The American Yawp
A political cartoon in Puck magazine on January 25, 1899, captures the mind-set of American imperialists.
1899 年 1 月 25 日《Puck》杂志上的一幅政治漫画捕捉了美帝国主义的心态。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
* NOTE: You are viewing a chapter from the archived, “First Edition” version of the American Yawp, which stopped receiving updates in spring 2026.
* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。
Click here to access the current, updated edition *
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The word empire might conjure images of ancient Rome, the Persian Empire, or the British Empire—powers that depended variously on military conquest, colonization, occupation, or direct resource exploitation—but empires can take many forms and imperial processes can occur in many contexts.
帝国这个词可能会让人想起古罗马、波斯帝国或大英帝国——这些国家的权力不同程度地依赖于军事征服、殖民、占领或直接资源开发——但帝国可以采取多种形式，帝国进程也可以在多种背景下发生。
One hundred years after the United States won its independence from the British Empire, had it become an empire of its own?
美国脱离大英帝国独立一百年后，它是否成为了自己的帝国？
In the decades after the American Civil War, the United States exerted itself in the service of American interests around the world.
在美国内战后的几十年里，美国竭尽全力为美国在世界各地的利益服务。
In the Pacific, Latin America, and the Middle East, and most explicitly in the Spanish-American War and under the foreign policy of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft, the United States expanded on a long history of exploration, trade, and cultural exchange to practice something that looked remarkably like empire.
在太平洋、拉丁美洲和中东，最明显的是在美西战争以及西奥多·罗斯福和威廉·霍华德·塔夫脱的外交政策下，美国在其悠久的勘探、贸易和文化交流历史上不断扩张，实践了一种看起来非常像帝国的东西。
The question of American imperialism, then, seeks to understand not only direct American interventions in such places as Cuba, the Philippines, Hawaii, Guam, and Puerto Rico, but also the deeper history of American engagement with the wider world and the subsequent ways in which American economic, political, and cultural power has shaped the actions, choices, and possibilities of other groups and nations.
因此，美帝国主义问题不仅要理解美国对古巴、菲律宾、夏威夷、关岛和波多黎各等地的直接干预，还要理解美国与更广阔的世界接触的更深层次的历史，以及美国经济、政治和文化力量随后塑造其他群体和国家的行动、选择和可能性的方式。
Meanwhile, as the United States asserted itself abroad, it acquired increasingly higher numbers of foreign peoples at home.
与此同时，随着美国在海外维护自己的地位，它在国内吸纳了越来越多的外国人。
European and Asian immigrants poured into the United States.
欧洲和亚洲移民涌入美国。
In a sense, imperialism and immigration raised similar questions about American identity: Who was an “American,” and who wasn’t?
从某种意义上说，帝国主义和移民对美国身份提出了类似的问题：谁是“美国人”，谁不是？
What were the nation’s obligations to foreign powers and foreign peoples?
国家对外国势力和外国人民的义务是什么？
And how accessible—and how fluid—should American identity be for newcomers?
对于新移民来说，美国身份应该如何容易理解和流动？
All such questions confronted late-nineteenth-century Americans with unprecedented urgency.
所有这些问题都以前所未有的紧迫性摆在十九世纪末的美国人面前。
American interventions in Mexico, China, and the Middle East reflected the United States’ new eagerness to intervene in foreign governments to protect American economic interests abroad.
美国对墨西哥、中国和中东的干预反映了美国对干预外国政府以保护美国海外经济利益的新渴望。
The United States had long been involved in Pacific commerce.
美国长期以来一直参与太平洋商业。
American ships had been traveling to China, for instance, since 1784.
例如，自 1784 年以来，美国船只就一直前往中国。
As a percentage of total American foreign trade, Asian trade remained comparatively small, and yet the idea that Asian markets were vital to American commerce affected American policy and, when those markets were threatened, prompted interventions.
亚洲贸易占美国对外贸易总额的比例仍然相对较小，但亚洲市场对美国商业至关重要的想法影响了美国的政策，当这些市场受到威胁时，就会促使美国采取干预措施。
1 In 1899, secretary of state John Hay articulated the Open Door Policy, which called for all Western powers to have equal access to Chinese markets.
1 1899 年，国务卿约翰·海伊 (John Hay) 提出了门户开放政策，呼吁所有西方国家平等进入中国市场。
Hay feared that other imperial powers—Japan, Great Britain, Germany, France, Italy, and Russia—planned to carve China into spheres of influence.
海伊担心其他帝国主义列强——日本、英国、德国、法国、意大利和俄罗斯——计划将中国纳入势力范围。
It was in the economic interest of American business to maintain China for free trade.
维持中国的自由贸易符合美国企业的经济利益。
The following year, in 1900, American troops joined a multinational force that intervened to prevent the closing of trade by putting down the Boxer Rebellion, a movement opposed to foreign businesses and missionaries operating in China.
次年，也就是 1900 年，美国军队加入了一支多国部队，通过镇压义和团运动进行干预，以防止贸易关闭。义和团运动是一场反对外国企业和传教士在中国活动的运动。
President McKinley sent the U.S. Army without consulting Congress, setting a precedent for U.S. presidents to order American troops to action around the world under their executive powers.
麦金莱总统在没有咨询国会的情况下派遣了美国陆军，开创了美国总统利用行政权力命令美国军队在世界各地行动的先例。
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The United States was not only ready to intervene in foreign affairs to preserve foreign markets, it was willing to take territory.
美国不仅准备干预外交事务以保护外国市场，而且还愿意占领领土。
The United States acquired its first Pacific territories with the Guano Islands Act of 1856.
美国通过 1856 年《鸟粪群岛法案》获得了第一批太平洋领土。
Guano—collected bird excrement—was a popular fertilizer integral to industrial farming.
鸟粪（收集的鸟类粪便）是工业化农业中常用的肥料。
The act authorized and encouraged Americans to venture into the seas and claim islands with guano deposits for the United States.
该法案授权并鼓励美国人冒险进入海洋并为美国拥有拥有鸟粪矿床的岛屿的主权。
These acquisitions were the first insular, unincorporated territories of the United States: they were neither part of a state nor a federal district, and they were not on the path to ever attain such a status.
这些收购的地区是美国第一批孤立的非建制领土：它们既不是州的一部分，也不是联邦区的一部分，而且也没有走上获得这种地位的道路。
The act, though little known, offered a precedent for future American acquisitions.
该法案虽然鲜为人知，但却为美国未来的收购提供了先例。
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Merchants, of course, weren’t the only American travelers in the Pacific.
当然，商人并不是太平洋地区唯一的美国旅行者。
Christian missionaries soon followed explorers and traders.
基督教传教士很快就追随探险家和商人。
The first American missionaries arrived in Hawaii in 1820 and China in 1830, for example.
例如，第一批美国传教士于 1820 年抵达夏威夷，并于 1830 年抵达中国。
Missionaries, though, often worked alongside business interests, and American missionaries in Hawaii, for instance, obtained large tracts of land and started lucrative sugar plantations.
不过，传教士经常与商业利益集团合作，例如，夏威夷的美国传教士获得了大片土地，并开办了利润丰厚的甘蔗种植园。
During the nineteenth century, Hawaii was ruled by an oligarchy based on the sugar companies, together known as the “Big Five.” This white American ( haole ) elite was extremely powerful, but they still operated outside the formal expression of American state power.
十九世纪，夏威夷由以糖业公司为基础的寡头统治，统称为“五巨头”。这些美国白人精英极其强大，但他们仍然在美国国家权力的正式表达之外运作。
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As many Americans looked for empire across the Pacific, others looked to Latin America.
当许多美国人寻求太平洋彼岸的帝国时，其他人则将目光投向拉丁美洲。
The United States, long a participant in an increasingly complex network of economic, social, and cultural interactions in Latin America, entered the late nineteenth century with a new aggressive and interventionist attitude toward its southern neighbors.
美国长期以来一直是拉丁美洲日益复杂的经济、社会和文化互动网络的参与者，进入十九世纪末期后，美国对南部邻国采取了新的侵略和干涉主义态度。
American capitalists invested enormous sums of money in Mexico during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, during the long reign of the corrupt yet stable regime of the modernization-hungry president Porfirio Diaz.
十九世纪末二十世纪初，在渴望现代化的总统波菲里奥·迪亚兹（Porfirio Diaz）腐败但稳定的政权长期统治期间，美国资本家在墨西哥投入了大量资金。
But in 1910 the Mexican people revolted against Díaz, ending his authoritarian regime but also his friendliness toward the business interests of the United States.
但 1910 年，墨西哥人民反抗迪亚斯，结束了他的独裁政权，也结束了他对美国商业利益的友好态度。
In the midst of the terrible destruction wrought by the fighting, Americans with investment interests pleaded for governmental help.
在战争造成的可怕破坏中，有投资兴趣的美国人恳求政府提供帮助。
But the U.S. government tried to control events and politics that could not be controlled.
但美国政府试图控制无法控制的事件和政治。
More and more American businessmen called for military intervention.
越来越多的美国商人呼吁军事干预。
When the brutal strongman Victoriano Huerta executed the revolutionary, democratically elected president Francisco Madero in 1913, newly inaugurated American president Woodrow Wilson put pressure on Mexico’s new regime.
1913 年，残暴的强人维多利亚诺·韦尔塔处决了民主选举产生的革命总统弗朗西斯科·马德罗时，新就任的美国总统伍德罗·威尔逊向墨西哥新政权施加了压力。
Wilson refused to recognize the new government and demanded that Huerta step aside and allow free elections to take place.
威尔逊拒绝承认新政府，并要求韦尔塔下台并允许举行自由选举。
Huerta refused.
韦尔塔拒绝了。
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When Mexican forces mistakenly arrested American sailors in the port city of Tampico in April 1914, Wilson saw the opportunity to apply additional pressure on Huerta.
1914 年 4 月，墨西哥军队在港口城市坦皮科错误地逮捕了美国水手，威尔逊看到了向韦尔塔施加额外压力的机会。
Huerta refused to make amends, and Wilson therefore asked Congress for authority to use force against Mexico.
韦尔塔拒绝做出赔偿，威尔逊因此请求国会授权对墨西哥使用武力。
But even before Congress could respond, Wilson invaded and took the port city of Veracruz to prevent, he said, a German shipment of arms from reaching Huerta’s forces.
但他说，甚至在国会做出反应之前，威尔逊就入侵并占领了港口城市韦拉克鲁斯，以阻止德国运送武器到达韦尔塔的军队。
The Huerta government fell in July 1914, and the American occupation lasted until November, when Venustiano Carranza, a rival of Huerta, took power.
韦尔塔政府于 1914 年 7 月垮台，美国的占领一直持续到 11 月，韦尔塔的竞争对手韦努斯蒂亚诺·卡兰萨 (Venustiano Carranza) 掌权。
When Wilson threw American support behind Carranza, and not his more radical and now-rival Pancho Villa, Villa and several hundred supporters attacked American interests and raided the town of Columbus, New Mexico, in March 1916, and killed over a dozen soldiers and civilians.
当威尔逊将美国的支持转向卡兰萨，而不是他更激进、现在的竞争对手潘乔·维拉时，维拉和数百名支持者攻击了美国的利益，并于 1916 年 3 月袭击了新墨西哥州哥伦布镇，杀死了十几名士兵和平民。
Wilson ordered a punitive expedition of several thousand soldiers led by General John J.
威尔逊下令由约翰·J·威尔逊将军率领数千名士兵进行惩罚性远征。
“Blackjack” Pershing to enter northern Mexico and capture Villa.
“黑杰克”潘兴进入墨西哥北部并占领维拉。
But Villa eluded Pershing for nearly a year and, in 1917, with war in Europe looming and great injury done to U.S.-Mexican relations, Pershing left Mexico.
但维拉躲避了潘兴近一年的时间，1917 年，随着欧洲战争的迫近以及美墨关系的严重损害，潘兴离开了墨西哥。
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The United States’ actions during the Mexican Revolution reflected long-standing American policy that justified interventionist actions in Latin American politics because of their potential bearing on the United States: on citizens, on shared territorial borders, and, perhaps most significantly, on economic investments.
美国在墨西哥革命期间的行动反映了美国的长期政策，该政策为拉丁美洲政治中的干预主义行动提供了合理性，因为这些行动对美国具有潜在影响：对公民、对共同领土边界，或许最重要的是对经济投资。
This example highlights the role of geography, or perhaps proximity, in the pursuit of imperial outcomes.
这个例子强调了地理位置（或者说邻近性）在追求帝国成果中的作用。
But American interactions in more distant locations, in the Middle East, for instance, look quite different.
但美国在更遥远的地方（例如中东）的互动看起来却截然不同。
In 1867, Mark Twain traveled to the Middle East as part of a large tour group of Americans.
1867年，马克·吐温随美国大型旅游团前往中东旅行。
In his satirical travelogue, The Innocents Abroad , he wrote, “The people [of the Middle East] stared at us everywhere, and we [Americans] stared at them.
他在讽刺游记《国外的无辜者》中写道：“[中东]人民到处盯着我们，我们[美国人]也盯着他们。
We generally made them feel rather small, too, before we got done with them, because we bore down on them with America’s greatness until we crushed them.” 7 When Americans later intervened in the Middle East, they would do so convinced of their own superiority.
在我们处理完他们之前，我们通常也会让他们感到自己很渺小，因为我们用美国的伟大来压制他们，直到我们压垮他们。” 7 当美国人后来干预中东时，他们确信自己的优势。
The U.S. government had traditionally had little contact with the Middle East.
美国政府传统上与中东很少有接触。
Trade was limited, too limited for an economic relationship to be deemed vital to the national interest, but treaties were nevertheless signed between the U.S. and powers in the Middle East.
贸易是有限的，对于经济关系来说太过有限，不足以被视为对国家利益至关重要，但美国与中东列强之间仍然签署了条约。
Still, the majority of American involvement in the Middle East prior to World War I came not in the form of trade but in education, science, and humanitarian aid.
尽管如此，第一次世界大战之前美国对中东的大部分参与并不是以贸易的形式，而是以教育、科学和人道主义援助的形式。
American missionaries led the way.
美国传教士带路。
The first Protestant missionaries had arrived in 1819.
第一批新教传教士于 1819 年抵达。
Soon the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions and the boards of missions of the Reformed Church of America became dominant in missionary enterprises.
很快，美国海外宣教委员会和美国归正会宣教委员会在传教事业中占据主导地位。
Missions were established in almost every country of the Middle East, and even though their efforts resulted in relatively few converts, missionaries helped establish hospitals and schools, and their work laid the foundation for the establishment of Western-style universities, such as Robert College in Istanbul, Turkey (1863), the American University of Beirut (1866), and the American University of Cairo (1919).
中东几乎每个国家都建立了传教团，尽管他们的努力导致皈依者相对较少，但传教士帮助建立了医院和学校，他们的工作为西方式大学的建立奠定了基础，例如土耳其伊斯坦布尔的罗伯特学院（1863年）、贝鲁特美国大学（1866年）和开罗美国大学（1919年）。
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In this political cartoon, Uncle Sam, loaded with the implements of modern civilization, uses the Philippines as a stepping-stone to cross the Pacific to China, which excitedly awaits Sam’s arrival.
在这部政治漫画中，山姆大叔背负着现代文明的工具，以菲律宾为踏脚石，跨越太平洋来到中国，而中国正兴奋地等待着山姆的到来。
Such cartoons captured Americans’ growing infatuation with imperialist and expansionist policies.
这些漫画反映了美国人对帝国主义和扩张主义政策日益增长的迷恋。
ca.
约
1900–1902.
1900–1902。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Although the United States had a long history of international economic, military, and cultural engagement that stretched back deep into the eighteenth century, the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars (1898–1902) marked a crucial turning point in American interventions abroad.
尽管美国在国际经济、军事和文化方面的参与有着悠久的历史，可以追溯到 18 世纪，但美西战争和美菲战争（1898-1902 年）标志着美国海外干预的关键转折点。
In pursuing war with Spain, and then engaging in counterrevolutionary conflict in the Philippines, the United States expanded the scope and strength of its global reach.
通过与西班牙的战争，然后卷入菲律宾的反革命冲突，美国扩大了其全球影响力的范围和强度。
Over the next two decades, the United States would become increasingly involved in international politics, particularly in Latin America.
在接下来的二十年里，美国将越来越多地参与国际政治，特别是拉丁美洲的政治。
These new conflicts and ensuing territorial problems forced Americans to confront the ideological elements of imperialism.
这些新的冲突和随之而来的领土问题迫使美国人面对帝国主义的意识形态因素。
Should the United States act as an empire?
美国应该扮演一个帝国的角色吗？
Or were foreign interventions and the taking of territory antithetical to its founding democratic ideals?
或者外国干预和夺取领土是否与其建立的民主理想背道而驰？
What exactly would be the relationship between the United States and its territories?
美国与其领土之间到底是什么关系？
And could colonial subjects be successfully and safely incorporated into the body politic as American citizens?
殖民地臣民能否成功、安全地作为美国公民融入政治体系？
The Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars brought these questions, which had always lurked behind discussions of American expansion, out into the open.
美西战争和美菲战争使这些一直潜伏在美国扩张讨论背后的问题变得公开化。
In 1898, Americans began in earnest to turn their attention southward to problems plaguing their neighbor Cuba.
1898年，美国人开始认真地将注意力转向南方，关注困扰邻国古巴的问题。
Since the middle of the nineteenth century, Cubans had tried unsuccessfully again and again to gain independence from Spain.
自十九世纪中叶以来，古巴人一次又一次试图从西班牙手中获得独立，但没有成功。
The latest uprising, and the one that would prove fatal to Spain’s colonial designs, began in 1895 and was still raging in the winter of 1898.
最近的一次起义始于 1895 年，并且在 1898 年冬天仍在肆虐，这对西班牙的殖民计划来说是致命的。
By that time, in an attempt to crush the uprising, Spanish general Valeriano Weyler y Nicolau had been conducting a policy of reconcentration—forcing Cubans living in certain cities to relocate en masse to military camps—for about two years.
当时，为了镇压起义，西班牙将军瓦莱里亚诺·韦勒·尼科劳（Valeriano Weyler y Nicolau）一直在实施重新集中政策——迫使居住在某些城市的古巴人集体搬迁到军营——大约两年了。
Prominent newspaper publishers sensationalized Spanish atrocities.
著名的报纸出版商对西班牙的暴行进行了耸人听闻。
Cubans in the United States and their allies raised cries of Cuba Libre!
在美国的古巴人和他们的盟友高呼“自由古巴”！
And while the U.S. government proclaimed a wish to avoid armed conflict with Spain, President McKinley became increasingly concerned about the safety of American lives and property in Cuba.
尽管美国政府宣称希望避免与西班牙发生武装冲突，但麦金莱总统却越来越担心美国人在古巴的生命和财产安全。
He ordered the battleship Maine to Havana harbor in January 1898.
1898 年 1 月，他命令缅因号战列舰驶往哈瓦那港。
The Maine sat undisturbed in the harbor for about two weeks.
缅因号在港口里不受干扰地停泊了大约两周。
Then, on the evening of February 15, a titanic explosion tore open the ship and sent it to the bottom of the ocean.
然后，2月15日晚，一场巨大的爆炸撕裂了这艘船，并将其沉入海底。
Three quarters of the ship’s 354 occupants died.
船上 354 名乘客中有四分之三死亡。
A naval board of inquiry immediately began an investigation to ascertain the cause of the explosion, but the loudest Americans had already decided that Spanish treachery was to blame.
海军调查委员会立即开始调查，以确定爆炸原因，但最吵闹的美国人已经认为西班牙的背叛是罪魁祸首。
Capitalizing on the outrage, “yellow journals”—newspapers that promoted sensational stories, notoriously at the cost of accuracy—such as William Randolph Hearst’s New York Journal called for war with Spain.
利用这种愤怒，“黄色期刊”——那些宣扬耸人听闻的故事的报纸，以牺牲准确性为代价而臭名昭著——比如威廉·伦道夫·赫斯特的《纽约日报》呼吁与西班牙开战。
When urgent negotiations failed to produce a mutually agreeable settlement, Congress officially declared war on April 25.
当紧急谈判未能达成双方都同意的解决方案时，国会于 4 月 25 日正式宣战。
Although America’s war effort began haphazardly, Spain’s decaying military crumbled.
尽管美国的战争行动是随意开始的，但西班牙衰败的军队却崩溃了。
Military victories for the United States came quickly.
美国的军事胜利来得很快。
In the Pacific, on May 1, Commodore George Dewey engaged the Spanish fleet outside Manila, the capital of the Philippines (another Spanish colonial possession), destroyed it, and proceeded to blockade Manila harbor.
5月1日，在太平洋地区，乔治·杜威准将在菲律宾首都马尼拉（另一个西班牙殖民地）附近与西班牙舰队交战，将其摧毁，并开始封锁马尼拉港。
Two months later, American troops took Cuba’s San Juan Heights in what would become the most well-known battle of the war, winning fame not for regular soldiers but for the irregular, especially Theodore Roosevelt and his Rough Riders.
两个月后，美国军队占领了古巴的圣胡安高地，这场战役成为战争中最著名的一场战役，赢得声誉的不是正规军，而是非正规军，尤其是西奥多·罗斯福和他的骑兵。
Roosevelt had been the assistant secretary of the navy but had resigned his position in order to see action in the war.
罗斯福曾担任海军助理部长，但为了亲临战争，他辞去了职务。
His actions in Cuba made him a national celebrity.
他在古巴的行为使他成为全国名人。
As disease began to eat away at American troops, the Spanish suffered the loss of Santiago de Cuba on July 17, effectively ending the war.
随着疾病开始侵蚀美国军队，西班牙人于 7 月 17 日失去了古巴圣地亚哥，战争实际上结束了。
The two nations agreed to a cease-fire on August 12 and formally signed the Treaty of Paris in December.
两国于8月12日同意停火，并于12月正式签署《巴黎条约》。
The terms of the treaty stipulated, among other things, that the United States would acquire Spain’s former holdings of Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines.
该条约的条款除其他外规定，美国将收购西班牙以前所拥有的关岛、波多黎各和菲律宾。
Secretary of state John Hay memorably referred to the conflict as a “splendid little war,” and at the time it certainly appeared that way.
令人难忘的是，国务卿约翰·海伊将这场冲突称为“精彩的小战争”，当时的情况确实如此。
Fewer than four hundred Americans died in battle in a war that lasted about fifteen weeks.
在这场持续约十五周的战争中，不到四百名美国人阵亡。
Contemporaries celebrated American victories as the providential act of God.
同时代的人将美国的胜利视为上帝的眷顾。
The influential Brooklyn minister Lyman Abbott, for instance, declared that Americans were “an elect people of God” and saw divine providence in Dewey’s victory at Manila.
例如，颇具影响力的布鲁克林部长莱曼·阿博特宣称美国人是“上帝选民”，并在杜威在马尼拉的胜利中看到了神圣的旨意。
9 Some, such as Senator Albert J.
9 有些人，例如参议员 Albert J.
Beveridge of Indiana, took matters one step further, seeing in American victory an opportunity for imperialism.
印第安纳州的贝弗里奇更进一步，他认为美国的胜利为帝国主义提供了机会。
In Beveridge’s view, America had a “mission to perform” and a “duty to discharge” around the world.
在贝弗里奇看来，美国在世界各地有“要执行的使命”和“要履行的义务”。
10 What Beveridge envisioned was nothing less than an American empire.
10 贝弗里奇所设想的无非是一个美利坚帝国。
This 1914 political cartoon shows embodiments of colonies and territories before and after American interventions.
这幅 1914 年的政治漫画展示了美国干预前后殖民地和领土的具体情况。
The differences are obvious and exaggerated, with the top figures described as “oppressed” by the weight of industrial slavery until America “rescued” them, turning them into the respectable and successful businessmen seen on the bottom half.
这种差异是明显而夸张的，高层人物被描述为受到工业奴隶制的重压“压迫”，直到美国“拯救”他们，将他们变成下层人物所看到的受人尊敬和成功的商人。
Those who claimed that American imperialism brought civilization and prosperity to destitute peoples used such visuals to support their cause.
那些声称美帝国主义给贫困人民带来文明和繁荣的人用这样的视觉效果来支持他们的事业。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
But the question of whether the United States should become an empire was sharply debated across the nation in the aftermath of the Spanish-American War and the acquisition of Hawaii in July 1898.
但在美西战争和 1898 年 7 月获得夏威夷之后，美国是否应该成为一个帝国的问题在全国范围内引起了激烈的争论。
At the behest of American businessmen who had overthrown the Hawaiian monarchy, the United States annexed the Hawaiian Islands and their rich plantations.
在推翻夏威夷君主制的美国商人的要求下，美国吞并了夏威夷群岛及其丰富的种植园。
Between Hawaii and a number of former Spanish possessions, many Americans coveted the economic and political advantages that increased territory would bring.
在夏威夷和一些前西班牙属地之间，许多美国人觊觎扩大领土所带来的经济和政治优势。
Those opposed to expansion, however, worried that imperial ambitions did not accord with the nation’s founding ideals.
然而，那些反对扩张的人担心帝国的野心与建国理想不符。
American actions in the Philippines brought all of these discussions to a head.
美国在菲律宾的行动使所有这些讨论达到了高潮。
The Philippines were an afterthought of the Spanish-American War, but when the smoke cleared, the United States found itself in possession of a key foothold in the Pacific.
菲律宾是美西战争的后遗症，但当硝烟散去后，美国发现自己在太平洋上拥有了一个重要的立足点。
After Dewey’s victory over the Spanish fleet in the Battle of Manila Bay, conversations about how to proceed occupied the attentions of President McKinley, political leaders from both parties, and the popular press.
杜威在马尼拉湾海战中击败西班牙舰队后，麦金莱总统、两党政治领导人和大众媒体都在讨论如何继续下去。
American and Philippine forces (under the leadership of Emilio Aguinaldo) were in communication: Would the Americans offer their support to the Filipinos and their ongoing efforts against the Spanish?
美国和菲律宾军队（在埃米利奥·阿吉纳尔多的领导下）进行了沟通：美国人是否会向菲律宾人和他们持续对抗西班牙人的努力提供支持？
Or would the Americans replace the Spanish as a colonial occupying force?
或者美国人会取代西班牙人成为殖民占领军吗？
American forces were instructed to secure Manila without allowing Philippine forces to enter the Walled City (the seat of the Spanish colonial government), hinting, perhaps, at things to come.
美国军队奉命保卫马尼拉，不允许菲律宾军队进入寨城（西班牙殖民政府所在地），这或许暗示着即将发生的事情。
Americans wondered what would happen next.
美国人想知道接下来会发生什么。
Perhaps a good many ordinary Americans shared the bewildered sentiments of Mr. Dooley, the fictional Irish-American barkeeper whom humorist Finley Peter Dunne used to satirize American life: “I don’t know what to do with th’ Ph’lippeens anny more thin I did las’ summer, befure I heerd tell iv thim.
也许很多普通美国人都和杜利先生有同样的困惑，杜利先生是一位虚构的爱尔兰裔美国酒吧老板，幽默家芬利·彼得·邓恩曾用杜利先生来讽刺美国生活：“在我听到告诉他们之前，我不知道如何对待菲利平夫妇，比我去年夏天做的还要多。”
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We can’t sell thim, we can’t ate thim, an’ we can’t throw thim into the th’ alley whin no wan is lookin’’.” 11
我们不能卖它，我们不能吃它，我们不能把它扔进巷子里，没人在看。” 11
As debates about American imperialism continued against the backdrop of an upcoming presidential election, tensions in the Philippines escalated.
在即将举行的总统选举背景下，有关美帝国主义的争论仍在继续，菲律宾的紧张局势升级。
Emilio Aguinaldo was inaugurated as president of the First Philippine Republic (or Malolos Republic) in late January 1899; fighting between American and Philippine forces began in early February; and in April 1899, Congress ratified the 1898 Treaty of Paris, which concluded the Spanish-American War and gave Spain $20 million in exchange for the Philippine Islands.
埃米利奥·阿吉纳尔多 (Emilio Aguinaldo) 于 1899 年 1 月下旬就任菲律宾第一共和国（或马洛洛斯共和国）总统；美国和菲律宾军队之间的战斗于二月初开始； 1899 年 4 月，国会批准了 1898 年《巴黎条约》，该条约结束了美西战争，并给予西班牙 2000 万美元以换取菲律宾群岛。
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Like the Cubans, Filipinos had waged a long war against their Spanish colonizers.
与古巴人一样，菲律宾人也对西班牙殖民者发动了长期战争。
The United States could have given them the independence they had long fought for, but, instead, at the behest of President William McKinley, the United States occupied the islands and from 1899 to 1902 waged a bloody series of conflicts against Filipino insurrectionists that cost far more lives than the war with Spain.
美国本可以给予他们长期争取的独立，但相反，在威廉·麦金莱总统的要求下，美国占领了这些岛屿，并从 1899 年到 1902 年对菲律宾叛乱分子发动了一系列血腥冲突，造成的人员伤亡远远多于与西班牙的战争。
Under the leadership of Emilio Aguinaldo, Filipinos who had fought for freedom against the Spanish now fought for freedom against the very nation that had claimed to have liberated them from Spanish tyranny.
在埃米利奥·阿吉纳尔多的领导下，曾经为反抗西班牙人而争取自由的菲律宾人现在为反抗那个声称将他们从西班牙暴政中解放出来的国家而斗争。
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The Philippine Insurrection, or the Philippine-American War, was a brutal conflict of occupation and insurgency.
菲律宾起义，或称菲美战争，是一场占领与叛乱之间的残酷冲突。
Contemporaries compared the guerrilla-style warfare in challenging and unfamiliar terrain to the American experiences in the so-called Indian Wars of the late nineteenth century.
同时代人将在充满挑战和陌生地形中进行的游击式战争与美国在十九世纪末所谓的印第安战争中的经历进行了比较。
Many commented on its brutality and the uncertain mission of American troops.
许多人评论了其残酷性和美军的不确定使命。
An April 1899 dispatch from a Harper’s Weekly correspondent began, “A week has passed—a week of fighting and marching, of jungles and rivers, of incident and adventure so varied and of so rapid transition that to sit down to write about it makes one feel as if he were trying to describe a dream where time, space, and all the logical sequences of ordinary life are upset in the unrelenting brutality of war.” 14 John Bass described his experiences in detail, and his reportage, combined with accounts that came directly from soldiers, helped shape public knowledge about the war.
1899 年 4 月，《哈泼斯周刊》的一名记者在一篇快讯中写道：“一周过去了——战斗和行军、丛林和河流、事件和冒险的一周，变化如此之多，转变如此之快，以至于坐下来写下它让人感觉好像他在试图描述一个梦，在这个梦中，时间、空间和日常生活的所有逻辑顺序都在无情的残酷战争中被打乱了。” 14 约翰·巴斯详细描述了他的经历，他的报告文学与直接来自士兵的叙述相结合，帮助塑造了公众对战争的了解。
Reports of cruelty on both sides and a few high-profile military investigations ensured continued public attention to events across the Pacific.
有关双方残酷行为的报道和一些备受瞩目的军事调查确保了公众对太平洋地区事件的持续关注。
Amid fighting to secure the Philippine Islands, the federal government sent two Philippine Commissions to assess the situation in the islands and make recommendations for a civilian colonial government.
在争夺菲律宾群岛安全的斗争中，联邦政府派出了两个菲律宾委员会来评估群岛局势，并为建立文职殖民政府提出建议。
A civilian administration, with William H.
文职政府，威廉·H.
Taft as the first governor-general (1901–1903), was established with military support.
塔夫脱在军事支持下成立，担任第一任总督（1901-1903）。
Although President Theodore Roosevelt declared the war to be over in 1902, resistance and occasional fighting continued into the second decade of the twentieth century.
尽管西奥多·罗斯福总统于 1902 年宣布战争结束，但抵抗和偶尔的战斗一直持续到二十世纪第二个十年。
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Debates about American imperialism dominated headlines and tapped into core ideas about American identity and the proper role of the United States in the larger world.
关于美帝国主义的争论占据了头条新闻，并触及了有关美国身份和美国在更大世界中的适当角色的核心思想。
Should a former colony, established on the principles of freedom, liberty, and sovereignty, become a colonizer itself?
一个建立在自由、自由和主权原则基础上的前殖民地本身是否应该成为殖民者？
What was imperialism, anyway?
帝国主义到底是什么？
Many framed the Filipino conflict as a Protestant, civilizing mission.
许多人将菲律宾冲突视为新教的文明使命。
Others framed American imperialism in the Philippines as nothing new, as simply the extension of a never-ending westward American expansion.
其他人则认为菲律宾的美帝国主义并不新鲜，只是美国永无止境的向西扩张的延伸。
It was simply destiny.
这简直就是命运。
Some saw imperialism as a way to reenergize the nation by asserting national authority and power around the globe.
一些人将帝国主义视为通过在全球维护国家权威和权力来重振国家活力的一种方式。
Others baldly recognized the opportunities the Philippine Islands presented for access to Asian markets.
其他人则直言不讳地承认菲律宾群岛为进入亚洲市场提供了机会。
But critics grew loud.
但批评声音越来越大。
The American Anti-Imperialist League, founded in 1899 and populated by such prominent Americans as Mark Twain, Andrew Carnegie, and Jane Addams, protested American imperial actions and articulated a platform that decried foreign subjugation and upheld the rights of all to self-governance.
美国反帝国主义联盟成立于 1899 年，成员包括马克·吐温、安德鲁·卡内基和简·亚当斯等美国名人，他们抗议美帝国主义的行为，并提出了谴责外国压迫和维护所有人自治权利的纲领。
Still others embraced anti-imperialist stances because of concerns about immigration and American racial identity, afraid that American purity stood imperiled by contact with strange and foreign peoples.
还有一些人出于对移民和美国种族身份的担忧而拥护反帝国主义立场，担心美国的纯洁性因与陌生和外国人的接触而受到损害。
For whatever reason, however, the onset or acceleration of imperialism was a controversial and landmark moment in American history.
然而，无论出于何种原因，帝国主义的爆发或加速都是美国历史上一个有争议的里程碑时刻。
America had become a preeminent force in the world.
美国已成为世界上一支卓越的力量。
In this 1900 political cartoon, President McKinley measures an obese Uncle Sam for larger clothing, while anti-expansionists like Joseph Pulitzer unsuccessfully offer him a weight-loss elixir.
在这部 1900 年的政治漫画中，麦金莱总统为肥胖的山姆大叔量身定制了更大的衣服，而约瑟夫·普利策等反扩张主义者则为他提供了减肥灵丹妙药，但没有成功。
As the nation increased its imperialistic presence and mission, many worried that America would grow too big for its own good.
随着国家的帝国主义存在和使命不断增强，许多人担心美国会变得太大，不利于自身利益。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Under the leadership of President Theodore Roosevelt, the United States emerged from the nineteenth century with ambitious designs on global power through military might, territorial expansion, and economic influence.
在西奥多·罗斯福总统的领导下，美国从 19 世纪崛起，雄心勃勃地计划通过军事力量、领土扩张和经济影响力来增强全球实力。
Though the Spanish-American War had begun under the administration of William McKinley, Roosevelt—the hero of San Juan Hill, assistant secretary of the navy, vice president, and president—was arguably the most visible and influential proponent of American imperialism at the turn of the century.
尽管美西战争是在威廉·麦金莱的领导下开始的，但罗斯福——圣胡安山的英雄、海军助理部长、副总统和总统——可以说是世纪之交美帝国主义最引人注目和最有影响力的支持者。
Roosevelt’s emphasis on developing the American navy, and on Latin America as a key strategic area of U.S. foreign policy, would have long-term consequences.
罗斯福强调发展美国海军，并将拉丁美洲作为美国外交政策的关键战略领域，这将产生长期影响。
In return for Roosevelt’s support of the Republican nominee, William McKinley, in the 1896 presidential election, McKinley appointed Roosevelt as assistant secretary of the navy.
为了回报罗斯福在 1896 年总统选举中对共和党候选人威廉·麦金莱的支持，麦金莱任命罗斯福为海军助理部长。
The head of the department, John Long, had a competent but lackadaisical managerial style that allowed Roosevelt a great deal of freedom which he used to network with such luminaries as military theorists Alfred Thayer Mahan and naval officer George Dewey and politicians such as Henry Cabot Lodge and William Howard Taft.
该部门的负责人约翰·朗（John Long）的管理风格称职但懒散，这给了罗斯福很大的自由，他利用这种自由与军事理论家阿尔弗雷德·塞耶·马汉（Alfred Thayer Mahan）和海军军官乔治·杜威（George Dewey）等杰出人物以及亨利·卡伯特·洛奇（Henry Cabot Lodge）和威廉·霍华德·塔夫脱（William Howard Taft）等政治家建立了联系。
During his tenure he oversaw the construction of new battleships and the implementation of new technology and laid the groundwork for new shipyards, all with the goal of projecting America’s power across the oceans.
在他任职期间，他监督了新战舰的建造和新技术的实施，并为新造船厂奠定了基础，所有这些都是为了将美国的力量投射到大洋彼岸。
Roosevelt wanted to expand American influence.
罗斯福想要扩大美国的影响力。
For instance, he advocated for the annexation of Hawaii for several reasons: it was within the American sphere of influence, it would deny Japanese expansion and limit potential threats to the West Coast, it had an excellent port for battleships at Pearl Harbor, and it would act as a fueling station on the way to pivotal markets in Asia.
例如，他主张吞并夏威夷有几个原因：它在美国的势力范围内，可以阻止日本的扩张并限制对西海岸的潜在威胁，珍珠港是战列舰的绝佳港口，并且可以作为通往亚洲关键市场的加油站。
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Teddy Roosevelt, a politician turned soldier, gained fame after he and his Rough Riders took San Juan Hill.
泰迪·罗斯福 (Teddy Roosevelt) 从政治家转型为军人，在他和他的野蛮骑士占领圣胡安山后声名鹊起。
Images like this poster praised Roosevelt and the battle as Americans celebrated a “splendid little war.” 1899.
像这张海报这样的图片赞扬了罗斯福和这场战役，美国人庆祝了一场“精彩的小战争”。 1899.
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Roosevelt, after winning headlines in the war, ran as vice president under McKinley and rose to the presidency after McKinley’s assassination by the anarchist Leon Czolgosz in 1901.
罗斯福在战争中赢得头条新闻后，在麦金莱领导下竞选副总统，并在 1901 年麦金莱被无政府主义者莱昂·乔尔戈什刺杀后升任总统。
Among his many interventions in American life, Roosevelt acted with vigor to expand the military, bolstering naval power especially, to protect and promote American interests abroad.
在罗斯福对美国生活的诸多干预中，他大力扩张军队，特别是增强海军力量，以保护和促进美国的海外利益。
This included the construction of eleven battleships between 1904 and 1907.
其中包括 1904 年至 1907 年间建造了 11 艘战列舰。
Alfred Thayer Mahan’s naval theories, described in his The Influence of Sea Power upon History , influenced Roosevelt a great deal.
阿尔弗雷德·塞耶·马汉在《海权对历史的影响》一书中描述的海军理论对罗斯福影响很大。
In contrast to theories that advocated for commerce raiding, coastal defense, and small “brown water” ships, the imperative to control the sea required battleships and a “blue water” navy that could engage and win decisive battles with rival fleets.
与主张商业袭击、海岸防御和小型“棕水”船只的理论相反，控制海洋的必要性需要战列舰和一支能够与对手舰队进行决定性战斗并赢得胜利的“蓝水”海军。
As president, Roosevelt continued the policies he established as assistant secretary of the navy and expanded the U.S. fleet.
作为总统，罗斯福继续执行他作为海军助理部长制定的政策，并扩大了美国舰队。
The mission of the Great White Fleet, sixteen all-white battleships that sailed around the world between 1907 and 1909, exemplified America’s new power.
1907 年至 1909 年间，由 16 艘全白色战列舰组成的大白舰队在世界各地航行，其使命体现了美国的新实力。
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Roosevelt insisted that the “big stick” and the persuasive power of the U.S. military could ensure U.S. hegemony over strategically important regions in the Western Hemisphere.
罗斯福坚称，美国军队的“大棒”和说服力可以确保美国在西半球战略重要地区的霸权。
The United States used military intervention in various circumstances to further its objectives, but it did not have the ability or the inclination to militarily impose its will on the entirety of South and Central America.
美国在各种情况下利用军事干预来推进其目标，但它没有能力也没有意愿将其军事意志强加于整个南美洲和中美洲。
The United States therefore more often used informal methods of empire, such as so-called dollar diplomacy, to assert dominance over the hemisphere.
因此，美国更经常使用非正式的帝国手段，例如所谓的美元外交，来维护对西半球的统治地位。
The United States actively intervened again and again in Latin America.
美国一次又一次积极干预拉美地区。
Throughout his time in office, Roosevelt exerted U.S. control over Cuba (even after it gained formal independence in 1902) and Puerto Rico, and he deployed naval forces to ensure Panama’s independence from Colombia in 1903 in order to acquire a U.S. Canal Zone.
罗斯福在任期间，美国对古巴（甚至在 1902 年正式独立后）和波多黎各实行美国控制，并部署海军确保巴拿马于 1903 年从哥伦比亚独立，以获得美国运河区。
Furthermore, Roosevelt pronounced the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine in 1904, proclaiming U.S. police power in the Caribbean.
此外，罗斯福于1904年宣布了门罗主义的罗斯福推论，宣布美国在加勒比地区拥有警察权力。
As articulated by President James Monroe in his annual address to Congress in 1823, the United States would treat any military intervention in Latin America by a European power as a threat to American security.
正如詹姆斯·门罗总统在 1823 年向国会发表的年度演讲中所阐述的那样，美国将把欧洲列强对拉丁美洲的任何军事干预视为对美国安全的威胁。
Roosevelt reaffirmed the Monroe Doctrine and expanded it by declaring that the United States had the right to preemptive action through intervention in any Latin American nation in order to correct administrative and fiscal deficiencies.
罗斯福重申了门罗主义并对其进行了扩展，宣布美国有权通过干预任何拉丁美洲国家来采取先发制人的行动，以纠正行政和财政缺陷。
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Roosevelt’s policy justified numerous and repeated police actions in “dysfunctional” Caribbean and Latin American countries by U.S. Marines and naval forces and enabled the founding of the naval base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.
罗斯福的政策为美国海军陆战队和海军在“功能失调”的加勒比海和拉丁美洲国家多次重复的警察行动辩护，并促成在古巴关塔那摩湾建立海军基地。
This approach is sometimes referred to as gunboat diplomacy, wherein naval forces and Marines land in a national capital to protect American and Western personnel, temporarily seize control of the government, and dictate policies friendly to American business, such as the repayment of foreign loans.
这种方法有时被称为炮舰外交，其中海军和海军陆战队登陆国家首都，保护美国和西方人员，暂时夺取政府控制权，并制定有利于美国企业的政策，例如偿还外国贷款。
For example, in 1905 Roosevelt sent the Marines to occupy the Dominican Republic and established financial supervision over the Dominican government.
例如，1905年罗斯福派海军陆战队占领多米尼加共和国，并对多米尼加政府建立了财政监督。
Imperialists often framed such actions as almost humanitarian.
帝国主义者常常将此类行动视为近乎人道主义。
They celebrated white Anglo-Saxon societies such as those found in the United States and the British Empire as advanced practitioners of nation-building and civilization, helping to uplift debtor nations in Latin America that lacked the manly qualities of discipline and self-control.
他们赞扬美国和大英帝国等盎格鲁撒克逊白人社会是国家建设和文明的先进实践者，帮助拉丁美洲缺乏纪律和自我控制的男子气概的债务国振作起来。
Roosevelt, for instance, preached that it was the “manly duty” of the United States to exercise an international police power in the Caribbean and to spread the benefits of Anglo-Saxon civilization to inferior states populated by inferior peoples.
例如，罗斯福宣扬美国的“男子气概”是在加勒比地区行使国际警察权力，并将盎格鲁撒克逊文明的好处传播给居住着劣等民族的劣等国家。
The president’s language, for instance, contrasted debtor nations’ “impotence” with the United States’ civilizing influence, belying new ideas that associated self-restraint and social stability with Anglo-Saxon manliness.
例如，总统的语言将债务国的“无能”与美国的文明影响力进行了对比，掩盖了将自我克制和社会稳定与盎格鲁撒克逊男子气概联系起来的新思想。
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Dollar diplomacy offered a less costly method of empire and avoided the troubles of military occupation.
美元外交提供了一种成本较低的帝国方法，并避免了军事占领的麻烦。
Washington worked with bankers to provide loans to Latin American nations in exchange for some level of control over their national fiscal affairs.
华盛顿与银行家合作，向拉丁美洲国家提供贷款，以换取对其国家财政事务的一定程度的控制。
Roosevelt first implemented dollar diplomacy on a vast scale, while Presidents Taft and Wilson continued the practice in various forms during their own administrations.
罗斯福首先大规模推行美元外交，塔夫脱总统和威尔逊总统在各自执政期间继续以各种形式推行美元外交。
All confronted instability in Latin America.
所有这些都面临拉丁美洲的不稳定。
Rising debts to European and American bankers allowed for the inroads of modern life but destabilized much of the region.
对欧洲和美国银行家的债务不断增加，使得现代生活得以进入，但也破坏了该地区大部分地区的稳定。
Bankers, beginning with financial houses in London and New York, saw Latin America as an opportunity for investment.
从伦敦和纽约的金融机构开始，银行家们将拉丁美洲视为投资机会。
Lenders took advantage of the region’s newly formed governments’ need for cash and exacted punishing interest rates on massive loans, which were then sold off in pieces on the secondary bond market.
贷款人利用该地区新成立的政府对现金的需求，对大量贷款征收惩罚性利率，然后在二级债券市场上分批出售。
American economic interests were now closely aligned with the region but also further undermined by the chronic instability of the region’s newly formed governments, which were often plagued by mismanagement, civil wars, and military coups in the decades following their independence.
美国的经济利益现在与该地区紧密相连，但也因该地区新成立政府的长期不稳定而进一步受到损害，这些政府在独立后的几十年里经常受到管理不善、内战和军事政变的困扰。
Turnover in regimes interfered with the repayment of loans, as new governments often repudiated the national debt or forced a renegotiation with suddenly powerless lenders.
政权更迭干扰了贷款的偿还，因为新政府常常拒绝偿还国家债务，或者强迫与突然无能为力的贷款人重新谈判。
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Creditors could not force settlements of loans until they successfully lobbied their own governments to get involved and forcibly collect debts.
债权人在成功游说本国政府介入并强行收回债务之前，无法强制解决贷款问题。
The Roosevelt administration did not want to deny the Europeans’ rightful demands of repayment of debt, but it also did not want to encourage European policies of conquest in the hemisphere as part of that debt collection.
罗斯福政府不想拒绝欧洲人偿还债务的正当要求，但它也不想鼓励欧洲在西半球采取征服政策，作为追债的一部分。
U.S. policy makers and military strategists within the Roosevelt administration determined that this European practice of military intervention posed a serious threat to American interests in the region.
罗斯福政府内的美国决策者和军事战略家认为，欧洲的这种军事干预做法对美国在该地区的利益构成了严重威胁。
Roosevelt reasoned that the United States must create and maintain fiscal and political stability within strategically important nations in Latin America, particularly those affecting routes to and from the proposed Panama Canal.
罗斯福认为，美国必须在拉丁美洲具有重要战略意义的国家内建立并维持财政和政治稳定，特别是那些影响拟建巴拿马运河航线的国家。
As a result, U.S. policy makers considered intervention in places like Cuba and the Dominican Republic a necessity to ensure security around the region.
因此，美国决策者认为对古巴和多米尼加共和国等地进行干预是确保该地区安全的必要条件。
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The Monroe Doctrine provided the Roosevelt administration with a diplomatic and international legal tradition through which it could assert a U.S. right and obligation to intervene in the hemisphere.
门罗主义为罗斯福政府提供了外交和国际法律传统，通过该传统，罗斯福政府可以主张美国干预西半球的权利和义务。
The Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine asserted that the United States wished to promote stable, prosperous states in Latin America that could live up to their political and financial obligations.
门罗主义的罗斯福推论声称，美国希望促进拉丁美洲国家稳定、繁荣，从而履行其政治和财政义务。
Roosevelt declared that “wrongdoing, or an impotence which results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society, may finally require intervention by some civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the United States cannot ignore this duty.” 22 President Monroe declared what Europeans could not do in the Western Hemisphere; Roosevelt inverted his doctrine to legitimize direct U.S. intervention in the region.
罗斯福宣称，“导致文明社会联系普遍松动的错误行为或无能为力，最终可能需要某个文明国家的干预，而在西半球，美国不能忽视这一责任。” 22 门罗总统宣布欧洲人在西半球不能做的事；罗斯福颠倒了他的学说，使美国对该地区的直接干预合法化。
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23
Though aggressive and bellicose, Roosevelt did not necessarily advocate expansion by military force.
尽管罗斯福好斗好战，但他并不一定主张通过军事力量扩张。
In fact, the president insisted that in dealings with the Latin American nations, he did not seek national glory or expansion of territory and believed that war or intervention should be a last resort when resolving conflicts with problematic governments.
事实上，总统坚称，在与拉美国家打交道时，他并不追求国家荣耀或领土扩张，并认为战争或干预应该是解决与有问题的政府的冲突的最后手段。
According to Roosevelt, such actions were necessary to maintain “order and civilization.” 24 Then again, Roosevelt certainly believed in using military power to protect national interests and spheres of influence when absolutely necessary.
罗斯福认为，此类行动对于维持“秩序和文明”是必要的。 24 话又说回来，罗斯福当然相信在绝对必要时使用军事力量来保护国家利益和势力范围。
He also believed that the American sphere included not only Hawaii and the Caribbean but also much of the Pacific.
他还认为，美洲范围不仅包括夏威夷和加勒比地区，还包括太平洋的大部分地区。
When Japanese victories over Russia threatened the regional balance of power, he sponsored peace talks between Russian and Japanese leaders, earning him a Nobel Peace Prize in 1906.
当日本对俄罗斯的胜利威胁到地区力量平衡时，他发起了俄罗斯和日本领导人之间的和谈，并于 1906 年获得了诺贝尔和平奖。
With much satisfaction, Columbia puts on her “Easter Bonnet,” a hat shaped like a warship and labeled World Power.
哥伦比亚非常满意地戴上了她的“复活节帽子”，这是一顶形状像军舰的帽子，上面贴着世界强国的标签。
By 1901, when this political cartoon was published, Americans felt confident in their country’s position as a world leader.
1901 年，当这幅政治漫画出版时，美国人对自己国家的世界领袖地位充满信心。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Debates over American imperialism revolved around more than just politics and economics and national self-interest.
关于美帝国主义的争论不仅仅围绕政治、经济和国家自身利益。
They also included notions of humanitarianism, morality, religion, and ideas of “civilization.” And they included significant participation by American women.
它们还包括人道主义、道德、宗教和“文明”观念的概念。其中包括美国女性的大量参与。
In the fall of 1903, Margaret McLeod, age twenty-one, originally of Boston, found herself in Australia on family business and in need of income.
1903 年秋天，二十一岁的玛格丽特·麦克劳德（Margaret McLeod）原籍波士顿，发现自己在澳大利亚从事家族生意，需要收入。
Fortuitously, she made the acquaintance of Alexander MacWillie, the top salesman for the H.
一次偶然的机会，她结识了 H. 的顶级推销员亚历山大·麦克威利 (Alexander MacWillie)。
J.
J。
Heinz Company, who happened to be looking for a young lady to serve as a “demonstrator” of Heinz products to potential consumers.
亨氏公司恰好正在寻找一位年轻女士作为亨氏产品向潜在消费者的“演示者”。
McLeod proved to be such an attractive purveyor of India relish and baked beans that she accompanied MacWillie on the rest of his tour of Australia and continued on to South Africa, India, and Japan.
事实证明，麦克劳德是一位极具吸引力的印度风味和烤豆供应商，她陪伴麦克威利完成了澳大利亚之旅的其余部分，并继续前往南非、印度和日本。
Wherever she went, this “dainty young girl with golden hair in white cap and tucker” drew attention to Heinz’s products, but, in a much larger sense, she was also projecting an image of middle-class American domesticity, of pure womanhood.
无论她走到哪里，这位“金发、头戴白帽、头戴塔克的精致年轻女孩”都会引起人们对亨氏产品的关注，但从更大的意义上来说，她也展现了美国中产阶级家庭生活、纯粹女性的形象。
Heinz saw itself not only as purveying economical and healthful foodstuffs—it was bringing the blessings of civilization to the world.
亨氏认为自己不仅提供经济、健康的食品，而且还为世界带来文明的祝福。
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When commentators, such as Theodore Roosevelt in his speech on “the strenuous life,” spoke about America’s overseas ventures, they generally gave the impression that this was a strictly masculine enterprise—the work of soldiers, sailors, government officials, explorers, businessmen, and scientists.
当西奥多·罗斯福在他关于“艰苦的生活”的演讲中谈到美国的海外事业时，评论家们普遍给人的印象是，这是一项完全男性化的事业——士兵、水手、政府官员、探险家、商人和科学家的工作。
But in fact, U.S. imperialism, which focused as much on economic and cultural influence as on military or political power, offered a range of opportunities for white, middle-class, Christian women.
但事实上，美帝国主义不仅注重军事或政治权力，还注重经济和文化影响力，为白人中产阶级基督教女性提供了一系列机会。
In addition to working as representatives of American business, women could serve as missionaries, teachers, and medical professionals, and as artists and writers they were inspired by and helped transmit ideas about imperialism.
除了担任美国商界的代表外，女性还可以担任传教士、教师和医疗专业人员，以及作为艺术家和作家，她们受到帝国主义的启发并帮助传播有关帝国主义的思想。
Moreover, the rhetoric of civilization that underlay imperialism was itself a highly gendered concept.
此外，帝国主义背后的文明修辞本身就是一个高度性别化的概念。
According to the racial theory of the day, humans progressed through hierarchical stages of civilization in an orderly, linear fashion.
根据当时的种族理论，人类以有序、线性的方式经历了文明的等级阶段。
Only Europeans and Americans had attained the highest level of civilization, which was superficially marked by whiteness but also included an industrial economy and a gender division in which men and women had diverging but complementary roles.
只有欧洲人和美国人达到了最高的文明水平，表面上以白人为标志，但也包括工业经济和性别分工，男女在其中扮演着不同但互补的角色。
Social and technological progress had freed women of the burdens of physical labor and elevated them to a position of moral and spiritual authority.
社会和技术进步使妇女摆脱了体力劳动的负担，并将她们提升到了道德和精神权威的地位。
White women thus potentially had important roles to play in U.S. imperialism, both as symbols of the benefits of American civilization and as vehicles for the transmission of American values.
因此，白人妇女在美帝国主义中可能发挥重要作用，既是美国文明利益的象征，又是美国价值观传播的载体。
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Civilization, while often cloaked in the language of morality and Christianity, was very much an economic concept.
文明虽然常常披着道德和基督教语言的外衣，但在很大程度上是一个经济概念。
The stages of civilization were primarily marked by their economic character (hunter-gatherer, agricultural, industrial), and the consumption of industrially produced commodities was seen as a key moment in the progress of “savages” toward civilized life.
文明的各个阶段主要以其经济特征（狩猎采集、农业、工业）为标志，工业生产的商品的消费被视为“野蛮人”迈向文明生活的关键时刻。
Over the course of the nineteenth century, women in the West, for instance, had become closely associated with consumption, particularly of those commodities used in the domestic sphere.
例如，在整个十九世纪，西方妇女已经与消费，特别是家庭领域使用的商品密切相关。
Thus it must have seemed natural for Alexander MacWillie to hire Margaret McLeod to “demonstrate” ketchup and chili sauce at the same time as she “demonstrated” white, middle-class domesticity.
因此，亚历山大·麦克威利聘请玛格丽特·麦克劳德来“展示”番茄酱和辣椒酱，同时让她“展示”白人中产阶级的家庭生活，这似乎是很自然的事情。
By adopting the use of such progressive products in their homes, consumers could potentially absorb even the virtues of American civilization.
通过在家中使用这种先进的产品，消费者甚至有可能吸收美国文明的优点。
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In some ways, women’s work in support of imperialism can be seen as an extension of the kind of activities many of them were already engaged in among working-class, immigrant, and Native American communities in the United States.
在某些方面，妇女支持帝国主义的工作可以被视为她们中许多人已经在美国工人阶级、移民和美洲原住民社区中从事的活动的延伸。
Many white women felt that they had a duty to spread the benefits of Christian civilization to those less fortunate than themselves.
许多白人妇女认为她们有责任将基督教文明的好处传播给那些比她们不幸的人。
American overseas ventures, then, merely expanded the scope of these activities—literally, in that the geographical range of possibilities encompassed practically the entire globe, and figuratively, in that imperialism significantly raised the stakes of women’s work.
那么，美国的海外企业只是扩大了这些活动的范围——从字面上看，可能性的地理范围几乎涵盖了整个地球；从象征意义上讲，帝国主义显着提高了妇女工作的风险。
No longer only responsible for shaping the next generation of American citizens, white women now had a crucial role to play in the maintenance of civilization itself.
白人女性不再仅仅负责塑造下一代美国公民，现在在维护文明本身方面发挥着至关重要的作用。
They too would help determine whether civilization would continue to progress.
它们也将有助于确定文明是否会继续进步。
Of course, not all women were active supporters of U.S. imperialism.
当然，并非所有妇女都是美帝国主义的积极支持者。
Many actively opposed it.
许多人积极反对。
Although the most prominent public voices against imperialism were male, women made up a large proportion of the membership of organizations like the Anti-Imperialist League.
尽管最突出的反对帝国主义的公众声音是男性，但在反帝联盟等组织的成员中，女性也占很大比例。
For white women like Jane Addams and Josephine Shaw Lowell, anti-imperialist activism was an outgrowth of their work in opposition to violence and in support of democracy.
对于像简·亚当斯和约瑟芬·肖·洛厄尔这样的白人女性来说，反帝国主义行动主义是她们反对暴力和支持民主工作的产物。
Black female activists, meanwhile, generally viewed imperialism as a form of racial antagonism and drew parallels between the treatments of African Americans at home and, for example, Filipinos abroad.
与此同时，黑人女性活动人士普遍将帝国主义视为种族对抗的一种形式，并将非洲裔美国人在国内的待遇与菲律宾人在国外的待遇进行了比较。
Indeed, Ida B.
事实上，艾达 B.
Wells viewed her anti-lynching campaign as a kind of anti-imperialist activism.
威尔斯将她的反私刑运动视为一种反帝国主义行动。
For Americans at the turn of the century, imperialism and immigration were two sides of the same coin.
对于世纪之交的美国人来说，帝国主义和移民是同一枚硬币的两个侧面。
The involvement of American women with imperialist and anti-imperialist activity demonstrates how foreign policy concerns were brought home and became, in a sense, domesticated.
美国妇女参与帝国主义和反帝国主义活动表明，外交政策问题是如何被带回家的，并在某种意义上被驯化了。
It is also no coincidence that many of the women involved in both imperialist and anti-imperialist organizations were also concerned with the plight of new arrivals to the United States.
许多参与帝国主义和反帝国主义组织的女性也关心美国新移民的困境，这也并非巧合。
Industrialization, imperialism, and immigration were all linked.
工业化、帝国主义和移民都是相互联系的。
Imperialism had at its core a desire for markets for American goods, and those goods were increasingly manufactured by immigrant labor.
帝国主义的核心愿望是获得美国商品的市场，而这些商品越来越多地由移民劳工制造。
This sense of growing dependence on “others” as producers and consumers, along with doubts about their capability of assimilation into the mainstream of white, Protestant American society, caused a great deal of anxiety among native-born Americans.
这种对作为生产者和消费者的“他人”日益依赖的感觉，以及对他们融入美国白人新教社会主流的能力的怀疑，在土生土长的美国人中引起了极大的焦虑。
Between 1870 and 1920, over twenty-five million immigrants arrived in the United States.
1870 年至 1920 年间，超过 2500 万移民抵达美国。
This migration was largely a continuation of a process begun before the Civil War, though by the turn of the twentieth century, new groups such as Italians, Poles, and Eastern European Jews made up a larger percentage of the arrivals while Irish and German numbers began to dwindle.
这种移民很大程度上是内战之前开始的过程的延续，尽管到了二十世纪之交，意大利人、波兰人和东欧犹太人等新群体在抵达者中所占比例更大，而爱尔兰人和德国人的人数开始减少。
Although the growing U.S. economy needed large numbers of immigrant workers for its factories and mills, many Americans reacted negatively to the arrival of so many immigrants.
尽管不断增长的美国经济需要大量移民工人为其工厂和工厂提供服务，但许多美国人对如此多移民的到来反应消极。
Nativists opposed mass immigration for various reasons.
本土主义者出于各种原因反对大规模移民。
Some felt that the new arrivals were unfit for American democracy, and that Irish or Italian immigrants used violence or bribery to corrupt municipal governments.
一些人认为新移民不适合美国民主，爱尔兰或意大利移民使用暴力或贿赂来腐败市政府。
Others (often earlier immigrants themselves) worried that the arrival of even more immigrants would result in fewer jobs and lower wages.
其他人（通常是早期移民本身）担心更多移民的到来会导致就业机会减少和工资下降。
Such fears combined and resulted in anti-Chinese protests on the West Coast in the 1870s.
这些担忧综合起来，导致了 1870 年代西海岸的反华抗议活动。
Still others worried that immigrants brought with them radical ideas such as socialism and communism.
还有一些人担心移民带来了社会主义和共产主义等激进思想。
These fears multiplied after the Chicago Haymarket affair in 1886, in which immigrants were accused of killing police officers in a bomb blast.
1886 年芝加哥干草市场事件后，移民被指控在炸弹爆炸中杀害了警察，这种恐惧进一步加剧。
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Nativist sentiment intensified in the late nineteenth century as immigrants streamed into American cities.
十九世纪末，随着移民涌入美国城市，本土主义情绪愈演愈烈。
Uncle Sam’s Lodging House, published in 1882, conveys this anti-immigrant attitude, with caricatured representations of Europeans, Asians, and African Americans creating a chaotic scene.
1882 年出版的《山姆大叔的旅馆》传达了这种反移民态度，漫画中欧洲人、亚洲人和非裔美国人的形象营造出混乱的场景。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
In September 1876, Franklin Benjamin Sanborn, a member of the Massachusetts Board of State Charities, gave an address in support of the introduction of regulatory federal immigration legislation at an interstate conference of charity officials in Saratoga, New York.
1876 年 9 月，马萨诸塞州慈善委员会成员富兰克林·本杰明·桑伯恩在纽约萨拉托加举行的州际慈善官员会议上发表讲话，支持引入联邦移民监管立法。
Immigration might bring some benefits, but “it also introduces disease, ignorance, crime, pauperism and idleness.” Sanborn thus advocated federal action to stop “indiscriminate and unregulated immigration.” 29
移民可能会带来一些好处，但“它也会带来疾病、无知、犯罪、贫困和懒惰。”因此，桑伯恩主张联邦政府采取行动，制止“不分青红皂白和不受监管的移民”。 29
Sanborn’s address was aimed at restricting only the immigration of paupers from Europe to the East Coast, but the idea of immigration restrictions was common across the United States in the late nineteenth century, when many variously feared that the influx of foreigners would undermine the racial, economic, and moral integrity of American society.
桑伯恩的演讲旨在仅限制来自欧洲的穷人移民到东海岸，但移民限制的想法在十九世纪末的美国很普遍，当时许多人担心外国人的涌入会破坏美国社会的种族、经济和道德完整性。
From the 1870s to the 1920s, the federal government passed a series of laws limiting or discontinuing the immigration of particular groups, and the United States remained committed to regulating the kind of immigrants who would join American society.
从 1870 年代到 1920 年代，联邦政府通过了一系列限制或停止特定群体移民的法律，美国仍然致力于规范加入美国社会的移民类型。
To critics, regulations legitimized racism, class bias, and ethnic prejudice as formal national policy.
在批评者看来，法规将种族主义、阶级偏见和民族偏见合法化为正式的国家政策。
The first move for federal immigration control came from California, where racial hostility toward Chinese immigrants had mounted since the midnineteenth century.
联邦移民控制的第一个举措来自加利福尼亚州，该州自十九世纪中叶以来对中国移民的种族敌意不断加剧。
In addition to accusing Chinese immigrants of racial inferiority and unfitness for American citizenship, opponents claimed that they were also economically and morally corrupting American society with cheap labor and immoral practices, such as prostitution.
反对者除了指责中国移民存在种族劣等和不适合美国公民身份外，还声称他们还通过廉价劳动力和卖淫等不道德行为在经济和道德上腐蚀美国社会。
Immigration restriction was necessary for the “Caucasian race of California,” as one anti-Chinese politician declared, and for European Americans to “preserve and maintain their homes, their business, and their high social and moral position.” In 1875, the anti-Chinese crusade in California moved Congress to pass the Page Act, which banned the entry of convicted criminals, Asian laborers brought involuntarily, and women imported “for the purposes of prostitution,” a stricture designed chiefly to exclude Chinese women.
正如一位反华政治家所宣称的那样，移民限制对于“加利福尼亚州的白人种族”是必要的，对于欧洲裔美国人来说是必要的，以“保护和维持他们的家园、他们的生意以及他们崇高的社会和道德地位”。 1875年，加利福尼亚州的反华运动促使国会通过了《佩吉法案》，该法案禁止被定罪的罪犯、非自愿带来的亚洲劳工以及“以卖淫为目的”进口的妇女入境，这一限制主要是为了将华人妇女排除在外。
Then, in May 1882, Congress suspended the immigration of all Chinese laborers with the Chinese Exclusion Act, making the Chinese the first immigrant group subject to admission restrictions on the basis of race.
随后，1882年5月，国会通过《排华法案》暂停所有华工移民，使华人成为第一个因种族而受到准入限制的移民群体。
They became the first illegal immigrants.
他们成为第一批非法移民。
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The idea of America as a “melting pot,” a metaphor common in today’s parlance, was a way of arguing for the ethnic assimilation of all immigrants into a nebulous “American” identity at the turn of the 20th century.
美国作为“熔炉”的想法是当今常用的比喻，它是主张在 20 世纪初将所有移民的种族同化为模糊的“美国”身份的一种方式。
A play of the same name premiered in 1908 to great acclaim, causing even the former president Theodore Roosevelt to tell the playwright, “That’s a great play, Mr. Zangwill, that’s a great play.” Cover of Theater Programme for Israel Zangwill’s play “The Melting Pot”, 1916.
一部同名戏剧于 1908 年首演，广受好评，甚至连前总统西奥多·罗斯福都对剧作家说：“这是一部伟大的戏剧，赞格威尔先生，这是一部伟大的戏剧。”以色列·赞格威尔 (Israel Zangwill) 的戏剧《熔炉》戏剧节目封面，1916 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
On the other side of the country, Atlantic Seaboard states also facilitated the formation of federal immigration policy.
在美国的另一边，大西洋沿岸各州也促进了联邦移民政策的制定。
Since the colonial period, East Coast states had regulated immigration through their own passenger laws, which prohibited the landing of destitute foreigners unless shipmasters prepaid certain amounts of money in the support of those passengers.
自殖民时期以来，东海岸各州通过自己的旅客法来管理移民，禁止贫困的外国人登陆，除非船长预付一定金额来支持这些旅客。
State-level control of pauper immigration developed into federal policy in the early 1880s.
1880 年代初，州级对贫民移民的控制发展成为联邦政策。
In August 1882, Congress passed the Immigration Act, denying admission to people who were not able to support themselves and those, such as paupers, people with mental illnesses, or convicted criminals, who might otherwise threaten the security of the nation.
1882年8月，国会通过了《移民法》，拒绝接纳那些无法养活自己的人和那些可能威胁国家安全的人，例如穷人、精神疾病患者或被定罪的罪犯。
The category of excludable people expanded continuously after 1882.
1882年以后，排斥人群的范围不断扩大。
In 1885, in response to American workers’ complaints about cheap immigrant labor, Congress added foreign workers migrating under labor contracts with American employers to the list of excludable people.
1885年，为了回应美国工人对廉价移民劳动力的抱怨，国会将与美国雇主签订劳动合同的外国工人列入排斥人群名单。
Six years later, the federal government included people who seemed likely to become wards of the state, people with contagious diseases, and polygamists, and made all groups of excludable people deportable.
六年后，联邦政府将那些似乎有可能成为该州受监护人的人、患有传染病的人和一夫多妻制的人纳入其中，并将所有具有排他性的人群体驱逐出境。
In 1903, those who would pose ideological threats to American republican democracy, such as anarchists and socialists, also became the subject of new immigration restrictions.
1903年，那些对美国共和民主构成意识形态威胁的人，如无政府主义者和社会主义者，也成为新移民限制的对象。
Many immigration critics were responding to the shifting demographics of American immigration.
许多移民批评家对美国移民人口结构的变化做出了回应。
The center of immigrant-sending regions shifted from northern and western Europe to southern and eastern Europe and Asia.
移民输出地区的中心从北欧、西欧转移到南欧、东欧和亚洲。
These “new immigrants” were poorer, spoke languages other than English, and were likely Catholic or Jewish.
这些“新移民”更穷，说英语以外的语言，并且可能是天主教徒或犹太教徒。
White Protestant Americans typically regarded them as inferior, and American immigration policy began to reflect more explicit prejudice than ever before.
美国白人新教徒通常认为他们低人一等，美国的移民政策开始反映出比以往任何时候都更加明显的偏见。
One restrictionist declared that these immigrants were “races with which the English-speaking people have never hitherto assimilated, and who are most alien to the great body of the people of the United States.” The increased immigration of people from southern and eastern Europe, such as Italians, Jews, Slavs, and Greeks, led directly to calls for tighter restrictive measures.
一位限制主义者宣称，这些移民是“英语国家迄今为止从未同化的种族，也是美国广大人民最陌生的种族”。来自南欧和东欧的移民，如意大利人、犹太人、斯拉夫人和希腊人的移民增加，直接导致要求采取更严格限制措施的呼声。
In 1907, the immigration of Japanese laborers was practically suspended when the American and Japanese governments reached the so-called Gentlemen’s Agreement, according to which Japan would stop issuing passports to working-class emigrants.
1907年，美国和日本政府达成了所谓的“君子协定”，日本将停止向工人阶级移民发放护照，日本劳工的移民实际上已经暂停。
In its forty-two-volume report of 1911, the U.S. Immigration Commission highlighted the impossibility of incorporating these new immigrants into American society.
美国移民委员会在 1911 年的四十二卷报告中强调了将这些新移民融入美国社会的不可能。
The report highlighted their supposed innate inferiority, asserting that they were the causes of rising social problems in America, such as poverty, crime, prostitution, and political radicalism.
该报告强调了他们所谓的先天劣势，声称他们是美国社会问题日益严重的根源，例如贫困、犯罪、卖淫和政治激进主义。
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The assault against immigrants’ Catholicism provides an excellent example of the challenges immigrant groups faced in the United States.
对移民天主教徒的攻击提供了移民群体在美国面临的挑战的一个很好的例子。
By 1900, Catholicism in the United States had grown dramatically in size and diversity, from 1 percent of the population a century earlier to the largest religious denomination in America (though still outnumbered by Protestants as a whole).
到 1900 年，美国天主教的规模和多样性急剧增长，从一个世纪前占人口的 1% 发展成为美国最大的宗教派别（尽管总体数量仍不及新教）。
As a result, Catholics in America faced two intertwined challenges: one external, related to Protestant anti-Catholicism, and the other internal, having to do with the challenges of assimilation.
结果，美国的天主教徒面临着两个相互交织的挑战：一个是外部的，与新教反天主教有关，另一个是内部的，与同化的挑战有关。
Externally, the Church and its members remained an “outsider” religion in a nation that continued to see itself as culturally and religiously Protestant.
从表面上看，教会及其成员在一个继续将自己视为文化和宗教上新教的国家中仍然是“局外”宗教。
Torrents of anti-Catholic literature and scandalous rumors maligned Catholics.
大量的反天主教文学和诽谤性谣言诽谤天主教徒。
Many Protestants doubted whether Catholics could ever make loyal Americans because they supposedly owed primary allegiance to the pope.
许多新教徒怀疑天主教徒能否成为忠诚的美国人，因为据说他们主要效忠教皇。
Internally, Catholics in America faced the question every immigrant group has had to answer: to what extent should they become more like native-born Americans?
在内部，美国的天主教徒面临着每个移民群体都必须回答的问题：他们应该在多大程度上变得更像土生土长的美国人？
This question was particularly acute, as Catholics encompassed a variety of languages and customs.
这个问题尤其尖锐，因为天主教徒包含多种语言和习俗。
Beginning in the 1830s, Catholic immigration to the United States had exploded with the increasing arrival of Irish and German immigrants.
从 1830 年代开始，随着爱尔兰和德国移民的不断增加，美国的天主教移民激增。
Subsequent Catholic arrivals from Italy, Poland, and other Eastern European countries chafed at Irish dominance over the Church hierarchy.
随后来自意大利、波兰和其他东欧国家的天主教徒对爱尔兰在教会等级制度中的主导地位感到愤怒。
Mexican and Mexican American Catholics, whether recent immigrants or incorporated into the nation after the Mexican-American War, expressed similar frustrations.
墨西哥和墨西哥裔美国天主教徒，无论是新移民还是在美墨战争后融入这个国家，都表达了类似的挫败感。
Could all these different Catholics remain part of the same Church?
所有这些不同的天主教徒是否仍属于同一教会？
Catholic clergy approached this situation from a variety of perspectives.
天主教神职人员从不同的角度处理这种情况。
Some bishops advocated rapid assimilation into the English-speaking mainstream.
一些主教主张迅速融入英语主流。
These “Americanists” advocated an end to “ethnic parishes”—the unofficial practice of permitting separate congregations for Poles, Italians, Germans, and so on—in the belief that such isolation only delayed immigrants’ entry into the American mainstream.
这些“美国主义者”主张结束“种族教区”——允许波兰人、意大利人、德国人等单独集会的非官方做法——他们相信这种隔离只会推迟移民进入美国主流。
They anticipated that the Catholic Church could thrive in a nation that espoused religious freedom, if only they assimilated.
他们预计，只要他们同化，天主教会就能在一个拥护宗教自由的国家蓬勃发展。
Meanwhile, however, more conservative clergy cautioned against assimilation.
然而，与此同时，更为保守的神职人员警告不要同化。
While they conceded that the United States had no official religion, they felt that Protestant notions of the separation of church and state and of licentious individual liberty posed a threat to the Catholic faith.
虽然他们承认美国没有官方宗教，但他们认为新教政教分离以及放荡的个人自由的观念对天主教信仰构成了威胁。
They further saw ethnic parishes as an effective strategy protecting immigrant communities and worried that Protestants would use public schools to attack the Catholic faith.
他们进一步将少数民族教区视为保护移民社区的有效策略，并担心新教徒会利用公立学校攻击天主教信仰。
Eventually, the head of the Catholic Church, Pope Leo XIII, weighed in on the controversy.
最终，天主教会领袖教皇利奥十三世介入了这场争论。
In 1899, he sent a special letter (an encyclical) to an archbishop in the United States.
1899年，他向美国一位大主教发出了一封特别的信（通谕）。
Leo reminded the Americanists that the Catholic Church was a unified global body and that American liberties did not give Catholics the freedom to alter church teachings.
利奥提醒美国主义者，天主教会是一个统一的全球机构，美国的自由并没有赋予天主教徒改变教会教义的自由。
The Americanists denied any such intention, but the conservative clergy claimed that the pope had sided with them.
美国主义者否认有任何此类意图，但保守派神职人员声称教皇站在他们一边。
Tension between Catholicism and American life, however, would continue well into the twentieth century.
然而，天主教与美国生活之间的紧张关系将持续到二十世纪。
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The American encounter with Catholicism—and Catholicism’s encounter with America—testified to the tense relationship between native-born and foreign-born Americans, and to the larger ideas Americans used to situate themselves in a larger world, a world of empire and immigrants.
美国与天主教的遭遇——以及天主教与美国的遭遇——证明了本土出生的美国人和外国出生的美国人之间的紧张关系，也证明了美国人过去将自己置于一个更大的世界、一个帝国和移民的世界中的更大理念。
While American imperialism flared most brightly for a relatively brief time at the turn of the century, new imperial patterns repeated old practices and lived on into the twentieth century.
虽然美帝国主义在世纪之交的一段相对短暂的时期内最为耀眼，但新的帝国主义模式重复了旧的做法，并一直延续到二十世纪。
But suddenly the United States had embraced its cultural, economic, and religious influence in the world, along with a newfound military power, to exercise varying degrees of control over nations and peoples.
但突然之间，美国接受了其在世界上的文化、经济和宗教影响力，以及新建立的军事力量，对各国和人民实行不同程度的控制。
Whether as formal subjects or unwilling partners on the receiving end of Roosevelt’s “big stick,” those who experienced U.S. expansionist policies confronted new American ambitions.
无论是作为正式臣民还是不愿意接受罗斯福“大棒”的伙伴，那些经历过美国扩张主义政策的人都面临着美国新的野心。
At home, debates over immigration and imperialism drew attention to the interplay of international and domestic policy and the ways in which imperial actions, practices, and ideas affected and were affected by domestic questions.
在国内，关于移民和帝国主义的争论引起了人们对国际和国内政策之间相互作用的关注，以及帝国行为、实践和思想如何影响国内问题以及受国内问题影响的方式。
How Americans thought about the conflict in the Philippines, for example, was affected by how they approached immigration in their own cities.
例如，美国人对菲律宾冲突的看法受到他们在自己城市处理移民问题的影响。
And at the turn of the century, those thoughts were very much on the minds of Americans.
在世纪之交，这些想法深深地存在于美国人的脑海中。
After the surrender of the Spanish in the Spanish-American War, the United States assumed control of the Philippines and struggled to contain an anti-American insurgency.
西班牙在美西战争中投降后，美国控制了菲律宾并努力遏制反美叛乱。
As the United States waged war against Filipino insurgents, the British writer and poet Rudyard Kipling urged the Americans to take up “the white man’s burden.”
当美国对菲律宾叛乱分子发动战争时，英国作家兼诗人鲁迪亚德·吉卜林敦促美国人承担起“白人的负担”。
3.
3.
James D.
詹姆斯·D.
Phelan, “Why the Chinese Should Be Excluded” (1901)
费伦，《为什么华人应该被排除在外》（1901）
James D.
詹姆斯·D.
Phelan, the mayor of San Francisco, penned the following article to drum up support for the extension of laws prohibiting Chinese immigration.
旧金山市长费伦撰写了以下文章，以争取支持延长禁止中国移民的法律。
Many Americans opposed imperialist actions.
许多美国人反对帝国主义行动。
Here, the philosopher William James explains his opposition in the light of history.
在这里，哲学家威廉·詹姆斯根据历史解释了他的反对意见。
The American writer Mark Twain wrote the following satire in the glow of America’s imperial interventions.
美国作家马克·吐温在美国帝国主义干预的光辉下写下了以下讽刺作品。
6.
6.
Chinese Immigrants Confront Anti-Chinese Prejudice (1885, 1903)
中国移民面对反华偏见（1885、1903）
Mary Tape, a Chinese immigrant mother, fought for her daughter, Mamie Tape, to integrate public schools in California.
玛丽·塔普 (Mary Tape) 是一位中国移民母亲，她为女儿玛米·塔普 (Mamie Tape) 争取整合加州公立学校的权利。
The case, Tape v.
案件，磁带诉。
Hurley (1885), reached the California Supreme Court in 1885 and, despite a favorable ruling for Tape, the San Francisco Board of Education built a segregated Chinese school which Mamie Tape was forced to attend.
赫尔利（Hurley，1885 年）于 1885 年向加州最高法院提起诉讼，尽管对泰普做出了有利的裁决，但旧金山教育委员会还是建立了一所种族隔离的华人学校，玛米·泰普被迫就读。
In the following letter, Mary Tape protested the denial of her daughter’s entry to Spring Valley School; Lee Chew immigrated from China at the age of 16.
在接下来的信中，玛丽·泰普 (Mary Tape) 对拒绝她女儿进入春谷学校 (Spring Valley School) 提出抗议； Lee Chew 16 岁时从中国移民。
He worked as a domestic servant for an American family in San Francisco, started a laundry business, and later ran an importing business in New York City.
他在旧金山为一个美国家庭当家庭佣人，创办了一家洗衣店，后来在纽约市经营一家进口公司。
In the following passage, he attacked anti-Chinese prejudice in the United States.
在接下来的一段话中，他攻击了美国的反华偏见。
Thousands of African-American troops served in in the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars.
数千名非洲裔美国士兵参加了美西战争和美菲战争。
Confronted with racial violence and discrimination at home, they did so with a mix of hope, skepticism, satisfaction, and disappointment.
面对国内的种族暴力和歧视，他们的心中夹杂着希望、怀疑、满足和失望。
Here, the Indianapolis Freeman reports on recruiting efforts in Hartfod, Connecticut.
此处，《印第安纳波利斯·弗里曼》报道了康涅狄格州哈特福德的招聘工作。
In this 1899 cartoon published, Uncle Sam lectures his new students: The Philippines, Hawaii, Puerto Rico, and, Cuba.
在这幅 1899 年出版的漫画中，山姆大叔给他的新学生讲课：菲律宾、夏威夷、波多黎各和古巴。
Past and potentially future U.S. acquisitions fill the rest of the classroom.
过去和未来可能的美国收购占据了课堂的其余部分。
In this political cartoon, tailor President McKinley measures an obese Uncle Sam for larger clothing, while Anti-Expansionists like Joseph Pulitzer unsuccessfully offer Sam a weight-loss elixir.
在这部政治漫画中，裁缝麦金利总统为肥胖的山姆大叔量了量，以换取更大的衣服，而约瑟夫·普利策等反扩张主义者却未能成功地为山姆大叔提供减肥灵丹妙药。
As the nation increased its imperialistic presence and mission, many like Pulitzer worried that America would grow too big for its own good.
随着国家的帝国主义存在和使命不断增强，普利策等许多人担心美国会变得太大，不利于自身利益。
This chapter was edited by Ellen Adams and Amy Kohout, with content contributions by Ellen Adams, Alvita Akiboh, Simon Balto, Jacob Betz, Tizoc Chavez, Morgan Deane, Dan Du, Hidetaka Hirota, Amy Kohout, Jose Juan Perez Melendez, Erik Moore, and Gregory Moore.
本章由 Ellen Adams 和 Amy Kohout 编辑，内容贡献者包括 Ellen Adams、Alvita Akiboh、Simon Balto、Jacob Betz、Tizoc Chavez、Morgan Deane、Dan Du、Hidetaka Hirota、Amy Kohout、Jose Juan Perez Melendez、Erik Moore 和 Gregory Moore。
Recommended citation: Ellen Adams et al., “American Empire,” Ellen Adams and Amy Kohout, eds., in The American Yawp , eds.
推荐引用：Ellen Adams 等人，“美国帝国”，Ellen Adams 和 Amy Kohout 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。
Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).
约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。