The American Yawp

美国狂吠

· The American Yawp (Stanford open textbook) · 原文

From an undated William Jennings Bryan campaign print, “Shall the People Rule?” Library of Congress .

来自未注明日期的威廉·詹宁斯·布莱恩竞选印刷品，“人民应该统治吗？”国会图书馆。

* NOTE: You are viewing a chapter from the archived, “First Edition” version of the American Yawp, which stopped receiving updates in spring 2026.

* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。

Click here to access the current, updated edition *

单击此处访问当前的更新版本*

“Never in the history of the world was society in so terrific flux as it is right now,” Jack London wrote in The Iron Heel , his 1908 dystopian novel in which a corporate oligarchy comes to rule the United States.

杰克·伦敦 (Jack London) 在他 1908 年的反乌托邦小说《铁蹄》(The Iron Heel) 中写道：“世界历史上，社会从未像现在这样经历过如此剧烈的变化。”小说中，企业寡头开始统治美国。

He wrote, “The swift changes in our industrial system are causing equally swift changes in our religious, political, and social structures.

他写道：“我们工业体系的迅速变化正在引起我们的宗教、政治和社会结构同样迅速的变化。

An unseen and fearful revolution is taking place in the fiber and structure of society.

社会的结构和结构正在发生一场看不见的、可怕的革命。

One can only dimly feel these things, but they are in the air, now, today.” 1

人们只能隐约感觉到这些东西，但它们就在空气中，现在，今天。” 1

The many problems associated with the Gilded Age—the rise of unprecedented fortunes and unprecedented poverty, controversies over imperialism, urban squalor, a near-war between capital and labor, loosening social mores, unsanitary food production, the onrush of foreign immigration, environmental destruction, and the outbreak of political radicalism—confronted Americans.

与镀金时代相关的许多问题——前所未有的财富的崛起和前所未有的贫困、对帝国主义的争议、城市肮脏、资本与劳动力之间的近乎战争、松散的社会风俗、不卫生的粮食生产、外国移民的涌入、环境破坏以及政治激进主义的爆发——摆在美国人面前。

Terrible forces seemed out of control and the nation seemed imperiled.

可怕的力量似乎失去了控制，国家似乎处于危险之中。

Farmers and workers had been waging political war against capitalists and political conservatives for decades, but then, slowly, toward the end of the nineteenth century a new generation of middle-class Americans interjected themselves into public life and advocated new reforms to tame the runaway world of the Gilded Age.

几十年来，农民和工人一直在对资本家和政治保守派发动政治战争，但后来，到了十九世纪末，新一代的美国中产阶级慢慢介入了公共生活，并倡导新的改革，以驯服镀金时代失控的世界。

Widespread dissatisfaction with new trends in American society spurred the Progressive Era, named for the various progressive movements that attracted various constituencies around various reforms.

对美国社会新趋势的普遍不满催生了“进步时代”，该时代因各种进步运动而得名，这些运动吸引了不同选民支持各种改革。

Americans had many different ideas about how the country’s development should be managed and whose interests required the greatest protection.

对于如何管理国家的发展以及谁的利益需要最大程度的保护，美国人有很多不同的想法。

Reformers sought to clean up politics; Black Americans continued their long struggle for civil rights; women demanded the vote with greater intensity while also demanding a more equal role in society at large; and workers demanded higher wages, safer workplaces, and the union recognition that would guarantee these rights.

改革者试图清理政治；美国黑人继续为民权而进行长期斗争；妇女更强烈地要求投票，同时也要求在整个社会中发挥更平等的作用；工人们要求更高的工资、更安全的工作场所以及工会的认可来保障这些权利。

Whatever their goals, reform became the word of the age, and the sum of their efforts, whatever their ultimate impact or original intentions, gave the era its name.

无论他们的目标是什么，改革成为了时代的代名词，而他们的努力的总和，无论其最终影响或初衷如何，都赋予了这个时代以名字。

In 1911 the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory in Manhattan caught fire.

1911 年，曼哈顿的三角衬衫工厂起火。

The doors of the factory had been chained shut to prevent employees from taking unauthorized breaks (the managers who held the keys saved themselves, but left over two hundred women behind).

工厂的大门被锁起来，以防止员工擅自休息（拿着钥匙的经理救了自己，但留下了 200 多名妇女）。

A rickety fire ladder on the side of the building collapsed immediately.

大楼一侧摇摇欲坠的消防梯立即倒塌。

Women lined the rooftop and windows of the ten-story building and jumped, landing in a “mangled, bloody pulp.” Life nets held by firemen tore at the impact of the falling bodies.

妇女们在这座十层建筑的屋顶和窗户上排成一排，然后跳下来，落在“血肉模糊的肉浆”中。消防员举起的救生网因坠落尸体的撞击而撕裂。

Among the onlookers, “women were hysterical, scores fainted; men wept as, in paroxysms of frenzy, they hurled themselves against the police lines.” By the time the fire burned itself out, 71 workers were injured and 146 had died.

围观者中，“妇女们歇斯底里，数十人晕倒；男人们在疯狂地冲向警察防线时哭泣。”截至大火自行扑灭时，已有 71 名工人受伤，146 人死亡。

Policemen place the bodies of workers who were burned alive in the 1911 Triangle Shirtwaist fire into coffins.

警察将 1911 年 Triangle Shirtwaist 火灾中被活活烧死的工人尸体放入棺材中。

Photographs like this made real the atrocities that could result from unsafe working conditions.

像这样的照片使不安全的工作条件可能造成的暴行成为现实。

March 25, 1911.

1911 年 3 月 25 日。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

A year before, the Triangle workers had gone on strike demanding union recognition, higher wages, and better safety conditions.

一年前，三角地区的工人举行罢工，要求工会的认可、更高的工资和更好的安全条件。

Remembering their workers’ “chief value,” the owners of the factory decided that a viable fire escape and unlocked doors were too expensive and called in the city police to break up the strike.

工厂老板牢记工人的“主要价值”，认为可行的防火梯和未上锁的门成本太高，因此召集了市警察来制止罢工。

After the 1911 fire, reporter Bill Shepherd reflected, “I looked upon the heap of dead bodies and I remembered these girls were shirtwaist makers.

1911 年火灾发生后，记者比尔·谢泼德 (Bill Shepherd) 回忆道：“我看着那堆尸体，我想起这些女孩是衬衫腰匠。

I remembered their great strike last year in which the same girls had demanded more sanitary conditions and more safety precautions in the shops.

我记得去年他们的大罢工，那些女孩要求商店里有更多的卫生条件和更多的安全预防措施。

These dead bodies were the answer.” 3 Former Triangle worker and labor organizer Rose Schneiderman said, “This is not the first time girls have been burned alive in this city.

这些尸体就是答案。” 3 前三角工人和劳工组织者罗斯·施奈德曼 (Rose Schneiderman) 说：“这并不是这座城市第一次发生女孩被活活烧死的事件。

Every week I must learn of the untimely death of one of my sister workers .

每周我都必须获悉我的一位姐妹工人过早去世的消息。

。

the life of men and women is so cheap and property is so sacred!

男人女人的生命是如此廉价，财产是如此神圣！

There are so many of us for one job, it matters little if 140-odd are burned to death.” 4 After the fire, Triangle owners Max Blanck and Isaac Harris were brought up on manslaughter charges.

我们这么多人做一份工作，就算烧死一百四十多人也没什么关系。” 4 火灾发生后，三角业主马克斯·布兰克 (Max Blanck) 和艾萨克·哈里斯 (Isaac Harris) 被指控过失杀人罪。

They were acquitted after less than two hours of deliberation.

经过不到两个小时的审议，他们被无罪释放。

The outcome continued a trend in the industrializing economy that saw workers’ deaths answered with little punishment of the business owners responsible for such dangerous conditions.

这一结果延续了工业化经济中的一种趋势，即工人的死亡，而对造成这种危险情况负责的企业主却几乎没有受到惩罚。

But as such tragedies mounted and working and living conditions worsened and inequality grew, it became increasingly difficult to develop justifications for this new modern order.

但随着此类悲剧的发生、工作和生活条件的恶化以及不平等的加剧，为这种新的现代秩序找到理由变得越来越困难。

Events such as the Triangle Shirtwaist fire convinced many Americans of the need for reform, but the energies of activists were needed to spread a new commitment to political activism and government interference in the economy.

三角衫火灾等事件使许多美国人相信改革的必要性，但需要活动人士的精力来传播对政治活动和政府干预经济的新承诺。

Politicians, journalists, novelists, religious leaders, and activists all raised their voices to push Americans toward reform.

政治家、记者、小说家、宗教领袖和活动人士都发出声音，推动美国人走向改革。

Reformers turned to books and mass-circulation magazines to publicize the plight of the nation’s poor and the many corruptions endemic to the new industrial order.

改革者转向书籍和大众发行的杂志来宣传国家穷人的困境和新工业秩序中普遍存在的许多腐败现象。

Journalists who exposed business practices, poverty, and corruption—labeled by Theodore Roosevelt as “muckrakers”—aroused public demands for reform.

揭露商业行为、贫困和腐败的记者——被西奥多·罗斯福称为“丑闻揭发者”——激起了公众对改革的要求。

Magazines such as McClure’s detailed political corruption and economic malfeasance.

麦克卢尔等杂志详细描述了政治腐败和经济渎职行为。

The muckrakers confirmed Americans’ suspicions about runaway wealth and political corruption.

揭黑者证实了美国人对财富失控和政治腐败的怀疑。

Ray Stannard Baker, a journalist whose reports on U.S. Steel exposed the underbelly of the new corporate capitalism, wrote, “I think I can understand now why these exposure articles took such a hold upon the American people.

记者雷·斯坦纳德·贝克(Ray Stannard Baker)对美国钢铁公司的报道揭露了新企业资本主义的弱点，他写道：“我想我现在可以理解为什么这些曝光文章对美国人民如此有吸引力。

It was because the country, for years, had been swept by the agitation of soap-box orators, prophets crying in the wilderness, and political campaigns based upon charges of corruption and privilege which everyone believed or suspected had some basis of truth, but which were largely unsubstantiated.” 5

这是因为多年来，这个国家一直被肥皂剧演说家的煽动、先知在荒野中哭泣以及基于腐败和特权指控的政治运动所席卷，每个人都相信或怀疑这些指控有一定的事实依据，但基本上没有得到证实。” 5

Journalists shaped popular perceptions of Gilded Age injustice.

记者塑造了大众对镀金时代不公正现象的看法。

In 1890, New York City journalist Jacob Riis published How the Other Half Lives , a scathing indictment of living and working conditions in the city’s slums.

1890 年，纽约市记者雅各布·里斯 (Jacob Riis) 出版了《另一半的生活》(How the Other Half Lives)，严厉控诉该市贫民窟的生活和工作条件。

Riis not only vividly described the squalor he saw, he documented it with photography, giving readers an unflinching view of urban poverty.

里斯不仅生动地描述了他所看到的肮脏景象，还用摄影记录下来，让读者对城市贫困有了一个坚定的认识。

Riis’s book led to housing reform in New York and other cities and helped instill the idea that society bore at least some responsibility for alleviating poverty.

里斯的书引发了纽约和其他城市的住房改革，并帮助灌输了这样一种观念：社会至少对减轻贫困负有一定的责任。

6 In 1906, Upton Sinclair published The Jungle , a novel dramatizing the experiences of a Lithuanian immigrant family who moved to Chicago to work in the stockyards.

6 1906 年，厄普顿·辛克莱 (Upton Sinclair) 出版了《丛林》(The Jungle)，这部小说描写了一个立陶宛移民家庭搬到芝加哥在牲畜饲养场工作的经历。

Although Sinclair intended the novel to reveal the brutal exploitation of labor in the meatpacking industry, and thus to build support for the socialist movement, its major impact was to lay bare the entire process of industrialized food production.

尽管辛克莱的小说意图揭露肉类加工行业对劳动力的残酷剥削，从而为社会主义运动赢得支持，但其主要影响是揭露工业化食品生产的整个过程。

The growing invisibility of slaughterhouses and livestock production for urban consumers had enabled unsanitary and unsafe conditions.

屠宰场和畜牧生产对城市消费者来说越来越不可见，导致了不卫生和不安全的条件。

“The slaughtering machine ran on, visitors or no visitors,” wrote Sinclair, “like some horrible crime committed in a dungeon, all unseen and unheeded, buried out of sight and of memory.” 7 Sinclair’s exposé led to the passage of the Meat Inspection Act and Pure Food and Drug Act in 1906.

辛克莱写道：“无论有没有访客，屠宰机器都在继续运转，就像在地牢里犯下的可怕罪行一样，一切都被看不见、无人理会，被埋葬在人们的视线和记忆之外。” 7 辛克莱的揭露导致 1906 年《肉类检验法》和《纯食品和药品法》的通过。

Jacob Riis, “Home of an Italian Ragpicker.” ca.

雅各布·里斯（Jacob Riis），《意大利拾荒者的家》。约

1888-1889.

1888-1889。

Wikimedia.

维基媒体。

Of course, it was not only journalists who raised questions about American society.

当然，对美国社会提出质疑的不仅仅是记者。

One of the most popular novels of the nineteenth century, Edward Bellamy’s 1888 Looking Backward, was a national sensation.

爱德华·贝拉米 (Edward Bellamy) 于 1888 年出版的《回顾过去》是 19 世纪最受欢迎的小说之一，轰动全国。

In it, a man falls asleep in Boston in 1887 and awakens in 2000 to find society radically altered.

影片中，一名男子于 1887 年在波士顿入睡，并于 2000 年醒来，发现社会发生了根本性的变化。

Poverty and disease and competition gave way as new industrial armies cooperated to build a utopia of social harmony and economic prosperity.

随着新的工业大军合作建设社会和谐和经济繁荣的乌托邦，贫困、疾病和竞争已经被取代。

Bellamy’s vision of a reformed society enthralled readers, inspired hundreds of Bellamy clubs, and pushed many young readers onto the road to reform.

贝拉米对改革社会的愿景吸引了读者，激励了数百个贝拉米俱乐部，并推动许多年轻读者走上改革之路。

8 It led countless Americans to question the realities of American life in the nineteenth century:

8 它导致无数美国人质疑 19 世纪美国生活的现实：

“I am aware that you called yourselves free in the nineteenth century.

“我知道你们在十九世纪声称自己是自由的。

The meaning of the word could not then, however, have been at all what it is at present, or you certainly would not have applied it to a society of which nearly every member was in a position of galling personal dependence upon others as to the very means of life, the poor upon the rich, or employed upon employer, women upon men, children upon parents.” 9

然而，这个词当时的含义根本不可能是现在的样子，否则你肯定不会把它应用到这样一个社会：在这个社会中，几乎每个成员在生活手段上都处于令人恼火的个人依赖他人的境地，穷人依赖富人，或者受雇于雇主，女人依赖男人，孩子依赖父母。 9

But Americans were urged to action not only by books and magazines but by preachers and theologians, too.

但不仅书籍和杂志敦促美国人采取行动，传教士和神学家也敦促他们采取行动。

Confronted by both the benefits and the ravages of industrialization, many Americans asked themselves, “What Would Jesus Do?” In 1896, Charles Sheldon, a Congregational minister in Topeka, Kansas, published In His Steps: What Would Jesus Do?

面对工业化的好处和破坏，许多美国人问自己：“耶稣会做什么？” 1896 年，堪萨斯州托皮卡公理会牧师查尔斯·谢尔登 (Charles Sheldon) 出版了《跟随他的脚步：耶稣会做什么？

The novel told the story of Henry Maxwell, a pastor in a small Midwestern town one day confronted by an unemployed migrant who criticized his congregation’s lack of concern for the poor and downtrodden.

这部小说讲述了亨利·麦克斯韦尔的故事，他是中西部小镇的一位牧师，有一天遇到了一位失业的移民，这位移民批评他的会众缺乏对穷人和受压迫者的关心。

Moved by the man’s plight, Maxwell preached a series of sermons in which he asked his congregation: “Would it not be true, think you, that if every Christian in America did as Jesus would do, society itself, the business world, yes, the very political system under which our commercial and government activity is carried on, would be so changed that human suffering would be reduced to a minimum?” 10 Sheldon’s novel became a best seller, not only because of its story but because the book’s plot connected with a new movement transforming American religion: the social gospel.

麦克斯韦被这个人的困境所感动，进行了一系列布道，他在布道中问他的会众：“你们想，如果美国的每个基督徒都像耶稣那样做，社会本身、商业世界，是的，还有我们商业和政府活动赖以进行的政治制度，会不会发生如此巨大的变化，人类的苦难将减少到最低限度？” 10 谢尔顿的小说成为畅销书，不仅因为它的故事，还因为该书的情节与改变美国宗教的新运动：社会福音有关。

The social gospel emerged within Protestant Christianity at the end of the nineteenth century.

十九世纪末，社会福音在新教基督教中出现。

It emphasized the need for Christians to be concerned for the salvation of society, and not simply individual souls.

它强调基督徒需要关心社会的拯救，而不仅仅是个人灵魂的拯救。

Instead of just caring for family or fellow church members, social gospel advocates encouraged Christians to engage society; challenge social, political, and economic structures; and help those less fortunate than themselves.

社会福音倡导者不仅仅关心家庭或教会成员，还鼓励基督徒参与社会；挑战社会、政治和经济结构；并帮助那些比自己不幸的人。

Responding to the developments of the industrial revolution in America and the increasing concentration of people in urban spaces, with its attendant social and economic problems, some social gospelers went so far as to advocate a form of Christian socialism, but all urged Americans to confront the sins of their society.

为了应对美国工业革命的发展和人口日益集中在城市空间以及随之而来的社会和经济问题，一些社会福音派甚至提倡某种形式的基督教社会主义，但所有人都敦促美国人面对社会的罪恶。

One of the most notable advocates of the social gospel was Walter Rauschenbusch.

沃尔特·劳申布什 (Walter Rauschenbusch) 是社会福音最著名的倡导者之一。

After graduating from Rochester Theological Seminary, in 1886 Rauschenbusch accepted the pastorate of a German Baptist church in the Hell’s Kitchen section of New York City, where he confronted rampant crime and stark poverty, problems not adequately addressed by the political leaders of the city.

从罗切斯特神学院毕业后，劳申布什于 1886 年接受了纽约市地狱厨房区一家德国浸信会教堂的牧师职位，在那里他面临着猖獗的犯罪和赤裸裸的贫困，而该市的政治领导人没有充分解决这些问题。

Rauschenbusch joined with fellow reformers to elect a new mayoral candidate, but he also realized that a new theological framework had to reflect his interest in society and its problems.

劳申布什与其他改革者一起选举了一位新的市长候选人，但他也意识到新的神学框架必须反映他对社会及其问题的兴趣。

He revived Jesus’s phrase, “the Kingdom of God,” claiming that it encompassed every aspect of life and made every part of society a purview of the proper Christian.

他重申了耶稣的短语“上帝的王国”，声称它涵盖了生活的各个方面，并使社会的每个部分都成为真正的基督徒的权限。

Like Charles Sheldon’s fictional Rev.

就像查尔斯·谢尔顿虚构的牧师一样。

Maxwell, Rauschenbusch believed that every Christian, whether they were a businessperson, a politician, or a stay-at-home parent, should ask themselves what they could do to enact the kingdom of God on Earth.

麦克斯韦和劳申布什相信，每个基督徒，无论是商人、政治家还是全职父母，都应该问自己，他们可以做些什么来在地球上建立神的国度。

“The social gospel is the old message of salvation, but enlarged and intensified.

“社会福音是古老的救赎信息，但得到了扩展和强化。

The individualistic gospel has taught us to see the sinfulness of every human heart and has inspired us with faith in the willingness and power of God to save every soul that comes to him.

个人主义的福音教导我们看到每个人内心的罪恶，并激励我们相信上帝的意愿和力量来拯救每一个来到他面前的灵魂。

But it has not given us an adequate understanding of the sinfulness of the social order and its share in the sins of all individuals within it.

但它并没有让我们充分理解社会秩序的罪恶以及社会秩序中所有个人的罪恶。

It has not evoked faith in the will and power of God to redeem the permanent institutions of human society from their inherited guilt of oppression and extortion.

它并没有唤起人们对上帝的意志和力量的信心，以将人类社会的永久机构从其继承的压迫和勒索罪恶中拯救出来。

Both our sense of sin and our faith in salvation have fallen short of the realities under its teaching.

我们的罪感和对救恩的信心都达不到其教导下的现实。

The social gospel seeks to bring men under repentance for their collective sins and to create a more sensitive and more modern conscience.

社会福音旨在使人们为集体的罪孽悔改，并创造更敏感、更现代的良知。

It calls on us for the faith of the old prophets who believed in the salvation of nations.” 12

它呼吁我们相信古老先知的信仰，相信民族的救赎。” 12

Glaring blind spots persisted within the proposals of most social gospel advocates.

大多数社会福音倡导者的提议中仍然存在明显的盲点。

As men, they often ignored the plight of women, and thus most refused to support women’s suffrage.

作为男性，他们常常忽视女性的困境，因此大多数人拒绝支持女性的选举权。

Many were also silent on the plight of African Americans, Native Americans, and other oppressed minority groups.

许多人对非裔美国人、美洲原住民和其他受压迫少数群体的困境也保持沉默。

However, the writings of Rauschenbusch and other social gospel proponents had a profound influence on twentieth-century American life.

然而，劳申布什和其他社会福音支持者的著作对二十世纪的美国生活产生了深远的影响。

Most immediately, they fueled progressive reform.

最直接的是，它们推动了渐进式改革。

But they also inspired future activists, including Martin Luther King Jr., who envisioned a “beloved community” that resembled Rauschenbusch’s “Kingdom of God.”

但它们也启发了未来的活动家，包括小马丁·路德·金，他设想了一个类似于劳申布什的“上帝之国”的“受爱的社区”。

Suffragists campaigned tirelessly for the vote in the first two decades of the twentieth century, taking to the streets in public displays like this 1915 pre-election parade in New York City.

在 20 世纪的前 20 年里，妇女参政论者不知疲倦地为投票而奔走，他们走上街头进行公开游行，就像 1915 年纽约市的选举前游行一样。

During this one event, 20,000 women defied the gender norms that tried to relegate them to the private sphere and deny them the vote.

在这一活动中，20,000 名女性反抗了试图将她们置于私人领域并剥夺她们投票权的性别规范。

1915.

1915年。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

Reform opened new possibilities for women’s activism in American public life and gave new impetus to the long campaign for women’s suffrage.

改革为妇女在美国公共生活中的积极行动开辟了新的可能性，并为长期的妇女选举权运动注入了新的动力。

Much energy for women’s work came from female “clubs,” social organizations devoted to various purposes.

妇女工作的大部分精力来自女性“俱乐部”，即致力于各种目的的社会组织。

Some focused on intellectual development; others emphasized philanthropic activities.

有些注重智力发展；有些则注重智力发展。其他人则强调慈善活动。

Increasingly, these organizations looked outward, to their communities and to the place of women in the larger political sphere.

这些组织越来越多地将目光投向他们的社区以及妇女在更大的政治领域中的地位。

Women’s clubs flourished in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

女子俱乐部在十九世纪末和二十世纪初蓬勃发展。

In the 1890s women formed national women’s club federations.

1890 年代，妇女成立了全国妇女俱乐部联合会。

Particularly significant in campaigns for suffrage and women’s rights were the General Federation of Women’s Clubs (formed in New York City in 1890) and the National Association of Colored Women (organized in Washington, D.C., in 1896), both of which were dominated by upper-middle-class, educated, northern women.

在选举权和妇女权利运动中特别重要的是妇女俱乐部总联合会（1890 年在纽约市成立）和全国有色妇女协会（1896 年在华盛顿特区成立），这两个组织均由受过教育的北方中上层妇女主导。

Few of these organizations were biracial, a legacy of the sometimes uneasy midnineteenth-century relationship between socially active African Americans and white women.

这些组织中几乎没有一个是混血儿的，这是十九世纪中叶活跃于社会的非裔美国人和白人女性之间有时不稳定的关系的遗产。

Rising American prejudice led many white female activists to ban inclusion of their African American sisters.

美国偏见的抬头导致许多白人女性活动家禁止接纳她们的非裔美国姐妹。

Black women produced vibrant organizations that could promise racial uplift and civil rights for all Black Americans as well as equal rights for all women.

黑人妇女创建了充满活力的组织，可以承诺所有美国黑人的种族提升和公民权利以及所有妇女的平等权利。

Black abolitionist Mary Jane Richardson Jones organized Black women in Chicago around settlement work, moral uplift, and suffrage.

黑人废奴主义者玛丽·简·理查森·琼斯围绕安置工作、道德提升和选举权组织芝加哥的黑人妇女。

Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin, who had also worked for abolition and suffrage, worked with club women in Boston and organized, in 1895, the First National Conference of the Colored Women of America.

约瑟芬·圣皮埃尔·鲁芬 (Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin) 也曾致力于废除奴隶制和选举权，她与波士顿的俱乐部妇女合作，并于 1895 年组织了第一届美国有色人种妇女全国会议。

The following year, Mary Church Terrell and other black activists formed the National Association of Colored Women, later known as the National Association of Colored Women’s Clubs.

次年，玛丽·丘奇·特雷尔和其他黑人活动人士成立了全国有色妇女协会，后来被称为全国有色妇女俱乐部协会。

These leagues of service-oriented women’s organizations provided powerful networks to organize and amplify Black women’s efforts not only to secure suffrage but to challenge discrimination and uplift Black communities across the United States.

这些以服务为导向的妇女组织联盟提供了强大的网络来组织和扩大黑人妇女的努力，不仅是为了确保选举权，而且是为了挑战歧视并提升美国各地黑人社区的地位。

Other women worked through churches and moral reform organizations to clean up American life.

其他妇女通过教堂和道德改革组织努力净化美国生活。

And still others worked as moral vigilantes.

还有一些人充当道德义务警员。

The fearsome Carrie A.

可怕的嘉莉A.

Nation, an imposing woman who believed she worked God’s will, won headlines for destroying saloons.

内斯是一位气势磅礴的女性，她相信自己是在遵照上帝的旨意行事，她因摧毁酒吧而登上新闻头条。

In Wichita, Kansas, on December 27, 1900, Nation took a hatchet and broke bottles and bars at the luxurious Carey Hotel.

1900 年 12 月 27 日，在堪萨斯州威奇托的豪华凯里酒店，国家持斧头打碎了酒瓶和酒吧。

Arrested and charged with causing $3,000 in damages, Nation spent a month in jail before the county dismissed the charges on account of “a delusion to such an extent as to be practically irresponsible.” But Nation’s “hatchetation” drew national attention.

纳申斯被捕并被指控造成 3,000 美元的损失，在监狱里待了一个月，之后县政府以“妄想达到几乎不负责任的程度”为由驳回了指控。但国家队的“交锋”引起了全国的关注。

Describing herself as “a bulldog running along at the feet of Jesus, barking at what He doesn’t like,” she continued her assaults, and days later she smashed two more Wichita bars.

她将自己描述为“一只在耶稣脚下奔跑的斗牛犬，对他不喜欢的东西吠叫”，她继续进行袭击，几天后，她又砸碎了威奇托的两家酒吧。

Few women followed in Nation’s footsteps, and many more worked within more reputable organizations.

很少有女性追随国家的脚步，更多的女性在更有信誉的组织中工作。

Nation, for instance, had founded a chapter of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), but the organization’s leaders described her as “unwomanly and unchristian.” The WCTU was founded in 1874 as a modest temperance organization devoted to combating the evils of drunkenness.

例如，Nation 成立了基督教妇女禁酒联盟 (WCTU) 的一个分会，但该组织的领导人形容她“不女性化、不基督教化”。 WCTU 成立于 1874 年，是一个致力于打击酗酒罪恶的温和戒酒组织。

But then, from 1879 to 1898, Frances Willard invigorated the organization by transforming it into a national political organization, embracing a “do everything” policy that adopted any and all reasonable reforms that would improve social welfare and advance women’s rights.

但随后，从 1879 年到 1898 年，弗朗西斯·威拉德 (Frances Willard) 将该组织转变为全国性政治组织，并采取“包办一切”政策，采取一切合理的改革措施，以改善社会福利并促进妇女权利，从而为该组织注入了活力。

WCTU women worked to alleviate urban poverty, pursued prison reform, championed the eight-hour workday, pushed for child labor laws, advocated “h ome protection,” and fought for numerous other progressive causes.

WCTU 妇女致力于减轻城市贫困、推行监狱改革、倡导八小时工作制、推动童工法、倡导“家庭保护”，并为许多其他进步事业而奋斗。

Temperance, and then the full prohibition of alcohol, however, always loomed large.

然而，节制以及随后的全面禁酒总是显得很重要。

Many American reformers associated alcohol with nearly every social ill.

许多美国改革者将酒精与几乎所有社会弊病联系在一起。

Alcohol was blamed for domestic abuse, poverty, crime, and disease.

酒精被指责为家庭暴力、贫困、犯罪和疾病的罪魁祸首。

The 1912 Anti-Saloon League Yearbook , for instance, presented charts indicating comparable increases in alcohol consumption alongside rising divorce rates.

例如，1912 年《反酒吧联盟年鉴》提供的图表表明，酒精消费量的增长与离婚率的上升相当。

The WCTU called alcohol a “home wrecker.” More insidiously, perhaps, reformers also associated alcohol with cities and immigrants, necessarily maligning America’s immigrants, Catholics, and working classes in their crusade against liquor.

WCTU 将酒精称为“家庭破坏者”。也许更阴险的是，改革者还将酒精与城市和移民联系在一起，在反对酒精的运动中必然诽谤美国的移民、天主教徒和工人阶级。

Still, reformers believed that the abolition of “strong drink” would bring about social progress, obviate the need for prisons and insane asylums, save women and children from domestic abuse, and usher in a more just, progressive society.

尽管如此，改革者相信废除“烈酒”将带来社会进步，消除对监狱和疯人院的需要，使妇女和儿童免遭家庭虐待，并迎来一个更加公正、进步的社会。

Powerful female activists emerged out of the club movement and temperance campaigns.

俱乐部运动和禁酒运动中涌现出了强大的女性活动家。

Perhaps no American reformer matched Jane Addams in fame, energy, and innovation.

也许在名气、活力和创新方面，没有哪个美国改革家能与简·亚当斯相媲美。

Born in Cedarville, Illinois, in 1860, Addams lost her mother by age two and lived under the attentive care of her father.

亚当斯 1860 年出生于伊利诺伊州锡达维尔，两岁时母亲去世，在父亲的悉心照顾下生活。

At seventeen, she left home to attend Rockford Female Seminary.

十七岁时，她离家去罗克福德女子神学院就读。

An idealist, Addams sought the means to make the world a better place.

作为一个理想主义者，亚当斯寻求让世界变得更美好的方法。

She believed that well-educated women of means, such as herself, lacked practical strategies for engaging everyday reform.

她认为，像她这样受过良好教育、有钱的女性缺乏进行日常改革的实用策略。

After four years at Rockford, Addams embarked on a multiyear “grand tour” of Europe.

在罗克福德度过四年后，亚当斯开始了为期数年的欧洲“大巡演”。

She found herself drawn to English settlement houses, a kind of prototype for social work in which philanthropists embedded themselves among communities and offered services to disadvantaged populations.

她发现自己被英国的定居点所吸引，这是一种社会工作的原型，慈善家融入社区并为弱势群体提供服务。

After visiting London’s Toynbee Hall in 1887, Addams returned to the United States and in 1889 founded Hull House in Chicago with her longtime confidant and companion Ellen Gates Starr.

1887 年参观伦敦汤因比大厅后，亚当斯返回美国，并于 1889 年与她的长期知己兼伴侣艾伦·盖茨·斯塔尔 (Ellen Gates Starr) 在芝加哥创立了赫尔屋 (Hull House)。

The Settlement …

和解…

is an experimental effort to aid in the solution of the social and industrial problems which are engendered by the modern conditions of life in a great city.

是一项实验性的努力，旨在帮助解决大城市现代生活条件所产生的社会和工业问题。

It insists that these problems are not confined to any one portion of the city.

它坚称这些问题并不局限于城市的任何一个部分。

It is an attempt to relieve, at the same time, the overaccumulation at one end of society and the destitution at the other …

这是一种尝试，同时缓解社会一端的过度积累和另一端的贫困……

It must be grounded in a philosophy whose foundation is on the solidarity of the human race, a philosophy which will not waver when the race happens to be represented by a drunken woman or an idiot boy.

它必须建立在一种以人类团结为基础的哲学之上，当人类碰巧由一个醉酒的女人或一个白痴男孩来代表时，这种哲学不会动摇。

Hull House workers provided for their neighbors by running a nursery and a kindergarten, administering classes for parents and clubs for children, and organizing social and cultural events for the community.

赫尔之家的工作人员通过经营托儿所和幼儿园、为家长开设课程和为儿童开设俱乐部以及为社区组织社交和文化活动来为邻居提供服务。

Reformer Florence Kelley, who stayed at Hull House from 1891 to 1899, convinced Addams to move into the realm of social reform.

改革家弗洛伦斯·凯利 (Florence Kelley) 于 1891 年至 1899 年期间住在赫尔宫，说服亚当斯进入社会改革领域。

17 Hull House began exposing conditions in local sweatshops and advocated for the organization of workers.

17 赫尔豪斯开始揭露当地血汗工厂的状况，并倡导工人组织起来。

She called the conditions caused by urban poverty and industrialization a “social crime.” Hull House workers surveyed their community and produced statistics on poverty, disease, and living conditions.

她将城市贫困和工业化造成的状况称为“社会犯罪”。赫尔之家的工作人员对他们的社区进行了调查，并制作了有关贫困、疾病和生活条件的统计数据。

Addams began pressuring politicians.

亚当斯开始向政客施压。

Together Kelley and Addams petitioned legislators to pass antisweatshop legislation that limited the hours of work for women and children to eight per day.

凯利和亚当斯共同请求立法者通过反血汗工厂立法，将妇女和儿童的工作时间限制为每天八小时。

Yet Addams was an upper-class white Protestant woman who, like many reformers, refused to embrace more radical policies.

然而，亚当斯是一位上流社会的白人新教女性，像许多改革者一样，她拒绝接受更激进的政策。

While Addams called labor organizing a “social obligation,” she also warned the labor movement against the “constant temptation towards class warfare.” Addams, like many reformers, favored cooperation between rich and poor and bosses and workers, whether cooperation was a realistic possibility or not.

虽然亚当斯称劳工组织是一项“社会义务”，但她也警告劳工运动要警惕“阶级斗争的持续诱惑”。像许多改革者一样，亚当斯赞成富人和穷人、老板和工人之间的合作，无论合作是否现实可行。

Addams became a kind of celebrity.

亚当斯成了名人。

In 1912, she became the first woman to give a nominating speech at a major party convention when she seconded the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt as the Progressive Party’s candidate for president.

1912年，她支持西奥多·罗斯福作为进步党总统候选人的提名，成为第一位在主要政党大会上发表提名演讲的女性。

Her campaigns for social reform and women’s rights won headlines and her voice became ubiquitous in progressive politics.

她的社会改革和妇女权利运动赢得了头条新闻，她的声音在进步政治中变得无处不在。

Addams’s advocacy grew beyond domestic concerns.

亚当斯的倡导超出了国内关注的范围。

Beginning with her work in the Anti-Imperialist League during the Spanish-American War, Addams increasingly began to see militarism as a drain on resources better spent on social reform.

从美西战争期间在反帝国主义联盟的工作开始，亚当斯逐渐开始将军国主义视为资源的消耗，这些资源最好用于社会改革。

In 1907 she wrote Newer Ideals of Peace , a book that would become for many a philosophical foundation of pacifism.

1907 年，她写了《新的和平理想》，这本书后来成为许多人和平主义的哲学基础。

Addams emerged as a prominent opponent of America’s entry into World War I.

亚当斯成为美国参加第一次世界大战的主要反对者。

She received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1931.

她于1931年获得诺贝尔和平奖。

It would be suffrage, ultimately, that would mark the full emergence of women in American public life.

最终，选举权将标志着女性在美国公共生活中的全面崛起。

Generations of women—and, occasionally, men—had pushed for women’s suffrage.

一代又一代的女性——偶尔还有男性——一直在推动女性的选举权。

Suffragists’ hard work resulted in slow but encouraging steps forward during the last decades of the nineteenth century.

十九世纪最后几十年，妇女参政论者的辛勤工作取得了缓慢但令人鼓舞的进步。

Notable victories were won in the West, where suffragists mobilized large numbers of women and male politicians were open to experimental forms of governance.

西方取得了显着的胜利，妇女参政主义者动员了大量妇女，而男性政治家则对实验性的治理形式持开放态度。

By 1911, six western states had passed suffrage amendments to their constitutions.

到 1911 年，六个西方州通过了宪法的选举权修正案。

Women protested silently in front of the White House for over two years before the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment.

在第十九修正案通过之前，妇女们在白宫前默默抗议了两年多。

Here, women represent their colleges as they picket the White House in support of women’s suffrage.

在这里，女性代表她们的大学在白宫抗议，支持女性选举权。

1917.

1917年。

Library of Congress (LC-USZ62-31799).

美国国会图书馆 (LC-USZ62-31799)。

Women’s suffrage was typically entwined with a wide range of reform efforts.

妇女选举权通常与广泛的改革努力交织在一起。

Many suffragists argued that women’s votes were necessary to clean up politics and combat social evils.

许多妇女参政论者认为，妇女的选票对于清理政治和打击社会罪恶是必要的。

By the 1890s, for example, the WCTU, then the largest women’s organization in America, endorsed suffrage.

例如，到了 1890 年代，当时美国最大的妇女组织 WCTU 就支持了选举权。

An alliance of working-class and middle- and upper-class women organized the Women’s Trade Union League (WTUL) in 1903 and campaigned for the vote alongside the National American Woman Suffrage Association, a leading suffrage organization composed largely of middle- and upper-class women.

工人阶级和中上层阶级妇女的联盟于 1903 年组织了妇女工会联盟 (WTUL)，并与主要由中上层妇女组成的主要选举权组织美国全国妇女选举权协会一起竞选投票。

WTUL members viewed the vote as a way to further their economic interests and to foster a new sense of respect for working-class women.

WTUL 成员认为投票是促进其经济利益并培养对工人阶级女性新的尊重意识的一种方式。

“What the woman who labors wants is the right to live, not simply exist,” said Rose Schneiderman, a WTUL leader, during a 1912 speech.

“劳动妇女想要的是生存权，而不仅仅是生存权，”WTUL 领导人罗斯·施奈德曼 (Rose Schneiderman) 在 1912 年的一次演讲中说道。

“The worker must have bread, but she must have roses, too.” 21

“工人必须有面包，但她也必须有玫瑰。” 21

Many suffragists adopted a much crueler message.

许多妇女参政论者采纳了更为残酷的信息。

Some, even outside the South, argued that white women’s votes were necessary to maintain white supremacy.

一些人，甚至是南方以外的人，认为白人女性的选票对于维持白人至上是必要的。

Many white American women argued that enfranchising white upper- and middle-class women would counteract Black voters.

许多美国白人女性认为，赋予白人上层和中产阶级女性选举权会抵消黑人选民的支持。

These arguments even stretched into international politics.

这些争论甚至延伸到了国际政治。

But whether the message advocated gender equality, class politics, or white supremacy, the suffrage campaign was winning.

但无论这一信息是主张性别平等、阶级政治还是白人至上，选举权运动都取得了胜利。

The final push for women’s suffrage came on the eve of World War I.

对妇女选举权的最后推动是在第一次世界大战前夕。

Determined to win the vote, the National American Woman Suffrage Association developed a dual strategy that focused on the passage of state voting rights laws and on the ratification of an amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

为了赢得选票，美国全国妇女选举权协会制定了一项双重战略，重点是通过州投票权法和批准美国宪法修正案。

Meanwhile, a new, more militant, suffrage organization emerged on the scene.

与此同时，一个新的、更加激进的选举权组织出现了。

Led by Alice Paul, the National Woman’s Party took to the streets to demand voting rights, organizing marches and protests that mobilized thousands of women.

在爱丽丝·保罗的领导下，全国妇女党走上街头要求投票权，组织游行和抗议活动，动员了数千名妇女。

Beginning in January 1917, National Woman’s Party members also began to picket the White House, an action that led to the arrest and imprisonment of over 150 women.

从 1917 年 1 月开始，全国妇女党成员也开始在白宫设置纠察线，这一行动导致 150 多名妇女被捕和监禁。

In January 1918, President Woodrow Wilson declared his support for the women’s suffrage amendment, and two years later women’s suffrage became a reality.

1918年1月，伍德罗·威尔逊总统宣布支持妇女选举权修正案，两年后妇女选举权成为现实。

After the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, women from all walks of life mobilized to vote.

第十九修正案获得批准后，各行各业的妇女都动员起来投票。

They were driven by the promise of change but also in some cases by their anxieties about the future.

他们受到变革承诺的推动，但在某些情况下也受到对未来的焦虑的驱动。

Much had changed since their campaign began; the United States was now more industrial than not, increasingly more urban than rural.

自从他们的竞选活动开始以来，很多事情都发生了变化。美国现在的工业化程度比非工业化程度更高，城市化程度也越来越高，而不是农村化程度。

The activism and activities of these new urban denizens also gave rise to a new American culture.

这些新城市居民的激进主义和活动也催生了新的美国文化。

In one of the defining books of the Progressive Era, The Promise of American Life , Herbert Croly argued that because “the corrupt politician has usurped too much of the power which should be exercised by the people,” the “millionaire and the trust have appropriated too many of the economic opportunities formerly enjoyed by the people.” Croly and other reformers believed that wealth inequality eroded democracy and reformers had to win back for the people the power usurped by the moneyed trusts.

赫伯特·克罗利（Herbert Croly）在进步时代的代表作之一《美国生活的承诺》中指出，由于“腐败的政客篡夺了太多本应由人民行使的权力”，“百万富翁和信托机构侵占了太多人民以前享有的经济机会”。克罗利和其他改革者认为，财富不平等侵蚀了民主，改革者必须为人民赢回被金钱托拉斯篡夺的权力。

But what exactly were these “trusts,” and why did it suddenly seem so important to reform them?

但这些“信托”到底是什么？为什么改革它们突然显得如此重要？

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a trust was a monopoly or cartel associated with the large corporations of the Gilded and Progressive Eras who entered into agreements—legal or otherwise—or consolidations to exercise exclusive control over a specific product or industry under the control of a single entity.

在十九世纪末和二十世纪初，信托是与镀金时代和进步时代的大公司相关的垄断或卡特尔，这些公司签订法律或其他协议或合并，以在单一实体的控制下对特定产品或行业行使独家控制权。

Certain types of monopolies, specifically for intellectual property like copyrights, patents, trademarks, and trade secrets, are protected under the Constitution “to promote the progress of science and useful arts,” but for powerful entities to control entire national markets was something wholly new, and, for many Americans, wholly unsettling.

某些类型的垄断，特别是版权、专利、商标和商业秘密等知识产权，受到宪法的保护，“以促进科学和有用艺术的进步”，但对于强大的实体来说，控制整个国家市场是全新的事情，而且对许多美国人来说，完全令人不安。

An illustration shows a “Standard Oil” storage tank as an octopus with many tentacles wrapped around the steel, copper, and shipping industries, as well as a statehouse, the U.S. Capitol, and one tentacle reaching for the White House.

一幅插图将“标准石油”储罐描绘成一只章鱼，其许多触手缠绕着钢铁、铜和航运业，以及一座州议会大厦、美国国会大厦，其中一根触手伸向白宫。

The only building not yet within reach of the octopus is the White House—President Teddy Roosevelt had won a reputation as a trustbuster.

章鱼无法触及的唯一建筑物是白宫——泰迪·罗斯福总统赢得了反垄断者的声誉。

Udo Keppler, “Next!” 1904.

乌多·开普勒，“下一个！” 1904年。

Library of Congress (LC-USZCN4-122).

美国国会图书馆 (LC-USZCN4-122)。

The rapid industrialization, technological advancement, and urban growth of the 1870s and 1880s triggered major changes in the way businesses structured themselves.

1870 年代和 1880 年代的快速工业化、技术进步和城市发展引发了企业自身结构方式的重大变化。

The Second Industrial Revolution, made possible by available natural resources, growth in the labor supply through immigration, increasing capital, new legal economic entities, novel production strategies, and a growing national market, was commonly asserted to be the natural product of the federal government’s laissez faire, or “hands off,” economic policy.

第二次工业革命的实现得益于可用的自然资源、移民带来的劳动力供应的增长、资本的增加、新的合法经济实体、新颖的生产战略以及不断增长的国内市场，人们普遍认为这是联邦政府自由放任或“放手”经济政策的自然产物。

An unregulated business climate, the argument went, allowed for the growth of major trusts, most notably Andrew Carnegie’s Carnegie Steel (later consolidated with other producers as U.S. Steel) and John D.

有人认为，不受监管的商业环境促进了主要信托公司的发展，其中最著名的是安德鲁·卡内基的卡内基钢铁公司（后来与其他生产商合并为美国钢铁公司）和约翰·D·卡内基钢铁公司。

Rockefeller’s Standard Oil Company.

洛克菲勒的标准石油公司。

Each displayed the vertical and horizontal integration strategies common to the new trusts: Carnegie first used vertical integration by controlling every phase of business (raw materials, transportation, manufacturing, distribution), and Rockefeller adhered to horizontal integration by buying out competing refineries.

每个公司都展示了新信托所共有的纵向和横向整合策略：卡内基首先通过控制业务的每个阶段（原材料、运输、制造、分销）来使用纵向整合，而洛克菲勒则通过收购竞争炼油厂来坚持横向整合。

Once dominant in a market, critics alleged, the trusts could artificially inflate prices, bully rivals, and bribe politicians.

批评者声称，一旦在市场上占据主导地位，信托公司可能会人为抬高价格、欺凌竞争对手并贿赂政客。

Between 1897 and 1904, over four thousand companies were consolidated down into 257 corporate firms.

1897 年至 1904 年间，超过 4000 家公司合并为 257 家公司公司。

As one historian wrote, “By 1904 a total of 318 trusts held 40% of US manufacturing assets and boasted a capitalization of $7 billion, seven times bigger than the US national debt.” 24 With the twentieth century came the age of monopoly.

正如一位历史学家所写，“到 1904 年，共有 318 个信托公司持有美国 40% 的制造业资产，资本总额达 70 亿美元，是美国国债的七倍。” 24 二十世纪到来了垄断时代。

Mergers and the aggressive business policies of wealthy men such as Carnegie and Rockefeller earned them the epithet robber barons .

卡内基和洛克菲勒等富人的兼并和激进的商业政策为他们赢得了强盗大亨的绰号。

Their cutthroat stifling of economic competition, mistreatment of workers, and corruption of politics sparked an opposition that pushed for regulations to rein in the power of monopolies.

它们对经济竞争的残酷扼杀、对工人的虐待以及政治腐败引发了反对派，推动制定法规来遏制垄断势力。

The great corporations became a major target of reformers.

大公司成为改革者的主要目标。

Big business, whether in meatpacking, railroads, telegraph lines, oil, or steel, posed new problems for the American legal system.

大企业，无论是肉类加工、铁路、电报、石油还是钢铁，都给美国的法律体系带来了新的问题。

Before the Civil War, most businesses operated in a single state.

内战之前，大多数企业都在一个州运营。

They might ship goods across state lines or to other countries, but they typically had offices and factories in just one state.

他们可能会跨州或向其他国家运送货物，但他们通常只在一个州设有办事处和工厂。

Individual states naturally regulated industry and commerce.

各个州自然而然地对工商业进行监管。

But extensive railroad routes crossed several state lines and new mass-producing corporations operated across the nation, raising questions about where the authority to regulate such practices rested.

但广泛的铁路线跨越了几条州界线，新的大规模生产公司在全国范围内运营，这引发了人们对监管此类做法的权力在哪里的疑问。

During the 1870s, many states passed laws to check the growing power of vast new corporations.

1870 年代，许多州通过了法律来限制大型新公司不断增长的权力。

In the Midwest, farmers formed a network of organizations that were part political pressure group, part social club, and part mutual aid society.

在中西部，农民组成了一个组织网络，其中一部分是政治压力团体，一部分是社交俱乐部，一部分是互助协会。

Together they pushed for so-called Granger laws that regulated railroads and other new companies.

他们共同推动所谓的格兰杰法来监管铁路和其他新公司。

Railroads and others opposed these regulations because they restrained profits and because of the difficulty of meeting the standards of each state’s separate regulatory laws.

铁路公司和其他公司反对这些规定，因为它们限制了利润，而且很难满足每个州单独监管法律的标准。

In 1877, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld these laws in a series of rulings, finding in cases such as Munn v.

1877 年，美国最高法院在一系列裁决中维持了这些法律，并在 Munn v.

Illinois and Stone v.

伊利诺伊州和斯通诉。

Wisconsin that railroads and other companies of such size necessarily affected the public interest and could thus be regulated by individual states.

威斯康星州认为，铁路和其他如此规模的公司必然会影响公共利益，因此可以由各个州进行监管。

In Munn , the court declared, “Property does become clothed with a public interest when used in a manner to make it of public consequence, and affect the community at large.

在穆恩一案中，法院宣称：“当财产以某种方式使用以使其产生公共后果并影响整个社区时，它确实具有公共利益。

When, therefore, one devoted his property to a use in which the public has an interest, he, in effect, grants to the public an interest in that use, and must submit to be controlled by the public for the common good, to the extent of the interest he has thus created.” 25

因此，当一个人将其财产用于公众感兴趣的用途时，他实际上授予了公众对该用途的兴趣，并且必须在他由此创造的利益范围内为了共同利益而接受公众的控制。” 25

Later rulings, however, conceded that only the federal government could constitutionally regulate interstate commerce and the new national businesses operating it.

然而，后来的裁决承认，只有联邦政府才能根据宪法规范州际商业和经营州际商业的新全国企业。

And as more and more power and capital and market share flowed to the great corporations, the onus of regulation passed to the federal government.

随着越来越多的权力、资本和市场份额流向大公司，监管的责任就转移到了联邦政府身上。

In 1887, Congress passed the Interstate Commerce Act, which established the Interstate Commerce Commission to stop discriminatory and predatory pricing practices.

1887 年，国会通过了《州际商业法》，成立了州际商业委员会，以制止歧视性和掠夺性定价行为。

The Sherman Anti-Trust Act of 1890 aimed to limit anticompetitive practices, such as those institutionalized in cartels and monopolistic corporations.

1890 年的《谢尔曼反托拉斯法》旨在限制反竞争行为，例如卡特尔和垄断公司中制度化的行为。

It stated that a “trust .

它指出“信任”。

。

or conspiracy, in restraint of trade or commerce .

或阴谋，限制贸易或商业。

。

is declared to be illegal” and that those who “monopolize .

被宣布为非法”，并且那些“垄断”的人。

。

any part of the trade or commerce .

贸易或商业的任何部分。

。

shall be deemed guilty.” 26 The Sherman Anti-Trust Act declared that not all monopolies were illegal, only those that “unreasonably” stifled free trade.

应被判有罪。” 26 《谢尔曼反托拉斯法》宣称，并非所有垄断都是非法的，只有那些“不合理”扼杀自由贸易的垄断才是非法的。

The courts seized on the law’s vague language, however, and the act was turned against itself, manipulated and used, for instance, to limit the growing power of labor unions.

然而，法院利用了该法律含糊的语言，将该法案变成了针对自身的行为，并被操纵和利用，例如限制工会日益增长的权力。

Only in 1914, with the Clayton Anti-Trust Act, did Congress attempt to close loopholes in previous legislation.

直到 1914 年，国会通过《克莱顿反托拉斯法》才试图堵住之前立法中的漏洞。

Aggression against the trusts—and the progressive vogue for “trust busting”—took on new meaning under the presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, a reform-minded Republican who ascended to the presidency after the death of William McKinley in 1901.

在西奥多·罗斯福 (Theodore Roosevelt) 的领导下，对信托的攻击以及“破坏信托”的进步风潮被赋予了新的含义。西奥多·罗斯福是一位具有改革思想的共和党人，在 1901 年威廉·麦金莱 (William McKinley) 去世后继任总统。

Roosevelt’s youthful energy and confrontational politics captivated the nation.” 27 Roosevelt was by no means antibusiness.

罗斯福的年轻活力和对抗性政治吸引了全国。” 27 罗斯福绝不是反商业的。

Instead, he envisioned his presidency as a mediator between opposing forces, such as between labor unions and corporate executives.

相反，他将自己的总统任期设想为对立力量之间的调解人，例如工会和企业高管之间的调解人。

Despite his own wealthy background, Roosevelt pushed for antitrust legislation and regulations, arguing that the courts could not be relied on to break up the trusts.

尽管罗斯福拥有富裕的背景，但他仍然推动反垄断立法和监管，认为不能依靠法院来解散信托。

Roosevelt also used his own moral judgment to determine which monopolies he would pursue.

罗斯福还利用自己的道德判断来决定他将追求哪些垄断。

Roosevelt believed that there were good and bad trusts, necessary monopolies and corrupt ones.

罗斯福认为，信托有好坏之分，有必要的垄断，也有腐败的垄断。

Although his reputation as a trust buster was wildly exaggerated, he was the first major national politician to go after the trusts.

尽管他作为信托破坏者的名声被过分夸大了，但他是第一个追查信托的主要国家政治家。

“The great corporations which we have grown to speak of rather loosely as trusts,” he said, “are the creatures of the State, and the State not only has the right to control them, but it is in duty bound to control them wherever the need of such control is shown.” 28

他说：“我们逐渐将大公司称为信托，它们是国家的创造物，国家不仅有权控制它们，而且有义务在需要控制的地方对其进行控制。” 28

His first target was the Northern Securities Company, a “holding” trust in which several wealthy bankers, most famously J.

他的第一个目标是北方证券公司，这是一家“控股”信托公司，其中有几位富有的银行家，其中最著名的是 J.

P。

Morgan, used to hold controlling shares in all the major railroad companies in the American Northwest.

摩根曾控股美国西北部所有主要铁路公司。

Holding trusts had emerged as a way to circumvent the Sherman Anti-Trust Act: by controlling the majority of shares, rather than the principal, Morgan and his collaborators tried to claim that it was not a monopoly.

控股信托的出现是为了规避谢尔曼反托拉斯法：通过控制大部分股份而不是委托人，摩根和他的合作者试图声称这不是垄断。

Roosevelt’s administration sued and won in court, and in 1904 the Northern Securities Company was ordered to disband into separate competitive companies.

罗斯福政府提起诉讼并在法庭上获胜，1904 年北方证券公司被勒令解散为独立的竞争公司。

Two years later, in 1906, Roosevelt signed the Hepburn Act, allowing the Interstate Commerce Commission to regulate best practices and set reasonable rates for the railroads.

两年后，即 1906 年，罗斯福签署了《赫本法案》，允许州际商业委员会规范最佳做法并为铁路设定合理的费率。

Roosevelt was more interested in regulating corporations than breaking them apart.

罗斯福更感兴趣的是监管公司而不是拆分公司。

Besides, the courts were slow and unpredictable.

此外，法庭审理速度缓慢且难以预测。

However, his successor after 1908, William Howard Taft, firmly believed in court-oriented trust busting and during his four years in office more than doubled the number of monopoly breakups that occurred during Roosevelt’s seven years in office.

然而，他 1908 年之后的继任者威廉·霍华德·塔夫脱 (William Howard Taft) 坚信以法院为导向的垄断打破，在他的四年任期内，打破垄断的数量比罗斯福七年间增加了一倍多。

Taft notably went after U.S. Steel, the world’s first billion-dollar corporation formed from the consolidation of nearly every major American steel producer.

塔夫脱特别关注的是美国钢铁公司，这是世界上第一家价值数十亿美元的公司，由几乎所有美国主要钢铁生产商合并而成。

Trust busting and the handling of monopolies dominated the election of 1912.

破坏信任和处理垄断是 1912 年选举的主要内容。

When the Republican Party spurned Roosevelt’s return to politics and renominated the incumbent Taft, Roosevelt left and formed his own coalition, the Progressive or “Bull Moose” Party.

当共和党拒绝罗斯福重返政坛并重新提名现任塔夫脱时，罗斯福离开并组建了自己的联盟，即进步党或“公驼鹿”党。

Whereas Taft took an all-encompassing view on the illegality of monopolies, Roosevelt adopted a New Nationalism program, which once again emphasized the regulation of already existing corporations or the expansion of federal power over the economy.

塔夫脱对垄断的非法性采取了全面的看法，而罗斯福则采取了新民族主义计划，该计划再次强调对现有公司的监管或扩大联邦对经济的权力。

In contrast, Woodrow Wilson, the Democratic Party nominee, emphasized in his New Freedom agenda neither trust busting nor federal regulation but rather small-business incentives so that individual companies could increase their competitive chances.

相比之下，民主党提名人伍德罗·威尔逊在他的新自由议程中强调的既不是破坏信任，也不是联邦监管，而是小企业激励措施，以便个体公司能够增加竞争机会。

Yet once he won the election, Wilson edged nearer to Roosevelt’s position, signing the Clayton Anti-Trust Act of 1914.

然而，一旦赢得选举，威尔逊就签署了 1914 年《克莱顿反托拉斯法》，向罗斯福的立场靠拢。

The Clayton Anti-Trust Act substantially enhanced the Sherman Act, specifically regulating mergers and price discrimination and protecting labor’s access to collective bargaining and related strategies of picketing, boycotting, and protesting.

《克莱顿反托拉斯法》极大地增强了《谢尔曼法》，特别规范合并和价格歧视，并保护劳工参与集体谈判和纠察、抵制和抗议的相关策略。

Congress further created the Federal Trade Commission to enforce the Clayton Act, ensuring at least some measure of implementation.

国会进一步成立了联邦贸易委员会来执行《克莱顿法案》，确保至少某种程度的实施。

While the three presidents—Roosevelt, Taft, and Wilson—pushed the development and enforcement of antitrust law, their commitments were uneven, and trust busting itself manifested the political pressure put on politicians by the workers, farmers, and progressive writers who so strongly drew attention to the ramifications of trusts and corporate capital on the lives of everyday Americans.

尽管罗斯福、塔夫脱和威尔逊这三位总统推动了反垄断法的制定和实施，但他们的承诺并不均衡，破坏信任本身就体现了工人、农民和进步作家对政客施加的政治压力，他们强烈地引起人们对信托和企业资本对普通美国人生活的影响的关注。

The potential scope of environmental destruction wrought by industrial capitalism was unparalleled in human history.

工业资本主义对环境造成的潜在破坏范围在人类历史上是空前的。

Professional bison hunting expeditions nearly eradicated an entire species, industrialized logging companies denuded whole forests, and chemical plants polluted an entire region’s water supply.

专业的野牛狩猎探险几乎消灭了整个物种，工业化伐木公司砍伐了整个森林，化工厂污染了整个地区的供水。

As American development and industrialization marched westward, reformers embraced environmental protections.

随着美国的发展和工业化向西推进，改革者拥抱了环境保护。

Historians often cite preservation and conservation as two competing strategies that dueled for supremacy among environmental reformers during the Progressive Era.

历史学家经常将保护和保护视为进步时代环境改革者争夺霸主地位的两种相互竞争的策略。

The tensions between these two approaches crystalized in the debate over a proposed dam in the Hetch Hetchy Valley in California.

这两种方法之间的紧张关系在关于加州赫奇赫奇山谷拟建大坝的争论中得到了体现。

The fight revolved around the provision of water for San Francisco.

这场斗争围绕着为旧金山供水而展开。

Engineers identified the location where the Tuolumne River ran through Hetch Hetchy as an ideal site for a reservoir.

工程师们确定图奥勒米河流经赫奇赫奇的位置是修建水库的理想地点。

The project had been suggested in the 1880s but picked up momentum in the early twentieth century.

该项目于 1880 年代提出，但在 20 世纪初期势头强劲。

But the valley was located inside Yosemite National Park.

但该山谷位于优胜美地国家公园内。

(Yosemite was designated a national park in 1890, though the land had been set aside earlier in a grant approved by President Lincoln in 1864.) The debate over Hetch Hetchy revealed two distinct positions on the value of the valley and on the purpose of public lands.

（优胜美地于 1890 年被指定为国家公园，尽管这片土地早在 1864 年林肯总统批准的拨款中就已划出。）关于赫奇赫奇的争论揭示了关于山谷价值和公共土地用途的两种截然不同的立场。

John Muir, a naturalist, a writer, and founder of the Sierra Club, invoked the “God of the Mountains” in his defense of the valley in its supposedly pristine condition.

约翰·缪尔 (John Muir) 是一位博物学家、作家和塞拉俱乐部 (Sierra Club) 的创始人，他援引“山神”来保护山谷的原始状态。

Gifford Pinchot, arguably the father of American forestry and a key player in the federal management of national forests, meanwhile emphasized what he understood to be the purpose of conservation: “to take every part of the land and its resources and put it to that use in which it will serve the most people.” Muir took a wider view of what the people needed, writing that “everybody needs beauty as well as bread.” 30 These dueling arguments revealed the key differences in environmental thought: Muir, on the side of the preservationists, advocated setting aside pristine lands for their aesthetic and spiritual value, for those who could take his advice to “[get] in touch with the nerves of Mother Earth.” 31 Pinchot, on the other hand, led the charge for conservation, a kind of environmental utilitarianism that emphasized the efficient use of available resources, through planning and control and “the prevention of waste.” 32 In Hetch Hetchy, conservation won out.

吉福德·平肖（Gifford Pinchot）可以说是美国林业之父，也是国家森林联邦管理的关键人物，他同时强调了他所理解的保护目的：“利用每一部分土地及其资源，并将其用于为大多数人服务的用途。”缪尔对人们的需求有更广泛的看法，他写道：“每个人都需要美丽，也需要面包。” 30 这些对立的论点揭示了环境思想中的关键差异：缪尔站在保护主义者一边，主张为了美学和精神价值而保留原始土地，为那些能够接受他的建议“接触地球母亲的神经”的人。 31 另一方面，平肖领导了保护工作，这是一种环境功利主义，强调通过规划和控制以及“防止浪费”有效利用现有资源。 32 在赫奇赫奇 (Hetch Hetchy)，保护取得了胜利。

Congress approved the project in 1913.

国会于 1913 年批准了该项目。

The dam was built and the valley flooded for the benefit of San Francisco residents.

为了旧金山居民的利益，修建了大坝并淹没了山谷。

The image on the top shows the Hetch Hetchy Valley before it was dammed.

顶部的图片显示了筑坝之前的赫奇赫奇山谷。

The bottom photograph, taken almost a century later, shows the obvious difference after damming, with the submergence of the valley floor under the reservoir waters.

底部的照片是近一个世纪后拍摄的，显示了筑坝后的明显差异，谷底淹没在水库水域之下。

Photograph of the Hetch Hetchy Valley before damming, from the Sierra Club Bulletin, January 1908.

筑坝前赫奇赫奇山谷的照片，来自塞拉俱乐部公报，1908 年 1 月。

Wikimedia ; Daniel Mayer (photographer), May 2002.

维基媒体；丹尼尔·梅耶尔（摄影师），2002 年 5 月。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

While preservation was often articulated as an escape from an increasingly urbanized and industrialized way of life and as a welcome respite from the challenges of modernity (at least, for those who had the means to escape), the conservationists were more closely aligned with broader trends in American society.

虽然保护经常被描述为逃离日益城市化和工业化的生活方式，并作为摆脱现代性挑战的一种受欢迎的喘息机会（至少对于那些有办法逃脱的人来说），但保护主义者与美国社会更广泛的趋势更加紧密地结合在一起。

Although the “greatest good for the greatest number” was very nearly the catchphrase of conservation, conservationist policies most often benefited the nation’s financial interests.

尽管“为最大多数人谋求最大利益”几乎是保护的口号，但保护主义政策通常有利于国家的经济利益。

For example, many states instituted game laws to regulate hunting and protect wildlife, but laws could be entirely unbalanced.

例如，许多州制定了狩猎法来规范狩猎和保护野生动物，但法律可能完全不平衡。

In Pennsylvania, local game laws included requiring firearm permits for noncitizens, barred hunting on Sundays, and banned the shooting of songbirds.

在宾夕法尼亚州，当地的狩猎法包括要求非公民持有枪支许可证、禁止周日狩猎以及禁止射击鸣禽。

These laws disproportionately affected Italian immigrants, critics said, as Italians often hunted songbirds for subsistence, worked in mines for low wages every day but Sunday, and were too poor to purchase permits or to pay the fines levied against them when game wardens caught them breaking these new laws.

批评人士称，这些法律对意大利移民的影响尤为严重，因为意大利人经常以捕猎鸣禽为生，除周日外每天都在矿井工作，工资很低，而且太穷，无法购买许可证，也无法支付狩猎管理员发现他们违反这些新法律时征收的罚款。

Other laws, for example, offered up resources to businesses at costs prohibitive to all but the wealthiest companies and individuals, or with regulatory requirements that could be met only by companies with extensive resources.

例如，其他法律以除了最富有的公司和个人之外的所有人都望而却步的成本向企业提供资源，或者规定只有拥有丰富资源的公司才能满足的监管要求。

But Progressive Era environmentalism addressed more than the management of American public lands.

但进步时代的环保主义不仅仅涉及美国公共土地的管理。

After all, reformers addressing issues facing the urban poor were also doing environmental work.

毕竟，解决城市贫民面临的问题的改革者也在做环境工作。

Settlement house workers like Jane Addams and Florence Kelley focused on questions of health and sanitation, while activists concerned with working conditions, most notably Dr. Alice Hamilton, investigated both worksite hazards and occupational and bodily harm.

像简·亚当斯（Jane Addams）和弗洛伦斯·凯利（Florence Kelley）这样的安置所工作人员关注健康和卫生问题，而关注工作条件的积极分子，尤其是爱丽丝·汉密尔顿博士，则调查了工作场所的危害以及职业和身体伤害。

The progressives’ commitment to the provision of public services at the municipal level meant more coordination and oversight in matters of public health, waste management, and even playgrounds and city parks.

进步人士致力于在市一级提供公共服务，这意味着在公共卫生、废物管理、甚至游乐场和城市公园等问题上需要更多的协调和监督。

Their work focused on the intersection of communities and their material environments, highlighting the urgency of urban environmental concerns.

他们的工作重点是社区及其物质环境的交集，强调了城市环境问题的紧迫性。

While reform movements focused their attention on the urban poor, other efforts targeted rural communities.

虽然改革运动将注意力集中在城市贫民身上，但其他努力则针对农村社区。

The Country Life movement, spearheaded by Liberty Hyde Bailey, sought to support agrarian families and encourage young people to stay in their communities and run family farms.

由自由·海德·贝利 (Liberty Hyde Bailey) 领导的乡村生活运动旨在支持农业家庭并鼓励年轻人留在社区并经营家庭农场。

Early-twentieth-century educational reforms included a commitment to environmentalism at the elementary level.

二十世纪初的教育改革包括在小学阶段对环保主义的承诺。

Led by Bailey and Anna Botsford Comstock, the nature study movement took students outside to experience natural processes and to help them develop observational skills and an appreciation for the natural world.

由贝利和安娜·博茨福德·康斯托克领导的自然研究运动让学生到户外体验自然过程，帮助他们培养观察技能和对自然世界的欣赏能力。

Other examples highlight the interconnectedness of urban and rural communities in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

其他例子凸显了十九世纪末二十世纪初城市和农村社区的相互联系。

The extinction of the North American passenger pigeon reveals the complexity of Progressive Era relationships between people and nature.

北美旅鸽的灭绝揭示了进步时代人与自然关系的复杂性。

Passenger pigeons were actively hunted, prepared at New York’s finest restaurants and in the humblest of farm kitchens.

人们积极地捕猎旅鸽，并在纽约最好的餐厅和最简陋的农场厨房里进行烹饪。

Some hunted them for pay; others shot them in competitions at sporting clubs.

有些人为了报酬而猎杀它们；有些人则为了报酬而猎杀它们。其他人在体育俱乐部的比赛中向他们开枪。

And then they were gone, their ubiquity giving way only to nostalgia.

然后它们就消失了，它们的无处不在只让位于怀旧之情。

Many Americans took notice at the great extinction of a species that had perhaps numbered in the billions and then was eradicated.

许多美国人注意到了一个可能有数十亿个物种的大灭绝，然后被消灭了。

Women in Audubon Society chapters organized against the fashion of wearing feathers—even whole birds—on ladies’ hats.

奥杜邦协会的女性分会组织起来反对在女士帽子上佩戴羽毛（甚至整只鸟）的时尚。

Upper- and middle-class women made up the lion’s share of the membership of these societies.

上层和中产阶级女性在这些社团的成员中占了大部分。

They used their social standing to fight for birds.

他们利用自己的社会地位来争夺鸟类。

Pressure created national wildlife refuges and key laws and regulations that included the Lacey Act of 1900, banning the shipment of species killed illegally across state lines.

压力催生了国家野生动物保护区和关键法律法规，其中包括 1900 年《雷斯法案》，该法案禁止跨州运输非法捕杀的物种。

Examining how women mobilized contemporary notions of womanhood in the service of protecting birds reveals a tangle of cultural and economic processes.

审视女性如何调动当代女性观念来保护鸟类，揭示了文化和经济进程的错综复杂。

Such examples also reveal the range of ideas, policies, and practices wrapped up in figuring out what—and who—American nature should be for.

这些例子还揭示了在弄清楚美国的本质应该为了什么以及为谁而设计的过程中所包含的一系列思想、政策和实践。

America’s tragic racial history was not erased by the Progressive Era.

美国悲惨的种族历史并没有被进步时代抹去。

In fact, in all too many ways, reform removed African Americans ever farther from American public life.

事实上，改革在很多方面使非裔美国人远离美国公共生活。

In the South, electoral politics remained a parade of electoral fraud, voter intimidation, and race-baiting.

在南方，选举政治仍然充斥着选举舞弊、选民恐吓和种族诱饵。

Democratic Party candidates stirred southern whites into frenzies with warnings of “negro domination” and of Black men violating white women.

民主党候选人对“黑人统治”和黑人男性侵犯白人女性的警告激起了南方白人的狂热。

The region’s culture of racial violence and the rise of lynching as a mass public spectacle accelerated.

该地区的种族暴力文化和私刑作为大众公共景观的兴起加速。

And as the remaining African American voters threatened the dominance of Democratic leadership in the South, southern Democrats turned to what many white southerners understood as a series of progressive electoral and social reforms—disenfranchisement and segregation.

当剩下的非裔美国选民威胁到民主党在南方的领导地位时，南方民主党人转向了许多南方白人所理解的一系列进步的选举和社会改革——剥夺公民权和种族隔离。

Just as reformers would clean up politics by taming city political machines, white southerners would “purify” the ballot box by restricting Black voting, and they would prevent racial strife by legislating the social separation of the races.

正如改革者会通过驯服城市政治机器来清理政治一样，南方白人会通过限制黑人投票来“净化”投票箱，他们会通过立法划分种族的社会隔离来防止种族冲突。

The strongest supporters of such measures in the South were progressive Democrats and former Populists, both of whom saw in these reforms a way to eliminate the racial demagoguery that conservative Democratic party leaders had so effectively wielded.

南方此类措施的最有力支持者是进步的民主党人和前民粹主义者，他们都认为这些改革是消除保守派民主党领导人有效利用的种族煽动行为的一种方法。

Leaders in both the North and South embraced and proclaimed the reunion of the sections on the basis of white supremacy.

南北双方领导人拥抱并宣布各派在白人至上的基础上重新团结。

As the nation took up the “white man’s burden” to uplift the world’s racially inferior peoples, the North looked to the South as an example of how to manage nonwhite populations.

当国家承担起“白人的重担”来提升世界上劣等民族的生活时，北方将南方视为如何管理非白人人口的榜样。

The South had become the nation’s racial vanguard.

南方已成为国家的种族先锋。

The question was how to accomplish disfranchisement.

问题是如何实现剥夺选举权。

The Fifteenth Amendment clearly prohibited states from denying any citizen the right to vote on the basis of race.

第十五修正案明确禁止各州因种族原因剥夺任何公民的投票权。

In 1890, a Mississippi state newspaper called on politicians to devise “some legal defensible substitute for the abhorrent and evil methods on which white supremacy lies.” 34 The state’s Democratic Party responded with a new state constitution designed to purge corruption at the ballot box through disenfranchisement.

1890 年，密西西比州的一份州报纸呼吁政客们设计“某种合法的、可辩护的替代品，以取代白人至上主义所依赖的令人憎恶和邪恶的方法”。 34 该州民主党以一部新的州宪法作为回应，旨在通过剥夺选举权来清除投票箱中的腐败行为。

African Americans hoping to vote in Mississippi would have to jump through a series of hurdles designed with the explicit purpose of excluding them from political power.

希望在密西西比州投票的非裔美国人必须跨越一系列障碍，这些障碍的明确目的就是将他们排除在政治权力之外。

The state first established a poll tax, which required voters to pay for the privilege of voting.

该州首先设立了人头税，要求选民为投票权付费。

Second, it stripped suffrage from those convicted of petty crimes most common among the state’s African Americans.

其次，它剥夺了那些犯有该州非裔美国人中最常见的轻罪的人的选举权。

Next, the state required voters to pass a literacy test.

接下来，该州要求选民通过识字测试。

Local voting officials, who were themselves part of the local party machine, were responsible for judging whether voters were able to read and understand a section of the Constitution.

地方投票官员本身就是地方政党机器的一部分，负责判断选民是否能够阅读和理解宪法的某一部分。

In order to protect illiterate whites from exclusion, the so-called “understanding clause” allowed a voter to qualify if they could adequately explain the meaning of a section that was read to them.

为了保护文盲白人不被排除在外，所谓的“理解条款”允许选民如果能够充分解释向他们朗读的某个部分的含义，就可以获得资格。

In practice these rules were systematically abused to the point where local election officials effectively wielded the power to permit and deny suffrage at will.

在实践中，这些规则被系统性地滥用，以至于地方选举官员有效地行使了随意允许和拒绝选举权的权力。

The disenfranchisement laws effectively moved electoral conflict from the ballot box, where public attention was greatest, to the voting registrar, where supposedly color-blind laws allowed local party officials to deny the ballot without the appearance of fraud.

剥夺选举权的法律有效地将选举冲突从公众最关注的投票箱转移到了投票登记处，那里的法律被认为是无肤色歧视的，允许当地政党官员在不出现舞弊的情况下拒绝投票。

Between 1895 and 1908, the rest of the states in the South approved new constitutions including these disenfranchisement tools.

1895 年至 1908 年间，南方其他州批准了新宪法，其中包括这些剥夺公民权的工具。

Six southern states also added a grandfather clause, which bestowed suffrage on anyone whose grandfather was eligible to vote in 1867.

南部六个州还增加了一项祖父条款，该条款赋予祖父在 1867 年有资格投票的任何人选举权。

This ensured that whites who would have been otherwise excluded through mechanisms such as poll taxes or literacy tests would still be eligible, at least until grandfather clauses were struck down by the Supreme Court in 1915.

这确保了原本通过人头税或识字测试等机制被排除在外的白人仍然有资格，至少在1915年最高法院废除祖父条款之前是这样。

Finally, each southern state adopted an all-white primary and excluded Black Americans from the Democratic primary, the only political contests that mattered across much of the South.

最后，每个南方州都采用了全白人初选，并将美国黑人排除在民主党初选之外，这是对南方大部分地区唯一重要的政治竞争。

For all the legal double-talk, the purpose of these laws was plain.

对于所有法律上的双关语，这些法律的目的很简单。

James Kimble Vardaman, later governor of Mississippi, boasted that “there is no use to equivocate or lie about the matter.

后来的密西西比州州长詹姆斯·金布尔·瓦尔达曼 (James Kimble Vardaman) 吹嘘道：“在此事上含糊其辞或撒谎是没有用的。

Mississippi’s constitutional convention was held for no other purpose than to eliminate the nigger from politics; not the ignorant—but the nigger.” 37 These technically color-blind tools did their work well.

密西西比州举行制宪会议的目的无非就是将黑人从政治中消灭。不是无知的人，而是黑鬼。” 37 这些技术上的色盲工具做得很好。

In 1900 Alabama had 121,159 literate Black men of voting age.

1900 年，阿拉巴马州有 121,159 名具有投票年龄的识字黑人。

Only 3,742 were registered to vote.

只有 3,742 人登记投票。

Louisiana had 130,000 Black voters in the contentious election of 1896.

在 1896 年备受争议的选举中，路易斯安那州拥有 13 万黑人选民。

Only 5,320 voted in 1900.

1900 年只有 5,320 人投票。

Black people were clearly the target of these laws, but that did not prevent some whites from being disenfranchised as well.

黑人显然是这些法律的目标，但这并不能阻止一些白人被剥夺公民权。

Louisiana dropped 80,000 white voters over the same period.

同期路易斯安那州白人选民减少了 80,000 名。

Most politically engaged southern whites considered this a price worth paying to prevent the alleged fraud that plagued the region’s elections.

大多数参与政治的南方白人认为，为了防止困扰该地区选举的涉嫌欺诈行为，这是值得付出的代价。

At the same time that the South’s Democratic leaders were adopting the tools to disenfranchise the region’s Black voters, these same legislatures were constructing a system of racial segregation even more pernicious.

与此同时，南方民主党领导人正在采取措施剥夺该地区黑人选民的选举权，这些立法机构正在构建更加有害的种族隔离制度。

While it built on earlier practice, segregation was primarily a modern and urban system of enforcing racial subordination and deference.

虽然它建立在早期实践的基础上，但种族隔离主要是一种强化种族从属和尊重的现代城市制度。

In rural areas, white and Black southerners negotiated the meaning of racial difference within the context of personal relationships of kinship and patronage.

在农村地区，南方白人和黑人在个人亲属关系和赞助关系的背景下协商种族差异的含义。

An African American who broke the local community’s racial norms could expect swift personal sanction that often included violence.

违反当地社区种族规范的非裔美国人可能会受到迅速的个人制裁，其中通常包括暴力。

The crop lien and convict lease systems were the most important legal tools of racial control in the rural South.

农作物留置权和罪犯租赁制度是南方农村地区种族控制最重要的法律工具。

Maintaining white supremacy there did not require segregation.

在那里维持白人至上并不需要种族隔离。

Maintaining white supremacy within the city, however, was a different matter altogether.

然而，在城市内维持白人至上则完全是另一回事。

As the region’s railroad networks and cities expanded, so too did the anonymity and therefore freedom of southern Black people.

随着该地区铁路网络和城市的扩张，南部黑人的匿名性和自由也随之扩大。

Southern cities were becoming a center of Black middle-class life that was an implicit threat to racial hierarchies.

南方城市正在成为黑人中产阶级生活的中心，这对种族等级制度构成了隐性威胁。

White southerners created the system of segregation as a way to maintain white supremacy in restaurants, theaters, public restrooms, schools, water fountains, train cars, and hospitals.

南方白人创建了种族隔离制度，作为在餐馆、剧院、公共卫生间、学校、饮水机、火车车厢和医院维持白人至上的一种方式。

Segregation inscribed the superiority of whites and the deference of Black people into the very geography of public spaces.

种族隔离将白人的优越性和黑人的尊重铭刻在公共空间的地理中。

As with disenfranchisement, segregation violated a plain reading of the Constitution—in this case the Fourteenth Amendment.

与剥夺公民权一样，种族隔离也违反了对宪法的简单解读——在本案中违反了第十四修正案。

Here the Supreme Court intervened, ruling in the Civil Rights Cases (1883) that the Fourteenth Amendment only prevented discrimination directly by states.

最高法院对此进行了干预，在民权案件（1883）中裁定第十四修正案仅防止各州直接歧视。

It did not prevent discrimination by individuals, businesses, or other entities.

它并没有防止个人、企业或其他实体的歧视。

Southern states exploited this interpretation with the first legal segregation of railroad cars in 1888.

南方各州利用这一解释，于 1888 年首次在法律上规定了火车车厢隔离。

In a case that reached the Supreme Court in 1896, New Orleans resident Homer Plessy challenged the constitutionality of Louisiana’s segregation of streetcars.

在 1896 年最高法院审理的一起案件中，新奥尔良居民荷马·普莱西 (Homer Plessy) 对路易斯安那州有轨电车隔离政策的合宪性提出质疑。

The court ruled against Plessy and, in the process, established the legal principle of separate but equal.

法院做出了普莱西败诉的判决，并在此过程中确立了分离但平等的法律原则。

Racially segregated facilities were legal provided they were equivalent.

种族隔离设施只要是同等的，就是合法的。

In practice this was almost never the case.

实际上，情况几乎从未如此。

The court’s majority defended its position with logic that reflected the racial assumptions of the day.

法院的多数人用反映当时种族假设的逻辑捍卫了自己的立场。

“If one race be inferior to the other socially,” the court explained, “the Constitution of the United States cannot put them upon the same plane.” Justice John Harlan, the lone dissenter, countered, “Our Constitution is color-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens.

“如果一个种族在社会地位上不如另一个种族，”法院解释道，“美国宪法就不能将他们放在同一平面上。”唯一的反对者约翰·哈伦法官反驳道：“我们的宪法是无肤色歧视的，既不了解也不容忍公民中的阶级。

In respect of civil rights, all citizens are equal before the law.” Harlan went on to warn that the court’s decision would “permit the seeds of race hatred to be planted under the sanction of law.” 39 In their rush to fulfill Harlan’s prophecy, southern whites codified and enforced the segregation of public spaces.

在公民权利方面，所有公民在法律面前一律平等。”哈伦接着警告说，法院的裁决将“允许在法律的制裁下播下种族仇恨的种子”。 39 为了急于实现哈伦的预言，南方白人制定并强制执行公共场所的隔离。

Segregation was built on a fiction—that there could be a white South socially and culturally distinct from African Americans.

种族隔离是建立在一种虚构之上的——可能存在一个在社会和文化上与非裔美国人截然不同的南方白人。

Its legal basis rested on the constitutional fallacy of “separate but equal.” Southern whites erected a bulwark of white supremacy that would last for nearly sixty years.

其法律基础建立在“隔离但平等”的宪法谬误之上。南方白人建立了白人至上的堡垒，持续了近六十年。

Segregation and disenfranchisement in the South rejected Black citizenship and relegated Black social and cultural life to segregated spaces.

南方的种族隔离和剥夺公民权拒绝了黑人公民身份，并将黑人的社会和文化生活置于隔离的空间。

African Americans lived divided lives, acting the part whites demanded of them in public, while maintaining their own world apart from whites.

非裔美国人过着分裂的生活，在公共场合按照白人的要求行事，同时又维持着与白人分开的自己的世界。

This segregated world provided a measure of independence for the region’s growing Black middle class, yet at the cost of poisoning the relationship between Black and white.

这个种族隔离的世界为该地区不断壮大的黑人中产阶级提供了一定程度的独立性，但代价却是破坏了黑人与白人之间的关系。

Segregation and disenfranchisement created entrenched structures of racism that completed the total rejection of the promises of Reconstruction.

种族隔离和剥夺公民权造成了根深蒂固的种族主义结构，彻底拒绝了重建的承诺。

And yet many Black Americans of the Progressive Era fought back.

然而，进步时代的许多美国黑人进行了反击。

Just as activists such as Ida Wells worked against southern lynching, Booker T.

正如艾达·威尔斯 (Ida Wells) 等积极分子反对南方私刑一样，布克·T.

Washington and W.

华盛顿和W.

Du Bois vied for leadership among African American activists, resulting in years of intense rivalry and debated strategies for the uplifting of Black Americans.

杜波依斯在非裔美国活动人士中争夺领导权，导致多年来激烈的竞争和关于提升美国黑人地位的策略的争论。

Born into the world of bondage in Virginia in 1856, Booker Taliaferro Washington was subjected to the degradation and exploitation of slavery early in life.

布克·塔利费罗·华盛顿 (Booker Taliaferro Washington) 1856 年出生于弗吉尼亚州的奴隶世界，早年就遭受了奴隶制的侮辱和剥削。

But Washington also developed an insatiable thirst to learn.

但华盛顿也产生了永不满足的学习渴望。

Working against tremendous odds, Washington matriculated into Hampton University in Virginia and thereafter established a southern institution that would educate many Black Americans, the Tuskegee Institute, located in Alabama.

华盛顿克服重重困难，考入了弗吉尼亚州汉普顿大学，此后建立了一所南方机构，位于阿拉巴马州的塔斯基吉学院，为许多美国黑人提供教育。

Washington envisioned that Tuskegee’s contribution to Black life would come through industrial education and vocational training.

华盛顿设想塔斯基吉对黑人生活的贡献将通过工业教育和职业培训来实现。

He believed that such skills would help African Americans accomplish economic independence while developing a sense of self-worth and pride of accomplishment, even while living within the putrid confines of Jim Crow.

他相信，这些技能将帮助非裔美国人实现经济独立，同时培养自我价值感和成就感，即使生活在种族隔离制度的腐臭范围内。

Washington poured his life into Tuskegee, and thereby connected with leading white philanthropic interests.

华盛顿将自己的一生倾注在塔斯基吉，从而与领先的白人慈善团体建立了联系。

Individuals such as Andrew Carnegie, for instance, financially assisted Washington and his educational ventures.

例如，安德鲁·卡内基等个人为华盛顿及其教育事业提供了经济援助。

The strategies of Booker T.

布克·T.的策略

Washington and W.E.B.

华盛顿和 W.E.B.

Du Bois differed, but their desire remained the same: better lives for African Americans.

杜波依斯的观点有所不同，但他们的愿望仍然相同：让非裔美国人过上更好的生活。

Harris & Ewing, “WASHINGTON BOOKER T,” between 1905 and 1915.

哈里斯和尤因，《华盛顿布克 T》，1905 年至 1915 年间。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

Washington became a leading spokesperson for Black Americans at the turn of the twentieth century, particularly after Frederick Douglass’s death in early 1895.

华盛顿在 20 世纪之交成为美国黑人的主要代言人，特别是在 1895 年初弗雷德里克·道格拉斯 (Frederick Douglass) 去世后。

Washington’s famous “Atlanta Compromise” speech from that same year encouraged Black Americans to “cast your bucket down” to improve life’s lot under segregation.

同年，华盛顿著名的“亚特兰大妥协”演讲鼓励美国黑人“放下水桶”，改善种族隔离下的生活。

In the same speech, delivered one year before the Supreme Court’s Plessy v.

在最高法院审理普莱西诉美国案一年前发表的同一篇演讲中。

Ferguson decision that legalized segregation under the “separate but equal” doctrine, Washington said to white Americans, “In all things that are purely social we can be as separate as the fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress.” 40 Washington was both praised as a race leader and pilloried as an accommodationist to America’s unjust racial hierarchy; his public advocacy of a conciliatory posture toward white supremacy concealed the efforts to which he went to assist African Americans in the legal and economic quest for racial justice.

弗格森决定根据“隔离但平等”的原则使种族隔离合法化，华盛顿对美国白人说，“在所有纯粹社会性的事情上，我们可以像手指一样分开，但在所有对共同进步至关重要的事情上，我们可以像手一样团结。” 40 华盛顿既被誉为种族领袖，又被嘲笑为美国不公正种族等级制度的迁就主义者；他公开主张对白人至上采取和解姿态，掩盖了他为帮助非裔美国人在法律和经济上寻求种族正义而做出的努力。

In addition to founding Tuskegee, Washington also published a handful of influential books, including the autobiography Up from Slavery (1901).

除了创立塔斯基吉之外，华盛顿还出版了一些有影响力的书籍，包括自传《摆脱奴隶制》（Up from Slavery，1901）。

Like Du Bois, Washington was also active in Black journalism, working to fund and support Black newspaper publications, most of which sought to counter Du Bois’s growing influence.

与杜波依斯一样，华盛顿也积极参与黑人新闻事业，致力于资助和支持黑人报纸出版物，其中大多数报纸试图对抗杜波依斯日益增长的影响力。

Washington died in 1915, during World War I, of ill health in Tuskegee, Alabama.

1915 年，第一次世界大战期间，华盛顿因健康不佳在阿拉巴马州塔斯基吉去世。

Speaking decades later, Du Bois said Washington had, in his 1895 “Compromise” speech, “implicitly abandoned all political and social rights.

几十年后，杜波依斯表示，华盛顿在 1895 年的“妥协”演讲中“暗中放弃了所有政治和社会权利。

。

I never thought Washington was a bad man .

我从来不认为华盛顿是个坏人。

。

I believed him to be sincere, though wrong.” Du Bois would directly attack Washington in his classic 1903 The Souls of Black Folk , but at the turn of the century he could never escape the shadow of his longtime rival.

我相信他是真诚的，尽管这是错误的。”杜波依斯在 1903 年的经典著作《黑人之魂》中直接攻击华盛顿，但在世纪之交，他永远无法摆脱长期竞争对手的阴影。

“I admired much about him,” Du Bois admitted.

“我非常钦佩他，”杜波依斯承认。

“Washington .

“华盛顿。”

。

died in 1915.

1915年去世。

A lot of people think I died at the same time.” 41

很多人认为我是同时死的。” 41

Du Bois’s criticism reveals the politicized context of the Black freedom struggle and exposes the many positions available to Black activists.

杜波依斯的批评揭示了黑人自由斗争的政治化背景，并暴露了黑人活动人士可以采取的许多立场。

Born in Great Barrington, Massachusetts, in 1868, Du Bois entered the world as a free person of color three years after the Civil War ended.

杜波依斯 1868 年出生于马萨诸塞州大巴灵顿，在内战结束三年后，他作为一名自由的有色人种进入了这个世界。

He was raised by a hardworking and independent mother; his New England childhood alerted him to the reality of race even as it invested the emerging thinker with an abiding faith in the power of education.

他是由勤劳、独立的母亲抚养长大的。他在新英格兰的童年让他意识到种族的现实，同时也让这位新兴思想家对教育的力量产生了坚定的信念。

Du Bois graduated at the top of his high school class and attended Fisk University.

杜波依斯以高中成绩第一名的成绩毕业于菲斯克大学。

Du Bois’s sojourn to the South in 1880s left a distinct impression that would guide his life’s work to study what he called the “Negro problem,” the systemic racial and economic discrimination that Du Bois prophetically pronounced would be the problem of the twentieth century.

杜波依斯 1880 年代的南方旅居给他留下了鲜明的印象，这一印象引导他毕生研究他所谓的“黑人问题”，杜波依斯预言系统性的种族和经济歧视将成为二十世纪的问题。

After Fisk, Du Bois’s educational path trended back North.

菲斯克之后，杜波依斯的教育之路又回到了北方。

He attended Harvard, earned his second degree, crossed the Atlantic for graduate work in Germany, and circulated back to Harvard, and in 1895, he became the first Black American to receive a PhD there.

他就读于哈佛大学，获得了第二个学位，跨越大西洋前往德国攻读研究生，然后又返回哈佛，1895 年，他成为第一位在那里获得博士学位的美国黑人。

“W.E.B.

(William Edward Burghardt) Du Bois,” 1919.

（威廉·爱德华·伯格哈特）杜波依斯，”1919 年。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

Du Bois became one of America’s foremost intellectual leaders on questions of social justice by producing scholarship that underscored the humanity of African Americans.

杜波依斯通过提供强调非裔美国人人性的学术成果，成为美国在社会正义问题上最重要的知识领袖之一。

Du Bois’s work as an intellectual, scholar, and college professor began during the Progressive Era, a time in American history marked by rapid social and cultural change as well as complex global political conflicts and developments.

杜波依斯作为知识分子、学者和大学教授的工作始于进步时代，这是美国历史上快速的社会和文化变革以及复杂的全球政治冲突和发展的时期。

Du Bois addressed these domestic and international concerns not only in his classrooms at Wilberforce University in Ohio and Atlanta University in Georgia but also in a number of his early publications on the history of the transatlantic slave trade and Black life in urban Philadelphia.

杜波依斯不仅在俄亥俄州威尔伯福斯大学和佐治亚州亚特兰大大学的课堂上讨论了这些国内和国际问题，而且还在他早期出版的一些关于跨大西洋奴隶贸易和费城市黑人生活的出版物中讨论了这些问题。

The most well-known of these early works included The Souls of Black Folk (1903) and Darkwater (1920).

这些早期作品中最著名的包括《黑人之魂》（The Souls of Black Folk，1903）和《黑水》（Darkwater，1920）。

In these books, Du Bois combined incisive historical analysis with engaging literary drama to validate Black personhood and attack the inhumanity of white supremacy, particularly in the lead-up to and during World War I.

在这些书中，杜波依斯将深入的历史分析与引人入胜的文学戏剧相结合，以证实黑人的人格并攻击白人至上的不人道行为，特别是在第一次世界大战之前和期间。

In addition to publications and teaching, Du Bois set his sights on political organizing for civil rights, first with the Niagara Movement and later with its offspring, the NAACP.

除了出版和教学之外，杜波依斯还致力于民权政治组织，首先是尼亚加拉运动，后来是其后代全国有色人种协进会。

Du Bois’s main work with the NAACP lasted from 1909 to 1934 as editor of The Crisis , one of America’s leading Black publications.

杜波依斯在全国有色人种协进会的主要工作从 1909 年持续到 1934 年，担任美国主要黑人出版物之一《危机》的编辑。

Du Bois attacked Washington and urged Black Americans to concede to nothing, to make no compromises and advocate for equal rights under the law.

杜波依斯攻击华盛顿，敦促美国黑人不做任何让步，不妥协，倡导法律赋予平等权利。

Throughout his early career, he pushed for civil rights legislation, launched legal challenges against discrimination, organized protests against injustice, and applied his capacity for clear research and sharp prose to expose the racial sins of Progressive Era America.

在他的早期职业生涯中，他推动了民权立法，发起了针对歧视的法律挑战，组织了反对不公正的抗议活动，并运用他清晰的研究和尖锐的散文的能力来揭露美国进步时代的种族罪恶。

“We refuse to allow the impression to remain that the Negro-American assents to inferiority, is submissive under oppression and apologetic before insults.

“我们拒绝让这样的印象留下：美国黑人承认自卑，在压迫下顺从，在侮辱前道歉。

。

Any discrimination based simply on race or color is barbarous, we care not how hallowed it be by custom, expediency or prejudice .

任何仅仅基于种族或肤色的歧视都是野蛮的，我们不在乎它因习俗、权宜之计或偏见而多么神圣。

。

discriminations based simply and solely on physical peculiarities, place of birth, color of skin, are relics of that unreasoning human savagery of which the world is and ought to be thoroughly ashamed.

仅仅基于身体特征、出生地、肤色的歧视是人类野蛮行径的残余，世界对此感到羞耻。

。

Persistent manly agitation is the way to liberty.” 42

持续的男子气概的鼓动是通往自由的道路。” 42

Du Bois and Booker T.

杜波依斯和布克 T.

Washington made a tremendous historical impact and left a notable historical legacy.

华盛顿产生了巨大的历史影响，留下了显着的历史遗产。

They were reared under markedly different circumstances, and thus their early life experiences and even personal temperaments oriented both leaders’ lives and outlooks in decidedly different ways.

他们的成长环境截然不同，因此他们早年的生活经历甚至个人气质对两位领导人的生活和人生观有着截然不同的影响。

Du Bois’s confrontational voice boldly targeted white supremacy.

杜波依斯的对抗性声音大胆地针对白人至上主义。

He believed in the power of social science to arrest the reach of white supremacy.

他相信社会科学有能力阻止白人至上主义的蔓延。

Washington advocated incremental change for longer-term gain.

华盛顿主张渐进式变革以获得长期利益。

He contended that economic self-sufficiency would pay off at a future date.

他认为经济自给自足将在未来得到回报。

Four years after Du Bois directly spoke out against Washington in the chapter “Of Mr. Booker T.

四年前，杜波依斯在“布克·T·杜波依斯先生”一章中直接公开反对华盛顿。

Washington” in Souls of Black Folk , the two men shared the same lectern at Philadelphia Divinity School to address matters of race, history, and culture in the American South.

在《黑人的灵魂》中，两人在费城神学院同一个讲台上讨论美国南部的种族、历史和文化问题。

Although their philosophies often differed, both men inspired others to demand that America live up to its democratic creed.

尽管他们的理念常常不同，但两人都激励其他人要求美国恪守其民主信条。

Industrial capitalism unleashed powerful forces in American life.

Along with wealth, technological innovation, and rising standards of living, a host of social problems unsettled many who turned to reform politics to set the world right again.

随着财富、技术创新和生活水平的不断提高，一系列社会问题让许多人感到不安，他们转向政治改革，让世界重新走向正轨。

The Progressive Era signaled that a turning point had been reached for many Americans who were suddenly willing to confront the age’s problems with national political solutions.

进步时代标志着许多美国人已经达到了一个转折点，他们突然愿意通过国家政治解决方案来面对这个时代的问题。

Reformers sought to bring order to chaos, to bring efficiency to inefficiency, and to bring justice to injustice.

Causes varied, constituencies shifted, and the tangible effects of so much energy was difficult to measure, but the Progressive Era signaled a bursting of long-simmering tensions and introduced new patterns in the relationship between American society, American culture, and American politics.

原因各不相同，支持者也发生了变化，如此多的精力所产生的实际效果难以衡量，但进步时代标志着长期酝酿的紧张关系的爆发，并在美国社会、美国文化和美国政治之间的关系中引入了新的模式。

Booker T.

布克·T.

Washington & W.E.B.

华盛顿与 W.E.B.

DuBois on Black Progress (1895, 1903)

杜波依斯论黑人进步（1895、1903）

Booker T.

布克·T.

Washington, born enslaved in Virginia in 1856, founded the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama in 1881 and became a leading advocate of African American progress.

华盛顿 1856 年出生于弗吉尼亚州，身为奴隶，1881 年在阿拉巴马州创立了塔斯基吉研究所，并成为非洲裔美国人进步的主要倡导者。

Introduced as “a representative of Negro enterprise and Negro civilization,” Washington delivered the following remarks, sometimes called the “Atlanta Compromise” speech, at the Cotton States and International Exposition in Atlanta in 1895.

华盛顿被介绍为“黑人企业和黑人文明的代表”，他在 1895 年亚特兰大棉花州和国际博览会上发表了以下言论，有时被称为“亚特兰大妥协”演讲。

Jane Addams, “The Subjective Necessity for Social Settlements” (1892)

简·亚当斯，“社会解决的主观必要性”（1892）

Hull House, Chicago’s famed “settlement house,” was designed to uplift urban populations.

Here, Addams explains why she believes reformers must “add the social function to democracy.” As Addams explained, Hull House “was opened on the theory that the dependence of classes on each other is reciprocal.”

在这里，亚当斯解释了为什么她认为改革者必须“为民主增添社会功能”。正如亚当斯所解释的那样，赫尔之家“是根据阶级之间的相互依赖是相互的理论而建立的”。

A native of Terre Haute, Indiana, Eugene V.

尤金·V·尤金 (Eugene V.) 出生于印第安纳州特雷霍特。

Debs began working as a locomotive fireman (tending the fires of a train’s steam engine) as a youth in the 1870s.

1870 年代，年轻时的德布斯开始担任机车消防员（负责处理火车蒸汽机的火灾）。

His experience in the American labor movement later led him to socialism.

他在美国劳工运动中的经历后来引导他走向社会主义。

In the early-twentieth century, as the Socialist Party of America’s candidate, he ran for the presidency five times and twice earned nearly one-million votes.

二十世纪初，作为美国社会党候选人，他五次竞选总统，两次获得近百万张选票。

He was America’s most prominent socialist.

他是美国最著名的社会主义者。

In 1902, a New York paper asked Debs how he became a socialist.

1902 年，纽约一家报纸询问德布斯如何成为一名社会主义者。

This is his answer.

这是他的答案。

Walter Rauschenbusch, Christianity and the Social Crisis (1907)

Walter Rauschenbusch, a Baptist minister and theologian, advocated for a “social gospel.” Here, he explains why he believes Christianity must address social questions.

浸信会牧师兼神学家沃尔特·劳申布什（Walter Rauschenbusch）主张“社会福音”。在这里，他解释了为什么他认为基督教必须解决社会问题。

Alice Stone Blackwell, Answering Objections to Women’s Suffrage (1917)

Alice Stone Blackwell was a feminist activist and writer.

爱丽丝·斯通·布莱克威尔是一位女权主义活动家和作家。

In an edited volume published in 1917, Blackwell responded to popular anti-women’s-suffrage arguments.

Woodrow Wilson campaigned for the presidency in 1912 as a progressive democrat.

Wilson argued that changing economic conditions demanded new and aggressive government policies–he called his political program “the New Freedom”– to preserve traditional American liberties.

威尔逊认为，不断变化的经济状况需要新的、积极的政府政策——他称他的政治计划为“新自由”——以维护美国传统的自由。

In 1910, a newly invigorated Theodore Roosevelt delivered his outline for a bold new progressive agenda, which he would advance in 1912 during a failed presidential run under the new Progressive, or “Bull Moose,” Party.

1910 年，精神焕发的西奥多·罗斯福 (Theodore Roosevelt) 提出了一项大胆的新进步议程纲要，并于 1912 年在新的进步党 (或称“公驼鹿”) 领导下的总统竞选失败期间推进了这一议程。

Illustration shows a “Standard Oil” storage tank as an octopus with many tentacles wrapped around the steel, copper, and shipping industries, as well as a state house, the U.S. Capitol, and one tentacle reaching for the White House.

插图显示了一个像章鱼一样的“标准石油”储罐，其许多触手缠绕着钢铁、铜和航运业，以及州议会大厦、美国国会大厦和一根触手伸向白宫。

The only building not yet within reach of the octopus is the White House—President Teddy Roosevelt had won a reputation as a “trust buster.”

章鱼无法触及的唯一建筑物是白宫——泰迪·罗斯福总统赢得了“信任破坏者”的美誉。

Women protested silently in front of the White House for over two years before the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment.

在第十九修正案通过之前，妇女们在白宫前默默抗议了两年多。

Here, women represent their colleges as they picket the White House in support of women’s suffrage.

在这里，女性代表她们的大学在白宫抗议，支持女性选举权。

This chapter was edited by Mary Anne Henderson, with content contributions by Andrew C.

本章由 Mary Anne Henderson 编辑，内容由 Andrew C.

Baker, Peter Catapano, Blaine Hamilton, Mary Anne Henderson, Amanda Hughett, Amy Kohout, Maria Montalvo, Brent Ruswick, Philip Luke Sinitiere, Nora Slonimsky, Whitney Stewart, and Brandy Thomas Wells.

贝克、彼得·卡塔帕诺、布莱恩·汉密尔顿、玛丽·安妮·亨德森、阿曼达·休特、艾米·科胡特、玛丽亚·蒙塔尔沃、布伦特·拉斯维克、菲利普·卢克·西尼蒂埃、诺拉·斯洛尼姆斯基、惠特尼·斯图尔特和布兰迪·托马斯·威尔斯。

Recommended citation: Andrew C.

推荐引用：Andrew C.

Baker et al., “The Progressive Era,” Mary Anne Henderson, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.

Baker 等人，“进步时代”，Mary Anne Henderson 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。

Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).

约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。

中文为机器翻译，仅供参考。