The American Yawp
A Maryland National Guard unit fires upon strikers during the Great Railroad Strike of 1877.
1877 年铁路大罢工期间，马里兰州国民警卫队向罢工者开枪。
Harper’s Weekly, via Wikimedia
《哈珀周刊》，来自维基媒体
* NOTE: You are viewing a chapter from the archived, “First Edition” version of the American Yawp, which stopped receiving updates in spring 2026.
* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。
Click here to access the current, updated edition *
单击此处访问当前的更新版本*
The Great Railroad Strike of 1877 heralded a new era of labor conflict in the United States.
1877 年的铁路大罢工预示着美国劳工冲突的新时代。
That year, mired in the stagnant economy that followed the bursting of the railroads’ financial bubble in 1873, rail lines slashed workers’ wages (even, workers complained, as they reaped enormous government subsidies and paid shareholders lucrative stock dividends).
那一年，1873 年铁路金融泡沫破裂后，经济陷入停滞，铁路公司大幅削减了工人的工资（甚至工人们还抱怨，因为他们获得了巨额政府补贴，并向股东支付了丰厚的股票股息）。
Workers struck from Baltimore to St. Louis, shutting down railroad traffic—the nation’s economic lifeblood—across the country.
工人们从巴尔的摩到圣路易斯进行罢工，导致全国各地的铁路交通——国家的经济命脉——陷入瘫痪。
Panicked business leaders and friendly political officials reacted quickly.
惊慌失措的商界领袖和友好的政治官员迅速做出了反应。
When local police forces would not or could not suppress the strikes, governors called out state militias to break them and restore rail service.
当当地警察部队不愿或无法镇压罢工时，州长们就会号召州民兵来镇压罢工并恢复铁路服务。
Many strikers destroyed rail property rather than allow militias to reopen the rails.
许多罢工者摧毁了铁路财产，而不是让民兵重新开放铁路。
The protests approached a class war.
抗议活动接近阶级战争。
The governor of Maryland deployed the state’s militia.
马里兰州州长部署了该州的民兵。
In Baltimore, the militia fired into a crowd of striking workers, killing eleven and wounding many more.
在巴尔的摩，民兵向一群罢工工人开枪，造成十一人死亡，多人受伤。
Strikes convulsed towns and cities across Pennsylvania.
袭击震动了宾夕法尼亚州各地的城镇。
The head of the Pennsylvania Railroad, Thomas Andrew Scott, suggested that if workers were unhappy with their wages, they should be given “a rifle diet for a few days and see how they like that kind of bread.” 1 Law enforcement in Pittsburgh refused to put down the protests, so the governor called out the state militia, who killed twenty strikers with bayonets and rifle fire.
宾夕法尼亚铁路公司的负责人托马斯·安德鲁·斯科特建议，如果工人们对自己的工资不满意，就应该给他们“几天的步枪饮食，看看他们是否喜欢这种面包”。 1 匹兹堡的执法部门拒绝镇压抗议活动，因此州长出动了州民兵，民兵用刺刀和步枪杀死了 20 名罢工者。
A month of chaos erupted.
一个月的混乱爆发了。
Strikers set fire to the city, destroying dozens of buildings, over a hundred engines, and over a thousand cars.
罢工者放火焚烧这座城市，摧毁了数十座建筑物、一百多台发动机和一千多辆汽车。
In Reading, strikers destroyed rail property and an angry crowd bombarded militiamen with rocks and bottles.
在雷丁，罢工者摧毁了铁路设施，愤怒的人群用石块和瓶子轰炸民兵。
The militia fired into the crowd, killing ten.
民兵向人群开枪，造成十人死亡。
A general strike erupted in St. Louis, and strikers seized rail depots and declared for the eight-hour day and the abolition of child labor.
圣路易斯爆发了总罢工，罢工者占领了火车站，并宣布实行八小时工作制并废除童工。
Federal troops and vigilantes fought their way into the depot, killing eighteen and breaking the strike.
联邦军队和治安维持者杀入仓库，造成十八人死亡并打破了罢工。
Rail lines were shut down all across neighboring Illinois, where coal miners struck in sympathy, tens of thousands gathered to protest under the aegis of the Workingmen’s Party, and twenty protesters were killed in Chicago by special police and militiamen.
邻近的伊利诺伊州的铁路线全部关闭，煤矿工人罢工表示同情，数万人在工人党的支持下聚集抗议，芝加哥的二十名抗议者被特警和民兵杀害。
Courts, police, and state militias suppressed the strikes, but it was federal troops that finally defeated them.
法院、警察和州民兵镇压了罢工，但最终是联邦军队击败了他们。
When Pennsylvania militiamen were unable to contain the strikes, federal troops stepped in.
当宾夕法尼亚州民兵无法遏制袭击时，联邦军队介入。
When militia in West Virginia refused to break the strike, federal troops broke it instead.
当西弗吉尼亚州的民兵拒绝阻止罢工时，联邦军队反而阻止了罢工。
On the orders of the president, American soldiers were deployed all across northern rail lines.
根据总统的命令，美国士兵被部署到整个北部铁路线上。
Soldiers moved from town to town, suppressing protests and reopening rail lines.
士兵们从一个城镇转移到另一个城镇，镇压抗议活动并重新开放铁路线。
Six weeks after it had begun, the strike had been crushed.
罢工开始六周后就被镇压了。
Nearly 100 Americans died in “The Great Upheaval.” Workers destroyed nearly $40 million worth of property.
近 100 名美国人在“大剧变”中丧生。工人们毁坏了价值近 4000 万美元的财产。
The strike galvanized the country.
这次罢工震动了全国。
It convinced laborers of the need for institutionalized unions, persuaded businesses of the need for even greater political influence and government aid, and foretold a half century of labor conflict in the United States.
它让劳动者相信需要制度化的工会，让企业相信需要更大的政治影响力和政府援助，并预言了美国半个世纪的劳资冲突。
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John Pierpont Morgan with two friends, ca.1907.
约翰·皮尔庞特·摩根和两个朋友，约 1907 年。
Library of Congress, LC-USZ62-92327
美国国会图书馆，LC-USZ62-92327
Growing labor unrest accompanied industrialization.
工业化进程伴随着日益严重的劳工骚乱。
The greatest strikes first hit the railroads only because no other industry had so effectively marshaled together capital, government support, and bureaucratic management.
最大的罢工首先袭击了铁路，只是因为没有其他行业能够如此有效地整合资本、政府支持和官僚管理。
Many workers perceived their new powerlessness in the coming industrial order.
许多工人意识到他们在即将到来的工业秩序中新的无能为力。
Skills mattered less and less in an industrialized, mass-producing economy, and their strength as individuals seemed ever smaller and more insignificant when companies grew in size and power and managers grew flush with wealth and influence.
在工业化、大规模生产的经济中，技能的重要性越来越小，当公司规模和权力不断扩大、管理者财富和影响力不断增强时，技能作为个人的力量似乎变得越来越小、越来越无足轻重。
Long hours, dangerous working conditions, and the difficulty of supporting a family on meager and unpredictable wages compelled armies of labor to organize and battle against the power of capital.
长时间的工作、危险的工作条件以及靠微薄且难以预测的工资养家糊口的困难，迫使劳工大军组织起来对抗资本的力量。
The post–Civil War era saw revolutions in American industry.
内战后时代见证了美国工业的革命。
Technological innovations and national investments slashed the costs of production and distribution.
技术创新和国家投资降低了生产和分销成本。
New administrative frameworks sustained the weight of vast firms.
新的行政框架支撑着大型企业的力量。
National credit agencies eased the uncertainties surrounding rapid movement of capital among investors, manufacturers, and retailers.
国家信用机构缓解了投资者、制造商和零售商之间资本快速流动的不确定性。
Plummeting transportation and communication costs opened new national media, which advertising agencies used to nationalize various products.
交通和通讯成本的暴跌催生了新的全国性媒体，广告公司利用这些媒体将各种产品国有化。
By the turn of the century, corporate leaders and wealthy industrialists embraced the new principles of scientific management, or Taylorism, after its noted proponent, Frederick Taylor.
到了世纪之交，企业领导人和富有的实业家接受了科学管理的新原则，即泰勒主义，以其著名的支持者弗雷德里克·泰勒 (Frederick Taylor) 的名字命名。
The precision of steel parts, the harnessing of electricity, the innovations of machine tools, and the mass markets wrought by the railroads offered new avenues for efficiency.
钢铁零件的精密度、电力的利用、机床的创新以及铁路带来的大众市场为提高效率提供了新的途径。
To match the demands of the machine age, Taylor said, firms needed a scientific organization of production.
泰勒说，为了满足机器时代的需求，企业需要科学的生产组织。
He urged all manufacturers to increase efficiency by subdividing tasks.
他敦促所有制造商通过细分任务来提高效率。
Rather than having thirty mechanics individually making thirty machines, for instance, a manufacturer could assign thirty laborers to perform thirty distinct tasks.
例如，制造商可以指派三十名工人来执行三十个不同的任务，而不是让三十个机械师单独制造三十台机器。
Such a shift would not only make workers as interchangeable as the parts they were using, it would also dramatically speed up the process of production.
这种转变不仅可以使工人与他们所使用的零件一样可以互换，而且还可以大大加快生产过程。
If managed by trained experts, specific tasks could be done quicker and more efficiently.
如果由训练有素的专家管理，特定任务可以更快、更有效地完成。
Taylorism increased the scale and scope of manufacturing and allowed for the flowering of mass production.
泰勒主义扩大了制造业的规模和范围，并促进了大规模生产的繁荣。
Building on the use of interchangeable parts in Civil War–era weapons manufacturing, American firms advanced mass production techniques and technologies.
在内战时期武器制造中使用可互换零件的基础上，美国公司先进了大规模生产技术和技术。
Singer sewing machines, Chicago packers’ “disassembly” lines, McCormick grain reapers, Duke cigarette rollers: all realized unprecedented efficiencies and achieved unheard-of levels of production that propelled their companies into the forefront of American business.
胜家缝纫机、芝加哥包装公司的“拆卸”生产线、麦考密克谷物收割机、杜克卷烟机：都实现了前所未有的效率并达到了闻所未闻的生产水平，推动他们的公司跻身美国商业的前沿。
Henry Ford made the assembly line famous, allowing the production of automobiles to skyrocket as their cost plummeted, but various American firms had been paving the way for decades.
亨利·福特使装配线名声大噪，使汽车产量飞速增长，而成本却大幅下降，但数十年来，各种美国公司一直在为此铺平道路。
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Glazier Stove Company, moulding room, Chelsea, Michigan, ca1900-1910.
Glazier Stove Company，造型室，密歇根州切尔西，约 1900-1910 年。
Library of Congress , LC-D4-42785.
美国国会图书馆，LC-D4-42785。
Cyrus McCormick had overseen the construction of mechanical reapers (used for harvesting wheat) for decades.
赛勒斯·麦考密克几十年来一直监督机械收割机（用于收割小麦）的建造。
He had relied on skilled blacksmiths, skilled machinists, and skilled woodworkers to handcraft horse-drawn machines.
他依靠熟练的铁匠、熟练的机械师和熟练的木工来手工制作马拉机器。
But production was slow and the machines were expensive.
但生产速度缓慢且机器价格昂贵。
The reapers still enabled massive efficiency gains in grain farming, but their high cost and slow production times put them out of reach of most American wheat farmers.
收割机仍然使粮食种植的效率大幅提高，但其高昂的成本和缓慢的生产时间使大多数美国小麦农民无法承受。
But then, in 1880, McCormick hired a production manager who had overseen the manufacturing of Colt firearms to transform his system of production.
但随后，在 1880 年，麦考密克聘请了一位负责监督柯尔特枪械制造的生产经理来改造他的生产系统。
The Chicago plant introduced new jigs, steel gauges, and pattern machines that could make precise duplicates of new, interchangeable parts.
芝加哥工厂引进了新的夹具、钢规和模型机，可以精确复制新的可互换零件。
The company had produced twenty-one thousand machines in 1880.
1880 年，公司生产了 21,000 台机器。
It made twice as many in 1885, and by 1889, less than a decade later, it was producing over one hundred thousand a year.
1885 年，它的产量是原来的两倍，到 1889 年，不到十年后，它的年产量已超过十万件。
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Industrialization and mass production pushed the United States into the forefront of the world.
工业化和大规模生产将美国推向世界前列。
The American economy had lagged behind Britain, Germany, and France as recently as the 1860s, but by 1900 the United States was the world’s leading manufacturing nation.
直到 1860 年代，美国经济还落后于英国、德国和法国，但到 1900 年，美国已成为世界领先的制造业国家。
Thirteen years later, by 1913, the United States produced one third of the world’s industrial output—more than Britain, France, and Germany combined.
十三年后，到 1913 年，美国的工业产出占世界的三分之一，超过英国、法国和德国的总和。
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Firms such as McCormick’s realized massive economies of scale: after accounting for their initial massive investments in machines and marketing, each additional product lost the company relatively little in production costs.
像味好美公司这样的公司实现了巨大的规模经济：在考虑到最初在机器和营销方面的大量投资后，每增加一种产品，公司的生产成本损失相对较小。
The bigger the production, then, the bigger the profits.
那么，产量越大，利润就越大。
New industrial companies therefore hungered for markets to keep their high-volume production facilities operating.
因此，新兴工业公司迫切需要市场来维持其大批量生产设施的运转。
Retailers and advertisers sustained the massive markets needed for mass production, and corporate bureaucracies meanwhile allowed for the management of giant new firms.
零售商和广告商维持了大规模生产所需的庞大市场，同时企业官僚机构也允许管理大型新公司。
A new class of managers—comprising what one prominent economic historian called the “visible hand”—operated between the worlds of workers and owners and ensured the efficient operation and administration of mass production and mass distribution.
一个新的管理者阶层——包括一位著名经济历史学家所说的“看得见的手”——在工人和所有者的世界之间运作，确保大规模生产和大规模分配的有效运作和管理。
Even more important to the growth and maintenance of these new companies, however, were the legal creations used to protect investors and sustain the power of massed capital.
然而，对于这些新公司的成长和维持来说，更重要的是用于保护投资者和维持大众资本力量的法律创造。
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The costs of mass production were prohibitive for all but the very wealthiest individuals, and, even then, the risks would be too great to bear individually.
大规模生产的成本对于除了最富有的个人之外的所有人来说都是令人望而却步的，而且即便如此，风险也太大而无法单独承担。
The corporation itself was ages old, but the actual right to incorporate had generally been reserved for public works projects or government-sponsored monopolies.
该公司本身历史悠久，但实际的注册权通常保留给公共工程项目或政府资助的垄断企业。
After the Civil War, however, the corporation, using new state incorporation laws passed during the Market Revolution of the early nineteenth century, became a legal mechanism for nearly any enterprise to marshal vast amounts of capital while limiting the liability of shareholders.
然而，内战结束后，公司利用十九世纪初市场革命期间通过的新的国家公司法，成为几乎所有企业在限制股东责任的同时整合大量资本的法律机制。
By washing their hands of legal and financial obligations while still retaining the right to profit massively, investors flooded corporations with the capital needed to industrialize.
通过摆脱法律和财务义务，同时仍然保留大量获利的权利，投资者向企业注入了工业化所需的资本。
But a competitive marketplace threatened the promise of investments.
但竞争激烈的市场威胁到了投资的前景。
Once the efficiency gains of mass production were realized, profit margins could be undone by cutthroat competition, which kept costs low as price cutting sank into profits.
一旦实现了大规模生产的效率提升，利润率可能会被残酷的竞争所抵消，因为降价会导致利润下降，从而使成本保持在较低水平。
Companies rose and fell—and investors suffered losses—as manufacturing firms struggled to maintain supremacy in their particular industries.
随着制造企业努力维持其特定行业的霸主地位，公司起起落落，投资者蒙受损失。
Economies of scale were a double-edged sword: while additional production provided immense profits, the high fixed costs of operating expensive factories dictated that even modest losses from selling underpriced goods were preferable to not selling profitably priced goods at all.
规模经济是一把双刃剑：虽然额外的生产提供了巨大的利润，但运营昂贵工厂的固定成本很高，这决定了即使因销售低价商品而造成的轻微损失也比根本不销售利润丰厚的商品要好。
And as market share was won and lost, profits proved unstable.
随着市场份额的赢得和失去，利润也变得不稳定。
American industrial firms tried everything to avoid competition: they formed informal pools and trusts, they entered price-fixing agreements, they divided markets, and, when blocked by antitrust laws and renegade price cutting, merged into consolidations.
美国工业企业想尽一切办法避免竞争：它们组建非正式的联营和信托，签订价格垄断协议，分割市场，并在受到反垄断法和叛逆降价的阻碍时进行合并。
Rather than suffer from ruinous competition, firms combined and bypassed it altogether.
企业并没有遭受毁灭性的竞争，而是联合起来并完全绕过了竞争。
Between 1895 and 1904, and peaking between 1898 and 1902, a wave of mergers rocked the American economy.
1895 年至 1904 年间，并在 1898 年至 1902 年间达到顶峰，一波并购浪潮震撼了美国经济。
Competition melted away in what is known as “the great merger movement.” In nine years, four thousand companies—nearly 20 percent of the American economy—were folded into rival firms.
竞争在所谓的“伟大的合并运动”中消失了。九年间，四千家公司（近美国经济的 20%）被并入竞争对手公司。
In nearly every major industry, newly consolidated firms such as General Electric and DuPont utterly dominated their market.
在几乎所有主要行业中，通用电气和杜邦等新整合的公司完全主导了各自的市场。
Forty-one separate consolidations each controlled over 70 percent of the market in their respective industries.
41 家独立的合并公司各自控制着各自行业 70% 以上的市场份额。
In 1901, financier J.
1901年，金融家J.
P.
P。
Morgan oversaw the formation of United States Steel, built from eight leading steel companies.
摩根监督了美国钢铁公司的组建，该公司由八家领先的钢铁公司组建而成。
Industrialization was built on steel, and one firm—the world’s first billion-dollar company—controlled the market.
工业化建立在钢铁的基础上，一家公司——世界上第一家价值十亿美元的公司——控制了市场。
Monopoly had arrived.
垄断已经到来。
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The Breakers, Vanderbilt residence, Newport, R.I., ca.1904.
The Breakers，范德比尔特住宅，罗德岛州纽波特，约 1904 年。
Library of Congress , LC-D4-16955.
美国国会图书馆，LC-D4-16955。
Industrial capitalism realized the greatest advances in efficiency and productivity that the world had ever seen.
工业资本主义在效率和生产力方面实现了世界上前所未有的最大进步。
Massive new companies marshaled capital on an unprecedented scale and provided enormous profits that created unheard-of fortunes.
大量新公司以前所未有的规模聚集资本，提供巨额利润，创造了前所未闻的财富。
But it also created millions of low-paid, unskilled, unreliable jobs with long hours and dangerous working conditions.
但它也创造了数以百万计的低薪、非技术、不可靠、工作时间长、工作条件危险的工作岗位。
The notion of a glittering world of wealth and technological innovation masking massive social inequities and deep-seated corruption gave the era its most common label, the Gilded Age, which drew from the title of an 1873 satirical novel written by Mark Twain and Charles Warner.
财富和技术创新的光辉世界掩盖了巨大的社会不平等和根深蒂固的腐败，这一概念给了这个时代最常见的标签“镀金时代”，这个标签取自马克·吐温和查尔斯·华纳 1873 年写的一部讽刺小说的标题。
Industrial capitalism confronted Gilded Age Americans with unprecedented inequalities.
工业资本主义使镀金时代的美国人面临着前所未有的不平等。
The sudden appearance of the extreme wealth of industrial and financial leaders alongside the crippling squalor of the urban and rural poor shocked Americans.
工业和金融领导人的巨额财富突然出现，而城乡穷人的贫困状况却令人震惊，这让美国人感到震惊。
“This association of poverty with progress is the great enigma of our times,” economist Henry George wrote in his 1879 bestseller, Progress and Poverty .
“贫困与进步的这种联系是我们这个时代的巨大谜团，”经济学家亨利·乔治在他 1879 年的畅销书《进步与贫困》中写道。
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The great financial and industrial titans, the so-called robber barons, including railroad operators such as Cornelius Vanderbilt, oilmen such as J.
伟大的金融和工业巨头，即所谓的强盗大亨，包括科尼利厄斯·范德比尔特（Cornelius Vanderbilt）等铁路运营商、J·范德比尔特（Cornelius Vanderbilt）等石油商。
D.
D .
Rockefeller, steel magnates such as Andrew Carnegie, and bankers such as J.
洛克菲勒、安德鲁·卡内基等钢铁巨头以及 J·洛克菲勒等银行家。
P.
P。
Morgan, won fortunes that, adjusted for inflation, are still among the largest the nation has ever seen.
摩根获得的财富，经通货膨胀因素调整后，仍然是美国历史上最大的财富之一。
According to various measurements, in 1890 the wealthiest 1 percent of Americans owned one fourth of the nation’s assets; the top 10 percent owned over 70 percent.
根据各种衡量标准，1890 年，最富有的 1% 的美国人拥有全国四分之一的资产；前 10% 的人拥有超过 70% 的股份。
And inequality only accelerated.
而不平等只会加速。
By 1900, the richest 10 percent controlled perhaps 90 percent of the nation’s wealth.
到 1900 年，最富有的 10% 人大约控制了国家财富的 90%。
9
9
As these vast and unprecedented new fortunes accumulated among a small number of wealthy Americans, new ideas arose to bestow moral legitimacy upon them.
随着这些巨大的、前所未有的新财富在少数富有的美国人中积累起来，赋予他们道德合法性的新思想应运而生。
In 1859, British naturalist Charles Darwin published his theory of evolution through natural selection in his On the Origin of Species .
1859年，英国博物学家查尔斯·达尔文在《物种起源》中发表了自然选择进化论。
It was not until the 1870s, however, that those theories gained widespread traction among biologists, naturalists, and other scientists in the United States and, in turn, challenged the social, political, and religious beliefs of many Americans.
然而，直到 1870 年代，这些理论才在美国生物学家、博物学家和其他科学家中获得广泛关注，进而挑战了许多美国人的社会、政治和宗教信仰。
One of Darwin’s greatest popularizers, the British sociologist and biologist Herbert Spencer, applied Darwin’s theories to society and popularized the phrase survival of the fittest .
英国社会学家和生物学家赫伯特·斯宾塞是达尔文最伟大的普及者之一，他将达尔文的理论应用于社会，并普及了“适者生存”这句话。
The fittest, Spencer said, would demonstrate their superiority through economic success, while state welfare and private charity would lead to social degeneration—it would encourage the survival of the weak.
斯宾塞说，适者生存，会通过经济成功来展示自己的优势，而国家福利和私人慈善则会导致社会退化——它会鼓励弱者的生存。
10
10
Jacob A.
雅各布·A.
Riis, “Five Cents a Spot,” unauthorized immigration lodgings in a Bayard Street tenement, New York City, ca.1890.
里斯（Riis）的《五美分一处》，纽约市贝亚德街一处公寓内的未经授权的移民住所，约 1890 年。
Library of Congress , LC-USZ62-16348
美国国会图书馆，LC-USZ62-16348
“There must be complete surrender to the law of natural selection,” the Baltimore Sun journalist H.
“必须完全屈服于自然选择法则，”《巴尔的摩太阳报》记者 H.
L.
L。
Mencken wrote in 1907.
门肯于 1907 年写道。
“All growth must occur at the top.
“所有的增长都必须发生在高层。
The strong must grow stronger, and that they may do so, they must waste no strength in the vain task of trying to uplift the weak.” 11 By the time Mencken wrote those words, the ideas of social Darwinism had spread among wealthy Americans and their defenders.
强者必须变得更强大，为了做到这一点，他们必须不浪费力量去尝试提升弱者的徒劳任务。” 11 当门肯写下这些话时，社会达尔文主义的思想已经在富有的美国人及其捍卫者中传播。
Social Darwinism identified a natural order that extended from the laws of the cosmos to the workings of industrial society.
社会达尔文主义确定了一种从宇宙法则延伸到工业社会运作的自然秩序。
All species and all societies, including modern humans, the theory went, were governed by a relentless competitive struggle for survival.
该理论认为，所有物种和所有社会，包括现代人类，都受到无情的生存竞争的支配。
The inequality of outcomes was to be not merely tolerated but encouraged and celebrated.
结果的不平等不仅应该被容忍，而且应该受到鼓励和庆祝。
It signified the progress of species and societies.
它标志着物种和社会的进步。
Spencer’s major work, Synthetic Philosophy , sold nearly four hundred thousand copies in the United States by the time of his death in 1903.
斯宾塞的主要著作《综合哲学》在 1903 年去世时在美国已售出近四十万册。
Gilded Age industrial elites, such as steel magnate Andrew Carnegie, inventor Thomas Edison, and Standard Oil’s John D.
镀金时代的工业精英，如钢铁巨头安德鲁·卡内基、发明家托马斯·爱迪生和标准石油公司的约翰·D·卡内基。
Rockefeller, were among Spencer’s prominent followers.
洛克菲勒是斯宾塞的著名追随者之一。
Other American thinkers, such as Yale’s William Graham Sumner, echoed his ideas.
其他美国思想家，例如耶鲁大学的威廉·格雷厄姆·萨姆纳，也赞同他的观点。
Sumner said, “Before the tribunal of nature a man has no more right to life than a rattlesnake; he has no more right to liberty than any wild beast; his right to pursuit of happiness is nothing but a license to maintain the struggle for existence.” 12
萨姆纳说：“在自然的法庭上，人没有比响尾蛇更多的生命权；他没有比任何野兽更多的自由权；他追求幸福的权利只不过是维持生存斗争的许可证。” 12
But not all so eagerly welcomed inequalities.
但并非所有人都如此热切地欢迎不平等。
The spectacular growth of the U.S. economy and the ensuing inequalities in living conditions and incomes confounded many Americans.
美国经济的惊人增长以及随之而来的生活条件和收入不平等让许多美国人感到困惑。
But as industrial capitalism overtook the nation, it achieved political protections.
但随着工业资本主义席卷全国，它获得了政治保护。
Although both major political parties facilitated the rise of big business and used state power to support the interests of capital against labor, big business looked primarily to the Republican Party.
尽管两大政党都促进了大企业的崛起，并利用国家权力支持资本利益对抗劳工，但大企业主要关注的是共和党。
The Republican Party had risen as an antislavery faction committed to “free labor,” but it was also an ardent supporter of American business.
共和党是作为致力于“自由劳动力”的反奴隶制派系崛起的，但它也是美国企业的热心支持者。
Abraham Lincoln had been a corporate lawyer who defended railroads, and during the Civil War the Republican national government took advantage of the wartime absence of southern Democrats to push through a pro-business agenda.
亚伯拉罕·林肯曾是一名为铁路辩护的企业律师，在内战期间，共和党国家政府利用战时南方民主党人缺席的机会来推动一项有利于商业的议程。
The Republican congress gave millions of acres and dollars to railroad companies.
共和党国会向铁路公司提供了数百万英亩的土地和美元。
Republicans became the party of business, and they dominated American politics throughout the Gilded Age and the first several decades of the twentieth century.
共和党成为商界政党，他们在整个镀金时代和二十世纪的前几十年主导了美国政治。
Of the sixteen presidential elections between the Civil War and the Great Depression, Republican candidates won all but four.
在内战和大萧条之间的十六次总统选举中，共和党候选人赢得了除四次之外的所有选举。
Republicans controlled the Senate in twenty-seven out of thirty-two sessions in the same period.
共和党在同一时期的三十二次参议院会议中控制了二十七次。
Republican dominance maintained a high protective tariff, an import tax designed to shield American businesses from foreign competition.
共和党的主导地位维持了高额的保护性关税，这是一种旨在保护美国企业免受外国竞争的进口税。
Southern planters had opposed this policy before the war but now could do nothing to stop it.
南方种植园主在战前曾反对这项政策，但现在却无力阻止。
It provided the protective foundation for a new American industrial order, while Spencer’s social Darwinism provided moral justification for national policies that minimized government interference in the economy for anything other than the protection and support of business.
它为新的美国工业秩序提供了保护性基础，而斯宾塞的社会达尔文主义为国家政策提供了道义上的理由，这些政策最大限度地减少了政府对经济的干预，而不是保护和支持企业。
Lawrence Textile Strike, 1912.
劳伦斯纺织罢工，1912 年。
Library of Congress, LC-USZ62-23725.
美国国会图书馆，LC-USZ62-23725。
The ideas of social Darwinism attracted little support among the mass of American industrial laborers.
社会达尔文主义的思想几乎没有得到美国广大工业工人的支持。
American workers toiled in difficult jobs for long hours and little pay.
美国工人从事艰苦的工作，工作时间长，工资低。
Mechanization and mass production threw skilled laborers into unskilled positions.
机械化和大规模生产将熟练工人推向非熟练岗位。
Industrial work ebbed and flowed with the economy.
工业工作随着经济的发展而起伏。
The typical industrial laborer could expect to be unemployed one month out of the year.
典型的工业工人预计一年中有一个月会失业。
They labored sixty hours a week and could still expect their annual income to fall below the poverty line.
他们每周工作六十个小时，但年收入仍可能低于贫困线。
Among the working poor, wives and children were forced into the labor market to compensate.
在贫困工人中，妻子和孩子被迫进入劳动力市场以弥补损失。
Crowded cities, meanwhile, failed to accommodate growing urban populations and skyrocketing rents trapped families in crowded slums.
与此同时，拥挤的城市无法容纳不断增长的城市人口，飞涨的租金将家庭困在拥挤的贫民窟中。
Strikes ruptured American industry throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
整个十九世纪末和二十世纪初，罢工破坏了美国工业。
Workers seeking higher wages, shorter hours, and safer working conditions had struck throughout the antebellum era, but organized unions were fleeting and transitory.
在内战前，寻求更高工资、更短工作时间和更安全工作条件的工人一直在罢工，但有组织的工会却转瞬即逝。
The Civil War and Reconstruction seemed to briefly distract the nation from the plight of labor, but the end of the sectional crisis and the explosive growth of big business, unprecedented fortunes, and a vast industrial workforce in the last quarter of the nineteenth century sparked the rise of a vast American labor movement.
内战和重建似乎短暂地分散了国家对劳工困境的注意力，但部门危机的结束和大企业的爆炸性增长、前所未有的财富以及十九世纪最后二十五年的庞大工业劳动力引发了一场大规模的美国劳工运动的兴起。
The failure of the Great Railroad Strike of 1877 convinced workers of the need to organize.
1877 年铁路大罢工的失败使工人们相信需要组织起来。
Union memberships began to climb.
工会会员数量开始攀升。
The Knights of Labor enjoyed considerable success in the early 1880s, due in part to its efforts to unite skilled and unskilled workers.
劳工骑士团在 1880 年代初期取得了相当大的成功，部分原因在于它努力团结熟练工人和非熟练工人。
It welcomed all laborers, including women (the Knights only barred lawyers, bankers, and liquor dealers).
它欢迎所有劳工，包括妇女（骑士团只禁止律师、银行家和酒商）。
By 1886, the Knights had over seven hundred thousand members.
到 1886 年，骑士团成员已超过 70 万名。
The Knights envisioned a cooperative producer-centered society that rewarded labor, not capital, but, despite their sweeping vision, the Knights focused on practical gains that could be won through the organization of workers into local unions.
骑士团设想了一个以生产者为中心的合作社，奖励劳动力，而不是资本，但是，尽管他们的愿景广阔，但骑士团关注的是可以通过将工人组织到当地工会来赢得的实际收益。
13
13
An 1892 cover of Harper’s Weekly depicting the Homestead Riot, showed Pinkerton men who had surrendered to the steel mill workers navigating a gauntlet of violent strikers.
1892 年，《哈珀周刊》的封面描绘了家园骚乱，展示了向钢厂工人投降的平克顿男子在暴力罢工者的挑战下的情景。
W.P.
W.P.
Snyder (artist) after a photograph by Dabbs, “The Homestead Riot,” 1892.
斯奈德（艺术家）拍摄了达布斯的照片《家园暴乱》，1892 年。
Library of Congress, LC-USZ62-126046 .
美国国会图书馆，LC-USZ62-126046。
In Marshall, Texas, in the spring of 1886, one of Jay Gould’s rail companies fired a Knights of Labor member for attending a union meeting.
1886 年春天，在德克萨斯州马歇尔，杰伊·古尔德 (Jay Gould) 的一家铁路公司解雇了一名参加工会会议的劳工骑士团成员。
His local union walked off the job, and soon others joined.
他当地的工会辞职了，很快其他人也加入了。
From Texas and Arkansas into Missouri, Kansas, and Illinois, nearly two hundred thousand workers struck against Gould’s rail lines.
从德克萨斯州和阿肯色州到密苏里州、堪萨斯州和伊利诺伊州，近二十万名工人罢工反对古尔德的铁路线。
Gould hired strikebreakers and the Pinkerton Detective Agency, a kind of private security contractor, to suppress the strikes and get the rails moving again.
古尔德雇佣了破坏罢工的人和平克顿侦探社（一种私人保安承包商）来镇压罢工并让铁轨重新运转。
Political leaders helped him, and state militias were called in support of Gould’s companies.
政治领导人帮助了他，州民兵也被召集来支持古尔德的公司。
The Texas governor called out the Texas Rangers.
德克萨斯州州长召集了德克萨斯游骑兵队。
Workers countered by destroying property, only winning them negative headlines and for many justifying the use of strikebreakers and militiamen.
工人们以毁坏财产的方式进行反击，结果只为他们赢得了负面新闻头条，并为许多人证明了使用罢工破坏者和民兵的合理性。
The strike broke, briefly undermining the Knights of Labor, but the organization regrouped and set its eyes on a national campaign for the eight-hour day.
罢工爆发，劳工骑士团一度受到削弱，但该组织重新集结，并着眼于全国范围内的八小时工作制运动。
14
14
The campaign for an eight-hour day, long a rallying cry that united American laborers, culminated in a national strike on May 1, 1886.
八小时工作制运动是团结美国工人的长期战斗口号，最终在 1886 年 5 月 1 日的全国罢工中达到顶峰。
Somewhere between three hundred thousand and five hundred thousand workers struck across the country.
全国约有三十万到五十万工人举行罢工。
In Chicago, police forces killed several workers while breaking up protesters at the McCormick reaper works.
在芝加哥，警察部队在麦考密克收割机工厂驱散抗议者时杀死了几名工人。
Labor leaders and radicals called for a protest at Haymarket Square the following day, which police also proceeded to break up.
第二天，工党领袖和激进分子呼吁在干草市场广场举行抗议活动，警方也开始驱散抗议活动。
But as they did, a bomb exploded and killed seven policemen.
但正当他们这样做时，一枚炸弹爆炸，炸死了七名警察。
Police fired into the crowd, killing four.
警察向人群开枪，造成四人死亡。
The deaths of the Chicago policemen sparked outrage across the nation, and the sensationalization of the Haymarket Riot helped many Americans to associate unionism with radicalism.
芝加哥警察的死亡引发了全国的愤怒，干草市场骚乱的耸人听闻让许多美国人将工会主义与激进主义联系起来。
Eight Chicago anarchists were arrested and, despite no direct evidence implicating them in the bombing, were charged and found guilty of conspiracy.
八名芝加哥无政府主义者被捕，尽管没有直接证据表明他们参与了爆炸事件，但仍被指控并被判犯有阴谋罪。
Four were hanged (and one died by suicide before he could be executed).
其中四人被绞死（其中一人在被处决前自杀身亡）。
Membership in the Knights had peaked earlier that year but fell rapidly after Haymarket; the group became associated with violence and radicalism.
骑士队的成员人数在那一年早些时候达到顶峰，但在干草市场之后迅速下降。该团体与暴力和激进主义联系在一起。
The national movement for an eight-hour day collapsed.
全国八小时工作制运动失败了。
15
15
The American Federation of Labor (AFL) emerged as a conservative alternative to the vision of the Knights of Labor.
美国劳工联合会（AFL）作为劳工骑士团愿景的保守替代者而出现。
An alliance of craft unions (unions composed of skilled workers), the AFL rejected the Knights’ expansive vision of a “producerist” economy and advocated “pure and simple trade unionism,” a program that aimed for practical gains (higher wages, fewer hours, and safer conditions) through a conservative approach that tried to avoid strikes.
作为一个行业工会（由技术工人组成的工会）联盟，AFL拒绝了骑士团关于“生产者”经济的广阔愿景，并提倡“纯粹而简单的工会主义”，该计划旨在通过试图避免罢工的保守方法来获得实际收益（更高的工资、更少的工作时间和更安全的条件）。
But workers continued to strike.
但工人们继续罢工。
In 1892, the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers struck at one of Carnegie’s steel mills in Homestead, Pennsylvania.
1892 年，钢铁工人联合协会对卡内基位于宾夕法尼亚州霍姆斯特德的一家钢厂进行了罢工。
After repeated wage cuts, workers shut the plant down and occupied the mill.
经过多次降薪后，工人们关闭了工厂并占领了工厂。
The plant’s operator, Henry Clay Frick, immediately called in hundreds of Pinkerton detectives, but the steel workers fought back.
该工厂的经营者亨利·克莱·弗里克立即召集了数百名平克顿侦探，但钢铁工人进行了反击。
The Pinkertons tried to land by river and were besieged by the striking steel workers.
平克顿一家试图沿河登陆，却被罢工的钢铁工人围困。
After several hours of pitched battle, the Pinkertons surrendered, ran a bloody gauntlet of workers, and were kicked out of the mill grounds.
经过几个小时的激战，平克顿一家投降了，对工人进行了血腥的挑战，并被赶出了工厂。
But the Pennsylvania governor called the state militia, broke the strike, and reopened the mill.
但宾夕法尼亚州州长召集了州民兵，制止了罢工，并重新开放了工厂。
The union was essentially destroyed in the aftermath.
事后，工会基本上被摧毁了。
16
16
Still, despite repeated failure, strikes continued to roll across the industrial landscape.
尽管屡次失败，工业界的罢工仍在继续。
In 1894, workers in George Pullman’s Pullman car factories struck when he cut wages by a quarter but kept rents and utilities in his company town constant.
1894 年，乔治·普尔曼 (George Pullman) 的普尔曼汽车工厂的工人举行了罢工，当时他将工资削减了四分之一，但保持公司城镇的租金和水电费不变。
The American Railway Union (ARU), led by Eugene Debs, launched a sympathy strike: the ARU would refuse to handle any Pullman cars on any rail line anywhere in the country.
由尤金·德布斯 (Eugene Debs) 领导的美国铁路联盟 (ARU) 发起了一场同情罢工：ARU 将拒绝在全国任何地方的任何铁路线上处理任何普尔曼车厢。
Thousands of workers struck and national railroad traffic ground to a halt.
数千名工人罢工，全国铁路交通陷入瘫痪。
Unlike in nearly every other major strike, the governor of Illinois sympathized with workers and refused to dispatch the state militia.
与几乎所有其他重大罢工不同的是，伊利诺伊州州长同情工人，拒绝派遣州民兵。
It didn’t matter.
没关系。
In July, President Grover Cleveland dispatched thousands of American soldiers to break the strike, and a federal court issued a preemptive injunction against Debs and the union’s leadership.
7月，格罗弗·克利夫兰总统派遣了数千名美国士兵镇压罢工，联邦法院对德布斯和工会领导层发布了先发制人的禁令。
The strike violated the injunction, and Debs was arrested and imprisoned.
罢工违反了禁令，德布斯被捕入狱。
The strike evaporated without its leadership.
罢工在没有领导的情况下就消失了。
Jail radicalized Debs, proving to him that political and judicial leaders were merely tools for capital in its struggle against labor.
监狱使德布斯变得激进，向他证明政治和司法领导人只不过是资本与劳工斗争的工具。
17 But it wasn’t just Debs.
17 但不仅仅是德布斯。
In 1905, the degrading conditions of industrial labor sparked strikes across the country.
1905年，工业劳工的恶劣条件引发了全国范围内的罢工。
The final two decades of the nineteenth century saw over twenty thousand strikes and lockouts in the United States.
十九世纪最后二十年，美国发生了两万多次罢工和停工。
Industrial laborers struggled to carve for themselves a piece of the prosperity lifting investors and a rapidly expanding middle class into unprecedented standards of living.
工业工人努力为自己谋取繁荣，让投资者和迅速扩大的中产阶级达到前所未有的生活水平。
But workers were not the only ones struggling to stay afloat in industrial America.
但在工业化的美国，工人并不是唯一为维持生计而苦苦挣扎的人。
American farmers also lashed out against the inequalities of the Gilded Age and denounced political corruption for enabling economic theft.
美国农民还猛烈抨击镀金时代的不平等，并谴责政治腐败助长了经济盗窃。
Two women strikers on picket line during the “Uprising of the 20,000”, garment workers strike, New York City, 1910.
1910 年，纽约市，服装工人罢工，“两万人起义”期间，两名女罢工者站在纠察线上。
Library of Congress, LC-USZ62-49516 .
美国国会图书馆，LC-USZ62-49516。
“Wall Street owns the country,” the Populist leader Mary Elizabeth Lease told dispossessed farmers around 1890.
“华尔街拥有这个国家，”民粹主义领袖玛丽·伊丽莎白·莱斯 (Mary Elizabeth Lease) 在 1890 年左右对被剥夺土地的农民说。
“It is no longer a government of the people, by the people, and for the people, but a government of Wall Street, by Wall Street, and for Wall Street.” Farmers, who remained a majority of the American population through the first decade of the twentieth century, were hit especially hard by industrialization.
“它不再是一个民有、民治、民享的政府，而是华尔街、华尔街治下、又为华尔街的政府。”在二十世纪的头十年里，农民仍然占美国人口的大多数，他们受到工业化的打击尤为严重。
The expanding markets and technological improvements that increased efficiency also decreased commodity prices.
不断扩大的市场和提高效率的技术进步也降低了商品价格。
Commercialization of agriculture put farmers in the hands of bankers, railroads, and various economic intermediaries.
农业商业化将农民置于银行家、铁路和各种经济中介机构的手中。
As the decades passed, more and more farmers fell ever further into debt, lost their land, and were forced to enter the industrial workforce or, especially in the South, became landless farmworkers.
几十年过去了，越来越多的农民进一步陷入债务，失去土地，被迫进入工业劳动力队伍，或者，特别是在南方，成为没有土地的农场工人。
The rise of industrial giants reshaped the American countryside and the Americans who called it home.
工业巨头的崛起重塑了美国乡村以及以此为家的美国人。
Railroad spur lines, telegraph lines, and credit crept into farming communities and linked rural Americans, who still made up a majority of the country’s population, with towns, regional cities, American financial centers in Chicago and New York, and, eventually, London and the world’s financial markets.
铁路支线、电报线和信贷悄悄进入农业社区，将仍占美国人口大多数的美国农村地区与城镇、地区城市、芝加哥和纽约的美国金融中心，以及最终的伦敦和世界金融市场联系起来。
Meanwhile, improved farm machinery, easy credit, and the latest consumer goods flooded the countryside.
与此同时，改进的农业机械、宽松的信贷和最新的消费品涌入农村。
But new connections and new conveniences came at a price.
但新的联系和新的便利是有代价的。
Farmers had always been dependent on the whims of the weather and local markets.
农民一直依赖天气和当地市场的变化。
But now they staked their financial security on a national economic system subject to rapid price swings, rampant speculation, and limited regulation.
但现在，他们把自己的金融安全押在了一个受价格快速波动、投机猖獗和监管有限的国家经济体系的影响下。
Frustrated American farmers attempted to reshape the fundamental structures of the nation’s political and economic systems, systems they believed enriched parasitic bankers and industrial monopolists at the expense of the many laboring farmers who fed the nation by producing its many crops and farm goods.
沮丧的美国农民试图重塑国家政治和经济体系的基本结构，他们认为这些体系让寄生银行家和工业垄断者致富，而牺牲了许多通过生产农作物和农产品养活国家的劳动农民。
Their dissatisfaction with an erratic and impersonal system put many of them at the forefront of what would become perhaps the most serious challenge to the established political economy of Gilded Age America.
他们对不稳定和非个人化的制度的不满使他们中的许多人站在了可能成为对镀金时代美国既定政治经济最严重挑战的最前沿。
Farmers organized and launched their challenge first through the cooperatives of the Farmers’ Alliance and later through the politics of the People’s (or Populist) Party.
农民首先通过农民联盟的合作社，后来通过人民（或民粹主义）党的政治组织和发起挑战。
Mass production and business consolidations spawned giant corporations that monopolized nearly every sector of the U.S. economy in the decades after the Civil War.
大规模生产和商业整合催生了大型企业，在内战后的几十年里，这些企业几乎垄断了美国经济的每个部门。
In contrast, the economic power of the individual farmer sank into oblivion.
相比之下，个体农民的经济力量被遗忘了。
Threatened by ever-plummeting commodity prices and ever-rising indebtedness, Texas agrarians met in Lampasas, Texas, in 1877 and organized the first Farmers’ Alliance to restore some economic power to farmers as they dealt with railroads, merchants, and bankers.
受到不断暴跌的商品价格和不断上升的债务的威胁，德克萨斯州的农民于 1877 年在德克萨斯州兰帕萨斯举行会议，组织了第一个农民联盟，以恢复农民在与铁路、商人和银行家打交道时的一些经济实力。
If big business relied on its numerical strength to exert its economic will, why shouldn’t farmers unite to counter that power?
如果大企业依靠其数量优势来发挥其经济意志，为什么农民不应该联合起来对抗这种力量呢？
They could share machinery, bargain from wholesalers, and negotiate higher prices for their crops.
他们可以共享机械，与批发商讨价还价，并为农作物争取更高的价格。
Over the following years, organizers spread from town to town across the former Confederacy, the Midwest, and the Great Plains, holding evangelical-style camp meetings, distributing pamphlets, and establishing over one thousand alliance newspapers.
在接下来的几年里，组织者遍布前联邦、中西部和大平原的各个城镇，举办福音派风格的帐篷大会，分发小册子，并创办了一千多家联盟报纸。
As the alliance spread, so too did its near-religious vision of the nation’s future as a “cooperative commonwealth” that would protect the interests of the many from the predatory greed of the few.
随着联盟的扩张，它对国家未来的近乎宗教的愿景也随之扩大，即成为一个“合作联邦”，保护多数人的利益免受少数人掠夺性贪婪的侵害。
At its peak, the Farmers’ Alliance claimed 1,500,000 members meeting in 40,000 local sub-alliances.
农民联盟在鼎盛时期拥有 1,500,000 名成员，在 40,000 个地方分联盟中集会。
18
18
The banner of the first Texas Farmers’ Alliance.
第一届德克萨斯农民联盟的旗帜。
Source: N.
资料来源：N.
A.
A.
Dunning (ed.), Farmers’ Alliance History and Agricultural Digest (Washington D.C.: Alliance Publishing Co., 1891), iv.
邓宁（主编），《农民联盟历史和农业文摘》（华盛顿特区：联盟出版公司，1891 年），iv。
The alliance’s most innovative programs were a series of farmers’ cooperatives that enabled farmers to negotiate higher prices for their crops and lower prices for the goods they purchased.
该联盟最具创新性的计划是一系列农民合作社，使农民能够通过谈判获得更高的农作物价格和更低的购买商品价格。
These cooperatives spread across the South between 1886 and 1892 and claimed more than a million members at their high point.
1886 年至 1892 年间，这些合作社遍布整个南方，在鼎盛时期拥有超过 100 万成员。
While most failed financially, these “philanthropic monopolies,” as one alliance speaker termed them, inspired farmers to look to large-scale organization to cope with their economic difficulties.
虽然大多数都在经济上失败，但正如一位联盟发言人所说，这些“慈善垄断”激励农民寻求大型组织来应对经济困难。
19 But cooperation was only part of the alliance message.
19 但合作只是联盟信息的一部分。
In the South, alliance-backed Democratic candidates won four governorships and forty-eight congressional seats in 1890.
1890 年，在南方，联盟支持的民主党候选人赢得了 4 个州长职位和 48 个国会席位。
20 But at a time when falling prices and rising debts conspired against the survival of family farmers, the two political parties seemed incapable of representing the needs of poor farmers.
20 但在物价下跌和债务上升共同损害家庭农民生存之际，两个政党似乎无法代表贫困农民的需求。
And so alliance members organized a political party—the People’s Party, or the Populists, as they came to be known.
因此，联盟成员组织了一个政党——人民党，或后来被称为民粹主义者。
The Populists attracted supporters across the nation by appealing to those convinced that there were deep flaws in the political economy of Gilded Age America, flaws that both political parties refused to address.
民粹主义者吸引了全国各地的支持者，他们相信镀金时代美国的政治经济存在深刻的缺陷，而两党都拒绝解决这些缺陷。
Veterans of earlier fights for currency reform, disaffected industrial laborers, proponents of the benevolent socialism of Edward Bellamy’s popular Looking Backward , and the champions of Henry George’s farmer-friendly “single-tax” proposal joined alliance members in the new party.
早期货币改革斗争的退伍军人、心怀不满的产业工人、爱德华·贝拉米广受欢迎的《向后看》中仁慈社会主义的支持者，以及亨利·乔治有利于农民的“单一税”提案的拥护者，都加入了新政党的联盟成员。
The Populists nominated former Civil War general James B.
民粹主义者提名前内战将军詹姆斯·B.
Weaver as their presidential candidate at the party’s first national convention in Omaha, Nebraska, on July 4, 1892.
1892 年 7 月 4 日在内布拉斯加州奥马哈举行的该党第一次全国代表大会上，韦弗作为他们的总统候选人。
21
21
At that meeting the party adopted a platform that crystallized the alliance’s cooperate program into a coherent political vision.
在那次会议上，该党通过了一个纲领，将联盟的合作计划具体化为连贯的政治愿景。
The platform’s preamble, written by longtime political iconoclast and Minnesota populist Ignatius Donnelly, warned that “the fruits of the toil of millions [had been] boldly stolen to build up colossal fortunes for a few.” 22 Taken as a whole, the Omaha Platform and the larger Populist movement sought to counter the scale and power of monopolistic capitalism with a strong, engaged, and modern federal government.
该纲领的序言由长期的政治反传统人士、明尼苏达州民粹主义者伊格纳修斯·唐纳利 (Ignatius Donnelly) 撰写，他警告说，“数百万人的辛劳成果被大胆地窃取，为少数人积累巨额财富。” 22 总体而言，奥马哈纲领和更大的民粹主义运动试图通过强大、积极参与的现代联邦政府来对抗垄断资本主义的规模和力量。
The platform proposed an unprecedented expansion of federal power.
该纲领提议前所未有地扩大联邦权力。
It advocated nationalizing the country’s railroad and telegraph systems to ensure that essential services would be run in the best interests of the people.
它主张将国家的铁路和电报系统国有化，以确保基本服务的运行符合人民的最大利益。
In an attempt to deal with the lack of currency available to farmers, it advocated postal savings banks to protect depositors and extend credit.
为了解决农民缺乏货币的问题，它主张邮政储蓄银行保护储户并扩大信贷。
It called for the establishment of a network of federally managed warehouses—called subtreasuries—which would extend government loans to farmers who stored crops in the warehouses as they awaited higher market prices.
它呼吁建立一个联邦管理的仓库网络（称为国库），向那些在仓库中储存农作物等待更高市场价格的农民提供政府贷款。
To save debtors it promoted an inflationary monetary policy by monetizing silver.
为了拯救债务人，它通过将白银货币化来推行通货膨胀的货币政策。
Direct election of senators and the secret ballot would ensure that this federal government would serve the interest of the people rather than entrenched partisan interests, and a graduated income tax would protect Americans from the establishment of an American aristocracy.
参议员的直接选举和无记名投票将确保这个联邦政府服务于人民的利益，而不是根深蒂固的党派利益，而累进所得税将保护美国人免于建立美国贵族制。
Combined, these efforts would, Populists believed, help shift economic and political power back toward the nation’s producing classes.
民粹主义者相信，这些努力结合起来将有助于将经济和政治权力重新转移到国家的生产阶级手中。
In the Populists’ first national election campaign in 1892, Weaver received over one million votes (and twenty-two electoral votes), a truly startling performance that signaled a bright future for the Populists.
在 1892 年民粹主义者的第一次全国竞选中，韦弗获得了超过 100 万张选票（以及 22 张选举人票），这一表现确实令人震惊，预示着民粹主义者的光明未来。
And when the Panic of 1893 sparked the worst economic depression the nation had ever yet seen, the Populist movement won further credibility and gained even more ground.
当 1893 年的恐慌引发了美国有史以来最严重的经济萧条时，民粹主义运动赢得了更多的信誉并取得了更大的进展。
Kansas Populist Mary Lease, one of the movement’s most fervent speakers, famously, and perhaps apocryphally, called on farmers to “raise less corn and more Hell.” Populist stump speakers crossed the country, speaking with righteous indignation, blaming the greed of business elites and corrupt party politicians for causing the crisis fueling America’s widening inequality.
堪萨斯州民粹主义者玛丽·莱斯 (Mary Lease) 是该运动最热心的演讲者之一，她呼吁农民“少种植玉米，多种植地狱”。民粹主义演讲者走遍全国，义愤填膺，指责商界精英和腐败政党政客的贪婪造成了这场危机，加剧了美国日益扩大的不平等。
Southern orators like Texas’s James “Cyclone” Davis and Georgian firebrand Tom Watson stumped across the South decrying the abuses of northern capitalists and the Democratic Party.
德克萨斯州的“旋风”詹姆斯·戴维斯和格鲁吉亚煽动者汤姆·沃森等南方演说家在南方各地演讲，谴责北方资本家和民主党的暴行。
Pamphlets such as W.
小册子如W.
H.
H.
Harvey’s Coin’s Financial School and Henry D.
哈维硬币金融学院和 Henry D.
Lloyd’s Wealth Against Commonwealth provided Populist answers to the age’s many perceived problems.
劳合社的《财富对抗英联邦》为这个时代的许多明显问题提供了民粹主义的答案。
The faltering economy combined with the Populists’ extensive organizing.
摇摇欲坠的经济与民粹主义者的广泛组织相结合。
In the 1894 elections, Populists elected six senators and seven representatives to Congress.
在 1894 年的选举中，民粹主义者选出了六名参议员和七名国会代表。
23
23
The Populist movement, however, still faced substantial obstacles, especially in the South.
然而，民粹主义运动仍然面临着巨大的障碍，特别是在南方。
The failure of alliance-backed Democrats to live up to their campaign promises drove some southerners to break with the party of their forefathers and join the Populists.
联盟支持的民主党未能兑现其竞选承诺，迫使一些南方人与他们祖先的政党决裂，加入民粹主义者。
Many, however, were unwilling to take what was, for southerners, a radical step.
然而，许多人不愿意采取对南方人来说是激进的一步。
Southern Democrats, for their part, responded to the Populist challenge with electoral fraud and racial demagoguery.
南方民主党则以选举舞弊和种族煽动来回应民粹主义的挑战。
Both severely limited Populist gains.
两者都严重限制了民粹主义的收益。
The alliance struggled to balance the pervasive white supremacy of the American South with their call for a grand union of the producing class.
该联盟努力平衡美国南方普遍存在的白人至上主义和他们对生产阶级大联盟的呼吁。
American racial attitudes—and their virulent southern strain—simply proved too formidable.
事实证明，美国的种族态度——以及他们恶毒的南方种族——实在太可怕了。
Democrats race-baited Populists, and Populists capitulated.
民主党以种族为诱饵的民粹主义者，民粹主义者投降了。
The Colored Farmers’ Alliance, which had formed as a segregated sister organization to the southern alliance and had as many as 250,000 members at its peak, fell prey to racial and class-based hostility.
有色农民联盟是南方联盟的一个种族隔离的姊妹组织，在鼎盛时期拥有多达 25 万名成员，但后来却成为种族和阶级敌意的牺牲品。
The group went into rapid decline in 1891 when faced with the violent white repression of a number of Colored Farmers’ Alliance–sponsored cotton picker strikes.
1891 年，当面临白人对有色人种农民联盟发起的多次采棉工人罢工的暴力镇压时，该组织迅速衰落。
Racial mistrust and division remained the rule, even among Populists, and even in North Carolina, where a political marriage of convenience between Populists and Republicans–fusion–resulted in the election of Populist Marion Butler to the Senate.
即使在民粹主义者中，甚至在北卡罗来纳州，种族不信任和分裂仍然是常态，民粹主义者和共和党之间的政治联姻——融合——导致民粹主义者马里昂·巴特勒当选参议院议员。
Populists opposed Democratic corruption, but this did not necessarily make them champions of interracial democracy.
民粹主义者反对民主腐败，但这并不一定使他们成为跨种族民主的捍卫者。
As Butler explained to an audience in Edgecombe County, “We are in favor of white supremacy, but we are not in favor of cheating and fraud to get it.” 24
正如巴特勒向埃奇科姆县的观众解释的那样，“我们支持白人至上，但我们不赞成通过欺骗和欺诈来获得它。” 24
By the middle of the 1890s, Populism had exploded in popularity.
到 1890 年代中期，民粹主义迅速流行。
The first major political force to tap into the vast discomfort of many Americans with the disruptions wrought by industrial capitalism, the Populist Party seemed poised to capture political victory.
作为第一个利用许多美国人对工业资本主义造成的混乱的巨大不安的主要政治力量，民粹党似乎准备获得政治胜利。
And yet, even as Populism gained national traction, the movement was stumbling.
然而，尽管民粹主义在全国范围内受到关注，但这场运动却步履蹒跚。
The party’s often divided leadership found it difficult to shepherd what remained a diverse and loosely organized coalition of reformers toward unified political action.
该党经常分裂的领导层发现很难引导仍然是多元化且组织松散的改革者联盟走向统一的政治行动。
The Omaha platform was a radical document, and some state party leaders selectively embraced its reforms.
奥马哈纲领是一份激进的文件，一些州党领导人有选择地接受了其改革。
More importantly, the institutionalized parties were still too strong, and the Democrats loomed, ready to swallow Populist frustrations and inaugurate a new era of American politics.
更重要的是，制度化的政党仍然太强大，而民主党已经迫在眉睫，准备吞下民粹主义的挫败感，开启美国政治的新时代。
William Jennings Bryan, 1896.
威廉·詹宁斯·布莱恩，1896 年。
Library of Congress, LC-USZC2-6259.
美国国会图书馆，LC-USZC2-6259。
William Jennings Bryan (March 19, 1860–July 26, 1925) accomplished many different things in his life: he was a skilled orator, a Nebraska congressman, a three-time presidential candidate, U.S. secretary of state under Woodrow Wilson, and a lawyer who supported prohibition and opposed Darwinism (most notably in the 1925 Scopes Monkey Trial).
威廉·詹宁斯·布莱恩（William Jennings Bryan，1860 年 3 月 19 日至 1925 年 7 月 26 日）一生成就了许多不同的事情：他是一位熟练的演说家、内布拉斯加州国会议员、三届总统候选人、伍德罗·威尔逊领导下的美国国务卿，以及支持禁酒令和反对达尔文主义的律师（最著名的是 1925 年斯科普斯猴子审判）。
In terms of his political career, he won national renown for his attack on the gold standard and his tireless promotion of free silver and policies for the benefit of the average American.
在他的政治生涯中，他因对金本位制的攻击以及对自由白银和造福普通美国人的政策的不懈推动而赢得了全国声誉。
Although Bryan was unsuccessful in winning the presidency, he forever altered the course of American political history.
尽管布莱恩未能赢得总统职位，但他永远改变了美国政治历史的进程。
25
25
Bryan was born in Salem, Illinois, in 1860 to a devout family with a strong passion for law, politics, and public speaking.
布莱恩 1860 年出生于伊利诺伊州塞勒姆的一个虔诚的家庭，对法律、政治和公共演讲有着强烈的热情。
At twenty, he attended Union Law College in Chicago and passed the bar shortly thereafter.
二十岁时，他就读于芝加哥联合法学院，不久就通过了律师资格考试。
After his marriage to Mary Baird in Illinois, Bryan and his young family relocated to Nebraska, where he won a reputation among the state’s Democratic Party leaders as an extraordinary orator.
在伊利诺伊州与玛丽·贝尔德结婚后，布莱恩和他年轻的家人搬到了内布拉斯加州，在那里他赢得了该州民主党领导人作为杰出演说家的声誉。
Bryan later won recognition as one of the greatest speakers in American history.
布莱恩后来被公认为美国历史上最伟大的演讲家之一。
When economic depressions struck the Midwest in the late 1880s, despairing farmers faced low crop prices and found few politicians on their side.
1880 年代末，当经济萧条袭击中西部时，绝望的农民面临着农作物价格低廉的局面，而且很少有政客站在他们一边。
While many rallied to the Populist cause, Bryan worked from within the Democratic Party, using the strength of his oratory.
尽管许多人支持民粹主义事业，但布莱恩却在民主党内部利用他的演讲力量开展工作。
After delivering one speech, he told his wife, “Last night I found that I had a power over the audience.
发表完一次演讲后，他告诉妻子：“昨晚我发现我对观众有一种力量。
I could move them as I chose.
我可以按照我的选择移动它们。
I have more than usual power as a speaker.
作为演讲者，我比平时更有力量。
.
。
.
。
.
。
God grant that I may use it wisely.” 26 He soon won election to the House of Representatives, where he served for two terms.
愿上帝保佑我能够明智地使用它。” 26 他很快就赢得了众议院议员的选举，并连任两届。
Although he lost a bid to join the Senate, Bryan turned his attention to a higher position: the presidency of the United States.
尽管他未能加入参议院，但布莱恩将注意力转向了更高的职位：美国总统。
There, he believed he could change the country by defending farmers and urban laborers against the corruptions of big business.
在那里，他相信他可以通过保护农民和城市工人免受大企业的腐败侵害来改变国家。
In 1895–1896, Bryan launched a national speaking tour in which he promoted the free coinage of silver.
1895 年至 1896 年，布莱恩发起了全国巡回演讲，宣传白银的自由铸币。
He believed that bimetallism, by inflating American currency, could alleviate farmers’ debts.
他相信复本位制可以通过抬高美国货币来减轻农民的债务。
In contrast, Republicans championed the gold standard and a flat money supply.
相比之下，共和党拥护金本位制和稳定的货币供应量。
American monetary standards became a leading campaign issue.
美国货币标准成为主要的竞选议题。
Then, in July 1896, the Democratic Party’s national convention met to choose their presidential nominee in the upcoming election.
然后，1896 年 7 月，民主党召开全国代表大会，选出即将举行的选举的总统候选人。
The party platform asserted that the gold standard was “not only un-American but anti-American.” Bryan spoke last at the convention.
该党纲领声称，金本位制“不仅非美国，而且是反美国的”。布莱恩在大会上最后发言。
He astounded his listeners.
他让听众大吃一惊。
At the conclusion of his stirring speech, he declared, “Having behind us the commercial interests and the laboring interests and all the toiling masses, we shall answer their demands for a gold standard by saying to them, you shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns.
在他激动人心的演讲结束时，他宣称：“我们有商业利益、劳工利益和所有劳动群众的支持，我们将通过对他们说，你们不应该将这顶荆棘王冠压在劳工的额头上来回应他们对金本位的要求。
You shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.” 27 After a few seconds of stunned silence, the convention went wild.
你不应该把人类钉在金十字架上。” 27 几秒钟的令人震惊的沉默之后，会议变得疯狂起来。
Some wept, many shouted, and the band began to play “For He’s a Jolly Good Fellow.” Bryan received the 1896 Democratic presidential nomination.
有些人哭了，很多人大喊大叫，乐队开始演奏“因为他是一个快乐的好家伙”。 1896 年，布莱恩获得民主党总统提名。
The Republicans ran William McKinley, an economic conservative who championed business interests and the gold standard.
共和党执政的威廉·麦金利是一位经济保守派人士，支持商业利益和金本位制。
Bryan crisscrossed the country spreading the silver gospel.
布莱恩在全国各地传播白银福音。
The election drew enormous attention and much emotion.
这次选举引起了极大的关注和强烈的情感。
According to Bryan’s wife, he received two thousand letters of support every day that year, an enormous amount for any politician, let alone one not currently in office.
据布莱恩的妻子说，那一年他每天都会收到两千封支持信，这对于任何政治家来说都是一个巨大的数字，更不用说目前不在任的政客了。
Yet Bryan could not defeat McKinley.
然而布莱恩无法击败麦金莱。
The pro-business Republicans outspent Bryan’s campaign fivefold.
亲商业的共和党人在竞选活动上的花费是布莱恩的五倍。
A notably high 79.3 percent of eligible American voters cast ballots, and turnout averaged 90 percent in areas supportive of Bryan, but Republicans swayed the population-dense Northeast and Great Lakes region and stymied the Democrats.
79.3%的合格美国选民参加了投票，支持布莱恩的地区平均投票率为90%，但共和党影响了人口密集的东北部和五大湖地区，并阻碍了民主党。
28
28
In early 1900, Congress passed the Gold Standard Act, which put the country on the gold standard, effectively ending the debate over the nation’s monetary policy.
1900 年初，国会通过了《金本位法案》，使国家实行金本位，有效结束了有关国家货币政策的争论。
Bryan sought the presidency again in 1900 but was again defeated, as he would be yet again in 1908.
1900 年，布莱恩再次竞选总统，但再次失败，1908 年他再次失败。
Conservative William McKinley promised prosperity to ordinary Americans through his “sound money” initiative, a policy he ran on during his election campaigns in 1896 and again in 1900.
保守派威廉·麦金利 (William McKinley) 承诺通过他的“稳健货币”倡议为普通美国人带来繁荣，这是他在 1896 年和 1900 年竞选期间推行的政策。
This election poster touts McKinley’s gold standard policy as bringing “Prosperity at Home, Prestige Abroad.” “Prosperity at home, prestige abroad,” [between 1895 and 1900].
这张选举海报宣扬麦金莱的金本位政策带来“国内繁荣，国外声望”。 “国内繁荣，国外声望”[1895 年至 1900 年间]。
Library of Congress, .
国会图书馆，。
William Jennings Bryan espoused Populist politics while working within the two-party system as a Democrat.
威廉·詹宁斯·布莱恩 (William Jennings Bryan) 作为民主党人在两党体制内工作时拥护民粹主义政治。
Republicans characterized this as a kind hijacking by Bryan, arguing that the Democratic Party was now a party of a radical faction of Populists.
共和党人将此描述为布莱恩的一种劫持，认为民主党现在是民粹主义者激进派系的一个政党。
The pro-Republican magazine Judge rendered this perspective in a political cartoon showing Bryan (representing Populism writ large) as a huge serpent swallowing a bucking mule (representing the Democratic party).
亲共和党杂志《法官》在一幅政治漫画中表达了这一观点，将布莱恩（代表民粹主义）描绘成一条巨蛇吞下一头顽强的骡子（代表民主党）。
Political Cartoon, Judge, 1896.
政治漫画，法官，1896 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
American socialists carried on the Populists’ radical tradition by uniting farmers and workers in a sustained, decades-long political struggle to reorder American economic life.
美国社会主义者继承了民粹主义者的激进传统，将农民和工人团结起来，进行长达数十年的持续政治斗争，以重新调整美国的经济生活。
Socialists argued that wealth and power were consolidated in the hands of too few individuals, that monopolies and trusts controlled too much of the economy, and that owners and investors grew rich while the workers who produced their wealth, despite massive productivity gains and rising national wealth, still suffered from low pay, long hours, and unsafe working conditions.
社会主义者认为，财富和权力集中在太少的人手中，垄断和信托控制了太多的经济，业主和投资者变得富有，而创造财富的工人，尽管生产率大幅提高，国民财富不断增加，但仍然遭受低工资、长时间工作和不安全的工作条件的困扰。
Karl Marx had described the new industrial economy as a worldwide class struggle between the wealthy bourgeoisie, who owned the means of production, such as factories and farms, and the proletariat, factory workers and tenant farmers who worked only for the wealth of others.
卡尔·马克思将新工业经济描述为拥有工厂和农场等生产资料的富裕资产阶级与只为他人财富而工作的无产阶级、工厂工人和佃农之间的世界范围的阶级斗争。
According to Eugene Debs, socialists sought “the overthrow of the capitalist system and the emancipation of the working class from wage slavery.” 30 Under an imagined socialist cooperative commonwealth, the means of production would be owned collectively, ensuring that all men and women received a fair wage for their labor.
根据尤金·德布斯的说法，社会主义者寻求“推翻资本主义制度并将工人阶级从工资奴役中解放出来”。 30 在一个想象中的社会主义合作联邦下，生产资料将归集体所有，确保所有男人和女人的劳动都能获得公平的工资。
According to socialist organizer and newspaper editor Oscar Ameringer, socialists wanted “ownership of the trust by the government, and the ownership of the government by the people.” 31
根据社会主义组织者和报纸编辑奥斯卡·阿梅林格的说法，社会主义者希望“政府拥有信托，人民拥有政府”。 31
American socialist leader Eugene Victor Debs, 1912.
美国社会主义领袖尤金·维克多·德布斯，1912 年。
Library of Congress, LC-DIG-hec-01584.
美国国会图书馆，LC-DIG-hec-01584。
The socialist movement drew from a diverse constituency.
社会主义运动来自不同的选民。
Party membership was open to all regardless of race, gender, class, ethnicity, or religion.
党员资格向所有人开放，不分种族、性别、阶级、民族或宗教。
Many prominent Americans, such as Helen Keller, Upton Sinclair, and Jack London, became socialists.
许多杰出的美国人，如海伦·凯勒、厄普顿·辛克莱和杰克·伦敦，都成为了社会主义者。
They were joined by masses of American laborers from across the United States: factory workers, miners, railroad builders, tenant farmers, and small farmers all united under the red flag of socialism.
来自美国各地的大量美国劳工加入了他们的行列：工厂工人、矿工、铁路建设者、佃农和小农都团结在社会主义的红旗下。
Many united with labor leader William D.
许多人与工党领袖 William D. 联合起来。
“Big Bill” Haywood and other radicals in 1905 to form the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), the “Wobblies,” a radical and confrontational union that welcomed all workers, regardless of race or gender.
1905 年，“大比尔”海伍德和其他激进分子组建了世界产业工人组织 (IWW)，即“Wobblies”，这是一个激进的对抗性工会，欢迎所有工人，无论种族或性别。
32 Others turned to politics.
32 其他人转向政治。
The Socialist Party of America (SPA), founded in 1901, carried on the American third-party political tradition.
美国社会党（SPA）成立于1901年，继承了美国第三方政治传统。
Socialist mayors were elected in thirty-three cities and towns, from Berkeley, California, to Schenectady, New York, and two socialists—Victor Berger from Wisconsin and Meyer London from New York—won congressional seats.
从加利福尼亚州的伯克利到纽约州的斯克内克塔迪，共有 33 个城镇选出了社会党市长，两位社会党人——威斯康星州的维克多·伯杰和纽约州的迈耶·伦敦——赢得了国会席位。
All told, over one thousand socialist candidates won various American political offices.
总共有超过一千名社会主义候选人赢得了美国的各种政治职位。
Julius A.
朱利叶斯·A.
Wayland, editor of the socialist newspaper Appeal to Reason , proclaimed that “socialism is coming.
社会主义报纸《诉诸理性》的编辑韦兰宣称“社会主义即将到来。
It’s coming like a prairie fire and nothing can stop it .
它就像燎原之火一样来袭，没有什么可以阻止。
.
。
.
。
you can feel it in the air.” 33 By 1913 there were 150,000 members of the Socialist Party and, in 1912, Eugene V.
你可以在空气中感受到它。” 33 到 1913 年，社会党已有 150,000 名党员，1912 年，尤金五世 (Eugene V.
Debs, the Indiana-born Socialist Party candidate for president, received almost one million votes, or 6 percent of the total.
出生于印第安纳州的社会党总统候选人德布斯获得了近 100 万张选票，占总票数的 6%。
34
34
Over the following years, however, the embrace of many socialist policies by progressive reformers, internal ideological and tactical disagreements, a failure to dissuade most Americans of the perceived incompatibility between socialism and American values, and, especially, government oppression and censorship, particularly during and after World War I, ultimately sank the party.
然而，在接下来的几年里，进步改革者对许多社会主义政策的拥护、内部意识形态和策略上的分歧、未能劝说大多数美国人认识到社会主义与美国价值观之间的不相容，以及特别是政府的压迫和审查制度，特别是在第一次世界大战期间和之后，最终导致了该党的垮台。
Like the Populists, however, socialists had tapped into a deep well of discontent, and their energy and organizing filtered out into American culture and American politics.
然而，与民粹主义者一样，社会主义者也陷入了不满的深渊，他们的能量和组织渗透到了美国文化和美国政治中。
The march of capital transformed patterns of American life.
资本的进军改变了美国人的生活模式。
While some enjoyed unprecedented levels of wealth, and an ever-growing slice of middle-class workers won an ever more comfortable standard of living, vast numbers of farmers lost their land and a growing industrial working class struggled to earn wages sufficient to support themselves and their families.
虽然一些人享有前所未有的财富，越来越多的中产阶级工人赢得了越来越舒适的生活水平，但大量农民失去了土地，不断壮大的工业工人阶级努力赚取足够的工资来养活自己和家人。
Industrial capitalism brought wealth and it brought poverty; it created owners and investors and it created employees.
工业资本主义带来了财富，也带来了贫困。它创造了所有者和投资者，也创造了员工。
But whether winners or losers in the new economy, all Americans reckoned in some way with their new industrial world.
但无论新经济中的赢家还是输家，所有美国人都以某种方式看待他们的新工业世界。
William Graham Sumner, a sociologist at Yale University, penned several pieces associated with the philosophy of Social Darwinism.
耶鲁大学社会学家威廉·格雷厄姆·萨姆纳写了几篇与社会达尔文主义哲学相关的文章。
In the following, Sumner explains his vision of nature and liberty in a just society.
下面，萨姆纳解释了他对公正社会中的自然和自由的看法。
In 1879, the economist Henry George penned a massive bestseller exploring the contradictory rise of both rapid economic growth and crippling poverty.
1879 年，经济学家亨利·乔治 (Henry George) 写了一本巨著，探讨经济快速增长与严重贫困之间的矛盾。
Andrew Carnegie, the American steel titan, explains his vision for the proper role of wealth in American society.
美国钢铁巨头安德鲁·卡内基解释了他对财富在美国社会中发挥适当作用的愿景。
Amid a crushing drought that devastated many Texas farmers, Grover Cleveland vetoed a bill designed to help farmers recover by supplying them with seed.
一场严重的干旱给德克萨斯州的许多农民带来了沉重打击，格罗弗·克利夫兰否决了一项旨在通过向农民提供种子来帮助他们恢复的法案。
In his veto message, Cleveland explained his vision of proper government.
克利夫兰在他的否决信息中解释了他对适当政府的愿景。
In 1892, the People’s, or Populist, Party crafted a platform that indicted the corruptions of the Gilded Age and promised government policies to aid “the people.”
1892年，人民党或民粹党制定了一个纲领，指责镀金时代的腐败，并承诺政府政策将援助“人民”。
6.
6.
Dispatch from a Mississippi Colored Farmers’ Alliance (1889)
密西西比有色农民联盟的快讯 (1889)
The Colored Farmers’ Alliance, an African American alternative to the whites-only Southern Farmers’ Alliance, organized as many as a million Black southerners against the injustices of the predominately cotton-based, southern agricultural economy.
有色农民联盟是非裔美国人的替代者，它取代了只有白人的南方农民联盟，组织了多达一百万南方黑人，反对以棉花为主的南方农业经济的不公正现象。
Black Populists, however, were always more vulnerable to the violence of white southern conservatives than their white counterparts.
然而，黑人民粹主义者总是比白人民粹主义者更容易受到南方白人保守派暴力的影响。
Here, the publication The Forum publishes an account of violence against Black Populists in Mississippi.
在这里，出版物《论坛》发表了密西西比州针对黑人民粹主义者的暴力行为。
Lucy Parsons was born into slavery in Texas, married a white radical, Albert Parsons, and moved to Chicago where they both worked on behalf of radical causes.
露西·帕森斯出生于德克萨斯州的奴隶家庭，与白人激进分子阿尔伯特·帕森斯结婚，并搬到芝加哥，在那里他们都为激进事业而工作。
After Albert Parsons was executed for conspiracy in the aftermath of the Haymarket bombing, Lucy Parsons emerged as a major American radical and vocal advocate of anarchism.
在干草市场爆炸事件后，阿尔伯特·帕森斯因阴谋被处决后，露西·帕森斯成为美国主要的激进分子和无政府主义的直言不讳的倡导者。
In 1905, she spoke before the founding convention of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW).
1905 年，她在世界产业工人联盟 (IWW) 成立大会上发表讲话。
“Print shows a jousting tournament between an oversized knight riding horse-shaped armor labeled “Monopoly” over a locomotive, with a long plume labeled “Arrogance”, and carrying a shield labeled “Corruption of the Legislature” and a lance labeled “Subsidized Press”, and a barefoot man labeled “Labor” riding an emaciated horse labeled “Poverty”, and carrying a sledgehammer labeled “Strike”.
印刷品展示了一场比武比赛，一个是骑着标有“垄断”字样的马形盔甲的超大骑士，身穿标有“傲慢”字样的长羽毛，手持标有“立法机关腐败”字样的盾牌和标有“资助新闻”字样的长矛，另一位是标有“工党”字样的赤脚男子，骑着标有“贫困”字样的瘦马，手持标有“打击”字样的大锤。
On the left is seating “Reserved for Capitalists” where Cyrus W.
左边是“为资本家保留”的座位，Cyrus W.
Field, William H.
菲尔德，威廉 H.
Vanderbilt, John Roach, Jay Gould, and Russell Sage are sitting.
范德比尔特、约翰·罗奇、杰伊·古尔德和拉塞尔·塞奇坐着。
On the right, behind the labor section, are telegraph lines flying monopoly banners that are labeled “Wall St., W.U.T.
右边，劳工部门后面，是悬挂着垄断横幅的电报线路，上面写着“华尔街，W.U.T.”。
Co., [and] N.Y.C.
Co.，[和]纽约市
RR”.”
RR”。
In 1912, The Industrial Workers of the World (the IWW, or the “Wobblies”) organized textile workers in Lawrence and Lowell, Massachusetts.
1912 年，世界产业工人协会（IWW，或“Wobblies”）在马萨诸塞州劳伦斯和洛厄尔组织了纺织工人。
This photo shows strikers, carrying American flags, confronting strikebreakers and militia bayonets.
这张照片显示，罢工者举着美国国旗，与罢工破坏者和民兵的刺刀对峙。
This chapter was edited by Joseph Locke, with content contributions by Andrew C.
本章由 Joseph Locke 编辑，内容由 Andrew C.
Baker, Nicholas Blood, Justin Clark, Dan Du, Caroline Bunnell Harris, David Hochfelder Scott Libson, Joseph Locke, Leah Richier, Matthew Simmons, Kate Sohasky, Joseph Super, and Kaylynn Washnock.
贝克、尼古拉斯·布拉德、贾斯汀·克拉克、丹·杜、卡罗琳·邦内尔·哈里斯、大卫·霍赫菲尔德·斯科特·利布森、约瑟夫·洛克、利亚·里奇尔、马修·西蒙斯、凯特·索哈斯基、约瑟夫·苏佩和凯琳·沃什诺克。
Recommended citation: Andrew C.
推荐引用：Andrew C.
Baker et al., “Capital and Labor,” Joseph Locke, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.
Baker 等人，“资本与劳动”，Joseph Locke 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。
Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).
约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。