The American Yawp
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When British author Rudyard Kipling visited Chicago in 1889, he described a city captivated by technology and blinded by greed.
1889 年，英国作家拉迪亚德·吉卜林 (Rudyard Kipling) 访问芝加哥时，他描述了一座被科技迷住、被贪婪蒙蔽的城市。
He described a rushed and crowded city, a “huge wilderness” with “scores of miles of these terrible streets” and their “hundred thousand of these terrible people.” “The show impressed me with a great horror,” he wrote.
他描述了一座匆忙而拥挤的城市，一片“巨大的荒野”，其中有“数十英里的可怕街道”和“数十万可怕的人民”。 “这部剧给我留下了非常恐怖的印象，”他写道。
“There was no color in the street and no beauty—only a maze of wire ropes overhead and dirty stone flagging under foot.” He took a cab “and the cabman said that these things were the proof of progress.” Kipling visited a “gilded and mirrored” hotel “crammed with people talking about money, and spitting about everywhere.” He visited extravagant churches and spoke with their congregants.
“街道上没有色彩，也没有美丽——只有头顶上迷宫般的钢丝绳和脚下肮脏的石头。”他坐了一辆出租车，“出租车司机说这些都是进步的证明。”吉卜林参观了一家“镀金、镶有镜子”的酒店，“里面挤满了谈论金钱、随地吐痰的人”。他参观了奢华的教堂并与他们的教友交谈。
“I listened to people who said that the mere fact of spiking down strips of iron to wood, and getting a steam and iron thing to run along them was progress, that the telephone was progress, and the network of wires overhead was progress.
“我听人们说，将铁条钉成木头，并让蒸汽和铁的东西沿着它们运行，这就是进步，电话是进步，头顶上的电线网络就是进步。
They repeated their statements again and again.” Kipling said American newspapers report “that the snarling together of telegraph-wires, the heaving up of houses, and the making of money is progress.” 1
他们一次又一次地重复他们的声明。”吉卜林说，美国报纸报道“电报线的混乱、房屋的兴建和赚钱就是进步”。 1
Chicago embodied the triumph of American industrialization.
芝加哥体现了美国工业化的胜利。
Its meatpacking industry typified the sweeping changes occurring in American life.
它的肉类加工业代表了美国人生活中发生的巨大变化。
The last decades of the nineteenth century, a new era for big business, saw the formation of large corporations, run by trained bureaucrats and salaried managers, doing national and international business.
十九世纪的最后几十年是大企业的新时代，出现了由训练有素的官僚和受薪经理经营的大型公司，从事国内和国际业务。
Chicago, for instance, became America’s butcher.
例如，芝加哥成为美国的屠夫。
The Chicago meat processing industry, a cartel of five firms, produced four fifths of the meat bought by American consumers.
芝加哥肉类加工业由五家公司组成的卡特尔生产了美国消费者购买的五分之四的肉类。
Kipling described in intimate detail the Union Stock Yards, the nation’s largest meat processing zone, a square mile just southwest of the city whose pens and slaughterhouses linked the city’s vast agricultural hinterland to the nation’s dinner tables.
吉卜林详细描述了美国最大的肉类加工区联合畜牧场，该区位于城市西南一平方英里处，其围栏和屠宰场将城市广阔的农业腹地与国家的餐桌连接起来。
“Once having seen them,” he concluded, “you will never forget the sight.” Like other notable Chicago industries, such as agricultural machinery and steel production, the meatpacking industry was closely tied to urbanization and immigration.
“一旦看到它们，”他总结道，“你将永远不会忘记这一景象。”与农业机械和钢铁生产等芝加哥其他著名产业一样，肉类包装业与城市化和移民密切相关。
In 1850, Chicago had a population of about thirty thousand.
1850年，芝加哥约有三万人口。
Twenty years later, it had three hundred thousand.
二十年后，已经有三十万人了。
Nothing could stop the city’s growth.
没有什么能够阻止这座城市的发展。
The Great Chicago Fire leveled 3.5 square miles and left a third of its residents homeless in 1871, but the city quickly recovered and resumed its spectacular growth.
1871 年，芝加哥大火烧毁了 3.5 平方英里的土地，导致三分之一的居民无家可归，但这座城市很快就恢复了正常，并恢复了惊人的发展。
By the turn of the twentieth century, the city was home to 1.7 million people.
到二十世纪之交，这座城市拥有 170 万人口。
Chicago’s explosive growth reflected national trends.
芝加哥的爆炸性增长反映了全国趋势。
In 1870, a quarter of the nation’s population lived in towns or cities with populations greater than 2,500.
1870 年，全国四分之一的人口居住在人口超过 2,500 人的城镇。
By 1920, a majority did.
到 1920 年，大多数人都这样做了。
But if many who flocked to Chicago and other American cities came from rural America, many others emigrated from overseas.
但如果说涌入芝加哥和其他美国城市的许多人来自美国农村，那么许多其他人则从海外移民。
Mirroring national immigration patterns, Chicago’s newcomers had at first come mostly from Germany, the British Isles, and Scandinavia, but, by 1890, Poles, Italians, Czechs, Hungarians, Lithuanians, and others from southern and eastern Europe made up a majority of new immigrants.
与各国移民模式相似，芝加哥的新移民最初主要来自德国、不列颠群岛和斯堪的纳维亚半岛，但到 1890 年，波兰人、意大利人、捷克人、匈牙利人、立陶宛人和其他来自南欧和东欧的人构成了新移民的大多数。
Chicago, like many other American industrial cities, was also an immigrant city.
芝加哥和许多其他美国工业城市一样，也是一座移民城市。
In 1900, nearly 80 percent of Chicago’s population was either foreign-born or the children of foreign-born immigrants.
1900 年，芝加哥近 80% 的人口要么是在外国出生，要么是外国出生的移民的孩子。
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Kipling visited Chicago just as new industrial modes of production revolutionized the United States.
吉卜林访问芝加哥之际，新的工业生产模式正在彻底改变美国。
The rise of cities, the evolution of American immigration, the transformation of American labor, the further making of a mass culture, the creation of great concentrated wealth, the growth of vast city slums, the conquest of the West, the emergence of a middle class, the problem of poverty, the triumph of big business, widening inequalities, battles between capital and labor, the final destruction of independent farming, breakthrough technologies, environmental destruction: industrialization created a new America.
城市的崛起、美国移民的演变、美国劳动力的转变、大众文化的进一步形成、巨大的集中财富的创造、巨大的城市贫民窟的增长、对西方的征服、中产阶级的出现、贫困问题、大企业的胜利、不平等的扩大、资本与劳动力之间的斗争、独立农业的最终毁灭、突破性的技术、环境的破坏：工业化创造了一个新的美国。
The railroads created the first great concentrations of capital, spawned the first massive corporations, made the first of the vast fortunes that would define the Gilded Age, unleashed labor demands that united thousands of farmers and immigrants, and linked many towns and cities.
铁路创造了资本的第一次大规模集中，催生了第一批大型公司，创造了定义镀金时代的第一批巨额财富，释放了劳动力需求，将成千上万的农民和移民团结在一起，并将许多城镇连接起来。
National railroad mileage tripled in the twenty years after the outbreak of the Civil War, and tripled again over the four decades that followed.
在内战爆发后的二十年里，全国铁路里程增加了两倍，在随后的四十年里又增加了两倍。
Railroads impelled the creation of uniform time zones across the country, gave industrialists access to remote markets, and opened the American West.
铁路推动了全国统一时区的建立，使实业家能够进入偏远的市场，并打开了美国西部的大门。
Railroad companies were the nation’s largest businesses.
铁路公司是美国最大的企业。
Their vast national operations demanded the creation of innovative new corporate organization, advanced management techniques, and vast sums of capital.
他们庞大的全国业务需要创建创新的新公司组织、先进的管理技术和大量资本。
Their huge expenditures spurred countless industries and attracted droves of laborers.
他们的巨额支出带动了无数产业，吸引了大批劳动力。
And as they crisscrossed the nation, they created a national market, a truly national economy, and, seemingly, a new national culture.
当他们穿越全国时，他们创造了一个全国市场、一个真正的国民经济，以及看似新的国民文化。
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The railroads were not natural creations.
铁路并不是自然创造的。
Their vast capital requirements required the use of incorporation, a legal innovation that protected shareholders from losses.
他们巨大的资本需求需要使用公司注册，这是一种保护股东免受损失的法律创新。
Enormous amounts of government support followed.
随后获得了大量政府支持。
Federal, state, and local governments offered unrivaled handouts to create the national rail networks.
联邦、州和地方政府为建设国家铁路网络提供了无与伦比的资助。
Lincoln’s Republican Party—which dominated government policy during the Civil War and Reconstruction—passed legislation granting vast subsidies.
林肯领导的共和党在内战和重建期间主导了政府政策，通过了给予巨额补贴的立法。
Hundreds of millions of acres of land and millions of dollars’ worth of government bonds were freely given to build the great transcontinental railroads and the innumerable trunk lines that quickly annihilated the vast geographic barriers that had so long sheltered American cities from one another.
数亿英亩的土地和价值数百万美元的政府债券被无偿地用于建设伟大的横贯大陆的铁路和无数的干线，这些干线很快消除了长期以来使美国城市彼此隔绝的巨大地理障碍。
As railroad construction drove economic development, new means of production spawned new systems of labor.
铁路建设带动经济发展，新的生产资料催生新的劳动体系。
Many wage earners had traditionally seen factory work as a temporary stepping-stone to attaining their own small businesses or farms.
许多工薪阶层传统上将工厂工作视为实现自己的小企业或农场的临时垫脚石。
After the war, however, new technology and greater mechanization meant fewer and fewer workers could legitimately aspire to economic independence.
然而，战后，新技术和更大的机械化意味着越来越少的工人可以合法地渴望经济独立。
Stronger and more organized labor unions formed to fight for a growing, more-permanent working class.
更强大、更有组织的工会成立，为不断壮大、更持久的工人阶级而奋斗。
At the same time, the growing scale of economic enterprises increasingly disconnected owners from their employees and day-to-day business operations.
与此同时，经济企业规模的不断扩大，所有者与员工以及日常业务运营的联系日益脱节。
To handle their vast new operations, owners turned to managers.
为了处理他们庞大的新业务，业主求助于经理。
Educated bureaucrats swelled the ranks of an emerging middle class.
受过教育的官僚壮大了新兴中产阶级的队伍。
Industrialization also remade much of American life outside the workplace.
工业化也重塑了美国工作场所以外的生活。
Rapidly growing industrialized cities knit together urban consumers and rural producers into a single, integrated national market.
快速发展的工业化城市将城市消费者和农村生产者结合成一个单一的、一体化的全国市场。
Food production and consumption, for instance, were utterly nationalized.
例如，粮食生产和消费完全国有化。
Chicago’s stockyards seemingly tied it all together.
芝加哥的牲畜饲养场似乎将这一切联系在一起。
Between 1866 and 1886, ranchers drove a million head of cattle annually overland from Texas ranches to railroad depots in Kansas for shipment by rail to Chicago.
1866 年至 1886 年间，牧场主每年将 100 万头牛从德克萨斯州牧场陆路运至堪萨斯州的火车站，然后通过铁路运至芝加哥。
After travelling through modern “disassembly lines,” the animals left the adjoining slaughterhouses as slabs of meat to be packed into refrigerated rail cars and sent to butcher shops across the continent.
经过现代化的“拆解线”后，这些动物以肉块的形式离开毗邻的屠宰场，被包装到冷藏火车车厢中，然后被送往非洲大陆各地的肉店。
By 1885, a handful of large-scale industrial meatpackers in Chicago were producing nearly five hundred million pounds of “dressed” beef annually.
到 1885 年，芝加哥的几家大型工业肉类加工厂每年生产近 5 亿磅的“加工”牛肉。
4 The new scale of industrialized meat production transformed the landscape.
4 工业化肉类生产的新规模改变了面貌。
Buffalo herds, grasslands, and old-growth forests gave way to cattle, corn, and wheat.
水牛群、草原和原始森林被牛、玉米和小麦所取代。
Chicago became the Gateway City, a crossroads connecting American agricultural goods, capital markets in New York and London, and consumers from all corners of the United States.
芝加哥成为门户城市，成为连接美国农产品、纽约和伦敦资本市场以及美国各地消费者的十字路口。
Technological innovation accompanied economic development.
技术创新伴随经济发展。
For April Fool’s Day in 1878, the New York Daily Graphic published a fictitious interview with the celebrated inventor Thomas A.
1878 年愚人节，《纽约每日画报》刊登了对著名发明家托马斯·A·托马斯 (Thomas A.
Edison.
爱迪生。
The piece described the “biggest invention of the age”—a new Edison machine that could create forty different kinds of food and drink out of only air, water, and dirt.
这篇文章描述了“这个时代最伟大的发明”——一种新的爱迪生机器，它可以只用空气、水和泥土创造出四十种不同的食物和饮料。
“Meat will no longer be killed and vegetables no longer grown, except by savages,” Edison promised.
爱迪生承诺：“除了野蛮人，肉类将不再被宰杀，蔬菜也将不再种植。”
The machine would end “famine and pauperism.” And all for $5 or $6 per machine!
这台机器将结束“饥荒和贫困”。每台机器仅需 5 或 6 美元！
The story was a joke, of course, but Edison nevertheless received inquiries from readers wondering when the food machine would be ready for the market.
当然，这个故事是个笑话，但爱迪生仍然收到了读者的询问，想知道食品机器何时可以投入市场。
Americans had apparently witnessed such startling technological advances—advances that would have seemed far-fetched mere years earlier—that the Edison food machine seemed entirely plausible.
美国人显然目睹了如此惊人的技术进步——这些进步在几年前还显得遥不可及——以至于爱迪生食品机器似乎完全可信。
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In September 1878, Edison announced a new and ambitious line of research and development—electric power and lighting.
1878 年 9 月，爱迪生宣布了一项雄心勃勃的新研发线——电力和照明。
The scientific principles behind dynamos and electric motors—the conversion of mechanical energy to electrical power, and vice versa—were long known, but Edison applied the age’s bureaucratic and commercial ethos to the problem.
发电机和电动机背后的科学原理——机械能转换为电能，反之亦然——早已为人所知，但爱迪生将这个时代的官僚和商业精神应用于这个问题。
Far from a lone inventor gripped by inspiration toiling in isolation, Edison advanced the model of commercially minded management of research and development.
爱迪生并不是一个孤立无援、孤立无援、充满灵感的发明家，他提出了具有商业头脑的研发管理模式。
Edison folded his two identities, business manager and inventor, together.
爱迪生将他的两个身份——企业经理和发明家——融合在一起。
He called his Menlo Park research laboratory an “invention factory” and promised to turn out “a minor invention every ten days and a big thing every six months or so.” He brought his fully equipped Menlo Park research laboratory and the skilled machinists and scientists he employed to bear on the problem of building an electric power system—and commercializing it.
他称自己的门洛帕克研究实验室为“发明工厂”，并承诺“每十天就会推出一项小发明，每六个月左右就会推出一项大发明”。他带来了设备齐全的门洛帕克研究实验室以及他雇用的熟练机械师和科学家来解决电力系统的建设及其商业化问题。
By late fall 1879, Edison exhibited his system of power generation and electrical light for reporters and investors.
1879 年秋末，爱迪生向记者和投资者展示了他的发电和电灯系统。
Then he scaled up production.
然后他扩大了生产规模。
He sold generators to businesses.
他向企业出售发电机。
By the middle of 1883, Edison had overseen construction of 330 plants powering over sixty thousand lamps in factories, offices, printing houses, hotels, and theaters around the world.
到 1883 年中期，爱迪生已经监督了 330 座工厂的建设，为世界各地的工厂、办公室、印刷厂、酒店和剧院的六万多盏灯提供电力。
He convinced municipal officials to build central power stations and run power lines.
他说服市政府官员建造中央发电站并运营输电线。
New York’s Pearl Street central station opened in September 1882 and powered a square mile of downtown Manhattan.
纽约珍珠街中央车站于 1882 年 9 月启用，为曼哈顿市中心方圆一平方英里的地区供电。
Electricity revolutionized the world.
电力彻底改变了世界。
It not only illuminated the night, it powered the Second Industrial Revolution.
它不仅照亮了夜晚，还为第二次工业革命提供了动力。
Factories could operate anywhere at any hour.
工厂可以随时随地运转。
Electric rail cars allowed for cities to build out and electric elevators allowed for them to build up.
电动轨道车让城市得以发展，电动电梯让城市得以发展。
Economic advances, technological innovation, social and cultural evolution, demographic changes: the United States was a nation transformed.
经济进步、技术创新、社会和文化演变、人口变化：美国是一个转型的国家。
Industry boosted productivity, railroads connected the nation, more and more Americans labored for wages, new bureaucratic occupations created a vast “white collar” middle class, and unprecedented fortunes rewarded the owners of capital.
工业提高了生产力，铁路连接了全国，越来越多的美国人为工资而劳动，新的官僚职业创造了庞大的“白领”中产阶级，前所未有的财富奖励了资本所有者。
These revolutionary changes, of course, would not occur without conflict or consequence (see Chapter 16), but they demonstrated the profound transformations remaking the nation.
当然，如果没有冲突或后果，这些革命性的变化就不会发生（见第十六章），但它们展示了重塑国家的深刻变革。
Change was not confined to economics alone.
变革不仅仅局限于经济领域。
Change gripped the lives of everyday Americans and fundamentally reshaped American culture.
变革影响着美国人的日常生活，并从根本上重塑了美国文化。
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Industry pulled ever more Americans into cities.
工业将越来越多的美国人吸引到城市。
Manufacturing needed the labor pool and the infrastructure.
制造业需要劳动力资源和基础设施。
America’s urban population increased sevenfold in the half century after the Civil War.
内战后的半个世纪里，美国的城市人口增加了七倍。
Soon the United States had more large cities than any country in the world.
很快，美国的大城市数量就超过了世界上任何国家。
The 1920 U.S. census revealed that, for the first time, a majority of Americans lived in urban areas.
1920 年美国人口普查首次显示，大多数美国人居住在城市地区。
Much of that urban growth came from the millions of immigrants pouring into the nation.
城市增长的大部分来自涌入该国的数百万移民。
Between 1870 and 1920, over twenty-five million immigrants arrived in the United States.
1870 年至 1920 年间，超过 2500 万移民抵达美国。
By the turn of the twentieth century, new immigrant groups such as Italians, Poles, and Eastern European Jews made up a larger percentage of arrivals than the Irish and Germans.
到了二十世纪之交，意大利人、波兰人和东欧犹太人等新移民群体所占的比例比爱尔兰人和德国人还要大。
The specific reasons that immigrants left their particular countries and the reasons they came to the United States (what historians call push and pull factors ) varied.
移民离开特定国家和来到美国的具体原因（历史学家称之为推力因素和拉力因素）各不相同。
For example, a young husband and wife living in Sweden in the 1880s and unable to purchase farmland might read an advertisement for inexpensive land in the American Midwest and immigrate to the United States to begin a new life.
例如，一对生活在 1880 年代瑞典的年轻夫妇，无法购买农田，他们可能会看到美国中西部廉价土地的广告，然后移民到美国开始新的生活。
A young Italian man might simply hope to labor in a steel factory long enough to save up enough money to return home and purchase land for a family.
一个年轻的意大利男子可能只是希望在一家钢铁厂工作足够长的时间，以便攒够钱回家为家人购买土地。
A Russian Jewish family persecuted in European pogroms might look to the United States as a sanctuary.
在欧洲大屠杀中遭受迫害的俄罗斯犹太家庭可能会将美国视为避难所。
Or perhaps a Japanese migrant might hear of fertile farming land on the West Coast and choose to sail for California.
或者，也许日本移民可能听说西海岸有肥沃的农田，并选择航行到加利福尼亚。
But if many factors pushed people away from their home countries, by far the most important factor drawing immigrants was economics.
但如果说有许多因素促使人们离开自己的祖国，那么迄今为止吸引移民的最重要因素是经济。
Immigrants came to the United States looking for work.
移民来到美国寻找工作。
Industrial capitalism was the most important factor that drew immigrants to the United States between 1880 and 1920.
工业资本主义是 1880 年至 1920 年间吸引移民来到美国的最重要因素。
Immigrant workers labored in large industrial complexes producing goods such as steel, textiles, and food products, replacing smaller and more local workshops.
移民工人在生产钢铁、纺织品和食品等商品的大型工业综合体中劳动，取代了规模较小、地方性更强的作坊。
The influx of immigrants, alongside a large movement of Americans from the countryside to the city, helped propel the rapid growth of cities like New York, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Milwaukee, and St. Louis.
移民的涌入，加上美国人从农村向城市的大规模流动，推动了纽约、匹兹堡、克利夫兰、密尔沃基和圣路易斯等城市的快速发展。
By 1890, immigrants and their children accounted for roughly 60 percent of the population in most large northern cities (and sometimes as high as 80 or 90 percent).
到 1890 年，移民及其子女约占北方大多数大城市人口的 60%（有时高达 80% 或 90%）。
Many immigrants, especially from Italy and the Balkans, always intended to return home with enough money to purchase land.
许多移民，尤其是来自意大利和巴尔干地区的移民，总是想带着足够的钱回国购买土地。
But what about those who stayed?
但那些留下来的人呢？
Did the new arrivals assimilate together in the American melting pot—becoming just like those already in the United States—or did they retain, and sometimes even strengthen, their traditional ethnic identities?
新来者是否在美国这个大熔炉中被同化了——变得像那些已经在美国的人一样——或者他们保留了、有时甚至加强了他们的传统种族身份？
The answer lies somewhere in between.
答案介于两者之间。
Immigrants from specific countries—and often even specific communities—often clustered together in ethnic neighborhoods.
来自特定国家（甚至通常是特定社区）的移民经常聚集在少数民族社区。
They formed vibrant organizations and societies, such as Italian workmen’s clubs, Eastern European Jewish mutual aid societies, and Polish Catholic churches, to ease the transition to their new American home.
他们成立了充满活力的组织和社团，如意大利工人俱乐部、东欧犹太互助会和波兰天主教堂，以方便他们向美国新家的过渡。
Immigrant communities published newspapers in dozens of languages and purchased spaces to keep their arts, languages, and traditions alive.
移民社区以数十种语言出版报纸，并购买空间来保持他们的艺术、语言和传统的活力。
And from these foundations they facilitated even more immigration: after staking out a claim to some corner of American life, they wrote home and encouraged others to follow them (historians call this chain migration ).
在这些基础上，他们促进了更多的移民：在宣称自己拥有美国生活的某个角落后，他们写信回家并鼓励其他人追随他们（历史学家称之为连锁移民）。
Many cities’ politics adapted to immigrant populations.
许多城市的政治适应了移民人口。
The infamous urban political machines often operated as a kind of mutual aid society.
臭名昭著的城市政治机器常常以互助社会的形式运作。
New York City’s Democratic Party machine, popularly known as Tammany Hall, drew the greatest ire from critics and seemed to embody all of the worst of city machines, but it also responded to immigrant needs.
纽约市的民主党机器，俗称坦慕尼协会，引起了批评者的极大愤怒，似乎体现了所有最糟糕的城市机器，但它也满足了移民的需求。
In 1903, journalist William Riordon published a book, Plunkitt of Tammany Hall , which chronicled the activities of ward heeler George Washington Plunkitt.
1903 年，记者威廉·赖尔登 (William Riordon) 出版了一本书《坦慕尼协会的普朗基特》(Plunkitt of Tammany Hall)，其中记录了选区支持者乔治·华盛顿·普朗基特 (George Washington Plunkitt) 的活动。
Plunkitt elaborately explained to Riordon the difference between “honest graft” and “dishonest graft”: “I made my pile in politics, but, at the same time, I served the organization and got more big improvements for New York City than any other livin’ man.” While exposing corruption, Riordon also revealed the hard work Plunkitt undertook on behalf of his largely immigrant constituency.
普朗基特向里奥登详细解释了“诚实贪污”和“不诚实贪污”之间的区别：“我在政治上发了财，但与此同时，我为组织服务，为纽约市带来的进步比任何其他活着的人都多。”在揭露腐败的同时，里奥登还透露了普伦基特为他的主要移民选区所做的辛勤工作。
On a typical day, Riordon wrote, Plunkitt was awakened at two a.m.
里奥登写道，在一个典型的日子里，普朗基特在凌晨两点被叫醒。
to bail out a saloonkeeper who stayed open too late, was awakened again at six a.m.
为了营救一名营业至深夜的酒馆老板，他在早上六点再次被吵醒。
because of a fire in the neighborhood and spent time finding lodgings for the families displaced by the fire, and, after spending the rest of the morning in court to secure the release of several of his constituents, found jobs for four unemployed men, attended an Italian funeral, visited a church social, and dropped in on a Jewish wedding.
由于附近发生火灾，他花时间为因火灾而流离失所的家庭寻找住所，并在法庭上度过了上午剩余的时间以确保几名选民获释后，为四名失业人员找到了工作，参加了意大利葬礼，参观了教堂社交活动，并参加了一场犹太婚礼。
He returned home at midnight.
他半夜回到家。
7
7
Tammany Hall’s corruption, especially under the reign of William “Boss” Tweed, was legendary, but the public works projects that funded Tammany Hall’s graft also provided essential infrastructure and public services for the city’s rapidly expanding population.
坦慕尼协会的腐败，尤其是在威廉·“老板”特威德统治下，是一个传奇，但资助坦慕尼协会腐败的公共工程项目也为该市迅速增长的人口提供了必要的基础设施和公共服务。
Water, sewer, and gas lines; schools, hospitals, civic buildings, and museums; police and fire departments; roads, parks (notably Central Park), and bridges (notably the Brooklyn Bridge): all could, in whole or in part, be credited to Tammany’s reign.
供水、下水道和煤气管道；学校、医院、民用建筑和博物馆；警察和消防部门；道路、公园（特别是中央公园）和桥梁（特别是布鲁克林大桥）：所有这些都可以全部或部分归功于坦慕尼的统治。
Still, machine politics could never be enough.
尽管如此，机器政治永远是不够的。
As the urban population exploded, many immigrants found themselves trapped in crowded, crime-ridden slums.
随着城市人口激增，许多移民发现自己被困在拥挤、犯罪猖獗的贫民窟中。
Americans eventually took notice of this urban crisis and proposed municipal reforms but also grew concerned about the declining quality of life in rural areas.
美国人最终注意到了这场城市危机并提出了市政改革，但也对农村地区生活质量下降感到担忧。
While cities boomed, rural worlds languished.
当城市蓬勃发展时，乡村世界却日渐衰落。
Some Americans scoffed at rural backwardness and reveled in the countryside’s decay, but many romanticized the countryside, celebrated rural life, and wondered what had been lost in the cities.
一些美国人嘲笑农村的落后，陶醉于乡村的衰败，但许多人将乡村浪漫化，颂扬乡村生活，并想知道城市失去了什么。
Sociologist Kenyon Butterfield, concerned by the sprawling nature of industrial cities and suburbs, regretted the eroding social position of rural citizens and farmers: “Agriculture does not hold the same relative rank among our industries that it did in former years.” Butterfield saw “the farm problem” as part of “the whole question of democratic civilization.” 8 He and many others thought the rise of the cities and the fall of the countryside threatened traditional American values.
社会学家凯尼恩·巴特菲尔德（Kenyon Butterfield）对工业城市和郊区的扩张性质感到担忧，他对农村公民和农民的社会地位受到侵蚀感到遗憾：“农业在我们的工业中的相对地位已不再像以前那样了。”巴特菲尔德将“农场问题”视为“整个民主文明问题”的一部分。 8 他和许多其他人认为城市的崛起和乡村的衰落威胁到了美国的传统价值观。
Many proposed conservation.
许多人建议保护。
Liberty Hyde Bailey, a botanist and rural scholar selected by Theodore Roosevelt to chair a federal Commission on Country Life in 1907, believed that rural places and industrial cities were linked: “Every agricultural question is a city question.” 9
植物学家和农村学者利伯蒂·海德·贝利 (Liberty Hyde Bailey) 于 1907 年被西奥多·罗斯福选为联邦乡村生活委员会主席，她认为农村地区和工业城市是相互联系的：“每个农业问题都是城市问题。” 9
Many longed for a middle path between the cities and the country.
许多人渴望在城市和乡村之间找到一条中间道路。
New suburban communities on the outskirts of American cities defined themselves in opposition to urban crowding.
美国城市郊区的新郊区社区将自己定义为反对城市拥挤。
Americans contemplated the complicated relationships between rural places, suburban living, and urban spaces.
美国人思考农村地区、郊区生活和城市空间之间的复杂关系。
Los Angeles became a model for the suburban development of rural places.
洛杉矶成为农村地区郊区发展的典范。
Dana Barlett, a social reformer in Los Angeles, noted that the city, stretching across dozens of small towns, was “a better city” because of its residential identity as a “city of homes.” 10 This language was seized upon by many suburbs that hoped to avoid both urban sprawl and rural decay.
洛杉矶社会改革家达纳·巴利特 (Dana Barlett) 指出，这座横跨数十个小镇的城市是“一座更好的城市”，因为它的住宅身份是“家园之城”。 10 许多郊区都采用了这种语言，希望避免城市扩张和乡村衰落。
In Glendora, one of these small towns on the outskirts of Los Angeles, local leaders were “loath as anyone to see it become cosmopolitan.” Instead, in order to have Glendora “grow along the lines necessary to have it remain an enjoyable city of homes,” they needed to “bestir ourselves to direct its growth” by encouraging not industry or agriculture but residential development.
在洛杉矶郊区的小镇之一格伦多拉，当地领导人“和任何人一样不愿意看到它变得国际化”。相反，为了让格伦多拉“沿着必要的路线发展，使其仍然是一个令人愉快的住宅之城”，他们需要通过鼓励住宅开发而不是工业或农业来“激励自己引导其发展”。
11
11
“There was a South of slavery and secession,” Atlanta Constitution editor Henry Grady proclaimed in an 1886 speech in New York.
“南方存在着奴隶制和分裂国家，”亚特兰大宪法编辑亨利·格雷迪 (Henry Grady) 1886 年在纽约的一次演讲中宣称。
“That South is dead.” 12 Grady captured the sentiment of many white southern business and political leaders who imagined a New South that could turn its back to the past by embracing industrialization and diversified agriculture.
“那个南方已经死了。” 12 格雷迪抓住了许多南方白人商界和政治领袖的心声，他们想象新南方可以通过拥抱工业化和多元化农业来一背过去。
He promoted the region’s economic possibilities and mutual future prosperity through an alliance of northern capital and southern labor.
他通过北方资本和南方劳动力的联盟促进了该地区的经济可能性和共同的未来繁荣。
Grady and other New South boosters hoped to shape the region’s economy in the North’s image.
格雷迪和其他新南方支持者希望按照北方的形象塑造该地区的经济。
They wanted industry and they wanted infrastructure.
他们想要工业，他们想要基础设施。
But the past could not be escaped.
但过去的事却无法逃避。
Economically and socially, the “New South” would still be much like the old.
在经济和社会方面，“新南方”仍然与旧南方很相似。
A “New South” seemed an obvious need.
“新南方”似乎是显而易见的需要。
The Confederacy’s failed insurrection wreaked havoc on the southern economy and crippled southern prestige.
南方邦联失败的起义对南方经济造成了严重破坏，并削弱了南方的威望。
Property was destroyed.
财产被毁。
Lives were lost.
生命失去了。
Political power vanished.
政治权力消失了。
And four million enslaved Americans—representing the wealth and power of the antebellum white South—threw off their chains and walked proudly forward into freedom.
四百万被奴役的美国人——代表着南北战争前南方白人的财富和权力——挣脱了锁链，自豪地走向自由。
Emancipation unsettled the southern social order.
解放扰乱了南方的社会秩序。
When Reconstruction regimes attempted to grant freedpeople full citizenship rights, anxious whites struck back.
当重建政权试图给予自由人充分的公民权利时，焦虑的白人进行了反击。
From their fear, anger, and resentment they lashed out, not only in organized terrorist organizations such as the Ku Klux Klan but in political corruption, economic exploitation, and violent intimidation.
他们出于恐惧、愤怒和怨恨，不仅猛烈抨击三K党等有组织的恐怖组织，而且猛烈抨击政治腐败、经济剥削和暴力恐吓。
White southerners took back control of state and local governments and used their reclaimed power to disenfranchise African Americans and pass “Jim Crow” laws segregating schools, transportation, employment, and various public and private facilities.
南方白人夺回了州和地方政府的控制权，并利用他们夺回的权力剥夺非裔美国人的公民权，并通过了隔离学校、交通、就业以及各种公共和私人设施的“种族隔离”法律。
The reestablishment of white supremacy after the “redemption” of the South from Reconstruction contradicted proclamations of a “New” South.
南方从重建中“救赎”出来后，白人至上的重新确立与“新”南方的宣言相矛盾。
Perhaps nothing harked so forcefully back to the barbaric southern past than the wave of lynchings—the extralegal murder of individuals by vigilantes—that washed across the South after Reconstruction.
也许没有什么比重建后席卷整个南方的私刑浪潮更能强烈地让人回想起南方野蛮的过去了。
Whether for actual crimes or fabricated crimes or for no crimes at all, white mobs murdered roughly five thousand African Americans between the 1880s and the 1950s.
无论是实际犯罪、捏造犯罪还是根本没有犯罪，白人暴徒在 1880 年代至 1950 年代期间杀害了大约 5000 名非裔美国人。
Lynching was not just murder, it was a ritual rich with symbolism.
私刑不仅仅是谋杀，更是一种富有象征意义的仪式。
Victims were not simply hanged, they were mutilated, burned alive, and shot.
受害者不仅被绞死，还被肢解、活活烧死和枪杀。
Lynchings could become carnivals, public spectacles attended by thousands of eager spectators.
私刑可能会变成狂欢节，成为成千上万热切观众观看的公共表演。
Rail lines ran special cars to accommodate the rush of participants.
铁路线运行特殊车厢来容纳匆忙的参与者。
Vendors sold goods and keepsakes.
商贩出售商品和纪念品。
Perpetrators posed for photos and collected mementos.
肇事者摆好姿势拍照并收集纪念品。
And it was increasingly common.
而且这种情况越来越普遍。
One notorious example occurred in Georgia in 1899.
1899 年，乔治亚州发生了一个臭名昭著的例子。
Accused of killing his white employer and raping the man’s wife, Sam Hose was captured by a mob and taken to the town of Newnan.
萨姆·霍斯被指控杀害白人雇主并强奸了该男子的妻子，他被暴徒抓获并带到纽南镇。
Word of the impending lynching quickly spread, and specially chartered passenger trains brought some four thousand visitors from Atlanta to witness the gruesome affair.
私刑即将发生的消息迅速传开，专门包租的客运列车载着约四千名来自亚特兰大的游客目睹了这起可怕的事件。
Members of the mob tortured Hose for about an hour.
暴徒折磨了霍斯大约一个小时。
They sliced off pieces of his body as he screamed in agony.
当他痛苦地尖叫时，他们把他的身体切成了碎片。
Then they poured a can of kerosene over his body and burned him alive.
然后他们将一罐煤油倒在他的身上并将他活活烧死。
13
13
At the barbaric height of southern lynching, in the last years of the nineteenth century, southerners lynched two to three African Americans every week.
在十九世纪最后几年，南方私刑达到了最野蛮的程度，南方人每周都会对两到三名非裔美国人实施私刑。
In general, lynchings were most frequent in the Cotton Belt of the Lower South, where southern Black people were most numerous and where the majority worked as tenant farmers and field hands on the cotton farms of white landowners.
一般来说，私刑在下南部的棉花带最为频繁，那里南部黑人数量最多，而且大多数人在白人地主的棉花农场里担任佃农和田间工人。
The states of Mississippi and Georgia had the greatest number of recorded lynchings: from 1880 to 1930, Mississippi lynch mobs killed over five hundred African Americans; Georgia mobs murdered more than four hundred.
密西西比州和乔治亚州有记录的私刑数量最多：从 1880 年到 1930 年，密西西比州的私刑暴徒杀害了 500 多名非裔美国人；佐治亚州暴徒杀害了四百多人。
Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a number of prominent southerners openly supported lynching, arguing that it was a necessary evil to punish Black rapists and deter others.
在整个十九世纪末和二十世纪初，一些著名的南方人公开支持私刑，认为这是惩罚黑人强奸犯和威慑其他人的必要之恶。
In the late 1890s, Georgia newspaper columnist and noted women’s rights activist Rebecca Latimer Felton—who would later become the first woman to serve in the U.S. Senate—endorsed such extrajudicial killings.
1890 年代末，佐治亚州报纸专栏作家、著名女权活动家丽贝卡·拉蒂默·费尔顿（Rebecca Latimer Felton）——后来成为美国参议院第一位女性议员——支持这种法外处决。
She said, “If it takes lynching to protect women’s dearest possession from drunken, ravening beasts, then I say lynch a thousand a week.” 14 When opponents argued that lynching violated victims’ constitutional rights, South Carolina governor Coleman Blease angrily responded, “Whenever the Constitution comes between me and the virtue of the white women of South Carolina, I say to hell with the Constitution.” 15
她说：“如果需要私刑处死才能保护女性最珍贵的财产免受醉酒、掠夺的野兽的侵害，那么我建议每周私刑一千人。” 14 当反对者认为私刑侵犯了受害者的宪法权利时，南卡罗来纳州州长科尔曼·布莱斯愤怒地回应道：“每当宪法妨碍我和南卡罗来纳州白人妇女的美德时，我就说让宪法见鬼去吧。” 15
Black activists and white allies worked to outlaw lynching.
黑人活动人士和白人盟友努力禁止私刑。
Ida B.
艾达·B.
Wells, an African American woman born in the last years of slavery and a pioneering anti-lynching advocate, lost three friends to a lynch mob in Memphis, Tennessee, in 1892.
威尔斯是一位出生于奴隶制最后几年的非裔美国妇女，也是反私刑倡导者的先驱，1892 年，田纳西州孟菲斯的一场私刑暴徒杀害了她的三个朋友。
That year, Wells published Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases , a groundbreaking work that documented the South’s lynching culture and exposed the myth of the Black rapist.
那年，威尔斯出版了《南方恐怖：所有阶段的私刑法》，这是一部开创性的著作，记录了南方的私刑文化并揭露了黑人强奸犯的神话。
16 The Tuskegee Institute and the NAACP both compiled and publicized lists of every reported lynching in the United States.
16 塔斯基吉研究所和全国有色人种协进会都编制并公布了美国每一起报告的私刑事件的清单。
In 1918, Representative Leonidas Dyer of Missouri introduced federal anti-lynching legislation that would have made local counties where lynchings took place legally liable for such killings.
1918 年，密苏里州众议员列奥尼达斯·戴尔 (Leonidas Dyer) 提出了联邦反私刑立法，规定发生私刑的当地县对此类杀戮承担法律责任。
Throughout the early 1920s, the Dyer Bill was the subject of heated political debate, but, fiercely opposed by southern congressmen and unable to win enough northern champions, the proposed bill was never enacted.
在整个 20 年代初期，《戴尔法案》一直是激烈政治辩论的主题，但由于受到南方国会议员的强烈反对，并且无法赢得足够的北方支持者，拟议的法案从未获得通过。
Lynching was not only the form of racial violence that survived Reconstruction.
私刑不仅仅是重建时期幸存下来的种族暴力形式。
White political violence continued to follow African American political participation and labor organization, however severely circumscribed.
白人政治暴力继续伴随着非裔美国人的政治参与和劳工组织，无论受到多么严格的限制。
When the Populist insurgency created new opportunities for black political activism, white Democrats responded with terror.
当民粹主义叛乱为黑人政治活动创造新机会时，白人民主党人以恐怖回应。
In North Carolina, Populists and Republicans “fused” together and won stunning electoral gains in 1896.
在北卡罗来纳州，民粹主义者和共和党“融合”在一起，并在 1896 年赢得了惊人的选举胜利。
Shocked White Democrats formed “Red Shirt” groups, paramilitary organizations dedicated to eradicating black political participation and restoring Democratic rule through violence and intimidation.
震惊的白人民主党人成立了“红衫军”团体，这是一个准军事组织，致力于通过暴力和恐吓消除黑人政治参与并恢复民主党统治。
Launching a self-described “white supremacy campaign” of violence and intimidation against black voters and officeholders during the 1898 state elections, the Red Shirts effectively took back state government.
在 1898 年州选举期间，红衫军发起了一场自称的“白人至上运动”，对黑人选民和公职人员进行暴力和恐吓，有效地夺回了州政府。
But municipal elections were not held that year in Wilmington, where Fusionists controlled city government.
但那年威尔明顿没有举行市政选举，融合派控制了该市政府。
After manning armed barricades blocking black voters from entering the town to vote in the state elections, the Red Shirts drafted a “White Declaration of Independence” which declared “that that we will no longer be ruled and will never again be ruled, by men of African origin.” 457 white Democrats signed the document.
在设置武装路障阻止黑人选民进入该镇参加州选举投票后，红衫军起草了一份《白人独立宣言》，宣布“我们将不再、也永远不会再被非洲血统的人统治”。 457 名白人民主党人签署了该文件。
They also issued a twelve-hour ultimatum that editor of the city’s black daily paper flee the city.
他们还发出了十二小时的最后通牒，要求该市黑色日报的编辑逃离该市。
The editor left, but it wasn’t enough.
编辑离开了，但这还不够。
Twelve hours later, hundreds of Red Shirts raided the city’s armory and ransacked the newspaper office anyway.
十二小时后，数百名红衫军袭击了该市的军械库，并洗劫了报社。
The mob swelled and turned on the city’s black neighborhood, destroying homes and businesses and opening fire on any Black person they found.
暴徒人数不断增加，并转向该市的黑人社区，摧毁房屋和企业，并向他们发现的任何黑人开枪。
Dozens were killed and hundreds more fled the city.
数十人被杀，数百人逃离该市。
The mob then forced the mayor, the city’s aldermen, and the police chief, at gun point, to immediately resign.
随后，暴徒用枪逼迫市长、市议员和警察局长立即辞职。
To ensure their gains, the Democrats rounded up prominent fusionists, placed them on railroad cars, and, under armed guard, sent them out of the state.
为了确保自己的成果，民主党围捕了著名的融合主义者，将他们安置在火车车厢上，并在武装警卫的保护下将他们送出该州。
The mob installed and swore in their own replacements.
暴民们安装了自己的替代者并宣誓就职。
It was a full-blown coup.
这是一场全面的政变。
Lynching and organized terror campaigns were only the violent worst of the South’s racial world.
私刑和有组织的恐怖活动只是南方种族世界中最严重的暴力行为。
Discrimination in employment and housing and the legal segregation of public and private life also reflected the rise of a new Jim Crow South.
就业和住房方面的歧视以及公共和私人生活的法律隔离也反映了新种族隔离南方的崛起。
So-called Jim Crow laws legalized what custom had long dictated.
所谓的吉姆·克劳法使长期以来的习俗合法化。
Southern states and municipalities enforced racial segregation in public places and in private lives.
南方各州和市政府在公共场所和私人生活中强制实施种族隔离。
Separate coach laws were some of the first such laws to appear, beginning in Tennessee in the 1880s.
单独的教练法是最早出现的此类法律之一，始于 1880 年代的田纳西州。
Soon schools, stores, theaters, restaurants, bathrooms, and nearly every other part of public life were segregated.
很快，学校、商店、剧院、餐馆、浴室以及公共生活的几乎所有其他部分都被隔离了。
So too were social lives.
社交生活也是如此。
The sin of racial mixing, critics said, had to be heavily guarded against.
批评者说，必须严防种族混合的罪恶。
Marriage laws regulated against interracial couples, and white men, ever anxious of relationships between Black men and white women, passed miscegenation laws and justified lynching as an appropriate extralegal tool to police the racial divide.
婚姻法针对跨种族夫妇进行监管，白人男性一直对黑人男性和白人女性之间的关系感到焦虑，因此通过了异族通婚法，并将私刑合理化为维持种族鸿沟的适当法外工具。
In politics, de facto limitations of Black voting had suppressed Black voters since Reconstruction.
在政治上，自重建以来，黑人投票事实上的限制一直压制着黑人选民。
Whites stuffed ballot boxes and intimidated Black voters with physical and economic threats.
白人塞满投票箱并以人身和经济威胁恐吓黑人选民。
And then, from roughly 1890 to 1908, southern states implemented de jure, or legal, disfranchisement.
然后，大约从 1890 年到 1908 年，南方各州实施了法律上或合法的剥夺公民权的做法。
They passed laws requiring voters to pass literacy tests (which could be judged arbitrarily) and pay poll taxes (which hit poor white and poor Black Americans alike), effectively denying Black men the franchise that was supposed to have been guaranteed by the Fifteenth Amendment.
他们通过了法律，要求选民通过识字测试（可以任意判断）并缴纳人头税（这对贫穷的白人和贫穷的美国黑人同样造成影响），实际上剥夺了黑人获得第十五修正案所保障的选举权。
Those responsible for such laws posed as reformers and justified voting restrictions as for the public good, a way to clean up politics by purging corrupt African Americans from the voting rolls.
那些负责这些法律的人冒充改革者，为了公共利益而合理化投票限制，这是通过将腐败的非裔美国人从选民名单中清除来净化政治的一种方式。
With white supremacy secured, prominent white southerners looked outward for support.
随着白人至上主义的确立，南方白人的杰出人物开始向外寻求支持。
New South boosters hoped to confront post-Reconstruction uncertainties by rebuilding the South’s economy and convincing the nation that the South could be more than an economically backward, race-obsessed backwater.
新南方的支持者希望通过重建南方经济来应对重建后的不确定性，并让全国相信南方不仅仅是经济落后、种族痴迷的死水。
And as they did, they began to retell the history of the recent past.
当他们这样做时，他们开始重述最近的历史。
A kind of civic religion known as the “Lost Cause” glorified the Confederacy and romanticized the Old South.
一种被称为“失败的事业”的公民宗教颂扬了南部邦联，并使旧南方浪漫化。
White southerners looked forward while simultaneously harking back to a mythic imagined past inhabited by contented and loyal slaves, benevolent and generous masters, chivalric and honorable men, and pure and faithful southern belles.
南方白人在展望未来的同时，也回想起想象中的神话般的过去，那里居住着知足而忠诚的奴隶、仁慈而慷慨的主人、侠义而光荣的男人以及纯洁而忠实的南方美女。
Secession, they said, had little to do with the institution of slavery, and soldiers fought only for home and honor, not the continued ownership of human beings.
他们说，分裂国家与奴隶制没有什么关系，士兵们只是为了家园和荣誉而战，而不是为了继续拥有人类。
The New South, then, would be built physically with new technologies, new investments, and new industries, but undergirded by political and social custom.
那么，新南方的物理建设将采用新技术、新投资和新产业，但以政治和社会习俗为基础。
Henry Grady might have declared the Confederate South dead, but its memory pervaded the thoughts and actions of white southerners.
亨利·格雷迪可能已经宣布南方联盟已死，但它的记忆却渗透到了南方白人的思想和行动中。
Lost Cause champions overtook the South.
失败的原因冠军战胜了南方。
Women’s groups, such as the United Daughters of the Confederacy, joined with Confederate veterans to preserve a pro-Confederate past.
妇女团体，例如联邦女儿联合组织，与南部邦联退伍军人联合起来，以维护亲南部邦联的过去。
They built Confederate monuments and celebrated Confederate veterans on Memorial Day.
他们建造了南部邦联纪念碑，并在阵亡将士纪念日庆祝南部邦联退伍军人。
Across the South, towns erected statues of General Robert E.
在整个南方，城镇都竖立了罗伯特·E·肯尼迪将军的雕像。
Lee and other Confederate figures.
李和其他南方邦联人物。
By the turn of the twentieth century, the idealized Lost Cause past was entrenched not only in the South but across the country.
到了二十世纪之交，理想化的“失败事业”的过去不仅在南方而且在全国各地根深蒂固。
In 1905, for instance, North Carolinian Thomas F.
例如，1905 年，北卡罗来纳州的 Thomas F.
Dixon published a novel, The Clansman , which depicted the Ku Klux Klan as heroic defenders of the South against the corruption of African American and northern “carpetbag” misrule during Reconstruction.
迪克森出版了一部小说《同族人》，书中将三K党描述为南方的英雄捍卫者，反对非洲裔美国人的腐败和重建期间北方“地毯包”的暴政。
In 1915, acclaimed film director David W.
1915 年，著名电影导演 David W.
Griffith adapted Dixon’s novel into the groundbreaking blockbuster film, Birth of a Nation .
格里菲斯将狄克逊的小说改编成开创性的大片《一个国家的诞生》。
(The film almost singlehandedly rejuvenated the Ku Klux Klan.) The romanticized version of the antebellum South and the distorted version of Reconstruction dominated popular imagination.
（这部电影几乎凭一己之力使三K党重新焕发活力。） 南北战争前南方的浪漫化版本和重建时期的扭曲版本主导了大众的想象。
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While Lost Cause defenders mythologized their past, New South boosters struggled to wrench the South into the modern world.
虽然“失败事业”的捍卫者将他们的过去神话化，但新南方的支持者却在努力将南方带入现代世界。
The railroads became their focus.
铁路成为他们关注的焦点。
The region had lagged behind the North in the railroad building boom of the midnineteenth century, and postwar expansion facilitated connections between the most rural segments of the population and the region’s rising urban areas.
在十九世纪中叶的铁路建设热潮中，该地区落后于北方，而战后的扩张促进了大多数农村人口与该地区新兴城市地区之间的联系。
Boosters campaigned for the construction of new hard-surfaced roads as well, arguing that improved roads would further increase the flow of goods and people and entice northern businesses to relocate to the region.
支持者还呼吁修建新的硬面道路，他们认为改善的道路将进一步增加货物和人员的流动，并吸引北方企业迁往该地区。
The rising popularity of the automobile after the turn of the century only increased pressure for the construction of reliable roads between cities, towns, county seats, and the vast farmlands of the South.
世纪之交后，汽车的日益普及，给城镇、县城和南方广大农田之间建设可靠的道路带来了更大的压力。
Along with new transportation networks, New South boosters continued to promote industrial growth.
与新的交通网络一起，新南方的推动者继续促进工业增长。
The region witnessed the rise of various manufacturing industries, predominantly textiles, tobacco, furniture, and steel.
该地区见证了各种制造业的崛起，主要是纺织、烟草、家具和钢铁。
While agriculture—cotton in particular—remained the mainstay of the region’s economy, these new industries provided new wealth for owners, new investments for the region, and new opportunities for the exploding number of landless farmers to finally flee the land.
虽然农业（尤其是棉花）仍然是该地区经济的支柱，但这些新产业为所有者提供了新的财富，为该地区提供了新的投资，并为数量激增的无地农民最终逃离土地提供了新的机会。
Industries offered low-paying jobs but also opportunity for rural poor who could no longer sustain themselves through subsistence farming.
工业提供了低薪工作，但也为无法再通过自给农业维持生计的农村贫困人口提供了机会。
Men, women, and children all moved into wage work.
男人、女人和儿童都开始从事有薪工作。
At the turn of the twentieth century, nearly one fourth of southern mill workers were children aged six to sixteen.
二十世纪之交，南方工厂工人中近四分之一是六岁至十六岁的儿童。
In most cases, as in most aspects of life in the New South, new factory jobs were racially segregated.
在大多数情况下，就像在新南方生活的大多数方面一样，新工厂的工作岗位都是种族隔离的。
Better-paying jobs were reserved for whites, while the most dangerous, labor-intensive, dirtiest, and lowest-paying positions were relegated to African Americans.
薪资较高的工作留给了白人，而最危险、劳动密集型、最肮脏和薪资最低的职位则留给了非裔美国人。
African American women, shut out of most industries, found employment most often as domestic help for white families.
非洲裔美国女性被大多数行业拒之门外，她们最常找到的工作是为白人家庭做家政服务。
As poor as white southern mill workers were, southern Black people were poorer.
与南方工厂的白人工人一样贫穷，南方黑人更贫穷。
Some white mill workers could even afford to pay for domestic help in caring for young children, cleaning houses, doing laundry, and cooking meals.
一些白工厂工人甚至有能力支付家庭佣工的费用，帮助他们照顾小孩、打扫房子、洗衣服和做饭。
Mill villages that grew up alongside factories were whites-only, and African American families were pushed to the outer perimeter of the settlements.
与工厂一起发展起来的磨坊村只有白人居住，非裔美国家庭被推到了定居点的外围。
That a “New South” emerged in the decades between Reconstruction and World War I is debatable.
在重建和第一次世界大战之间的几十年里出现了“新南方”，这一点值得商榷。
If measured by industrial output and railroad construction, the New South was a reality but if measured relative to the rest of the nation, it was a limited one.
如果以工业产出和铁路建设来衡量，新南方是一个现实，但如果相对于全国其他地区来衡量，它是有限的。
If measured in terms of racial discrimination, however, the New South looked much like the Old.
然而，如果从种族歧视的角度来衡量，新南方看起来很像旧南方。
Boosters such as Henry Grady said the South was done with racial questions but lynching and segregation and the institutionalization of Jim Crow exposed the South’s lingering racial obsessions.
亨利·格雷迪等支持者表示，南方已经解决了种族问题，但私刑和种族隔离以及吉姆·克劳制度化暴露了南方挥之不去的种族困扰。
Meanwhile, most southerners still toiled in agriculture and still lived in poverty.
与此同时，大多数南方人仍在务农，仍然生活贫困。
Industrial development and expanding infrastructure, rather than re-creating the South, coexisted easily with white supremacy and an impoverished agricultural economy.
工业发展和基础设施扩张，而不是重建南方，很容易与白人至上和贫困的农业经济共存。
The trains came, factories were built, and capital was invested, but the region remained mired in poverty and racial apartheid.
火车来了，工厂建起来了，资本投入了，但该地区仍然深陷贫困和种族隔离的泥潭。
Much of the “New South,” then, was anything but new.
那么，“新南方”的大部分地区根本就不是什么新事物。
In 1905, Standard Oil tycoon John D.
1905年，标准石油大亨约翰·D.
Rockefeller donated $100,000 (about $2.5 million today) to the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions.
洛克菲勒向美国外交使团委员会捐赠了 10 万美元（相当于今天的 250 万美元）。
Rockefeller was the richest man in America but also one of the most hated and mistrusted.
洛克菲勒是美国最富有的人，但也是最受憎恨和不信任的人之一。
Even admirers conceded that he achieved his wealth through often illegal and usually immoral business practices.
就连崇拜者也承认，他通过非法且不道德的商业行为获得了财富。
Journalist Ida Tarbell had made waves describing Standard Oil’s long-standing ruthlessness and predilections for political corruption.
记者艾达·塔贝尔（Ida Tarbell）因描述标准石油公司长期以来的冷酷无情和对政治腐败的偏爱而引起轰动。
Clergymen, led by reformer Washington Gladden, fiercely protested the donation.
以改革家华盛顿·格拉登为首的神职人员强烈抗议这笔捐赠。
A decade earlier, Gladden had asked of such donations, “Is this clean money?
十年前，格拉登曾要求此类捐款，“这是干净的钱吗？
Can any man, can any institution, knowing its origin, touch it without being defiled?” Gladden said, “In the cool brutality with which properties are wrecked, securities destroyed, and people by the hundreds robbed of their little all to build up the fortunes of the multi-millionaires, we have an appalling revelation of the kind of monster that a human being may become.” 18
任何人、任何机构都可以在知道其起源的情况下触摸它而不被玷污吗？”格拉登说：“财产遭到破坏，证券被毁，数百人被抢走他们仅有的一切，以积累百万富翁的财富，这些残酷的残酷行为让我们震惊地发现，人类可能会变成什么样的怪物。” 18
Despite widespread criticism, the board accepted Rockefeller’s donation.
尽管遭到广泛批评，董事会还是接受了洛克菲勒的捐赠。
Board president Samuel Capen did not defend Rockefeller, arguing that the gift was charitable and the board could not assess the origin of every donation, but the dispute shook Capen.
董事会主席塞缪尔·卡彭没有为洛克菲勒辩护，认为这笔礼物是慈善性的，董事会无法评估每笔捐款的来源，但这一争议震惊了卡彭。
Was a corporate background incompatible with a religious organization?
公司背景与宗教组织是否不相容？
The “tainted money debate” reflected questions about the proper relationship between religion and capitalism.
“受污染的金钱辩论”反映了关于宗教与资本主义之间正确关系的问题。
With rising income inequality, would religious groups be forced to support either the elite or the disempowered?
随着收入不平等的加剧，宗教团体是否会被迫支持精英或弱势群体？
What was moral in the new industrial United States?
新工业化美国的道德是什么？
And what obligations did wealth bring?
财富带来了什么义务？
Steel magnate Andrew Carnegie popularized the idea of a “gospel of wealth” in an 1889 article, claiming that “the true antidote for the temporary unequal distribution of wealth” was the moral obligation of the rich to give to charity.
钢铁巨头安德鲁·卡内基在 1889 年的一篇文章中推广了“财富福音”的理念，声称“暂时财富分配不平等的真正解药”是富人向慈善事业捐款的道德义务。
19 Farmers and labor organizers, meanwhile, argued that God had blessed the weak and that new Gilded Age fortunes and corporate management were inherently immoral.
19 与此同时，农民和劳工组织者认为，上帝祝福弱者，新镀金时代的财富和企业管理本质上是不道德的。
As time passed, American churches increasingly adapted themselves to the new industrial order.
随着时间的推移，美国教会越来越适应新的工业秩序。
Even Gladden came to accept donations from the so-called robber barons, such as the Baptist John D.
就连格拉登也开始接受所谓的强盗大亨的捐款，比如浸信会约翰·D·肯尼迪。
Rockefeller, who increasingly touted the morality of business.
洛克菲勒日益宣扬商业道德。
Secular knowledge-seeking and Gilded Age dollars increasingly muscled out the traditional role of religion in American higher education as well.
世俗的知识追求和镀金时代的金钱也日益削弱了宗教在美国高等教育中的传统作用。
The Gilded Age elite funneled their fortunes into new elite private institutions.
镀金时代的精英将他们的财富注入新的精英私人机构。
The Morrill Land Grants of 1862 and 1890 subsidized new schools that emphasized practical knowledge in science, engineering, and agriculture.
1862 年和 1890 年的莫里尔土地拨款资助了强调科学、工程和农业实用知识的新学校。
The 1890 Act also provided for Black colleges in states with segregated universities, nine years after Booker T.
1890 年法案还规定在设有种族隔离大学的州设立黑人学院，是在布克·T.
Washington founded the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, a model of Black vocational education that Washington championed across the South and much of the country.
华盛顿在阿拉巴马州创立了塔斯基吉学院，这是华盛顿在南方和全国大部分地区倡导的黑人职业教育典范。
Daniel Coit Gilman, meanwhile, borrowed the models of research-based graduate education from German universities—a popular destination for elite Americans who studied abroad—when he presided over the newly established Johns Hopkins University in 1876.
与此同时，丹尼尔·科伊特·吉尔曼 (Daniel Coit Gilman) 在 1876 年主持新成立的约翰·霍普金斯大学时，借鉴了德国大学的研究型研究生教育模式——德国大学是美国精英留学的热门目的地。
At Harvard, educational reformer Charles William Elliot advocated for and modeled for the nation the replacement of a strictly guided classical curriculum with a more open-ended and practical-minded elective system.
在哈佛大学，教育改革家查尔斯·威廉·埃利奥特（Charles William Elliot）倡导并为国家树立榜样，用更加开放和务实的选修制度取代严格指导的古典课程。
At the same time, women occupied a larger and larger percentage of American college students, either as students at separate women’s colleges or, increasingly, at co-educational institutions.
与此同时，女性在美国大学生中所占的比例越来越大，要么是单独女子学院的学生，要么是越来越多的男女同校的学生。
Such trends, in many ways, mirrored emerging social and cultural forces in America, and women’s greater presence in American life–as typified by higher education–became sites for public discussion over the fate of traditional American masculinity.
这些趋势在很多方面反映了美国新兴的社会和文化力量，而女性在美国生活中的更大影响力——以高等教育为代表——成为公众讨论美国传统男性气质命运的场所。
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The economic and social changes of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries—including increased urbanization, immigration, advancements in science and technology, patterns of consumption and the new availability of goods, and new awareness of economic, racial, and gender inequalities—challenged traditional gender norms.
十九世纪末二十世纪初的经济和社会变化——包括城市化进程的加快、移民、科学技术的进步、消费模式和新的商品供应，以及对经济、种族和性别不平等的新认识——挑战了传统的性别规范。
At the same time, urban spaces and shifting cultural and social values presented new opportunities to challenge traditional gender and sexual norms.
与此同时，城市空间以及不断变化的文化和社会价值观为挑战传统性别和性规范提供了新的机会。
Many women, carrying on a campaign that stretched long into the past, vied for equal rights.
许多妇女开展了一场延续很久的运动，争取平等权利。
They became activists: they targeted municipal reforms, launched labor rights campaigns, and, above all, bolstered the suffrage movement.
他们成为积极分子：他们以市政改革为目标，发起劳工权利运动，最重要的是，支持选举权运动。
Urbanization and immigration fueled anxieties that old social mores were being subverted and that old forms of social and moral policing were increasingly inadequate.
城市化和移民加剧了人们的焦虑，即旧的社会习俗正在被颠覆，旧的社会和道德监管形式日益不足。
The anonymity of urban spaces presented an opportunity in particular for female sexuality and for male and female sexual experimentation along a spectrum of orientations and gender identities.
城市空间的匿名性尤其为女性性行为以及男性和女性沿着一系列取向和性别认同进行性实验提供了机会。
Anxiety over female sexuality reflected generational tensions and differences, as well as racial and class ones.
对女性性行为的焦虑反映了代际紧张和差异，以及种族和阶级差异。
As young women pushed back against social mores through premarital sexual exploration and expression, social welfare experts and moral reformers labeled such girls feeble-minded, believing even that such unfeminine behavior could be symptomatic of clinical insanity rather than free-willed expression.
当年轻女性通过婚前的性探索和性表达来反抗社会习俗时，社会福利专家和道德改革者给这些女孩贴上“弱智”的标签，认为这种不女性化的行为甚至可能是临床精神错乱的症状，而不是自由意志的表达。
Generational differences exacerbated the social and familial tensions provoked by shifting gender norms.
代际差异加剧了性别规范转变引发的社会和家庭紧张局势。
Youths challenged the norms of their parents’ generations by donning new fashions and enjoying the delights of the city.
年轻人穿着新时尚，享受城市的乐趣，挑战父辈的规范。
Women’s fashion loosed its physical constraints: corsets relaxed and hemlines rose.
女性时尚放松了对身体的限制：紧身胸衣放松，裙摆升高。
The newfound physical freedom enabled by looser dress was also mimicked in the pursuit of other freedoms.
宽松的着装所带来的新的身体自由也被模仿在追求其他自由的过程中。
While many women worked to liberate themselves, many, sometimes simultaneously, worked to uplift others.
虽然许多女性努力解放自己，但许多女性有时同时也在努力提升他人。
Women’s work against alcohol propelled temperance into one of the foremost moral reforms of the period.
妇女的反酗酒工作将节制推向了这一时期最重要的道德改革之一。
Middle-class, typically Protestant women based their assault on alcohol on the basis of their feminine virtue, Christian sentiment, and their protective role in the family and home.
中产阶级、典型的新教女性对酒精的攻击是基于她们的女性美德、基督教情感以及她们在家庭中的保护作用。
Others, like Jane Addams and settlement house workers, sought to impart a middle-class education on immigrant and working-class women through the establishment of settlement homes.
其他人，如简·亚当斯和安置所工作人员，试图通过建立安置所向移民和工人阶级妇女提供中产阶级教育。
Other reformers touted a “scientific motherhood”: the new science of hygiene was deployed as a method of both social uplift and moralizing, particularly of working-class and immigrant women.
其他改革者吹捧“科学母性”：新的卫生科学被用作社会提升和道德教育的方法，特别是对工人阶级和移民妇女。
Women vocalized new discontents through literature.
妇女通过文学表达新的不满。
Charlotte Perkins Gilman’s short story “The Yellow Wallpaper” attacked the “naturalness” of feminine domesticity and critiqued Victorian psychological remedies administered to women, such as the “rest cure.” Kate Chopin’s The Awakening , set in the American South, likewise criticized the domestic and familial role ascribed to women by society and gave expression to feelings of malaise, desperation, and desire.
夏洛特·帕金斯·吉尔曼的短篇小说《黄色壁纸》攻击了女性家庭生活的“自然性”，并批评了维多利亚时代对女性实施的心理疗法，例如“休息疗法”。凯特·肖邦的《觉醒》以美国南部为背景，同样批评了社会赋予女性的家庭角色，表达了不安、绝望和欲望的感受。
Such literature directly challenged the status quo of the Victorian era’s constructions of femininity and feminine virtue, as well as established feminine roles.
这些文学直接挑战了维多利亚时代女性气质和女性美德建构的现状，以及既定的女性角色。
While many men worried about female activism, they worried too about their own masculinity.
虽然许多男性担心女性激进主义，但他们也担心自己的男子气概。
To anxious observers, industrial capitalism was withering American manhood.
对于焦虑的观察者来说，工业资本主义正在削弱美国的男子气概。
Rather than working on farms and in factories, where young men formed physical muscle and spiritual grit, new generations of workers labored behind desks, wore white collars, and, in the words of Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, appeared “black-coated, stiff-jointed, soft-muscled, [and] paste-complexioned.” 21 Neurologist George Beard even coined a medical term, neurasthenia , for a new emasculated condition that was marked by depression, indigestion, hypochondria, and extreme nervousness.
新一代工人不再在农场和工厂工作，在那里年轻人锻炼身体肌肉和精神勇气，而是在办公桌后面劳动，穿着白领，用最高法院法官奥利弗·温德尔·霍姆斯的话说，他们看起来“穿着黑色外套，关节僵硬，肌肉柔软，肤色苍白”。 21 神经学家乔治·比尔德甚至创造了一个医学术语“神经衰弱”，来指代一种新的阉割病症，其特征是抑郁、消化不良、忧郁症和极度紧张。
The philosopher William James called it “Americanitis.” Academics increasingly warned that America had become a nation of emasculated men.
哲学家威廉·詹姆斯称之为“美国主义”。学者们越来越多地警告说，美国已经成为一个男性被阉割的国家。
Churches too worried about feminization.
教会也担心女性化。
Women had always comprised a clear majority of church memberships in the United States, but now the theologian Washington Gladden said, “A preponderance of female influence in the Church or anywhere else in society is unnatural and injurious.” Many feared that the feminized church had feminized Christ himself.
在美国，女性一直在教会成员中占据明显多数，但现在神学家华盛顿·格拉登说：“女性在教会或社会其他任何地方的影响力占主导地位是不自然的和有害的。”许多人担心女性化的教会已经女性化了基督本人。
Rather than a rough-hewn carpenter, Jesus had been made “mushy” and “sweetly effeminate,” in the words of Walter Rauschenbusch.
用沃尔特·劳申布施（Walter Rauschenbusch）的话来说，耶稣不是一个粗糙的木匠，而是被塑造成“软弱的”和“甜蜜的女性化”。
Advocates of a so-called muscular Christianity sought to stiffen young men’s backbones by putting them back in touch with their primal manliness.
所谓的强健基督教的倡导者试图通过让年轻人恢复原始的男子气概来增强他们的脊梁骨。
Pulling from contemporary developmental theory, they believed that young men ought to evolve as civilization evolved, advancing from primitive nature-dwelling to modern industrial enlightenment.
他们从当代发展理论出发，认为年轻人应该随着文明的发展而发展，从原始的自然居住走向现代工业启蒙。
To facilitate “primitive” encounters with nature, muscular Christians founded summer camps and outdoor boys’ clubs like the Woodcraft Indians, the Sons of Daniel Boone, and the Boy Brigades—all precursors of the Boy Scouts.
为了促进与自然的“原始”接触，肌肉发达的基督徒创立了夏令营和户外男孩俱乐部，例如“Woodcraft Indians”、“Sons of Daniel Boone”和“Boy Brigades”——所有这些都是童子军的前身。
Other champions of muscular Christianity, such as the newly formed Young Men’s Christian Association, built gymnasiums, often attached to churches, where youths could strengthen their bodies as well as their spirits.
其他强健基督教的拥护者，例如新成立的基督教青年会，建造了往往附属于教堂的体育馆，年轻人可以在那里增强身体和精神。
It was a Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) leader who coined the term bodybuilding , and others invented the sports of basketball and volleyball.
基督教青年会 (YMCA) 的一位领导人创造了健美一词，其他人则发明了篮球和排球运动。
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Muscular Christianity, though, was about even more than building strong bodies and minds.
然而，强健的基督教不仅仅是建立坚强的身体和思想。
Many advocates also ardently championed Western imperialism, cheering on attempts to civilize non-Western peoples.
许多拥护者还热心支持西方帝国主义，为非西方人民文明化的努力欢呼。
Gilded Age men were encouraged to embrace a particular vision of masculinity connected intimately with the rising tides of nationalism, militarism, and imperialism.
镀金时代的男性被鼓励接受一种与民族主义、军国主义和帝国主义浪潮密切相关的特殊的男子气概观念。
Contemporary ideals of American masculinity at the turn of the century developed in concert with the United States’ imperial and militaristic endeavors in the West and abroad.
世纪之交的当代美国男性气质理想是与美国在西方和海外的帝国主义和军国主义努力共同发展的。
During the Spanish-American War in 1898, Teddy Roosevelt and his Rough Riders embodied the idealized image of the tall, strong, virile, and fit American man that simultaneously epitomized the ideals of power that informed the United States’ imperial agenda.
1898 年美西战争期间，泰迪·罗斯福和他的狂野骑士体现了高大、强壮、阳刚、健康的美国男人的理想化形象，同时也体现了美国帝国议程中的权力理想。
Roosevelt and others like him believed a reinvigorated masculinity would preserve the American race’s superiority against foreign foes and the effeminizing effects of overcivilization.
罗斯福和其他像他一样的人相信，重振男性气质将保持美国种族对抗外国敌人的优势以及过度文明带来的女性化影响。
But while many fretted about traditional American life, others lost themselves in new forms of mass culture.
然而，尽管许多人对传统的美国生活感到担忧，但其他人却迷失在新形式的大众文化中。
Vaudeville signaled new cultural worlds.
歌舞杂耍标志着新的文化世界。
A unique variety of popular entertainments, these traveling circuit shows first appeared during the Civil War and peaked between 1880 and 1920.
这些巡回演出是一种独特的流行娱乐节目，首次出现于南北战争期间，并在 1880 年至 1920 年间达到顶峰。
Vaudeville shows featured comedians, musicians, actors, jugglers, and other talents that could captivate an audience.
歌舞杂耍表演以喜剧演员、音乐家、演员、杂技演员和其他能够吸引观众的人才为特色。
Unlike earlier rowdy acts meant for a male audience that included alcohol, vaudeville was considered family-friendly, “polite” entertainment, though the acts involved offensive ethnic and racial caricatures of African Americans and recent immigrants.
与早期针对男性观众的喧闹表演（包括酒精）不同，歌舞杂耍被认为是适合家庭的“礼貌”娱乐，尽管这些表演涉及对非裔美国人和新移民的攻击性民族和种族漫画。
Vaudeville performances were often small and quirky, though venues such as the renowned Palace Theatre in New York City signaled true stardom for many performers.
尽管纽约市著名的皇宫剧院等场所对许多表演者来说标志着真正的明星地位，但杂耍表演通常规模较小且古怪。
Popular entertainers such as silent film star Charlie Chaplin and magician Harry Houdini made names for themselves on the vaudeville circuit.
无声电影明星查理·卓别林和魔术师哈里·胡迪尼等受欢迎的艺人都在歌舞杂耍巡回演出中成名。
But if live entertainment still captivated audiences, others looked to entirely new technologies.
但如果现场娱乐仍然吸引观众，其他人就会寻求全新的技术。
By the turn of the century, two technologies pioneered by Edison—the phonograph and motion pictures—stood ready to revolutionize leisure and help create the mass entertainment culture of the twentieth century.
到了世纪之交，爱迪生开创的两项技术——留声机和电影——已经准备好彻底改变休闲方式，并帮助创造二十世纪的大众娱乐文化。
The phonograph was the first reliable device capable of recording and reproducing sound.
留声机是第一个能够录制和再现声音的可靠设备。
But it was more than that.
但还不止于此。
The phonograph could create multiple copies of recordings, sparking a great expansion of the market for popular music.
留声机可以创建多个录音副本，从而极大地扩展了流行音乐市场。
Although the phonograph was a technical success, Edison at first had trouble developing commercial applications for it.
尽管留声机在技术上取得了成功，但爱迪生最初在为其开发商业应用时遇到了困难。
He thought it might be used for dictation, recording audio letters, preserving speeches and dying words of great men, producing talking clocks, or teaching elocution.
他认为它可以用于听写、记录音频信件、保存伟人的演讲和临终遗言、制作会说话的时钟或教授演讲。
He did not anticipate that its greatest use would be in the field of mass entertainment, but Edison’s sales agents soon reported that many phonographs were being used for just that, especially in so-called phonograph parlors, where customers could pay a nickel to hear a piece of music.
他没有预料到留声机的最大用途是在大众娱乐领域，但爱迪生的销售代理很快报告说，许多留声机的用途正是于此，特别是在所谓的留声机店，顾客可以花五分钱来听一首音乐。
By the turn of the century, Americans were purchasing phonographs for home use.
到了世纪之交，美国人开始购买留声机供家庭使用。
Entertainment became the phonograph’s major market.
娱乐成为留声机的主要市场。
Inspired by the success of the phonograph as an entertainment device, Edison decided in 1888 to develop “an instrument which does for the Eye what the phonograph does for the Ear.” In 1888, he patented the concept of motion pictures.
受到留声机作为娱乐设备的成功的启发，爱迪生于 1888 年决定开发“一种对眼睛的作用就像留声机对耳朵的作用一样”。 1888年，他为电影概念申请了专利。
In 1889, he innovated the rolling of film.
1889年，他创新了胶片的滚动方式。
By 1891, he was exhibiting a motion-picture camera (a kinetograph ) and a viewer (a kinetoscope ).
到 1891 年，他展出了电影摄影机（电影放映机）和观众（电影放映机）。
By 1894, the Edison Company had produced about seventy-five films suitable for sale and viewing.
到 1894 年，爱迪生公司已经制作了大约 75 部适合出售和观看的电影。
They could be viewed through a small eyepiece in an arcade or parlor.
可以通过拱廊或客厅中的小目镜观看它们。
They were short, typically about three minutes long.
它们很短，通常大约三分钟长。
Many of the early films depicted athletic feats and competitions.
许多早期的电影都描绘了运动壮举和比赛。
One 1894 film, for example, showed a six-round boxing match.
例如，一部 1894 年的电影展示了一场六回合的拳击比赛。
The catalog description gave a sense of the appeal it had for male viewers: “Full of hard fighting, clever hits, punches, leads, dodges, body blows and some slugging.” Other early kinetoscope subjects included Indian dances, nature and outdoor scenes, re-creations of historical events, and humorous skits.
目录描述体现了它对男性观众的吸引力：“充满了艰苦的战斗、巧妙的打击、拳击、引导、闪避、身体打击和一些重击。”其他早期的电影放映主题包括印度舞蹈、自然和户外场景、历史事件的再现和幽默短剧。
By 1896, the Edison Vitascope could project film, shifting audiences away from arcades and pulling them into theaters.
到 1896 年，爱迪生 Vitascope 可以放映电影，将观众从游乐场转移到剧院。
Edison’s film catalog meanwhile grew in sophistication.
与此同时，爱迪生的电影目录也变得更加复杂。
He sent filmmakers to distant and exotic locales like Japan and China.
他派电影制片人前往日本和中国等遥远而充满异国情调的地方。
Long-form fictional films created a demand for “movie stars,” such as the glamorous Mary Pickford, the swashbuckling Douglas Fairbanks, the acrobatic comedian Buster Keaton, who began to appear in the popular imagination beginning around 1910.
长篇虚构电影催生了对“电影明星”的需求，比如迷人的玛丽·碧克馥、虚张声势的道格拉斯·费尔班克斯、杂技喜剧演员巴斯特·基顿，他们从 1910 年左右开始出现在大众的想象中。
Alongside professional boxing and baseball, the film industry was creating the modern culture of celebrity that would characterize twentieth-century mass entertainment.
除了职业拳击和棒球之外，电影业还创造了现代名人文化，这将成为二十世纪大众娱乐的特征。
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After enduring four bloody years of warfare and a strained, decade-long effort to reconstruct the defeated South, the United States abandoned itself to industrial development.
在经历了四年血腥的战争和长达十年的重建战败南方的紧张努力之后，美国放弃了自己的工业发展。
Businesses expanded in scale and scope.
业务规模和范围不断扩大。
The nature of labor shifted.
劳动的性质发生了变化。
A middle class rose.
中产阶级崛起。
Wealth concentrated.
财富集中。
Immigrants crowded into the cities, which grew upward and outward.
移民涌入城市，城市向上、向外发展。
The Jim Crow South stripped away the vestiges of Reconstruction, and New South boosters papered over the scars.
种族隔离南方剥去了重建的痕迹，而新南方的支持者则掩盖了伤疤。
Industrialists hunted profits.
实业家追逐利润。
Evangelists appealed to people’s morals.
福音传教士呼吁人们的道德。
Consumers lost themselves in new goods and new technologies.
消费者迷失在新商品和新技术中。
Women emerging into new urban spaces embraced new social possibilities.
进入新城市空间的女性拥抱新的社会可能性。
In all of its many facets, by the turn of the twentieth century, the United States had been radically transformed.
到二十世纪之交，美国的各个方面都发生了根本性的变化。
And the transformations continued to ripple outward into the West and overseas, and inward into radical protest and progressive reforms.
这些变革继续向外波及西方和海外，向内波及激进抗议和进步改革。
For Americans at the twilight of the nineteenth century and the dawn of the twentieth, a bold new world loomed.
对于十九世纪末和二十世纪初的美国人来说，一个大胆的新世界正在逼近。
Steel magnate Andrew Carnegie celebrated and explored American economic progress in this 1885 article, later reprinted in his 1886 book, Triumphant Democracy.
钢铁巨头安德鲁·卡内基在 1885 年的这篇文章中庆祝并探讨了美国的经济进步，后来在他 1886 年的著作《胜利的民主》中重印。
2.
2.
Henry Grady on the New South (1886)
亨利·格雷迪谈新南方 (1886)
Atlanta newspaperman and apostle of the “New South,” Henry Grady, won national recognition for his December 21, 1886 speech to the New England Society in New York City.
亚特兰大新闻记者和“新南方”的传播者亨利·格雷迪 (Henry Grady) 因其 1886 年 12 月 21 日在纽约市新英格兰协会的演讲而赢得了全国认可。
3.
3.
Ida B.
艾达·B.
Wells-Barnett, “Lynch Law in America” (1900)
威尔斯-巴尼特，《美国的林奇法》(1900)
Ida B.
艾达·B.
Wells-Barnett, born enslaved in Mississippi, was a pioneering activist and journalist.
威尔斯-巴尼特出生于密西西比州的奴隶家庭，是一位先驱活动家和记者。
She did much to expose the epidemic of lynching in the United States and her writing and research exploded many of the justifications—particularly the rape of white women by Black men—commonly offered to justify the practice.
她为揭露美国私刑的流行做了很多工作，她的写作和研究驳斥了许多通常为这种做法辩护的理由，特别是黑人男子强奸白人妇女。
4.
4.
Henry Adams, The Education of Henry Adams (1918)
亨利·亚当斯，《亨利·亚当斯的教育》(1918)
Henry Adams, the great grandson of President John Adams, the grandson of President John Quincy Adams, the son of a major American diplomat, and an accomplished Harvard historian, writing in the third person, describes his experience at the Great Exposition in Paris in 1900 and writes of his encounter with “forces totally new.” 5.
亨利·亚当斯 (Henry Adams) 是约翰·亚当斯 (John Adams) 总统的曾孙、约翰·昆西·亚当斯 (John Quincy Adams) 总统的孙子、一位美国重要外交官的儿子、一位卓有成就的哈佛大学历史学家，他以第三人称的方式描述了他在 1900 年巴黎博览会上的经历，并写到了他与“全新力量”的遭遇。 5.
Charlotte Perkins Gilman, “Why I Wrote The Yellow Wallpaper ” (1913)
夏洛特·帕金斯·吉尔曼，《我为什么写黄色壁纸》（1913）
Charlotte Perkins Gilman won much attention in 1892 for publishing “The Yellow Wallpaper,” a semi-autobiographical short story dealing with mental health and contemporary social expectations for women.
1892 年，夏洛特·珀金斯·吉尔曼 (Charlotte Perkins Gilman) 因出版《黄色壁纸》而备受关注，这是一部关于心理健康和当代社会对女性期望的半自传体短篇小说。
In the following piece, Gilman reflected on writing and publishing the piece.
在接下来的文章中，吉尔曼反思了这篇文章的写作和出版。
6.
6.
Jacob Riis, How the Other Half Lives (1890)
雅各布·里斯，《另一半的生活》(How the Other Half Lives) (1890)
Jacob Riis, a Danish immigrant, combined photography and journalism into a powerful indictment of poverty in America.
丹麦移民雅各布·里斯 (Jacob Riis) 将摄影和新闻结合起来，有力地控诉了美国的贫困。
His 1890, How the Other Half Lives shocked Americans with its raw depictions of urban slums.
他 1890 年的作品《另一半的生活》以其对城市贫民窟的原始描述震惊了美国人。
Here, he describes poverty in New York.
在这里，他描述了纽约的贫困。
7.
7.
Rose Cohen on the World Beyond her Immigrant Neighborhood (ca.1897/1918)
罗丝·科恩谈移民社区之外的世界（约 1897/1918）
Rose Cohen was born in Russia in 1880 as Rahel Golub.
罗丝·科恩 (Rose Cohen) 1880 年出生于俄罗斯，原名拉赫尔·戈卢布 (Rahel Golub)。
She immigrated to the United States in 1892 and lived in a Russian Jewish neighborhood in New York’s Lower East Side.
她于 1892 年移民到美国，住在纽约下东区的一个俄罗斯犹太社区。
Here, she writes about her encounter with the world outside of her ethnic neighborhood.
在这里，她写下了她与少数民族社区之外的世界的遭遇。
8.
8.
Mulberry Street (ca.
桑树街（约
1900)
1900）
At the turn of the century, New York City’s Lower East Side became the most densely packed urban area in the world.
世纪之交，纽约市下东区成为世界上人口最稠密的城市地区。
This colorized photomechanical print from the Detroit Photographic depicts daily life on Mulberry Street, the area’s central artery.
底特律摄影社的这张彩色冲印照片描绘了该地区中心干道桑树街的日常生活。
9.
9.
Coney Island (ca.
康尼岛（约
1910-1915)
1910-1915)
Amusement-hungry Americans flocked to new entertainments at the turn of the twentieth century.
二十世纪之交，渴望娱乐的美国人纷纷涌向新的娱乐方式。
In this early-twentieth century photograph, visitors enjoy Luna Park, one of the original amusement parks on Brooklyn’s famous Coney Island.
在这张二十世纪初的照片中，游客们正在游览月神公园，它是布鲁克林著名的康尼岛上最初的游乐园之一。
This chapter was edited by David Hochfelder, with content contributions by Jacob Betz, David Hochfelder, Gerard Koeppel, Scott Libson, Kyle Livie, Paul Matzko, Isabella Morales, Andrew Robichaud, Kate Sohasky, Joseph Super, Susan Thomas, Shawn Varghese, Kaylynn Washnock, and Kevin Young.
本章由 David Hochfelder 编辑，内容贡献者包括 Jacob Betz、David Hochfelder、Gerard Koeppel、Scott Libson、Kyle Livie、Paul Matzko、Isabella Morales、Andrew Robichaud、Kate Sohasky、Joseph Super、Susan Thomas、Shawn Varghese、Kaylynn Washnock 和 Kevin Young。
Recommended citation: Jacob Betz et al., “Life in Industrial America,” David Hochfelder, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.
推荐引用：Jacob Betz 等人，“工业美国的生活”，David Hochfelder 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。
Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).
约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。