after the battle with the military.

奖金军在华盛顿特区阿纳考斯蒂亚公寓搭建的棚屋，在与军队的战斗后被烧毁。

The Capitol in the background.

国会大厦在背景中。

1932.

1932年。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

In the summer of 1932, more than fifteen-thousand unemployed veterans and their families converged on Washington, D.C. to petition for a bill authorizing immediate payment of cash bonuses to veterans of World War I that were originally scheduled to be paid out in 1945.

1932 年夏天，超过 15000 名失业退伍军人及其家人聚集在华盛顿特区，请愿一项法案，授权立即向一战退伍军人支付原定于 1945 年支付的现金奖金。

Given the economic hardships facing the country, the bonus came to symbolize government relief for the most deserving recipients.

鉴于该国面临的经济困难，这笔奖金象征着政府为最应得的受益人提供救济。

The veterans in D.C. erected a tent city across the Potomac River in Anacostia Flats, a “Hooverville” in the spirit of the camps of homeless and unemployed Americans then appearing in American cities.

华盛顿特区的退伍军人在波托马克河对岸的阿纳科斯蒂亚平原建立了一座帐篷城，这是一座“胡佛维尔”，其精神类似于当时出现在美国城市的无家可归和失业美国人的营地。

Calling themselves the Bonus Expeditionary Force, or the Bonus Army, they drilled and marched and demonstrated for their bonuses.

他们自称“奖金远征军”或“奖金军”，通过训练、行军和示威来获得奖金。

“While there were billions for bankers, there was nothing for the poor,” they complained.

“虽然银行家有数十亿美元，但穷人却没有任何东西，”他们抱怨道。

Concerned with what immediate payment would do to the federal budget, Hoover opposed the bill, which was eventually voted down by the Senate.

由于担心立即付款会对联邦预算产生影响，胡佛反对该法案，该法案最终被参议院否决。

While most of the “Bonus Army” left Washington in defeat, many stayed to press their case.

虽然大多数“红利军”失败地离开了华盛顿，但许多人留下来坚持他们的立场。

Hoover called the remaining veterans “insurrectionists” and ordered them to leave.

胡佛称剩余的退伍军人为“叛乱分子”，并命令他们离开。

When thousands failed to heed the vacation order, General Douglas MacArthur, accompanied by local police, infantry, cavalry, tanks, and a machine gun squadron, stormed the tent city and routed the Bonus Army.

当数千人没有遵守休假命令时，道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟将军在当地警察、步兵、骑兵、坦克和机枪中队的陪同下，猛攻了帐篷城，击溃了红利军。

Troops chased down men and women, tear-gassed children, and torched the shantytown.

军队追赶男人和女人，对儿童使用催泪瓦斯，并烧毁了棚户区。

35 Two marchers were shot and killed and a baby was killed by tear gas.

35 两名游行者被枪杀，一名婴儿被催泪瓦斯杀死。

The national media reported on the raid, newsreels showed footage, and Americans recoiled at Hoover’s insensitivity toward suffering Americans.

全国媒体报道了这次突袭，新闻短片播放了镜头，美国人对胡佛对受苦受难的美国人的麻木不仁感到反感。

His overall unwillingness to address widespread economic problems and his repeated platitudes about returning prosperity condemned his presidency.

他总体上不愿意解决广泛的经济问题，而且他一再关于恢复繁荣的陈词滥调谴责了他的总统任期。

Hoover of course was not responsible for the Depression, not personally.

胡佛当然不对大萧条负责，不是他个人的责任。

But neither he nor his advisors conceived of the enormity of the crisis, a crisis his conservative ideology could neither accommodate nor address.

但他和他的顾问都没有意识到这场危机的严重性，他的保守主义意识形态既无法容纳也无法解决这场危机。

Americans had so far found little relief from Washington.

到目前为止，美国人并没有从华盛顿那里得到什么安慰。

But they were still looking for it.

但他们仍在寻找。

Posters like this 1936 production showing the extent of the Federal Art Project were used to prove the value of the WPA—and, by extension, the entire New Deal—to the American people.

像这张 1936 年制作的海报一样，展示了联邦艺术计划的规模，被用来向美国人民证明 WPA 的价值，进而证明整个新政的价值。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

The early years of the Depression were catastrophic.

大萧条的最初几年是灾难性的。

The crisis, far from relenting, deepened each year.

这场危机非但没有缓解，反而逐年加深。

Unemployment peaked at 25 percent in 1932.

1932 年失业率达到 25% 的峰值。

With no end in sight, and with private firms crippled and charities overwhelmed by the crisis, Americans looked to their government as the last barrier against starvation, hopelessness, and perpetual poverty.

由于这场危机看不到尽头，私营企业陷入瘫痪，慈善机构不堪重负，美国人将政府视为抵御饥饿、绝望和永久贫困的最后一道屏障。

Few presidential elections in modern American history have been more consequential than that of 1932.

美国现代史上很少有一次总统选举比 1932 年的选举更具有影响力。

The United States was struggling through the third year of the Depression, and exasperated voters overthrew Hoover in a landslide for the Democratic governor of New York, Franklin Delano Roosevelt.

美国正艰难度过大萧条的第三个年头，愤怒的选民以压倒性优势推翻了胡佛，当选纽约州民主党州长富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福。

Roosevelt came from a privileged background in New York’s Hudson River Valley (his distant cousin, Theodore Roosevelt, became president while Franklin was at Harvard) and embarked on a slow but steady ascent through state and national politics.

罗斯福出身于纽约哈德逊河谷的特权家庭（他的远房表弟西奥多·罗斯福在富兰克林就读哈佛大学时就任总统），并开始在州和国家政治中缓慢而稳定地晋升。

In 1913, he was appointed assistant secretary of the navy, a position he held during the defense emergency of World War I.

1913年，他被任命为海军助理部长，这是他在第一次世界大战国防紧急状态期间担任的职务。

In the course of his rise, in the summer of 1921, Roosevelt suffered a sudden bout of lower-body pain and paralysis.

1921年夏天，在他的崛起过程中，罗斯福突然遭遇了下半身疼痛和瘫痪。

He was diagnosed with polio.

他被诊断出患有小儿麻痹症。

The disease left him a paraplegic, but, encouraged and assisted by his wife, Eleanor, Roosevelt sought therapeutic treatment and maintained sufficient political connections to reenter politics.

这种疾病导致他截瘫，但在妻子埃莉诺的鼓励和帮助下，罗斯福寻求治疗，并保持足够的政治关系以重返政坛。

In 1928, Roosevelt won election as governor of New York.

1928年，罗斯福当选纽约州州长。

He oversaw the rise of the Depression and drew from the tradition of American progressivism to address the economic crisis.

他见证了大萧条的兴起，并借鉴美国进步主义的传统来应对经济危机。

He explained to the state assembly in 1931, the crisis demanded a government response “not as a matter of charity, but as a matter of social duty.” As governor he established the Temporary Emergency Relief Administration (TERA), supplying public work jobs at the prevailing wage and in-kind aid—food, shelter, and clothes—to those unable to afford it.

1931 年，他向州议会解释说，这场危机要求政府做出回应，“不是出于慈善目的，而是出于社会责任”。作为州长，他成立了临时紧急救济管理局（TERA），以现行工资提供公共工作岗位，并为那些无力承担的人提供实物援助——食物、住所和衣服。

Soon the TERA was providing work and relief to ten percent of the state’s families.

很快，TERA 就为该州百分之十的家庭提供了工作和救济。

36 Roosevelt relied on many like-minded advisors.

36 罗斯福依赖许多志同道合的顾问。

Frances Perkins, for example, the commissioner of the state’s labor department, successfully advocated pioneering legislation that enhanced workplace safety and reduced the use of child labor in factories.

例如，该州劳工部专员弗朗西斯·珀金斯（Frances Perkins）成功倡导了旨在加强工作场所安全并减少工厂使用童工的开创性立法。

Perkins later accompanied Roosevelt to Washington and served as the nation’s first female secretary of labor.

帕金斯后来陪同罗斯福前往华盛顿，并担任美国第一位女劳工部长。

On July 1, 1932, Roosevelt, the newly designated presidential nominee of the Democratic Party, delivered the first and one of the most famous on-site acceptance speeches in American presidential history.

1932年7月1日，民主党新指定的总统候选人罗斯福发表了美国总统历史上第一次也是最著名的现场接受演说。

In it, he said, “I pledge you, I pledge myself, to a new deal for the American people.” Newspaper editors seized on the phrase “new deal,” and it entered the American political lexicon as shorthand for Roosevelt’s program to address the Great Depression.

他在信中说：“我向你们、我自己保证，为美国人民达成一项新协议。”报纸编辑抓住了“新政”这个词，它作为罗斯福应对大萧条计划的简写进入了美国政治词典。

Roosevelt proposed jobs programs, public work projects, higher wages, shorter hours, old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, farm subsidies, banking regulations, and lower tariffs.

罗斯福提出了就业计划、公共工程项目、更高的工资、更短的工作时间、养老金、失业保险、农业补贴、银行监管和降低关税。

Hoover warned that such a program represented “the total abandonment of every principle upon which this government and the American system is founded.” He warned that it reeked of European communism, and that “the so called new deals would destroy the very foundations of the American system of life.” 39 Americans didn’t buy it.

胡佛警告说，这样的计划代表着“彻底放弃这个政府和美国制度赖以建立的每一项原则”。他警告说，它散发着欧洲共产主义的气息，“所谓的新协议将摧毁美国生活体系的根基”。 39名美国人不买账。

Roosevelt crushed Hoover in November.

罗斯福在十一月击败了胡佛。

He won more counties than any previous candidate in American history.

他赢得的县数比美国历史上任何一位候选人都多。

He spent the months between his election and inauguration–the twentieth amendment, ratified in 1933, would subsequently move the inauguration from March 4 to January 20–traveling, planning, and assembling a team of advisors, the famous Brain Trust of academics and experts, to help him formulate a plan of attack.

他在当选和就职之间的几个月里（1933 年批准的第二十修正案将就职典礼从 3 月 4 日推迟到 1 月 20 日）旅行、计划和组建一个顾问团队，即著名的学者和专家智囊团，帮助他制定进攻计划。

On March 4, 1933, in his first inaugural address, Roosevelt famously declared, “This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.

1933 年 3 月 4 日，罗斯福在他的第一次就职演说中发表了著名的宣言：“这个伟大的国家将一如既往地持续下去，将会复兴并繁荣。

So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.” 40

因此，首先，让我坚定地相信，我们唯一需要害怕的就是恐惧本身——一种无名的、不合理的、不合理的恐惧，它使转退为进所需的努力瘫痪。” 40

Roosevelt’s reassuring words would have rung hollow if he had not taken swift action against the economic crisis.

如果罗斯福没有迅速采取行动应对经济危机，那么他的安慰之言就会变得空洞。

In his first days in office, Roosevelt and his advisors prepared, submitted, and secured congressional enactment of numerous laws designed to arrest the worst of the Great Depression.

在上任的第一天，罗斯福和他的顾问们准备、提交并确保国会颁布了许多旨在遏制大萧条最严重时期的法律。

His administration threw the federal government headlong into the fight against the Depression.Roosevelt immediately looked to stabilize the collapsing banking system.

他的政府将联邦政府投入到对抗大萧条的斗争中。罗斯福立即寻求稳定崩溃的银行体系。

Two out of every five banks open in 1929 had been shuttered and some Federal Reserve banks were on the verge of insolvency.

1929 年开业的银行中，五分之二已被关闭，一些联邦储备银行正处于破产边缘。

41 Roosevelt declared a national “bank holiday” closing American banks and set to work pushing the Emergency Banking Act swiftly through Congress.

41 罗斯福宣布全国“银行假日”，关闭美国银行，并着手推动《紧急银行法案》迅速在国会获得通过。

On March 12, the night before select banks reopened under stricter federal guidelines, Roosevelt appeared on the radio in the first of his Fireside Chats.

3 月 12 日，即部分银行根据更严格的联邦指导方针重新开业的前一天晚上，罗斯福出现在广播中，进行了他的第一次炉边谈话。

The addresses, which the president continued delivering through four terms, were informal, even personal.

总统在四个任期内继续发表这些讲话，这些讲话是非正式的，甚至是私人的。

Roosevelt used his airtime to explain New Deal legislation, to encourage confidence in government action, and to mobilize the American people’s support.

罗斯福利用他的广播时间解释新政立法，鼓励人们对政府行动的信心，并动员美国人民的支持。

In the first chat, Roosevelt described the new banking safeguards and asked the public to place their trust and their savings in banks.

在第一次聊天中，罗斯福描述了新的银行保障措施，并要求公众将信任和储蓄交给银行。

Americans responded and deposits outpaced withdrawals across the country.

美国人做出了反应，全国各地的存款超过了取款。

The act was a major success.

该行动取得了重大成功。

In June, Congress passed the Glass-Steagall Banking Act, which instituted a federal deposit insurance system through the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) and barred the mixing of commercial and investment banking.

6月，国会通过了《格拉斯-斯蒂格尔银行法》，通过联邦存款保险公司（FDIC）建立联邦存款保险制度，并禁止商业银行和投资银行业务的混合。

Stabilizing the banks was only a first step.

稳定银行只是第一步。

In the remainder of his First Hundred Days, Roosevelt and his congressional allies focused especially on relief for suffering Americans.

在他上台一百天的剩余时间里，罗斯福和他的国会盟友特别关注救济受苦受难的美国人。

43 Congress debated, amended, and passed what Roosevelt proposed.

43 国会辩论、修正并通过了罗斯福的提议。

As one historian noted, the president “directed the entire operation like a seasoned field general.” 44 And despite some questions over the constitutionality of many of his actions, Americans and their congressional representatives conceded that the crisis demanded swift and immediate action.

正如一位历史学家指出的那样，总统“像一位经验丰富的战地将军一样指挥着整个行动”。 44 尽管有人对他的许多行为是否符合宪法提出质疑，但美国人及其国会代表承认，这场危机需要立即采取迅速行动。

The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) employed young men on conservation and reforestation projects; the Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA) provided direct cash assistance to state relief agencies struggling to care for the unemployed; 45 the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) built a series of hydroelectric dams along the Tennessee River as part of a comprehensive program to economically develop a chronically depressed region; 46 and several agencies helped home and farm owners refinance their mortgages.

民间保护团 (CCC) 雇用年轻人参与保护和重新造林项目；联邦紧急救济管理局（FERA）向努力照顾失业者的州救济机构提供直接现金援助； 45 田纳西河流域管理局 (TVA) 在田纳西河沿岸修建了一系列水力发电大坝，作为长期萧条地区经济开发综合计划的一部分； 46 和一些机构帮助家庭和农场主进行抵押贷款再融资。

And Roosevelt wasn’t done.

罗斯福的行动还没有结束。

The heart of Roosevelt’s early recovery program consisted of two massive efforts to stabilize and coordinate the American economy: the Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA) and the National Recovery Administration (NRA).

罗斯福早期复苏计划的核心包括稳定和协调美国经济的两项大规模努力：农业调整管理局（AAA）和国家复苏管理局（NRA）。

The AAA, created in May 1933, aimed to raise the prices of agricultural commodities (and hence farmers’ income) by offering cash incentives to voluntarily limit farm production (decreasing supply, thereby raising prices).

AAA 成立于 1933 年 5 月，旨在通过提供现金激励来提高农产品价格（从而提高农民收入），以自愿限制农业生产（减少供应，从而提高价格）。

47 The National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA), which created the NRA in June 1933, suspended antitrust laws to allow businesses to establish “codes” that would coordinate prices, regulate production levels, and establish conditions of employment to curtail “cutthroat competition.” In exchange for these exemptions, businesses agreed to provide reasonable wages and hours, end child labor, and allow workers the right to unionize.

47 1933 年 6 月创建 NRA 的《国家工业复兴法案》(NIRA) 暂停了反垄断法，允许企业制定协调价格、规范生产水平和制定就业条件的“准则”，以遏制“残酷竞争”。作为这些豁免的交换，企业同意提供合理的工资和工作时间、终止童工并允许工人加入工会的权利。

Participating businesses earned the right to display a placard with the NRA’s Blue Eagle, showing their cooperation in the effort to combat the Great Depression.

参与的企业有权展示带有全国步枪协会蓝鹰标志的标语牌，以表明他们在抗击大萧条的努力中的合作。

The programs of the First Hundred Days stabilized the American economy and ushered in a robust though imperfect recovery.

第一个百日计划稳定了美国经济，并迎来了强劲但不完美的复苏。

GDP climbed once more, but even as output increased, unemployment remained stubbornly high.

GDP再次攀升，但即使产出增加，失业率仍然居高不下。

Though the unemployment rate dipped from its high in 1933, when Roosevelt was inaugurated, vast numbers remained out of work.

尽管失业率较 1933 年罗斯福就职时的高位有所下降，但仍有大量人失业。

If the economy could not put people back to work, the New Deal would try.

如果经济无法让人们重返工作岗位，新政就会尝试。

The Civil Works Administration (CWA) and, later, the Works Progress Administration (WPA) put unemployed men and women to work on projects designed and proposed by local governments.

土木工程管理局 (CWA) 和后来的工程进步管理局 (WPA) 让失业的男女参与地方政府设计和提议的项目。

The Public Works Administration (PWA) provided grants-in-aid to local governments for large infrastructure projects, such as bridges, tunnels, schoolhouses, libraries, and America’s first federal public housing projects.

公共工程管理局 (PWA) 向地方政府提供补助金，用于大型基础设施项目，例如桥梁、隧道、校舍、图书馆和美国第一个联邦公共住房项目。

Together, they provided not only tangible projects of immense public good but employment for millions.

他们共同提供的不仅是具有巨大公共利益的有形项目，而且还为数百万人提供了就业机会。

The New Deal was reshaping much of the nation.

新政正在重塑这个国家的大部分地区。

The accusation of rape brought against the so-called Scottsboro Boys, pictured with their attorney in 1932, generated controversy across the country.

1932 年，对所谓的斯科茨伯勒男孩 (Scottsboro Boys) 的强奸指控与他们的律师合影，在全国范围内引起了争议。

Wikipedia .

维基百科。

The impact of initial New Deal legislation was readily apparent in the South, a region of perpetual poverty especially plagued by the Depression.

最初的新政立法的影响在南方显而易见，这是一个长期贫困的地区，尤其受到大萧条的困扰。

In 1929 the average per capita income in the American Southeast was $365, the lowest in the nation.

1929年，美国东南部地区的人均收入为365美元，为全国最低。

Southern farmers averaged $183 per year at a time when farmers on the West Coast made more than four times that.

南部农民的平均年收入为 183 美元，而西海岸农民的收入是这一数字的四倍多。

50 Moreover, they were trapped into the production of cotton and corn, crops that depleted the soil and returned ever-diminishing profits.

50此外，他们还陷入棉花和玉米生产的困境，这些作物耗尽了土壤，利润也不断减少。

Despite the ceaseless efforts of civic boosters, what little industry the South had remained low-wage, low-skilled, and primarily extractive.

尽管公民支持者不断努力，南方的小工业仍然是低工资、低技能且主要是采掘业。

Southern workers made significantly less than their national counterparts: 75 percent of nonsouthern textile workers, 60 percent of iron and steel workers, and a paltry 45 percent of lumber workers.

南方工人的收入明显低于国内同行：非南方纺织工人占 75%，钢铁工人占 60%，伐木工人占 45%。

At the time of the crash, southerners were already underpaid, underfed, and undereducated.

在经济危机发生时，南方人的工资、食物和教育水平已经很低。

Major New Deal programs were designed with the South in mind.

主要的新政计划在设计时就考虑到了南方。

FDR hoped that by drastically decreasing the amount of land devoted to cotton, the AAA would arrest its long-plummeting price decline.

罗斯福希望通过大幅减少棉花种植面积，美国农业协会能够阻止棉花价格长期暴跌。

Farmers plowed up existing crops and left fields fallow, and the market price did rise.

农民们把现有的农作物耕种并休耕，市场价格确实上涨了。

But in an agricultural world of landowners and landless farmworkers (such as tenants and sharecroppers), the benefits of the AAA bypassed the southerners who needed them most.

但在一个由土地所有者和无地农场工人（例如佃农和佃农）组成的农业世界中，AAA 的福利却忽略了最需要这些福利的南方人。

The government relied on landowners and local organizations to distribute money fairly to those most affected by production limits, but many owners simply kicked tenants and croppers off their land, kept the subsidy checks for keeping those acres fallow, and reinvested the profits in mechanical farming equipment that further suppressed the demand for labor.

政府依靠土地所有者和地方组织将资金公平地分配给那些受限产影响最严重的人，但许多土地所有者只是将佃户和种植者赶出他们的土地，保留用于保持这些土地休耕的补贴支票，并将利润再投资于机械农业设备，这进一步抑制了对劳动力的需求。

Instead of making farming profitable again, the AAA pushed landless southern farmworkers off the land.

AAA 并没有让农业再次盈利，而是将没有土地的南方农场工人赶出了土地。

But Roosevelt’s assault on southern poverty took many forms.

但罗斯福对南方贫困的攻击采取了多种形式。

Southern industrial practices attracted much attention.

南方工业实践备受关注。

The NRA encouraged higher wages and better conditions.

全国步枪协会鼓励提高工资和改善条件。

It began to suppress the rampant use of child labor in southern mills and, for the first time, provided federal protection for unionized workers all across the country.

它开始压制南方工厂猖獗使用童工的现象，并首次为全国各地的工会工人提供联邦保护。

Those gains were eventually solidified in the 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act, which set a national minimum wage of $0.25/hour (eventually rising to $0.40/hour).

这些成果最终在 1938 年《公平劳动标准法》中得到巩固，该法案将全国最低工资定为 0.25 美元/小时（最终升至 0.40 美元/小时）。

The minimum wage disproportionately affected low-paid southern workers and brought southern wages within the reach of northern wages.

最低工资对南方低薪工人的影响尤为严重，使南方的工资与北方的工资相当。

The president’s support for unionization further impacted the South.

总统对工会的支持进一步影响了南方。

Southern industrialists had proven themselves ardent foes of unionization, particularly in the infamous southern textile mills.

南方实业家已证明自己是工会的强烈反对者，特别是在臭名昭著的南方纺织厂。

In 1934, when workers at textile mills across the southern Piedmont struck over low wages and long hours, owners turned to local and state authorities to quash workers’ groups, even as they recruited thousands of strikebreakers from the many displaced farmers swelling industrial centers looking for work.

1934年，当皮埃蒙特南部纺织厂的工人因工资低和工作时间长而举行罢工时，业主们向地方和州当局求助，镇压工人团体，尽管他们从许多流离失所、规模不断扩大的工业中心寻找工作的农民中招募了数千名罢工破坏者。

But in 1935 the National Labor Relations Act, also known as the Wagner Act, guaranteed the rights of most workers to unionize and bargain collectively.

但 1935 年的《国家劳动关系法》（也称为《瓦格纳法》）保障了大多数工人成立工会和集体谈判的权利。

And so unionized workers, backed by the support of the federal government and determined to enforce the reforms of the New Deal, pushed for higher wages, shorter hours, and better conditions.

因此，工会工人在联邦政府的支持下，决心执行新政改革，推动更高的工资、更短的工作时间和更好的工作条件。

With growing success, union members came to see Roosevelt as a protector of workers’ rights.

随着罗斯福的日益成功，工会成员开始将罗斯福视为工人权利的保护者。

Or, as one union leader put it, an “agent of God.” 54

或者，正如一位工会领导人所说，他是“上帝的代理人”。 54

Perhaps the most successful New Deal program in the South was the TVA, an ambitious program to use hydroelectric power, agricultural and industrial reform, flood control, economic development, education, and healthcare to radically remake the impoverished watershed region of the Tennessee River.

也许南方最成功的新政计划是田纳西河管理局，这是一项雄心勃勃的计划，旨在利用水力发电、农业和工业改革、防洪、经济发展、教育和医疗保健来彻底改造田纳西河贫困的流域地区。

Though the area of focus was limited, Roosevelt’s TVA sought to “make a different type of citizen” out of the area’s penniless residents.

尽管关注的领域有限，罗斯福的 TVA 仍试图从该地区的贫困居民中“培养出一种不同类型的公民”。

55 The TVA built a series of hydroelectric dams to control flooding and distribute electricity to the otherwise nonelectrified areas at government-subsidized rates.

55 TVA 建造了一系列水力发电大坝，以控制洪水，并以政府补贴的价格向无电地区供电。

Agents of the TVA met with residents and offered training and general education classes to improve agricultural practices and exploit new job opportunities.

TVA 的工作人员会见了居民并提供培训和普通教育课程，以改善农业实践并开拓新的就业机会。

The TVA encapsulates Roosevelt’s vision for uplifting the South and integrating it into the larger national economy.

TVA 概括了罗斯福振兴南方并将其融入更大国民经济的愿景。

Roosevelt initially courted conservative southern Democrats to ensure the legislative success of the New Deal, all but guaranteeing that the racial and economic inequalities of the region remained intact, but by the end of his second term, he had won the support of enough non-southern voters that he felt confident confronting some of the region’s most glaring inequalities.

罗斯福最初向保守的南方民主党人示好，以确保新政在立法上取得成功，几乎保证了该地区的种族和经济不平等完好无损，但到第二任期结束时，他赢得了足够多的非南方选民的支持，这使他有信心面对该地区一些最明显的不平等现象。

Nowhere was this more apparent than in his endorsement of a report, formulated by a group of progressive southern New Dealers, titled “A Report on Economic Conditions in the South.” The pamphlet denounced the hardships wrought by the southern economy—in his introductory letter to the report, Roosevelt called the region “the Nation’s No. 1 economic problem”—and blasted reactionary southern anti–New Dealers.

这一点在他对由一群进步的南方新政者制定的题为“南方经济状况报告”的报告的支持中表现得最为明显。该小册子谴责了南方经济造成的困难——罗斯福在该报告的介绍信中称该地区为“国家第一大经济问题”——并猛烈抨击了南方反新政的反动派。

He suggested that the New Deal could save the South and thereby spur a nationwide recovery.

他认为新政可以拯救南方，从而刺激全国经济复苏。

The report was among the first broadsides in Roosevelt’s coming reelection campaign that addressed the inequalities that continued to mark southern and national life.

该报告是罗斯福即将到来的连任竞选活动中首批猛烈抨击的报告之一，旨在解决持续困扰南方和国民生活的不平等问题。

Huey Long was an indomitable force who campaigned tirelessly for the common man during the Great Depression.

休伊·朗是一支不屈不挠的力量，在大萧条时期不知疲倦地为普通人奋斗。

He demanded that Americans “Share the Wealth.” Wikimedia .

他要求美国人“分享财富”。维基媒体。

Despite the unprecedented actions taken in his first year in office, Roosevelt’s initial relief programs could often be quite conservative.

尽管罗斯福在上任第一年采取了前所未有的行动，但他最初的救济计划往往相当保守。

He had usually been careful to work within the bounds of presidential authority and congressional cooperation.

他通常在总统权力和国会合作的范围内谨慎工作。

And, unlike Europe, where several nations had turned toward state-run economies, and even fascism and socialism, Roosevelt’s New Deal demonstrated a clear reluctance to radically tinker with the nation’s foundational economic and social structures.

而且，与欧洲多个国家转向国营经济，甚至法西斯主义和社会主义不同，罗斯福的新政显然不愿彻底改变国家的基本经济和社会结构。

Many high-profile critics attacked Roosevelt for not going far enough, and, beginning in 1934, Roosevelt and his advisors were forced to respond.

许多知名批评家攻击罗斯福做得不够，从 1934 年开始，罗斯福和他的顾问们被迫做出回应。

Senator Huey Long, a flamboyant Democrat from Louisiana, was perhaps the most important “voice of protest.” Long’s populist rhetoric appealed to those who saw deeply rooted but easily addressed injustice in the nation’s economic system.

来自路易斯安那州的民主党参议员休伊·朗(Huey Long)也许是最重要的“抗议之声”。朗的民粹主义言论吸引了那些认为国家经济体系中根深蒂固但容易解决的不公正现象的人。

Long proposed a Share Our Wealth program in which the federal government would confiscate the assets of the extremely wealthy and redistribute them to the less well-off through guaranteed minimum incomes.

朗提出了“分享我们的财富”计划，其中联邦政府将没收极其富有的人的资产，并通过保证最低收入将其重新分配给不太富裕的人。

“How many men ever went to a barbecue and would let one man take off the table what’s intended for nine-tenths of the people to eat?” he asked.

“有多少人去烧烤时会让一个人把桌子上的东西拿走，供十分之九的人吃？”他问道。

Over twenty-seven thousand Share the Wealth clubs sprang up across the nation as Long traveled the country explaining his program to crowds of impoverished and unemployed Americans.

当朗走遍全国，向贫困和失业的美国人解释他的计划时，全国各地涌现了超过两万七千个分享财富俱乐部。

Long envisioned the movement as a stepping-stone to the presidency, but his crusade ended in late 1935 when he was assassinated on the floor of the Louisiana state capitol.

朗将这场运动视为登上总统宝座的踏脚石，但他的改革运动于 1935 年底在路易斯安那州议会大厦的地板上被暗杀而结束。

Even in death, however, Long convinced Roosevelt to more stridently attack the Depression and American inequality.

然而，即使在去世后，朗仍说服罗斯福更加严厉地攻击大萧条和美国的不平等。

But Huey Long was not alone in his critique of Roosevelt.

但休伊·朗并不是唯一批评罗斯福的人。

Francis Townsend, a former doctor and public health official from California, promoted a plan for old-age pensions which, he argued, would provide economic security for the elderly (who disproportionately suffered poverty) and encourage recovery by allowing older workers to retire from the workforce.

来自加利福尼亚州的前医生和公共卫生官员弗朗西斯·汤森德（Francis Townsend）推行了一项养老金计划，他认为该计划将为老年人（他们不成比例地遭受贫困）提供经济保障，并通过允许老年工人从劳动力市场退休来鼓励康复。

Reverend Charles Coughlin, meanwhile, a priest and radio personality from the suburbs of Detroit, Michigan, gained a following by making vitriolic, anti-Semitic attacks on Roosevelt for cooperating with banks and financiers and proposing a new system of “social justice” through a more state-driven economy instead.

与此同时，来自密歇根州底特律郊区的牧师兼电台名人查尔斯·考夫林牧师对罗斯福与银行和金融家合作并提出通过更多国家驱动的经济提出新的“社会正义”体系进行了尖刻的反犹太主义攻击，从而赢得了一批追随者。

Like Long, both Townsend and Coughlin built substantial public followings.

和朗一样，汤森德和考夫林都拥有大量的公众追随者。

If many Americans urged Roosevelt to go further in addressing the economic crisis, the president faced even greater opposition from conservative politicians and business leaders.

如果说许多美国人敦促罗斯福进一步解决经济危机，那么总统就会面临保守派政客和商界领袖更大的反对。

By late 1934, complaints increased from business-friendly Republicans about Roosevelt’s willingness to regulate industry and use federal spending for public works and employment programs.

到 1934 年底，对商业友好的共和党人对罗斯福愿意监管工业并将联邦支出用于公共工程和就业计划的抱怨越来越多。

In the South, Democrats who had originally supported the president grew more hostile toward programs that challenged the region’s political, economic, and social status quo.

在南方，最初支持总统的民主党人对挑战该地区政治、经济和社会现状的计划变得更加敌视。

Yet the greatest opposition came from the Supreme Court, filled with conservative appointments made during the long years of Republican presidents.

然而，最大的反对来自最高法院，最高法院的任命都是在共和党总统的漫长岁月里做出的保守派任命。

By early 1935 the Court was reviewing programs of the New Deal.

1935 年初，法院正在审查新政的计划。

On May 27, a day Roosevelt’s supporters called Black Monday, the justices struck down one of the president’s signature reforms: in a case revolving around poultry processing, the Court unanimously declared the NRA unconstitutional.

5 月 27 日，罗斯福的支持者称之为“黑色星期一”，法官们否决了总统的一项标志性改革：在一起涉及家禽加工的案件中，法院一致宣布全国步枪协会违宪。

In early 1936, the AAA fell.

1936 年初，AAA 垮台。

The New Deal enjoyed broad popularity.

新政受到广泛欢迎。

Democrats gained seats in the 1934 midterm elections, securing massive majorities in both the House and Senate.

1934 年中期选举中，民主党赢得了众议院和参议院的多数席位。

Bolstered by these gains, facing reelection in 1936, and confronting rising opposition from both the left and the right, Roosevelt rededicated himself to bold programs and more aggressive approaches, a set of legislation often termed the Second New Deal.

受到这些成果的鼓舞，面对 1936 年的连任，并面对左翼和右翼日益强烈的反对，罗斯福重新致力于大胆的计划和更积极的做法，一系列通常被称为第二次新政的立法。

It included a nearly five-billion dollar appropriation that in 1935 established the Works Progress Administration (WPA), a permanent version of the CWA, which would ultimately employ millions of Americans on public works projects.

其中包括 1935 年拨款近 50 亿美元建立的工程进步管理局 (WPA)，这是 CWA 的永久版本，最终将雇用数百万美国人参与公共工程项目。

It would employ “the maximum number of persons in the shortest time possible,” Roosevelt said.

罗斯福表示，它将“在最短的时间内雇用最多的人员”。

59 Americans employed by the WPA paved more than half-a-million miles of roads, constructed thousands of bridges, built schools and post offices, and even painted murals and recorded oral histories.

WPA 雇用的 59 名美国人铺设了超过 50 万英里的道路，建造了数千座桥梁，建造了学校和邮局，甚至绘制了壁画并记录了口述历史。

Not only did the program build much of America’s physical infrastructure, it came closer than any New Deal program to providing the federal jobs guarantee Roosevelt had promised in 1932.

该计划不仅建设了美国的大部分有形基础设施，而且比任何新政计划都更接近提供罗斯福在 1932 年承诺的联邦就业保障。

Also in 1935, hoping to reconstitute some of the protections afforded workers in the now-defunct NRA, Roosevelt worked with Congress to pass the National Labor Relations Act (known as the Wagner Act for its chief sponsor, New York senator Robert Wagner), offering federal legal protection, for the first time, for workers to organize unions.

同样在 1935 年，为了重建现已解散的全国步枪协会 (NRA) 为工人提供的一些保护，罗斯福与国会合作通过了《国家劳动关系法案》（因其主要发起人、纽约州参议员罗伯特·瓦格纳而被称为《瓦格纳法案》），首次为工人组织工会提供联邦法律保护。

The labor protections extended by Roosevelt’s New Deal were revolutionary.

罗斯福新政所提供的劳工保护是革命性的。

In northern industrial cities, workers responded to worsening conditions by banding together and demanding support for workers’ rights.

在北方工业城市，工人们通过团结起来并要求支持工人权利来应对日益恶化的状况。

In 1935, the head of the United Mine Workers, John L.

1935 年，美国矿工联合会主席约翰·L·

Lewis, took the lead in forming a new national workers’ organization, the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), breaking with the more conservative, craft-oriented AFL.

刘易斯领导成立了一个新的全国工人组织，即工业组织大会 (CIO)，与更为保守、以手工艺为导向的 AFL 决裂。

The CIO won a major victory in 1937 when affiliated members in the United Automobile Workers (UAW) struck for recognition and better pay and hours at a General Motors (GM) plant in Flint, Michigan.

1937 年，美国汽车工人联合会 (UAW) 的附属成员在密歇根州弗林特的通用汽车 (GM) 工厂举行罢工，要求获得认可并提高工资和工作时间，首席信息官赢得了重大胜利。

Launching a “sit-down” strike, the workers remained in the building until management agreed to negotiate.

工人们发起“静坐”罢工，留在大楼内，直到管理层同意谈判。

GM recognized the UAW and granted a pay increase.

通用汽车认可了 UAW 并同意加薪。

GM’s recognition gave the UAW new legitimacy and unionization spread rapidly across the auto industry.

通用汽车的认可赋予了美国汽车工人联合会新的合法性，工会化在整个汽车行业迅速蔓延。

Across the country, unions and workers took advantage of the New Deal’s protections to organize and win major concessions from employers.

在全国范围内，工会和工人利用新政的保护来组织并赢得雇主的重大让步。

Three years after the NLRA, Congress passed the Fair Labor Standards Act, creating the modern minimum wage.

NLRA 出台三年后，国会通过了《公平劳动标准法》，制定了现代最低工资标准。

Unionization was met with fierce opposition from owners and managers, particularly in the manufacturing belt of the Mid-West.

工会化遭到了业主和管理者的强烈反对，特别是在中西部的制造业带。

In this 1937 image, strikers guard the entrance to a Flint, Michigan, manufacturing plant.

在这张 1937 年的照片中，罢工者守卫着密歇根州弗林特一家制造工厂的入口。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

The Second New Deal also oversaw the restoration of a highly progressive federal income tax, mandated new reporting requirements for publicly traded companies, refinanced long-term home mortgages for struggling homeowners, and attempted rural reconstruction projects to bring farm incomes in line with urban ones.

第二项新政还监督了高度累进的联邦所得税的恢复，对上市公司规定了新的报告要求，为陷入困境的房主提供长期住房抵押贷款再融资，并尝试农村重建项目，使农业收入与城市收入保持一致。

60 Perhaps the signature piece of Roosevelt’s Second New Deal, however, was the Social Security Act.

60 然而，罗斯福第二次新政的标志性内容也许是《社会保障法》。

It provided for old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, and economic aid, based on means, to assist both the elderly and dependent children.

它根据经济能力提供养老金、失业保险和经济援助，以帮助老年人和受抚养的子女。

The president was careful to mitigate some of the criticism from what was, at the time, in the American context, a revolutionary concept.

总统小心翼翼地减轻了一些批评，因为这个概念在当时的美国背景下是一个革命性的概念。

He specifically insisted that social security be financed from payroll, not the federal government; “No dole,” Roosevelt said repeatedly, “mustn’t have a dole.” 61 He thereby helped separate social security from the stigma of being an undeserved “welfare” entitlement.

他特别坚持社会保障的资金来自工资，而不是联邦政府； “没有救济金，”罗斯福反复说道，“绝对不能有救济金。” 61 因此，他帮助社会保障摆脱了不应享有的“福利”权利的耻辱。

While such a strategy saved the program from suspicions, social security became the centerpiece of the modern American social welfare state.

虽然这样的策略使该计划免遭怀疑，但社会保障成为现代美国社会福利国家的核心。

It was the culmination of a long progressive push for government-sponsored social welfare, an answer to the calls of Roosevelt’s opponents on the Left for reform, a response to the intractable poverty among America’s neediest groups, and a recognition that the government would now assume some responsibility for the economic well-being of its citizens.

这是对政府资助的社会福利的长期进步推动的顶峰，是对罗斯福左翼反对者改革呼吁的回应，是对美国最贫困群体中棘手贫困问题的回应，也是对政府现在将为其公民的经济福祉承担一些责任的认识。

62 Nevertheless, the act excluded large swaths of the American population.

62 然而，该法案将大部分美国人口排除在外。

Its pension program excluded domestic workers and farm workers, for instance, a policy that disproportionately affected African Americans.

例如，其养老金计划将家庭工人和农场工人排除在外，这一政策对非裔美国人的影响尤为严重。

Roosevelt recognized that social security’s programs would need expansion and improvement.

罗斯福认识到社会保障计划需要扩大和改进。

“This law,” he said, “represents a cornerstone in a structure which is being built but is by no means complete.” 63

“这项法律，”他说，“代表了正在建设但尚未完成的结构的基石。” 63

Black Americans faced discrimination everywhere but suffered especially severe legal inequality in the Jim Crow South.

美国黑人在各地都面临歧视，但在黑人种族隔离的南方遭受尤其严重的法律不平等。

In 1931, for instance, a group of nine young men riding the rails between Chattanooga and Memphis, Tennessee, were pulled from the train near Scottsboro, Alabama, and charged with assaulting two white women.

例如，1931 年，一群九名年轻男子乘坐田纳西州查塔努加和孟菲斯之间的铁路，在阿拉巴马州斯科茨伯勒附近的火车上被拉下车，并被指控袭击两名白人妇女。

Despite clear evidence that the assault had not occurred, and despite one of the women later recanting, the young men endured a series of sham trials in which all but one were sentenced to death.

尽管有明确的证据表明袭击并未发生，而且其中一名妇女后来放弃了信仰，但这些年轻男子还是经历了一系列虚假审判，除了一名男子外，其他人都被判处死刑。

Only the communist-oriented International Labor Defense (ILD) came to the aid of the “Scottsboro Boys,” who soon became a national symbol of continuing racial prejudice in America and a rallying point for civil rights–minded Americans.

只有以共产主义为导向的国际劳工保护组织（ILD）对“斯科茨伯勒男孩”提供了帮助，他们很快成为美国持续存在的种族偏见的全国象征，也是具有民权意识的美国人的集结点。

In appeals, the ILD successfully challenged the boys’ sentencing, and the death sentences were either commuted or reversed, although the last of the accused did not receive parole until 1946.

在上诉中，ILD 成功对男孩的判决提出了质疑，死刑判决要么被减刑，要么被撤销，尽管最后一名被告直到 1946 年才获得假释。

Despite a concerted effort to appoint Black advisors to some New Deal programs, Franklin Roosevelt did little to specifically address the particular difficulties Black communities faced.

尽管富兰克林·罗斯福齐心协力为一些新政计划任命黑人顾问，但他几乎没有采取任何行动来具体解决黑人社区面临的特殊困难。

To do so openly would provoke southern Democrats and put his New Deal coalition—–the uneasy alliance of national liberals, urban laborers, farm workers, and southern whites—at risk.

公开这样做会激怒南方民主党人，并使他的新政联盟——由民族自由主义者、城市工人、农场工人和南方白人组成的不稳定联盟——面临风险。

Roosevelt not only rejected such proposals as abolishing the poll tax and declaring lynching a federal crime, he refused to specifically target African American needs in any of his larger relief and reform packages.

罗斯福不仅拒绝了废除人头税和宣布私刑为联邦犯罪等提议，而且拒绝在任何更大的救济和改革方案中专门针对非裔美国人的需求。

As he explained to the national secretary of the NAACP, “I just can’t take that risk.” 65

正如他向全国有色人种协进会全国秘书解释的那样，“我不能冒这个风险。” 65

In fact, many of the programs of the New Deal had made hard times more difficult.

事实上，新政的许多计划让困难时期变得更加困难。

When the codes of the NRA set new pay scales, they usually took into account regional differentiation and historical data.

当全国步枪协会的法规设定新的薪资标准时，他们通常会考虑地区差异和历史数据。

In the South, where African Americans had long suffered unequal pay, the new codes simply perpetuated that inequality.

在南方，非裔美国人长期遭受着不平等的待遇，新的法规只是让这种不平等长期存在。

The codes also exempted those involved in farm work and domestic labor, the occupations of a majority of southern Black men and women.

这些法规还豁免了从事农业工作和家务劳动的人员，这些工作是大多数南方黑人男女的职业。

The AAA was equally problematic as owners displaced Black tenants and sharecroppers, many of whom were forced to return to their farms as low-paid day labor or to migrate to cities looking for wage work.

AAA 也同样存在问题，因为业主迫使黑人佃农和佃农流离失所，其中许多人被迫返回农场做低薪日工，或者迁移到城市寻找工资工作。

Perhaps the most notorious failure of the New Deal to aid African Americans came with the passage of the Social Security Act.

也许新政在援助非裔美国人方面最臭名昭著的失败是《社会保障法》的通过。

Southern politicians chafed at the prospect of African Americans benefiting from federally sponsored social welfare, afraid that economic security would allow Black southerners to escape the cycle of poverty that kept them tied to the land as cheap, exploitable farm laborers.

南方政客对非裔美国人受益于联邦政府资助的社会福利的前景感到愤怒，担心经济安全会让南方黑人摆脱贫穷的循环，这种循环使他们作为廉价的、可剥削的农场劳动力与土地联系在一起。

The Jackson (Mississippi) Daily News callously warned that “The average Mississippian can’t imagine himself chipping in to pay pensions for able-bodied Negroes to sit around in idleness .

《杰克逊（密西西比州）每日新闻》冷酷地警告说，“普通密西西比人无法想象自己会出钱为身体健全的黑人支付养老金，让他们无所事事……”

。

while cotton and corn crops are crying for workers.” Roosevelt agreed to remove domestic workers and farm laborers from the provisions of the bill, excluding many African Americans, already laboring under the strictures of legal racial discrimination, from the benefits of an expanding economic safety net.

而棉花和玉米作物却急需工人。”罗斯福同意将家政工人和农场工人排除在该法案的条款之外，从而将许多已经在法律种族歧视的束缚下劳作的非裔美国人排除在不断扩大的经济安全网的好处之外。

Women, too, failed to receive the full benefits of New Deal programs.

女性也未能充分享受新政计划带来的好处。

On one hand, Roosevelt included women in key positions within his administration, including the first female cabinet secretary, Frances Perkins, and a prominently placed African American advisor in the National Youth Administration, Mary McLeod Bethune.

一方面，罗斯福在其政府中让女性担任要职，其中包括第一位女性内阁秘书弗朗西斯·帕金斯和国家青年管理局中地位显赫的非裔美国顾问玛丽·麦克劳德·白求恩。

First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt was a key advisor to the president and became a major voice for economic and racial justice.

第一夫人埃莉诺·罗斯福是总统的重要顾问，并成为经济和种族正义的主要代言人。

But many New Deal programs were built on the assumption that men would serve as breadwinners and women as mothers, homemakers, and consumers.

但许多新政计划都是建立在这样的假设之上的：男性将充当养家糊口的人，女性将充当母亲、家庭主妇和消费者。

New Deal programs aimed to help both but usually by forcing such gendered assumptions, making it difficult for women to attain economic autonomy.

新政计划旨在帮助两者，但通常会强加这种性别假设，使女性难以获得经济自主权。

New Deal social welfare programs tended to funnel women into means-tested, state-administered relief programs while reserving entitlement benefits for male workers, creating a kind of two-tiered social welfare state.

新政社会福利计划倾向于将女性纳入经过经济状况调查、国家管理的救济计划，同时为男性工人保留应得的福利，从而创造了一种两级社会福利国家。

And so, despite great advances, the New Deal failed to challenge core inequalities that continued to mark life in the United States.

因此，尽管新政取得了巨大进步，但它未能挑战美国生活中持续存在的核心不平等问题。

By 1936, Roosevelt and his New Deal won record popularity.

到 1936 年，罗斯福和他的新政赢得了创纪录的支持。

In November, Roosevelt annihilated his Republican challenger, Governor Alf Landon of Kansas, who lost in every state save Maine and Vermont.

11月，罗斯福消灭了他的共和党挑战者、堪萨斯州州长阿尔夫·兰登，后者在除缅因州和佛蒙特州外的每个州都失败了。

The Great Depression had certainly not ended, but it appeared to be retreating, and Roosevelt, now safely reelected, appeared ready to take advantage of both his popularity and the improving economic climate to press for even more dramatic changes.

大萧条当然还没有结束，但它似乎正在消退，而现在安全连任的罗斯福似乎准备利用他的受欢迎程度和不断改善的经济环境来推动更戏剧性的变革。

But conservative barriers continued to limit the power of his popular support.

但保守派的障碍继续限制了他民众支持的力量。

The Supreme Court, for instance, continued to gut many of his programs.

例如，最高法院继续废除他的许多计划。

In 1937, concerned that the Court might overthrow social security in an upcoming case, Roosevelt called for legislation allowing him to expand the Court by appointing a new, younger justice for every sitting member over age seventy.

1937 年，由于担心最高法院可能会在即将审理的案件中推翻社会保障制度，罗斯福呼吁立法，允许他为每一位 70 岁以上的现任法官任命一名新的、更年轻的法官，从而扩大最高法院的规模。

Roosevelt argued that the measure would speed up the Court’s ability to handle a growing backlog of cases; however, his “court-packing scheme,” as opponents termed it, was clearly designed to allow the president to appoint up to six friendly, pro–New Deal justices to drown the influence of old-time conservatives on the Court.

罗斯福认为，这项措施将提高法院处理日益积压案件的能力。然而，正如反对者所称，他的“法庭填充计划”显然是为了让总统任命最多六名友好的、支持新政的法官，以削弱旧时代保守派对最高法院的影响。

Roosevelt’s “scheme” riled opposition and did not become law, but the chastened Court thereafter upheld social security and other pieces of New Deal legislation.

罗斯福的“计划”激怒了反对派，并未成为法律，但历经磨炼的法院此后维持了社会保障和新政立法的其他部分。

Moreover, Roosevelt was slowly able to appoint more amenable justices as conservatives died or retired.

此外，随着保守派去世或退休，罗斯福慢慢能够任命更顺从的法官。

Still, the court-packing scheme damaged the Roosevelt administration emboldened New Deal opponents 69

尽管如此，法庭挤塞计划还是损害了罗斯福政府，增强了新政反对者的胆量 69

Compounding his problems, Roosevelt and his advisors made a costly economic misstep.

罗斯福和他的顾问们在经济上犯了一个代价高昂的失误，这让他的问题更加复杂。

Believing the United States had turned a corner, Roosevelt cut spending in 1937.

罗斯福相信美国已经走出困境，因此于 1937 年削减了开支。

The American economy plunged nearly to the depths of 1932–1933.

1932 年至 1933 年间，美国经济几乎跌入谷底。

Roosevelt reversed course and, adopting the approach popularized by the English economist John Maynard Keynes, hoped that countercyclical, compensatory spending would pull the country out of the recession, even at the expense of a growing budget deficit.

罗斯福改变了方向，采用了英国经济学家约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯推广的方法，希望反周期的补偿性支出能够使国家摆脱衰退，即使是以不断扩大的预算赤字为代价。

It was perhaps too late.

也许已经太晚了。

The Roosevelt Recession of 1937 became fodder for critics.

1937 年的罗斯福经济衰退成为批评者的素材。

Combined with the court-packing scheme, the recession allowed for significant gains by a conservative coalition of southern Democrats and Midwestern Republicans in the 1938 midterm elections.

经济衰退与法院挤塞计划相结合，使得南部民主党和中西部共和党的保守派联盟在 1938 年中期选举中取得了重大进展。

By 1939, Roosevelt struggled to build congressional support for new reforms, let alone maintain existing agencies.

到 1939 年，罗斯福努力争取国会对新改革的支持，更不用说维持现有机构了。

Moreover, the growing threat of war in Europe stole the public’s attention and increasingly dominated Roosevelt’s interests.

此外，欧洲日益增长的战争威胁吸引了公众的注意力，并日益主导了罗斯福的利益。

The New Deal slowly receded into the background, outshined by war.

新政慢慢退居幕后，被战争所掩盖。

By the end of the 1930s, Roosevelt and his Democratic Congresses had presided over a transformation of the American government and a realignment in American party politics.

到 20 世纪 30 年代末，罗斯福和他的民主党国会主持了美国政府的转型和美国政党政治的重组。

Before World War I, the American national state, though powerful, had been a “government out of sight.” After the New Deal, Americans came to see the federal government as a potential ally in their daily struggles, whether finding work, securing a decent wage, getting a fair price for agricultural products, or organizing a union.

第一次世界大战之前，美国民族国家虽然强大，但却是一个“看不见的政府”。新政之后，美国人开始将联邦政府视为他们日常斗争中的潜在盟友，无论是寻找工作、确保体面的工资、获得公平的农产品价格还是组织工会。

Voter turnout in presidential elections jumped in 1932 and again in 1936, with most of these newly mobilized voters forming a durable piece of the Democratic Party that would remain loyal well into the 1960s.

总统选举的选民投票率在 1932 年和 1936 年再次大幅上升，其中大多数新动员起来的选民组成了民主党的持久组成部分，他们将一直忠诚到 1960 年代。

Even as affluence returned with the American intervention in World War II, memories of the Depression continued to shape the outlook of two generations of Americans.

即使随着美国介入第二次世界大战而恢复富裕，大萧条的记忆仍然继续塑造着两代美国人的世界观。

71 Survivors of the Great Depression, one man would recall in the late 1960s, “are still riding with the ghost—the ghost of those days when things came hard.” 72

一位 20 世纪 60 年代末的人回忆道，71 位大萧条的幸存者“仍然与幽灵同行——那些困难时期的幽灵。” 72

Historians debate when the New Deal ended.

历史学家争论新政何时结束。

Some identify the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 as the last major New Deal measure.

一些人将 1938 年的公平劳工标准法案视为新政的最后一项重大措施。

Others see wartime measures such as price and rent control and the G.I.

其他人则认为价格和租金控制以及退伍军人权利等战时措施是可行的。

Bill (which afforded New Deal–style social benefits to veterans) as species of New Deal legislation.

法案（为退伍军人提供新政式的社会福利）作为新政立法的一种。

Still others conceive of a “New Deal order,” a constellation of “ideas, public policies, and political alliances,” which, though changing, guided American politics from Roosevelt’s Hundred Days forward to Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society—and perhaps even beyond.

还有一些人构想了一种“新政秩序”，它是“思想、公共政策和政治联盟”的集合，尽管它在不断变化，但却引导着美国政治从罗斯福的百日执政转向林登·约翰逊的伟大社会——甚至可能更进一步。

Indeed, the New Deal’s legacy still remains, and its battle lines still shape American politics.

事实上，新政的遗产仍然存在，其战线仍然塑造着美国政治。

Americans elected a string of conservative Republicans to the presidency during the boom years of the 1920s.

在 20 年代经济繁荣时期，美国选举了一系列保守派共和党人担任总统。

When the economy crashed in 1929, however, and the nation descended deeper into the Great Depression, voters abandoned the Republican Party and conservative politicians struggled to in office.

然而，当 1929 年经济崩溃、国家陷入更严重的大萧条时，选民抛弃了共和党，保守派政客也难以上任。

In this speech on the eve of the 1932 election, Herbert Hoover warned against Franklin Roosevelt’s proposed New Deal.

在 1932 年大选前夕的演讲中，赫伯特·胡佛对富兰克林·罗斯福提出的新政提出警告。

Huey P.

休伊·P。

Long, “Every Man a King” and “Share our Wealth” (1934)

朗，《人人都是国王》和《分享我们的财富》（1934）

Amid the economic indignities of the Great Depression, Huey P.

在大萧条的经济侮辱中，休伊·P.

Long of Louisiana championed an aggressive program of public spending and wealth redistribution.

路易斯安那州的朗支持一项积极的公共支出和财富再分配计划。

Critics denounced Long, who served as both governor and a senator from Louisiana, as a corrupt demagogue, but “the Kingfish” appealed to impoverished Louisianans and Americans wracked by joblessness and resentful of American economic inequality.

批评者谴责曾担任路易斯安那州州长和参议员的朗是腐败的煽动者，但“石首鱼”吸引了贫困的路易斯安那人和因失业和对美国经济不平等感到不满的美国人。

He was assassinated before he could mount his independent bid for the White House in 1936.

1936 年，他在独立竞选白宫之前就被暗杀了。

In the following extracts from two of his most famous speeches, Long outlines his political program.

在以下他最著名的两次演讲的摘录中，朗概述了他的政治纲领。

Franklin Roosevelt’s Re-Nomination Acceptance Speech (1936)

富兰克林·罗斯福的重新提名接受演说 (1936)

In July 27, 1936, President Franklin Roosevelt accepted his re-nomination as the Democratic Party’s presidential choice.

1936 年 7 月 27 日，富兰克林·罗斯福总统接受了他的再次提名，成为民主党的总统人选。

In his acceptance speech, Roosevelt laid out his understanding of what “freedom” and “tyranny” meant in an industrial democracy.

罗斯福在获奖感言中阐述了他对工业民主中“自由”和“暴政”的理解。

After winning a landslide victory in his 1936 quest for a second presidential term, President Franklin Roosevelt championed again the ambitious goals of his New Deal economic programs and their relationship to American democracy.

1936 年，富兰克林·罗斯福总统在争取第二个总统任期中取得压倒性胜利后，再次支持其新政经济计划的雄心勃勃的目标及其与美国民主的关系。

Lester Hunter left the Dust Bowl for the fields of California and wrote this poem, later turned into a song by migrant workers in California’s Farm Security Administration camps.

莱斯特·亨特离开沙尘暴前往加利福尼亚州的田野，写下了这首诗，后来被加利福尼亚州农场安全管理局营地的移民工人改编成歌曲。

The “C.I.O.” in the final line refers to the Congress of Industrial Unions, a powerful new industrial union founded in 1935.

“首席信息官”最后一行指的是工业工会大会，这是一个成立于1935年的强大的新工业工会。

Bertha McCall, general director of the National Travelers Aid Association, acquired a special knowledge of the massive displacement of individuals and families during the Great Depression.

全国旅行者援助协会总经理伯莎·麦考尔对大萧条期间个人和家庭大规模流离失所有着特殊的了解。

In 1940, McCall testified before the House of Representatives’ Select Committee to Investigate the Interstate Migration of Destitute Citizens on the nature of America’s internal migrants.

1940 年，麦考尔在众议院调查贫困公民州际移民特别委员会面前就美国国内移民的性质作证。

Amateur night at the Apollo Theater attracted not only Harlem’s African American population but a national radio audience.

阿波罗剧院的业余之夜不仅吸引了哈莱姆区的非裔美国人，还吸引了全国广播听众。

In this account, written through the New Deal’s Federal Writers’ Project, Dorothy West describes an amateur night at the theater in November 1938 and reflects on the relationship between entertainment, race, and American life.

在这篇通过新政联邦作家项目撰写的文章中，多萝西·韦斯特描述了 1938 年 11 月在剧院度过的一个业余夜晚，并反思了娱乐、种族和美国生活之间的关系。

多萝西娅·兰格 (Dorothea Lange) 在担任公共工程振兴管理局 (WPA) 的摄影师期间，记录了因干旱和经济萧条而被迫背井离乡的移民家庭的迁徙。

This family was in the process of traveling 124 miles by foot, across Oklahoma, because the father was unable to receive relief or WPA work of his own due to an illness.

这个家庭正在徒步 124 英里穿越俄克拉荷马州，因为父亲因病无法获得救济或 WPA 工作。

This short newsreel clip made by British film company Pathé shows the federal government’s response to the thousands of WWI veterans who organized in Washington DC during the summer of 1932 to form what was called a “Bonus Army.” At the demand of attorney general, the marchers were violently removed from government property.

这段由英国百代电影公司制作的新闻短片展示了联邦政府对 1932 年夏天在华盛顿特区组织起来的数千名第一次世界大战老兵的反应，他们组建了所谓的“红军”。在总检察长的要求下，游行者被暴力驱离政府财产。

This chapter was edited by Matthew Downs and Eric Rauchway, with content contributed by Dana Cochran, Matthew Downs, Benjamin Helwege, Elisa Minoff, Eric Rauchway, Caitlin Verboon, and Mason Williams.

本章由 Matthew Downs 和 Eric Rauchway 编辑，内容由 Dana Cochran、Matthew Downs、Benjamin Helwege、Elisa Minoff、Eric Rauchway、Caitlin Verboon 和 Mason Williams 贡献。

Recommended citation: Dana Cochran et al., “The Great Depression,” Matthew Downs, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.

推荐引用：Dana Cochran 等人，“大萧条”，Matthew Downs 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。

Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).

约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。

中文为机器翻译，仅供参考。