The American Yawp

“Contrabands,” Cumberland Landing, Virginia, 1862.

“违禁品”，坎伯兰码头，弗吉尼亚州，1862 年。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

* NOTE: You are viewing a chapter from the archived, “First Edition” version of the American Yawp, which stopped receiving updates in spring 2026.

* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。

Click here to access the current, updated edition *

单击此处访问当前的更新版本*

After the Civil War, much of the South lay in ruins.

内战结束后，南方大部分地区成为废墟。

“It passes my comprehension to tell what became of our railroads,” one South Carolinian told a northern reporter.

“我们的铁路变成什么样子，这超出了我的理解能力，”一位南卡罗来纳州人告诉北方记者。

“We had passably good roads, on which we could reach almost any part of the State, and the next week they were all gone—not simply broken up, but gone.

“我们的道路还算不错，几乎可以到达该州的任何地方，但到了下周，这些道路就全部消失了——不仅仅是断了，而是消失了。

Some of the material was burned, I know, but miles and miles of iron have actually disappeared, gone out of existence.” 1 He might as well have been talking about the entire antebellum way of life.

我知道，有些材料被烧毁了，但数英里长的铁实际上已经消失了，不复存在了。” 1 他还不如谈论整个内战前的生活方式。

The future of the South was uncertain.

南方的未来充满不确定性。

How would these states be brought back into the Union?

这些州将如何重返联邦？

Would they be conquered territories or equal states?

他们会是被征服的领土还是平等的国家？

How would they rebuild their governments, economies, and social systems?

他们将如何重建政府、经济和社会体系？

What rights did freedom confer on formerly enslaved people?

自由赋予以前被奴役的人们什么权利？

The answers to many of Reconstruction’s questions hinged on the concepts of citizenship and equality.

重建运动许多问题的答案取决于公民身份和平等的概念。

The era witnessed perhaps the most open and widespread discussions of citizenship since the nation’s founding.

这个时代见证了建国以来关于公民身份的最开放、最广泛的讨论。

It was a moment of revolutionary possibility and violent backlash.

这是一个充满革命可能性和暴力反弹的时刻。

African Americans and Radical Republicans pushed the nation to finally realize the Declaration of Independence’s promises that “all men are created equal” and have “certain unalienable rights.” White Democrats granted African Americans legal freedom but little more.

非裔美国人和激进共和党人推动国家最终实现《独立宣言》中的承诺，即“人人生而平等”并拥有“某些不可剥夺的权利”。白人民主党给予非裔美国人合法的自由，但仅此而已。

When Black Americans and their radical allies succeeded in securing citizenship for freedpeople, a new fight commenced to determine the legal, political, and social implications of American citizenship.

当美国黑人及其激进盟友成功地为自由人获得公民身份时，一场新的斗争开始了，以确定美国公民身份的法律、政治和社会影响。

Resistance continued, and Reconstruction eventually collapsed.

抵抗仍在继续，重建最终崩溃了。

In the South, limits on human freedom endured and would stand for nearly a century more.

在南方，对人类自由的限制持续存在，并将持续近一个世纪。

With the war coming to an end, the question of how to reunite the former Confederate states with the Union was a divisive one.

随着战争即将结束，如何将前南部邦联各州与联邦重新统一的问题成为一个分裂的问题。

Lincoln’s Presidential Reconstruction plans were seen by many, including Radical Republicans in Congress, to be too tolerant towards what they considered to be traitors.

许多人，包括国会中的激进共和党人，都认为林肯的总统重建计划对他们认为的叛徒过于宽容。

This political cartoon reflects this viewpoint, showing Lincoln and Johnson happily stitching the Union back together with little anger towards the South.

这幅政治漫画反映了这一观点，展示了林肯和约翰逊愉快地将联邦重新团结在一起，对南方几乎没有愤怒。

Joseph E.

约瑟夫·E。

Baker, The ‘Rail Splitter’ at Work Repairing the Union , 1865.

贝克，修复工会的“铁路分裂者”，1865 年。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

Reconstruction—the effort to restore southern states to the Union and to redefine African Americans’ place in American society—began before the Civil War ended.

重建工作——让南方各州恢复联邦并重新定义非裔美国人在美国社会中的地位的努力——在内战结束之前就开始了。

President Abraham Lincoln began planning for the reunification of the United States in the fall of 1863.

1863 年秋，亚伯拉罕·林肯总统开始计划美国的统一。

2 With a sense that Union victory was imminent and that he could turn the tide of the war by stoking Unionist support in the Confederate states, Lincoln issued a proclamation allowing southerners to take an oath of allegiance.

2 林肯意识到联邦的胜利即将来临，而且他可以通过煽动联邦各州的联邦主义者的支持来扭转战争的局势，于是他发布了一项公告，允许南方人宣誓效忠。

When just 10 percent of a state’s voting population had taken such an oath, loyal Unionists could then establish governments.

当一个州只有 10% 的投票人口宣誓时，忠诚的统一党就可以建立政府。

3 These so-called Lincoln governments sprang up in pockets where Union support existed like Louisiana, Tennessee, and Arkansas.

3 这些所谓的林肯政府在路易斯安那州、田纳西州和阿肯色州等有联邦支持的地区涌现。

Unsurprisingly, these were also the places that were exempted from the liberating effects of the Emancipation Proclamation.

毫不奇怪，这些也是不受《解放黑奴宣言》解放影响的地方。

Initially proposed as a war aim, Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation committed the United States to the abolition of slavery.

林肯的《解放奴隶宣言》最初是作为战争目标提出的，它承诺美国废除奴隶制。

However, the proclamation freed only enslaved people in areas of rebellion and left more than seven hundred thousand in bondage in Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, and Missouri as well as in Union-occupied areas of Louisiana, Tennessee, and Virginia.

然而，该公告只释放了叛乱地区的奴隶，而特拉华州、肯塔基州、马里兰州和密苏里州以及路易斯安那州、田纳西州和弗吉尼亚州联邦占领区的七十万人仍处于奴役之中。

To cement the abolition of slavery, Congress passed the Thirteenth Amendment on January 31, 1865.

为了巩固废除奴隶制，国会于 1865 年 1 月 31 日通过了第十三修正案。

The amendment legally abolished slavery “except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.” Section Two of the amendment granted Congress the “power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.” State ratification followed, and by the end of the year the requisite three fourths of the states had approved the amendment, and four million people were forever free from the slavery that had existed in North America for 250 years.

该修正案从法律上废除了奴隶制，“除非作为对当事人已被正式定罪的犯罪的惩罚”。修正案第二节授予国会“通过适当立法执行本条的权力”。接下来是各州的批准，到年底，四分之三的州批准了修正案，四百万人永远摆脱了北美存在 250 年的奴隶制。

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Lincoln’s policy was lenient, conservative, and short-lived.

林肯的政策是宽松、保守且短暂的。

Reconstruction changed when John Wilkes Booth shot Lincoln on April 14, 1865, during a performance of Our American Cousin at Ford’s Theater.

1865 年 4 月 14 日，当约翰·威尔克斯·布斯 (John Wilkes Booth) 在福特剧院 (Ford’s Theater) 演出《我们的美国表弟》时射杀了林肯，重建工作发生了变化。

Treated rapidly and with all possible care, Lincoln nevertheless succumbed to his wounds the following morning, leaving a somber pall over the North and especially among African Americans.

尽管得到了迅速的治疗和尽可能的护理，林肯还是在第二天早上因伤去世，给北方，尤其是非裔美国人留下了阴沉的阴影。

The assassination of Abraham Lincoln propelled Vice President Andrew Johnson into the executive office in April 1865.

1865 年 4 月，亚伯拉罕·林肯 (Abraham Lincoln) 遇刺，副总统安德鲁·约翰逊 (Andrew Johnson) 进入行政办公室。

Johnson, a states’-rights, strict-constructionist, and unapologetic racist from Tennessee, offered southern states a quick restoration into the Union.

来自田纳西州的约翰逊是一位州权主义者、严格的建构主义者和毫无歉意的种族主义者，他向南方各州提出了迅速恢复联邦的建议。

His Reconstruction plan required provisional southern governments to void their ordinances of secession, repudiate their Confederate debts, and ratify the Thirteenth Amendment.

他的重建计划要求南方临时政府废除其分裂国家法令，免除其南部邦联债务，并批准第十三修正案。

On all other matters, the conventions could do what they wanted with no federal interference.

在所有其他问题上，大会可以在不受联邦干预的情况下为所欲为。

He pardoned all southerners engaged in the rebellion with the exception of wealthy planters who possessed more than $20,000 in property.

他赦免了所有参与叛乱的南方人，但拥有超过 2 万美元财产的富有种植园主除外。

5 The southern aristocracy would have to appeal to Johnson for individual pardons.

5 南方贵族必须请求约翰逊赦免个人。

In the meantime, Johnson hoped that a new class of southerners would replace the extremely wealthy in leadership positions .

与此同时，约翰逊希望新的南方阶层能够取代极其富有的人担任领导职务。

Many southern governments enacted legislation that reestablished antebellum power relationships.

许多南方政府颁布了重建战前权力关系的立法。

South Carolina and Mississippi passed laws known as Black Codes to regulate Black behavior and impose social and economic control.

南卡罗来纳州和密西西比州通过了称为“黑人法典”的法律，以规范黑人行为并实施社会和经济控制。

Other states soon followed.

其他州也很快跟进。

These laws granted some rights to African Americans, like the right to own property, to marry, or to make contracts.

这些法律赋予非裔美国人一些权利，例如拥有财产、结婚或签订合同的权利。

But they also denied fundamental rights.

但他们也否认基本权利。

White lawmakers forbade Black men from serving on juries or in state militias, refused to recognize Black testimony against white people, apprenticed orphaned children to their former enslaver, and established severe vagrancy laws.

白人立法者禁止黑人担任陪审团或州民兵，拒绝承认黑人针对白人的证词，将孤儿收为前奴隶主的学徒，并制定了严厉的流浪法。

Mississippi’s vagrant law required all freedmen to carry papers proving they had means of employment.

密西西比州的流浪法要求所有自由民携带证明他们有就业手段的文件。

6 If they had no proof, they could be arrested and fined.

6 如果他们没有证据，他们可能会被逮捕并被罚款。

If they could not pay the fine, the sheriff had the right to hire out his prisoner to anyone who was willing to pay the tax.

如果他们无法缴纳罚款，治安官有权将他的囚犯出租给任何愿意缴纳税款的人。

Similar ambiguous vagrancy laws throughout the South reasserted control over Black labor in what one scholar has called “slavery by another name.” 7 Black Codes effectively criminalized Black people’s leisure, limited their mobility, and locked many into exploitative farming contracts.

整个南方类似的模棱两可的流浪法重新确立了对黑人劳工的控制，一位学者称之为“另一个名字的奴隶制”。 7 《黑人法典》实际上将黑人的休闲定为犯罪，限制了他们的流动性，并将许多人锁定在剥削性农业合同中。

Attempts to restore the antebellum economic order largely succeeded.

恢复战前经济秩序的努力基本上取得了成功。

These laws and outrageous mob violence against Black southerners led Republicans to call for a more dramatic Reconstruction.

这些法律和针对南方黑人的暴徒暴力行为导致共和党人呼吁进行更戏剧性的重建。

So when Johnson announced that the southern states had been restored, congressional Republicans refused to seat delegates from the newly reconstructed states.

因此，当约翰逊宣布南部各州已恢复时，国会共和党人拒绝让新重建州的代表就座。

Republicans in Congress responded with a spate of legislation aimed at protecting freedmen and restructuring political relations in the South.

国会共和党人以一系列旨在保护自由民和重建南方政治关系的立法作为回应。

Many Republicans were keen to grant voting rights for freedmen in order to build a new powerful voting bloc.

许多共和党人热衷于赋予自由民投票权，以建立一个新的强大投票集团。

Some Republicans, like U.S. congressman Thaddeus Stevens, believed in racial equality, but the majority were motivated primarily by the interest of their political party.

一些共和党人，例如美国国会议员撒迪厄斯·史蒂文斯，相信种族平等，但大多数人主要是出于其政党的利益。

The only way to protect Republican interests in the South was to give the vote to the hundreds of thousands of Black men.

保护共和党在南方利益的唯一方法是将投票权赋予数十万黑人。

Republicans in Congress responded to the codes with the Civil Rights Act of 1866, the first federal attempt to constitutionally define all American-born residents (except Native peoples) as citizens.

国会中的共和党人通过 1866 年《民权法案》回应了这些法规，这是联邦首次尝试在宪法上将所有美国出生的居民（除了原住民）定义为公民。

The law also prohibited any curtailment of citizens’ “fundamental rights.” 8

该法律还禁止限制公民的“基本权利”。 8

While no one could agree on what the best plan for reconstructing the nation would be, Americans understood the moment as critical and perhaps revolutionary.

尽管没有人能够就重建国家的最佳计划达成一致，但美国人认为这一时刻至关重要，甚至可能是革命性的。

In this magnificent visual metaphor for the reconciliation of the North and South, John Lawrence postulates what might result from reunion.

在这个北方与南方和解的宏伟视觉隐喻中，约翰·劳伦斯假设了​​团聚可能产生的结果。

Reconstruction, the print seems to argue, will form a more perfect Union that upholds the ideals of the American Revolution, most importantly (as seen on a streaming banner near the top) that “All men are born free and equal.” John Giles Lawrence, Reconstruction , 1867.

该印刷品似乎认为，重建将形成一个更完美的联盟，维护美国革命的理想，最重要的是（如顶部附近的流淌横幅所示）“所有人生而自由和平等”。约翰·贾尔斯·劳伦斯，《重建》，1867 年。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

The Fourteenth Amendment developed concurrently with the Civil Rights Act to ensure its constitutionality.

第十四修正案与民权法同时制定，以确保其合宪性。

The House of Representatives approved the Fourteenth Amendment on June 13, 1866.

1866 年 6 月 13 日，众议院通过了第十四修正案。

Section One granted citizenship and repealed the Taney Court’s infamous Dred Scott (1857) decision.

第一节授予公民身份并废除了坦尼法院臭名昭著的德雷德·斯科特 (Dred Scott, 1857) 判决。

Moreover, it ensured that state laws could not deny due process or discriminate against particular groups of people.

此外，它确保州法律不能拒绝正当程序或歧视特定人群。

The Fourteenth Amendment signaled the federal government’s willingness to enforce the Bill of Rights over the authority of the states.

第十四修正案表明联邦政府愿意凌驾于各州的权力之上执行《权利法案》。

Because he did not believe African Americans deserved equal rights, President Johnson opposed the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment and vetoed the Civil Rights Act.

由于约翰逊总统不认为非裔美国人应享有平等权利，他反对第十四修正案的通过，并否决了民权法案。

But after winning a two-thirds majority in the 1866 midterm elections, Republicans overrode the veto, and in 1867, they passed the first Reconstruction Act, dissolving state governments and dividing the South into five military districts.

但在 1866 年中期选举中赢得三分之二多数后，共和党推翻了否决权，并于 1867 年通过了第一部《重建法案》，解散了州政府，并将南方划分为五个军区。

Under these new terms, states would have to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment, write new constitutions enfranchising African Americans, and abolish repressive “Black Codes” before rejoining the union.

根据这些新条款，各州在重新加入联邦之前必须批准第十四修正案，制定赋予非裔美国人选举权的新宪法，并废除镇压性的“黑人法典”。

In the face of President Johnson’s repeated obstructionism, the House of Representatives issued articles of impeachment against the president.

面对约翰逊总统的一再阻挠，众议院发布了针对总统的弹劾条款。

Although Johnson narrowly escaped conviction in the Senate, Congress won the power to direct a new phase of Reconstruction.

尽管约翰逊在参议院险些被定罪，但国会赢得了指导新阶段重建的权力。

Six weeks later, on July 9, 1868, the states ratified the Fourteenth Amendment, guaranteeing birthright citizenship and “equal protection of the laws.

六周后，即 1868 年 7 月 9 日，各州批准了第十四修正案，保障与生俱来的公民权和“法律的平等保护”。

In the 1868 presidential election, former Union General Ulysses S.

1868 年总统选举中，前联邦将军尤利西斯·S.

Grant ran on a platform that proclaimed, “Let Us Have Peace,” in which he promised to protect the new status quo.

格兰特的竞选纲领宣称“让我们拥有和平”，他在纲领中承诺保护新的现状。

On the other hand, the Democratic candidate, Horatio Seymour, promised to repeal Reconstruction.

另一方面，民主党候选人霍雷肖·西摩承诺废除重建法案。

Black southern voters helped Grant win most of the former Confederacy.

南方黑人选民帮助格兰特赢得了前南部邦联的大部分选区。

Scalawags and Carpetbaggers also buttressed Republicans in the South.

无赖者和盗贼也支持南方的共和党人。

Scalawag was the derisive term used to describe white Republicans in the South and carpetbaggers was the term for northerners who traveled to the South during Reconstruction.

Scalawag 是用来形容南方白人共和党人的嘲讽术语，而“carpetbaggers”则是重建期间前往南方的北方人的术语。

But Black voters formed the backbone of the Republican coalition in the South.

但黑人选民构成了南方共和党联盟的支柱。

In this Harper’s Weekly print, Black men of various occupations wait patiently for their turn as the first voter submits his ballot.

在这本《哈珀周刊》的印刷品中，当第一位选民提交选票时，各种职业的黑人耐心等待轮到他们。

Unlike other contemporary images that depicted African Americans as ignorant, unkempt, and lazy, this print shows these Black men as active citizens.

与其他将非裔美国人描绘成无知、蓬头垢面和懒惰的当代图像不同，这幅版画将这些黑人展示为积极的公民。

Three years after the publication of this print, the Fifteenth Amendment protected the right of Black Americans to vote.

该出版物发表三年后，第十五修正案保护了美国黑人的投票权。

Alfred R.

阿尔弗雷德·R。

Waud, The First Vote , November 1867.

沃德，第一次投票，1867 年 11 月。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

Reconstruction brought the first moment of mass democratic participation for African Americans.

重建工作为非裔美国人带来了第一次大规模民主参与的时刻。

In 1860, only five states in the North allowed African Americans to vote on equal terms with whites.

1860年，北方只有五个州允许非裔美国人与白人平等投票。

Yet after 1867, when Congress ordered southern states to eliminate racial discrimination in voting, African Americans began to win elections across the South.

然而，1867 年国会命令南方各州消除投票中的种族歧视后，非裔美国人开始赢得南方各地的选举。

In a short time, the South was transformed from an all-white, pro-slavery, Democratic stronghold to a collection of Republican-led states with African Americans in positions of power for the first time in American history.

在很短的时间内，南方就从一个全白人、支持奴隶制的民主党据点转变为由共和党领导的各州，非洲裔美国人在美国历史上首次掌权。

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Through the provisions of the congressional Reconstruction Acts, Black men voted in large numbers and also served as delegates to the state constitutional conventions in 1868.

通过国会重建法案的规定，黑人大量投票，并担任 1868 年州制宪会议的代表。

Black delegates actively participated in revising state constitutions.

黑人代表积极参与州宪法的修改。

One of the most significant accomplishments of these conventions was the establishment of a public school system.

这些公约最重要的成就之一是建立了公立学校系统。

While public schools were virtually nonexistent in the antebellum period, by the end of Reconstruction, every southern state had established a public school system.

虽然公立学校在战前时期几乎不存在，但到重建结束时，每个南方州都建立了公立学校系统。

10 Republican officials opened state institutions like mental asylums, hospitals, orphanages, and prisons to white and Black residents, though often on a segregated basis.

10 名共和党官员向白人和黑人居民开放精神病院、医院、孤儿院和监狱等国家机构，尽管通常是隔离的。

They actively sought industrial development, northern investment, and internal improvements.

他们积极寻求工业发展、北方投资和内部改善。

African Americans served at every level of government during Reconstruction.

重建期间，非裔美国人在各级政府任职。

At the federal level, Hiram Revels and Blanche K.

在联邦层面，Hiram Revels 和 Blanche K.

Bruce were chosen as U.S. senators from Mississippi.

布鲁斯被选为密西西比州的美国参议员。

Fourteen men served in the House of Representatives.

众议院有十四名男子。

At least 270 other African American men served in patronage positions as postmasters, customs officials, assessors, and ambassadors.

至少还有 270 名非裔美国男性担任过邮政局长、海关官员、评估员和大使等赞助职位。

At the state level, more than 1,000 African American men held offices in the South.

在州一级，有超过 1,000 名非裔美国男性在南方担任公职。

P.

P。

B.

B.

S.

S。

Pinchback served as Louisiana’s governor for thirty-four days after the previous governor was suspended during impeachment proceedings and was the only African American state governor until Virginia elected L.

在前任州长在弹劾程序中被停职后，平奇巴克担任了路易斯安那州州长三十四天，并且是弗吉尼亚州选举 L·肯尼迪之前唯一的非裔美国州长。

Douglas Wilder in 1989.

道格拉斯·怀尔德，1989 年。

Almost 800 African American men served as state legislators around the South, with African Americans at one time making up a majority in the South Carolina House of Representatives.

近 800 名非裔美国人担任南方各地的州议员，其中非裔美国人一度在南卡罗来纳州众议院占多数。

11

11

The era of Reconstruction witnessed a few moments of true progress.

重建时代见证了一些真正进步的时刻。

One of those was the election of African Americans to local, state, and national offices, including both houses of Congress.

其中之一是非裔美国人当选地方、州和国家职务，包括国会两院。

Pictured here are Hiram Revels (the first African American Senator) alongside six Black representatives, all from the former Confederate states.

照片中是海勒姆·雷维尔斯（第一位非裔美国参议员）和六名黑人代表，他们都来自前南部邦联各州。

Currier & Ives, First Colored Senator and Representatives in the 41st and 42nd Congress of the United States, 1872.

Currier & Ives，美国第 41 届和第 42 届国会第一位有色人种参议员和代表，1872 年。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

African American officeholders came from diverse backgrounds.

非裔美国官员来自不同的背景。

Many had been born free or had gained their freedom before the Civil War.

许多人生而自由，或者在内战之前获得自由。

Many free African Americans, particularly those in South Carolina, Virginia, and Louisiana, were wealthy and well educated, two facts that distinguished them from much of the white population both before and after the Civil War.

许多自由的非裔美国人，特别是南卡罗来纳州、弗吉尼亚州和路易斯安那州的非裔美国人，非常富有且受过良好教育，这两个事实使他们在内战前后与大多数白人区别开来。

Some, like Antoine Dubuclet of Louisiana and William Breedlove from Virginia, owned enslaved laborers before the Civil War.

有些人，比如路易斯安那州的安托万·迪布克莱特和弗吉尼亚州的威廉·布里德洛夫，在内战之前拥有奴隶劳工。

Others had helped enslaved people escape or taught them to read, like Georgia’s James D.

其他人帮助被奴役的人逃脱或教他们读书，比如佐治亚州的詹姆斯·D·

Porter.

波特。

Most African American officeholders, however, gained their freedom during the war.

然而，大多数非裔美国官员在战争期间获得了自由。

Among them were skilled craftsmen like Emanuel Fortune, a shoemaker from Florida; ministers such as James D.

其中包括来自佛罗里达州的鞋匠伊曼纽尔·福琼 (Emanuel Fortune) 等技艺精湛的工匠；诸如 James D. 等部长

Lynch from Mississippi; and teachers like William V.

林奇来自密西西比州；还有像 William V. 这样的老师

Turner from Alabama.

来自阿拉巴马州的特纳。

Moving into political office was a natural continuation of the leadership roles they had held in their former communities.

进入政治职位是他们在以前社区中担任领导角色的自然延续。

By the end of Reconstruction in 1877, more than two thousand African American men had served in offices ranging from local levee commissioner to U.S. senator.

到 1877 年重建结束时，已有两千多名非裔美国男性担任过从当地堤坝专员到美国参议员的各种职务。

12 When the end of Reconstruction returned white Democrats to power in the South, all but a few African American officeholders lost their positions.

12 当重建结束后，白人民主党重新在南方掌权，除了少数非裔美国公职人员外，所有其他人都失去了职位。

After Reconstruction, African Americans did not enter the political arena again in large numbers until well into the twentieth century.

重建后，非裔美国人直到进入二十世纪才再次大量进入政治舞台。

Land was one of the major desires of the freed people.

土地是获得自由的人们的主要愿望之一。

Frustrated by responsibility for the growing numbers of freed people following his troops, General William T.

威廉·T·肯尼迪 (William T.

Sherman issued Special Field Order No. 15, in which land in Georgia and South Carolina was to be set aside as a homestead for the freedpeople.

谢尔曼发布了第 15 号特别现场命令，其中将佐治亚州和南卡罗来纳州的土地划为自由民的家园。

Sherman lacked the authority to confiscate and distribute land, so this plan never fully took effect.

谢尔曼缺乏没收和分配土地的权力，因此这一计划从未完全生效。

13 One of the main purposes of the Freedmen’s Bureau, however, was to redistribute lands to formerly enslaved people that had been abandoned and confiscated by the federal government.

13 然而，自由民局的主要目的之一是将被联邦政府遗弃和没收的前奴隶重新分配土地。

Even these land grants were short-lived.

即使这些土地授予也是短暂的。

In 1866, land that ex-Confederates had left behind was reinstated to them.

1866 年，前南方联盟成员留下的土地被归还给他们。

Freedpeople’s hopes of land reform were unceremoniously dashed as Freedmen’s Bureau agents held meetings with the freedmen throughout the South, telling them the promise of land was not going to be honored and that instead they should plan to go back to work for their former enslaver as wage laborers.

自由民的土地改革希望被毫不客气地破灭，自由民局特工与南方各地的自由民举行会议，告诉他们土地的承诺不会兑现，相反，他们应该计划回去为他们的前奴隶做雇佣工人。

The policy reversal came as quite a shock.

政策的逆转令人震惊。

In one instance, Freedmen’s Bureau commissioner General Oliver O.

在一个例子中，自由民局局长奥利弗·O.

Howard went to Edisto Island to inform the Black population there of the policy change.

霍华德前往埃迪斯托岛，向那里的黑人通报政策的变化。

The Black commission’s response was that “we were promised Homesteads by the government.

黑人委员会的回应是：“政府向我们承诺提供家园。

.

。

.

。

.

。

You ask us to forgive the land owners of our island.

你请求我们原谅我们岛上的土地所有者。

.

。

.

。

.The man who tied me to a tree and gave me 39 lashes and who stripped and flogged my mother and my sister .

那个男人把我绑在树上，鞭打了我 39 下，还剥光了我的母亲和姐姐的衣服并鞭打我。

.

。

.

。

that man I cannot well forgive.

我无法原谅那个人。

Does it look as if he has forgiven me, seeing how he tries to keep me in a condition of helplessness?” 14

看他这样让我陷入无助的境地，他是不是已经原谅我了？” 14

In working to ensure that crops would be harvested, agents sometimes coerced formerly enslaved people into signing contracts with their former enslavers.

在努力确保农作物丰收的过程中，特工有时会强迫以前的奴隶与他们以前的奴隶签订合同。

However, the bureau also instituted courts where African Americans could seek redress if their employers were abusing them or not paying them.

然而，该局还设立了法庭，如果非洲裔美国人的雇主虐待他们或不向他们支付工资，他们可以寻求赔偿。

The last ember of hope for land redistribution was extinguished when Thaddeus Stevens and Charles Sumner’s proposed land reform bills were tabled in Congress.

当撒迪厄斯·史蒂文斯和查尔斯·萨姆纳提出的土地改革法案提交国会时，土地重新分配的最后一丝希望也随之熄灭。

Radicalism had its limits, and the Republican Party’s commitment to economic stability eclipsed their interest in racial justice.

激进主义有其局限性，共和党对经济稳定的承诺掩盖了他们对种族正义的兴趣。

Another aspect of the pursuit of freedom was the reconstitution of families.

追求自由的另一个方面是家庭的重建。

Many freedpeople immediately left plantations in search of family members who had been sold away.

许多获得自由的人立即离开种植园去寻找被卖掉的家人。

Newspaper ads sought information about long-lost relatives.

报纸广告寻求有关失散多年的亲人的信息。

People placed these ads until the turn of the twentieth century, demonstrating the enduring pursuit of family reunification.

人们直到二十世纪之交才投放这些广告，展示了对家庭团聚的持久追求。

Freedpeople sought to gain control over their own children or other children who had been apprenticed to white masters either during the war or as a result of the Black Codes.

自由民试图控制自己的孩子或其他在战争期间或由于《黑人法典》而成为白人大师学徒的孩子。

Above all, freedpeople wanted freedom to control their families.

最重要的是，获得自由的人们希望能够自由地控制自己的家庭。

15

15

Many freedpeople rushed to solemnize unions with formal wedding ceremonies.

许多获得自由的人急忙举行正式的婚礼来庆祝结合。

Black people’s desires to marry fit the government’s goal to make free Black men responsible for their own households and to prevent Black women and children from becoming dependent on the government.

黑人的结婚愿望符合政府的目标，即让自由的黑人男子负责自己的家庭，并防止黑人妇女和儿童变得依赖政府。

Freedpeople placed a great emphasis on education for their children and themselves.

自由人非常重视孩子和他们自己的教育。

For many, the ability to finally read the Bible for themselves induced work-weary men and women to spend all evening or Sunday attending night school or Sunday school classes.

对许多人来说，最终能够自己阅读圣经，促使疲惫不堪的男女们花整个晚上或周日的时间去夜校或主日学校上课。

It was not uncommon to find a one-room school with more than fifty students ranging in age from three to eighty.

一所单间学校有五十多名学生，年龄从三岁到八十岁不等，这种情况并不少见。

As Booker T.

正如布克·T.

Washington famously described the situation, “it was a whole race trying to go to school.

华盛顿对这种情况进行了著名的描述：“这是一场试图上学的比赛。

Few were too young, and none too old, to make the attempt to learn.” 16

很少有人太年轻，也没有人太老而无法尝试学习。” 16

Many churches served as schoolhouses and as a result became central to the freedom struggle.

许多教堂充当校舍，因此成为自由斗争的中心。

Free and freed Black southerners carried well-formed political and organizational skills into freedom.

自由和获得自由的南方黑人将良好的政治和组织技能带入了自由。

They developed anti-racist politics and organizational skills through antislavery organizations turned church associations.

他们通过反奴隶制组织转变为教会协会，发展了反种族主义政治和组织技能。

Liberated from white-controlled churches, Black Americans remade their religious worlds according to their own social and spiritual desires.

美国黑人从白人控制的教堂中解放出来，根据自己的社会和精神愿望重塑了他们的宗教世界。

17

17 号

One of the more marked transformations that took place after emancipation was the proliferation of independent Black churches and church associations.

解放后发生的更显着的变化之一是独立黑人教会和教会协会的激增。

In the 1930s, nearly 40 percent of 663 Black churches surveyed had their organizational roots in the post-emancipation era.

20 世纪 30 年代，在接受调查的 663 个黑人教会中，近 40% 的组织根源于解放后时代。

18 Many independent Black churches emerged in the rural areas, and most of them had never been affiliated with white churches.

18 农村地区出现了许多独立的黑人教会，其中大多数从未隶属于白人教会。

Many of these independent churches were quickly organized into regional, state, and even national associations, often by brigades of free Black northerners and midwesterners who went to the South to help the freedmen.

许多独立教会很快就组织成了地区、州甚至全国性的协会，通常是由自由的北方黑人和中西部人组成的大队前往南方帮助自由民。

Through associations like the Virginia Baptist State Convention and the Consolidated American Baptist Missionary Convention, Baptists became the fastest growing post-emancipation denomination, building on their antislavery associational roots and carrying on the struggle for Black political participation.

通过弗吉尼亚浸信会州大会和美国浸信会联合传教士大会等协会，浸信会成为解放后发展最快的教派，建立在反奴隶制协会的基础上，并继续争取黑人政治参与的斗争。

19

19

Tensions between northerners and southerners over styles of worship and educational requirements strained these associations.

北方人和南方人在崇拜风格和教育要求方面的紧张关系使这些协会变得紧张。

Southern, rural Black churches preferred worship services with more emphasis on inspired preaching, while Black urban northerners favored more orderly worship and an educated ministry.

南方、农村的黑人教会更喜欢崇拜仪式，更注重受启发的讲道，而北方城市的黑人则喜欢更有序的崇拜和受过教育的事工。

Perhaps the most significant internal transformation in churches had to do with the role of women—a situation that eventually would lead to the development of independent women’s conventions in Baptist, Methodist, and Pentecostal churches.

也许教会最重要的内部变革与女性的角色有关——这种情况最终导致浸信会、卫理公会和五旬节教会中独立妇女大会的发展。

Women like Nannie Helen Burroughs and Virginia Broughton, leaders of the Baptist Woman’s Convention, worked to protect Black women from sexual violence from white men.

浸信会妇女大会的领导人南妮·海伦·伯勒斯和弗吉尼亚·布劳顿等女性致力于保护黑人妇女免受白人男性的性暴力。

Black representatives repeatedly articulated this concern in state constitutional conventions early in the Reconstruction era.

重建时期早期，黑人代表在各州制宪会议上多次表达了这一担忧。

In churches, women continued to fight for equal treatment and access to the pulpit as preachers, even though they were able to vote in church meetings.

在教会中，妇女继续争取平等待遇和作为传教士登上讲坛的机会，尽管她们能够在教会会议上投票。

20

20

Black churches provided centralized leadership and organization in post-emancipation communities.

黑人教会在解放后的社区中提供了集中的领导和组织。

Many political leaders and officeholders were ministers.

许多政治领导人和公职人员都是部长。

Churches were often the largest building in town and served as community centers.

教堂通常是镇上最大的建筑，也是社区中心。

Access to pulpits and growing congregations provided a foundation for ministers’ political leadership.

进入讲坛和不断壮大的会众为部长们的政治领导奠定了基础。

Groups like the Union League, militias, and fraternal organizations all used the regalia, ritual, and even hymns of churches to inform and shape their practice.

像联邦联盟、民兵和兄弟组织这样的团体都使用教堂的标志、仪式甚至赞美诗来指导和塑造他们的实践。

Black churches provided space for conflict over gender roles, cultural values, practices, norms, and political engagement.

黑人教会为性别角色、文化价值观、习俗、规范和政治参与方面的冲突提供了空间。

With the rise of Jim Crow, Black churches would enter a new phase of negotiating relationships within the community and the wider world.

随着吉姆·克劳的兴起，黑人教会将进入社区和更广泛世界内谈判关系的新阶段。

Susan B.

苏珊·B.

Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton maintained a strong and productive relationship for nearly half a century as they sought to secure political rights for women.

安东尼·卡迪·斯坦顿和伊丽莎白·卡迪·斯坦顿在寻求确保妇女政治权利的过程中，维持了近半个世纪的牢固而富有成效的关系。

While the fight for women’s rights stalled during the war, it sprung back to life as Anthony, Stanton, and others formed the American Equal Rights Association.

虽然争取妇女权利的斗争在战争期间陷入停滞，但随着安东尼、斯坦顿和其他人组建美国平等权利协会，妇女权利的斗争又重新焕发活力。

[Elizabeth Cady Stanton, seated, and Susan B.

[伊丽莎白·卡迪·斯坦顿（Elizabeth Cady Stanton），坐着，苏珊·B.

Anthony, standing, three-quarter length portrait] , between 1880 and 1902.

安东尼，站立，四分之三长肖像]，1880 年至 1902 年间。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

The AERA was split over whether Black male suffrage should take precedence over universal suffrage, given the political climate of the South.

鉴于南方的政治气候，AERA 对于黑人男性选举权是否应优先于普选权存在分歧。

Some worried that political support for freedmen would be undermined by the pursuit of women’s suffrage.

一些人担心对自由人的政治支持会因追求妇女选举权而受到削弱。

For example, AERA member Frederick Douglass insisted that the ballot was literally a “question of life and death” for southern Black men, but not for women.

例如，AERA 成员弗雷德里克·道格拉斯 (Frederick Douglass) 坚称，这次投票对于南方黑人男性来说实际上是一个“生死问题”，但对于女性而言则不然。

23 Some African American women challenged white suffragists in other ways.

23 一些非裔美国妇女以其他方式挑战白人妇女参政论者。

Frances Harper, for example, a freeborn Black woman living in Ohio, urged them to consider their own privilege as white and middle class.

例如，居住在俄亥俄州的弗朗西斯·哈珀（Frances Harper）是一位出生自由的黑人女性，她敦促他们考虑自己作为白人和中产阶级的特权。

Universal suffrage, she argued, would not so clearly address the complex difficulties posed by racial, economic, and gender inequality.

她认为，普选并不能明确解决种族、经济和性别不平等带来的复杂困难。

24

24

Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the great women’s rights and abolition activist, was one of the strongest forces in the universal suffrage movement.

伟大的女权和废奴活动家伊丽莎白·卡迪·斯坦顿是普选运动中最强大的力量之一。

Her name can be seen at the top of this petition to extend suffrage to all regardless of sex, which was present to Congress on January 29, 1866.

她的名字出现在这份要求所有人不分性别享有选举权的请愿书的顶部，该请愿书于 1866 年 1 月 29 日提交给国会。

It did not pass, and women would not gain the vote for more than half a century after Stanton and others signed this petition.

但它没有通过，在斯坦顿和其他人签署这份请愿书后的半个多世纪里，女性无法获得投票权。

Petition of E.

E的请愿书

Cady Stanton, Susan B.

卡迪·斯坦顿，苏珊·B.

Anthony, Lucy Stone, Antoinette Brown Blackwell, and Others Asking for an Amendment of the Constitution that Shall Prohibit the Several States from Disfranchising Any of Their Citizens on the Ground of Sex , 1865.

安东尼、露西·斯通、安托瓦内特·布朗·布莱克威尔等人要求修改宪法，禁止各州以性别为由剥夺任何公民的公民权，1865 年。

National Archives and Records Administration .

国家档案和记录管理局。

These divisions came to a head early in 1867, as the AERA organized a campaign in Kansas to determine the fate of Black and woman suffrage.

1867 年初，当 AERA 在堪萨斯州组织了一场决定黑人和妇女选举权命运的运动时，这些分歧达到了顶峰。

Elizabeth Cady Stanton and her partner in the movement, Susan B.

伊丽莎白·卡迪·斯坦顿和她的运动伙伴苏珊·B.

Anthony, made the journey to advocate universal suffrage.

安东尼，踏上倡导普选之旅。

Yet they soon realized that their allies were distancing themselves from women’s suffrage in order to advance Black enfranchisement.

然而，他们很快意识到，他们的盟友正在远离女性选举权，以促进黑人的选举权。

Disheartened, Stanton and Anthony allied instead with white supremacists who supported women’s equality.

斯坦顿和安东尼感到沮丧，转而与支持妇女平等的白人至上主义者结盟。

Many fellow activists were dismayed by Stanton’s and Anthony’s willingness to appeal to racism to advance their cause.

许多活动人士对斯坦顿和安东尼愿意诉诸种族主义来推进他们的事业感到沮丧。

25

25

These tensions finally erupted over conflicting views of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments.

这些紧张局势最终因第十四修正案和第十五修正案的相互冲突的观点而爆发。

Women’s rights leaders vigorously protested the Fourteenth Amendment.

女权领袖强烈抗议第十四修正案。

Although it established national citizenship for all persons born or naturalized in the United States, the amendment also introduced the word male into the Constitution for the first time.

尽管该修正案为所有在美国出生或入籍的人确立了公民身份，但该修正案还首次将男性一词引入宪法。

After the Fifteenth Amendment ignored sex as an unlawful barrier to suffrage, an omission that appalled Stanton, the AERA officially dissolved.

第十五修正案忽视性别作为选举权的非法障碍，这一遗漏令斯坦顿感到震惊，之后，AERA 正式解散。

Stanton and Anthony formed the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA), while suffragists who supported the Fifteenth Amendment, regardless of its limitations, founded the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA).

斯坦顿和安东尼成立了全国妇女选举权协会（NWSA），而支持第十五修正案的妇女选举权主义者（不顾其局限性）成立了美国妇女选举权协会（AWSA）。

The NWSA soon rallied around a new strategy: the New Departure.

NWSA 很快就制定了一项新战略：“新出发”。

This new approach interpreted the Constitution as already guaranteeing women the right to vote.

这种新方法将宪法解释为已经保障妇女的投票权。

They argued that by nationalizing citizenship for all people and protecting all rights of citizens—including the right to vote—the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments guaranteed women’s suffrage.

他们认为，通过将所有人的公民身份国有化并保护公民的所有权利（包括投票权），第十四和第十五修正案保证了妇女的选举权。

Broadcasting the New Departure, the NWSA encouraged women to register to vote, which roughly seven hundred did between 1868 and 1872.

NWSA 通过广播《新出发》鼓励妇女登记投票，1868 年至 1872 年间约有 700 名妇女登记投票。

Susan B.

苏珊·B.

Anthony was one of them and was arrested but then acquitted in trial.

安东尼就是其中之一，被捕但随后在审判中被无罪释放。

In 1875, the Supreme Court addressed this constitutional argument: acknowledging women’s citizenship but arguing that suffrage was not a right guaranteed to all citizens.

1875 年，最高法院讨论了这一宪法论点：承认妇女的公民身份，但认为选举权并不是保障所有公民的权利。

This ruling not only defeated the New Departure but also coincided with the Court’s broader reactionary interpretation of the Reconstruction amendments that significantly limited freedmen’s rights.

这一裁决不仅击败了《新出发》，而且与法院对重建修正案的更广泛的反动解释相吻合，该解释极大地限制了自由民的权利。

Following this defeat, many suffragists like Stanton increasingly replaced the ideal of universal suffrage with arguments about the virtue that white women would bring to the polls.

这次失败之后，许多像斯坦顿这样的妇女参政论者越来越多地用关于白人妇女在投票中带来的美德的论点取代了普选权的理想。

These new arguments often hinged on racism and declared the necessity of white women voters to keep Black men in check.

这些新论点往往与种族主义有关，并宣称白人女性选民有必要控制黑人男性。

26

26

Advocates for women’s suffrage were largely confined to the North, but southern women were experiencing social transformations as well.

妇女选举权的倡导者主要局限于北方，但南方妇女也正在经历社会变革。

The lines between refined white womanhood and degraded enslaved Black femaleness were no longer so clearly defined.

精致的白人女性与堕落的被奴役的黑人女性之间的界限不再那么清晰。

Moreover, during the war, southern white women had been called on to do traditional men’s work, chopping wood and managing businesses.

此外，在战争期间，南方白人妇女被要求从事传统的男性工作，砍柴和管理生意。

While white southern women decided whether and how to return to their prior status, African American women embraced new freedoms and a redefinition of womanhood.

当南方白人妇女决定是否以及如何恢复她们以前的地位时，非裔美国妇女则拥抱新的自由和对女性的重新定义。

The Fifteenth Amendment prohibited discrimination in voting rights on the basis of race, color, or previous status (i.e. slavery).

第十五修正案禁止基于种族、肤色或先前身份（即奴隶制）的投票权歧视。

While the amendment was not all-encompassing in that women were not included, it was an extremely significant ruling in affirming the liberties of African American men.

虽然该修正案并不包罗万象，因为妇女没有被包括在内，但它在肯定非裔美国男性的自由方面是一项极为重要的裁决。

This print depicts a huge parade held in Baltimore, Maryland, on May 19, 1870, surrounded by portraits of abolitionists and scenes of African Americans exercising their rights.

这幅版画描绘了 1870 年 5 月 19 日在马里兰州巴尔的摩举行的大型游行，周围是废奴主义者的肖像和非裔美国人行使权利的场景。

Thomas Kelly after James C.

詹姆斯·C·托马斯·凯利 (Thomas Kelly)

Beard, The 15th Amendment.

比尔德，第十五修正案。

Celebrated May 19th 1870, 1870.

庆祝 1870 年 5 月 19 日，1870 年。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

The Civil War showed white women, especially upper-class women, life without their husbands’ protection.

内战向白人女性，尤其是上层阶级女性展示了没有丈夫保护的生活。

Many did not like what they saw, especially given the possibility of racial equality.

许多人不喜欢他们所看到的，特别是考虑到种族平等的可能性。

Formerly wealthy women hoped to maintain their social status by rebuilding the prewar social hierarchy.

以前富有的女性希望通过重建战前的社会等级制度来维持自己的社会地位。

Through Ladies’ Memorial Associations and other civic groups, southern women led the efforts to bury and memorialize the dead, praising and bolstering their men’s masculinity through nationalist speeches and memorials.

通过妇女纪念协会和其他民间团体，南方妇女带头埋葬和纪念死者，通过民族主义演讲和纪念活动赞扬和增强男性的男子气概。

Ladies’ Memorial Associations (LMAs) grew out of the Soldiers’ Aid Society and became the precursor and custodian of the Lost Cause narrative.

妇女纪念协会 (LMA) 的前身是士兵援助协会，并成为“失败事业”叙事的先驱和守护者。

Proponents of the Lost Cause tried to rewrite the history of the antebellum South to deemphasize the brutality of slavery.

“失败事业”的支持者试图改写南北战争前南方的历史，以淡化奴隶制的残酷性。

They also created the myth that the Civil War was fought over states’ rights instead of slavery, which was the actual cause.

他们还创造了这样一个神话：内战是为了各州的权利而不是奴隶制而战，而奴隶制才是内战的真正原因。

LMAs and their ceremonies created new holidays during which white southerners could reaffirm their allegiance to the Confederacy and express their opposition to Black rights.

LMA 及其仪式创造了新的节日，南方白人可以在节日期间重申他们对南部邦联的效忠，并表达他们对黑人权利的反对。

For instance, some LMAs celebrated the anniversary of Stonewall Jackson’s death on May 10.

例如，一些 LMA 于 5 月 10 日庆祝了斯通沃尔·杰克逊的逝世周年纪念日。

27 Through these activities, southern women took on political roles in the South.

27 通过这些活动，南方妇女在南方发挥了政治作用。

Southern Black women also sought to redefine their public and private lives.

南方黑人妇女还寻求重新定义她们的公共和私人生活。

Their efforts to control their labor met the immediate opposition of southern white women.

她们控制劳动力的努力遭到了南方白人妇女的直接反对。

Gertrude Clanton, a plantation mistress before the war, disliked cooking and washing dishes, so she hired an African American woman to do the washing.

格特鲁德·克兰顿（Gertrude Clanton）是战前种植园的女主人，她不喜欢做饭和洗碗，所以她雇了一位非裔美国妇女来洗碗。

A misunderstanding quickly developed.

误会很快就产生了。

The laundress, nameless in Gertrude’s records, performed her job and returned home.

格特鲁德的记录中没有提到这位洗衣女工的名字，她完成了工作并回家了。

Gertrude believed that her money had purchased a day’s labor, not just the load of washing, and she became quite frustrated.

格特鲁德认为她的钱买的是一天的劳动，而不仅仅是洗衣服的负担，她变得非常沮丧。

Meanwhile, this washerwoman and others like her set wages and hours for themselves, and in many cases began to take washing into their own homes in order to avoid the surveillance of white women and the sexual threat posed by white men.

与此同时，这名洗衣妇和其他像她一样的人为自己设定了工资和工作时间，并且在许多情况下开始把洗衣带进自己的家中，以避免白人女性的监视和白人男性的性威胁。

28

28

Similar conflicts raged across the South.

类似的冲突在南方肆虐。

White southerners demanded that African American women work in the plantation home and instituted apprenticeship systems to place African American children in unpaid labor positions.

南方白人要求非裔美国妇女在种植园工作，并建立学徒制度，将非裔美国儿童置于无薪劳动岗位。

African American women combated these attempts by refusing to work at jobs without fair pay or fair conditions and by clinging tightly to their children.

非裔美国妇女通过拒绝从事没有公平报酬或公平条件的工作以及紧紧抓住自己的孩子来对抗这些尝试。

Like white LMA members, African American women formed clubs to bury their dead, to celebrate African American masculinity, and to provide aid to their communities.

与白人 LMA 成员一样，非裔美国妇女也成立了俱乐部来埋葬死者，庆祝非裔美国人的男子气概，并为她们的社区提供援助。

On May 1, 1865, African Americans in Charleston created the precursor to the modern Memorial Day by mourning the Union dead buried hastily on a race track turned prison.

1865 年 5 月 1 日，查尔斯顿的非裔美国人哀悼被匆匆埋葬在跑道改建的监狱中的联邦阵亡者，从而开创了现代阵亡将士纪念日的前身。

29 Like their white counterparts, the three hundred African American women who participated had been members of the local Patriotic Association, which aided freedpeople during the war.

29 与白人同行一样，参与的三百名非裔美国妇女都是当地爱国协会的成员，该协会在战争期间为自由人民提供援助。

African American women continued participating in federal Decoration Day ceremonies and, later, formed their own club organizations.

非裔美国妇女继续参加联邦装饰日仪式，后来又成立了自己的俱乐部组织。

Racial violence, whether city riots or rural vigilantes, continued to threaten these vulnerable households.

种族暴力，无论是城市骚乱还是农村治安维持者，继续威胁着这些弱势家庭。

Nevertheless, the formation and preservation of African American households became a paramount goal for African American women.

然而，组建和维护非裔美国家庭成为非裔美国妇女的首要目标。

For all of their differences, white and Black southern women faced a similar challenge during Reconstruction.

尽管存在种种差异，南方白人和黑人妇女在重建期间也面临着类似的挑战。

Southern women celebrated the return of their brothers, husbands, and sons, but couples separated for many years struggled to adjust.

南方妇女庆祝她们的兄弟、丈夫和儿子的回归，但分居多年的夫妇却难以适应。

To make matters worse, many of these former soldiers returned with physical or mental wounds.

更糟糕的是，许多前士兵带着身体或精神上的创伤返回。

For white families, suicide and divorce became more acceptable, while the opposite occurred for Black families.

对于白人家庭来说，自杀和离婚变得更容易被接受，而黑人家庭则相反。

Since the entire South suffered from economic devastation, many families were impoverished and sank into debt.

由于整个南方经济遭受重创，许多家庭陷入贫困并负债累累。

All southern women faced economic devastation, lasting wartime trauma, and enduring racial tensions.

所有南方妇女都面临着经济破坏、持久的战时创伤和持久的种族紧张局势。

Violence shattered the dream of biracial democracy.

暴力粉碎了双种族民主的梦想。

Still steeped in the violence of slavery, white southerners could scarcely imagine Black free labor.

南方白人仍然沉浸在奴隶制的暴力之中，几乎无法想象黑人的自由劳动。

Congressional investigator Carl Schurz reported that in the summer of 1865, southerners shared a near unanimous sentiment that “You cannot make the negro work, without physical compulsion.” 30 Violence had been used in the antebellum period to enforce slave labor and to define racial difference.

国会调查员卡尔·舒尔茨 (Carl Schurz) 报告称，1865 年夏天，南方人几乎一致认为“如果没有身体上的强迫，你无法让黑人工作。” 30 内战前时期曾使用暴力来强制奴役并界定种族差异。

In the post-emancipation period it was used to stifle Black advancement and return to the old order.

在解放后时期，它被用来扼杀黑人的进步并返回旧秩序。

Much of life in the antebellum South had been premised on slavery.

南北战争前南方的大部分生活都是以奴隶制为前提的。

The social order rested on a subjugated underclass, and the labor system required unfree laborers.

社会秩序建立在被征服的下层阶级的基础上，而劳动制度需要不自由的劳动者。

A notion of white supremacy and Black inferiority undergirded it all.

白人至上和黑人自卑的观念支撑着这一切。

White people were understood as fit for freedom and citizenship, Black people for chattel slave labor.

白人被认为适合自由和公民身份，黑人适合动产奴隶劳动。

The Confederate surrender at Appomattox Court House and the subsequent adoption by the U.S. Congress of the Thirteenth Amendment destroyed the institution of American slavery and threw southern society into disarray.

南部邦联在阿波马托克斯法院投降以及随后美国国会通过的第十三修正案摧毁了美国奴隶制，并使南方社会陷入混乱。

The foundation of southern society had been shaken, but southern whites used Black Codes and racial terrorism to reassert control over formerly enslaved people.

南方社会的基础已经动摇，但南方白人利用黑人法典和种族恐怖主义重新控制了以前被奴役的人民。

The Ku Klux Klan was just one of a number of vigilante groups that arose after the war to terrorize African Americans and Republicans throughout the South.

三K党只是战后兴起的众多自卫团体之一，旨在恐吓整个南方的非裔美国人和共和党人。

The KKK brought violence into the voting polls, the workplace, and — as seen in this Harper’s Weekly print — the homes of Black Americans.

三K党将暴力带入投票站、工作场所，以及——正如《哈珀周刊》杂志所见——美国黑人的家中。

Frank Bellew, Visit of the Ku-Klux,”1872.

弗兰克·贝卢，《三K党来访》，1872 年。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

Racial violence in the Reconstruction period took three major forms: riots against Black political authority, interpersonal fights, and organized vigilante groups.

重建时期的种族暴力主要表现为三种形式：针对黑人政治权威的骚乱、人际斗争和有组织的治安维持团体。

There were riots in southern cities several times during Reconstruction.

重建期间，南方城市多次发生骚乱。

The most notable were the riots in Memphis and New Orleans in 1866, but other large-scale urban conflicts erupted in places including Laurens, South Carolina, in 1870; Colfax, Louisiana, in 1873; another in New Orleans in 1874; Yazoo City, Mississippi, in 1875; and Hamburg, South Carolina, in 1876.

最引人注目的是 1866 年孟菲斯和新奥尔良的骚乱，但 1870 年南卡罗来纳州劳伦斯等地也爆发了其他大规模城市冲突；路易斯安那州科尔法克斯，1873 年；另一次于 1874 年在新奥尔良举行；密西西比州亚祖市，1875 年； 1876 年，南卡罗来纳州汉堡。

Southern cities grew rapidly after the war as migrants from the countryside—particularly freed people—flocked to urban centers.

战后，随着农村移民（尤其是自由民）涌入城市中心，南方城市迅速发展。

Cities became centers of Republican control.

城市成为共和党的控制中心。

But white conservatives chafed at the influx of Black residents and the establishment of biracial politics.

但白人保守派对黑人居民的涌入和混血政治的建立感到愤怒。

In nearly every conflict, white conservatives initiated violence in reaction to Republican rallies or conventions or elections in which Black men were to vote.

几乎在每一次冲突中，白人保守派都会发起暴力，以应对共和党集会、大会或黑人投票的选举。

The death tolls of these conflicts remain incalculable, and victims were overwhelmingly Black.

这些冲突的死亡人数仍然无法估量，受害者绝大多数是黑人。

Even everyday violence between individuals disproportionally targeted African Americans during Reconstruction.

在重建期间，即使是个人之间的日常暴力也不成比例地针对非裔美国人。

African Americans gained citizenship rights like the ability to serve on juries as a result of the Civil Rights Act of 1866 and the Fourteenth Amendment.

由于 1866 年《民权法案》和第十四修正案的颁布，非裔美国人获得了公民权利，例如担任陪审员的能力。

But southern white men were almost never prosecuted for violence against Black victims.

但南方白人几乎从未因对黑人受害者施暴而受到起诉。

White men beat or shot Black men with relative impunity, and did so over minor squabbles, labor disputes, long-standing grudges, and crimes of passion.

白人殴打或枪杀黑人相对不受惩罚，而且是因为轻微的争吵、劳资纠纷、长期积怨和激情犯罪而这样做。

These incidents sometimes were reported to local federal authorities like the army or the Freedmen’s Bureau, but more often than not such violence was unreported and unprosecuted.

这些事件有时会报告给当地联邦当局，如军队或自由民局，但此类暴力行为往往没有被报告和起诉。

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31

The violence committed by organized vigilante groups, sometimes called nightriders or bushwhackers, was more often premeditated.

有组织的治安维持者团体（有时被称为夜骑者或丛林袭击者）所犯下的暴力行为往往是有预谋的。

Groups of nightriders operated under cover of darkness and wore disguises to curtail Black political involvement.

一群群夜骑者在黑暗的掩护下行动，并乔装打扮以减少黑人的政治参与。

Nightriders harassed and killed Black candidates and officeholders and frightened voters away from the polls.

夜骑者骚扰和杀害黑人候选人和公职人员，并吓跑选民远离投票站。

They also aimed to limit Black economic mobility by terrorizing freedpeople who tried to purchase land or otherwise become too independent from the white enslavers they used to rely on.

他们还旨在通过恐吓试图购买土地或以其他方式变得过于独立于他们过去依赖的白人奴隶制的自由人来限制黑人的经济流动性。

They were terrorists and vigilantes, determined to stop the erosion of the antebellum South, and they were widespread and numerous, operating throughout the South.

他们是恐怖分子和义务警员，决心阻止内战前南方的侵蚀，他们分布广泛，人数众多，在整个南方活动。

The Ku Klux Klan emerged in the late 1860s as the most infamous of these groups.

三K党于 1860 年代末出现，是这些组织中最臭名昭著的一个。

The Ku Klux Klan (KKK) was organized in 1866 in Pulaski, Tennessee, and had spread to nearly every state of the former Confederacy by 1868.

三K党 (KKK) 于 1866 年在田纳西州普拉斯基成立，到 1868 年几乎蔓延到前联邦的每个州。

The Klan drew heavily from the antebellum southern elite, but Klan groups sometimes overlapped with criminal gangs or former Confederate guerrilla groups.

三K党大量吸收了战前南方精英，但三K党团体有时与犯罪团伙或前南部邦联游击队团体重叠。

The Klan’s reputation became so potent, and its violence so widespread, that many groups not formally associated with it were called Ku Kluxers, and to “Ku Klux” meant to commit vigilante violence.

三K党的名声变得如此强大，其暴力行为如此普遍，以至于许多没有正式与其有联系的团体被称为三K党，而“Ku Klux”意味着实施私刑暴力。

While it is difficult to differentiate Klan actions from those of similar groups, such as the White Line, the Knights of the White Camellia, and the White Brotherhood, the distinctions hardly matter.

虽然很难将三K党的行为与白线、白茶花骑士团和白色兄弟会等类似团体的行为区分开来，但这些区别并不重要。

All such groups were part of a web of terror that spread throughout the South during Reconstruction.

所有这些团体都是重建期间遍布整个南方的恐怖网络的一部分。

In Panola County, Mississippi, between August 1870 and December 1872, twenty-four Klan-style murders occurred.

1870 年 8 月至 1872 年 12 月期间，密西西比州帕诺拉县发生了 24 起三K党式谋杀案。

And nearby, in Lafayette County, Klansmen drowned thirty Black Mississippians in a single mass murder.

在附近的拉斐特县，三K党成员在一次大规模谋杀中淹死了三十名密西西比黑人。

Sometimes the violence was aimed at Black men or women who had tried to buy land or dared to be insolent toward a white southerner.

有时，暴力针对的是试图购买土地或敢于对南方白人无礼的黑人男女。

Other times, as with the beating of Republican sheriff and tax collector Allen Huggins, the Klan targeted white politicians who supported freedpeople’s civil rights.

其他时候，就像殴打共和党警长兼税务员艾伦·哈金斯一样，三K党将目标瞄准了支持自由民公民权利的白人政客。

Numerous Republican politicians, perhaps dozens, were killed, either while in office or while campaigning.

许多共和党政客（也许有数十人）在任职或竞选期间被杀。

Thousands of individual citizens, men and women, white and Black, had their homes raided and were whipped, raped, or murdered.

成千上万的公民，无论男女，白人还是黑人，他们的家园遭到袭击，遭到鞭打、强奸或谋杀。

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The federal government responded to southern paramilitary tactics by passing the Enforcement Acts between 1870 and 1871.

联邦政府在 1870 年至 1871 年间通过了《执法法案》，以应对南方准军事组织的策略。

The acts made it criminal to deprive African Americans of their civil rights.

这些行为将剥夺非裔美国人的公民权利定为犯罪行为。

The acts also deemed violent Klan behavior as acts of rebellion against the United States and allowed for the use of U.S. troops to protect freedpeople.

这些法案还将三K党的暴力行为视为对美国的叛乱行为，并允许使用美国军队来保护自由人民。

For a time, the federal government, its courts, and its troops, sought to put an end to the KKK and related groups.

联邦政府、法院和军队一度试图消灭三K党和相关团体。

But the violence continued.

但暴力仍在继续。

By 1876, as southern Democrats reestablished “home rule” and “redeemed” the South from Republicans, federal opposition to the KKK weakened.

到 1876 年，随着南方民主党重新建立“地方自治”并从共和党手中“救赎”南方，联邦政府对三K党的反对力量减弱。

National attention shifted away from the South and the activities of the Klan, but African Americans remained trapped in a world of white supremacy that restricted their economic, social, and political rights.

全国注意力从南方和三K党的活动上转移开，但非裔美国人仍然陷入白人至上的世界，限制了他们的经济、社会和政治权利。

The federal government created the Freedmen’s Bureau to assist freed people in securing their rights and their livelihoods.

联邦政府设立了自由民局来协助自由民保障他们的权利和生计。

In this Harper’s Weekly print, The Freedmen’s Bureau official protecting the Black men and women from the angry and riotous mob of white Americans stood as a representation of the entire Bureau.

在这份《哈泼斯周刊》的印刷品中，保护黑人男女免受美国白人愤怒和暴乱暴徒侵害的自由民局官员代表了整个局。

Soon the Bureau and the federal government would recognize that they could not accomplish a fraction of what they set out to do, including keeping African Americans safe and free in the South.

很快，该局和联邦政府就会认识到，他们无法完成他们计划中的一小部分，包括确保非洲裔美国人在南方的安全和自由。

Alfred R.

阿尔弗雷德·R。

Waud, The Freedmen’s Bureau, 1868.

沃德，《自由民局》，1868 年。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

White conservatives would assert that Republicans, in denouncing violence, were “waving a bloody shirt” for political opportunity.

白人保守派会断言，共和党人在谴责暴力时，是在“挥舞着一件血淋淋的衬衫”以获得政治机会。

The violence, according to many white conservatives, was fabricated, or not as bad as it was claimed, or an unavoidable consequence of the enfranchisement of African Americans.

许多白人保守派人士认为，这些暴力事件是捏造的，或者没有声称的那么严重，或者是非裔美国人获得选举权不可避免的后果。

On December 22, 1871, R.

1871 年 12 月 22 日，R.

Latham of Yorkville, South Carolina, wrote to the New York Tribune , voicing the beliefs of many white southerners as he declared that “the same principle that prompted the white men at Boston, disguised as Indians, to board, during the darkness of night, a vessel with tea, and throw her cargo into the Bay, clothed some of our people in Ku Klux gowns, and sent them out on missions technically illegal.

南卡罗来纳州约克维尔的莱瑟姆写信给《纽约论坛报》，表达了许多南方白人的信仰，他宣称“同样的原则促使波士顿的白人伪装成印第安人，在漆黑的夜晚登上一艘载有茶叶的船只，将其货物扔进海湾，让我们的一些人穿上三K党的长袍，并派他们去执行技术上非法的任务。

Did the Ku Klux do wrong?

三K党做错了吗？

You are ready to say they did and we will not argue the point with you.

您准备好说他们做到了，我们不会与您争论这一点。

.

。

.

。

.

。

Under the peculiar circumstances what could the people of South Carolina do but resort to Ku Kluxing?” 33

在这种特殊情况下，南卡罗来纳州人民除了求助于库克鲁兴还能做什么呢？” 33

Victims and witnesses to the violence told a different story.

暴力事件的受害者和目击者讲述了不同的故事。

Sallie Adkins of Warren County, Georgia, was traveling with her husband, Joseph, a Georgia state senator, when he was assassinated by Klansmen on May 10, 1869.

1869 年 5 月 10 日，佐治亚州沃伦县的萨莉·阿德金斯 (Sallie Adkins) 与佐治亚州参议员丈夫约瑟夫 (Joseph) 一起旅行，约瑟夫被三K党成员暗杀。

She wrote President Ulysses S.

她写信给尤利西斯·S·总统。

Grant, asking for both physical protection and justice.

格兰特，要求人身保护和正义。

“I am no Statesman,” she disclaimed; “I am only a poor woman whose husband has been murdered for his devotion to his country.

“我不是政治家，”她否认道。 “我只是一个可怜的女人，她的丈夫因对国家的奉献而被谋杀。

I may have very foolish ideas of Government, States & Constitutions.

我可能对政府、州和宪法有非常愚蠢的想法。

But I feel that I have claims upon my country.

但我觉得我对我的国家有要求。

The Rebels imprisoned my Husband.

叛军监禁了我的丈夫。

Pardoned Rebels murdered him.

被赦免的叛军谋杀了他。

There is no law for the punishment of them who do deeds of this sort.

没有法律对做出此类行为的人进行惩罚。

.

。

.

。

.

。

I demand that you, President Grant, keep the pledge you made the nation—make it safe for any man to utter boldly and openly his devotion to the United States.” 34

我要求你，格兰特总统，信守你对国家做出的承诺——让任何人都能安全地大胆、公开地表达他对美国的忠诚。” 34

The political and social consequences of the violence were as lasting as the physical and mental trauma suffered by victims and witnesses.

暴力的政治和社会后果与受害者和证人遭受的身心创伤一样持久。

Terrorism worked to end federal involvement in Reconstruction and helped to usher in a new era of racial repression.

恐怖主义努力结束联邦政府对重建的参与，并帮助开创了种族镇压的新时代。

African Americans actively sought ways to shed the vestiges of slavery.

非裔美国人积极寻求摆脱奴隶制残余的方法。

Many discarded the names their former enslavers had chosen for them and adopted new names like “Freeman” and “Lincoln” that affirmed their new identities as free citizens.

许多人放弃了以前的奴隶为他们选择的名字，并采用了“自由人”和“林肯”等新名字，以确认他们作为自由公民的新身份。

Others resettled far from their former plantations, hoping to eventually farm their own land or run their own businesses.

其他人则在远离以前种植园的地方定居，希望最终能够耕种自己的土地或经营自己的企业。

By the end of Reconstruction, the desire for self-definition, economic independence, and racial pride coalesced in the founding of dozens of Black towns across the South.

到重建结束时，对自我定义、经济独立和种族自豪感的渴望融合在一起，在南方建立了数十个黑人城镇。

Perhaps the most well-known of these towns was Mound Bayou, Mississippi, a Delta town established in 1887 by Isaiah Montgomery and Ben Green, formerly enslaved by Joseph and Jefferson Davis.

这些城镇中最著名的或许是密西西比州的芒德河口 (Mound Bayou)，这是一个三角洲城镇，由以赛亚·蒙哥马利 (Isaiah Montgomery) 和本·格林 (Ben Green) 于 1887 年建立，本·格林曾被约瑟夫·戴维斯 (Joseph Davis) 和杰斐逊·戴维斯 (Jefferson Davis) 奴役。

Residents of the town took pride in the fact that African Americans owned all of the property in town, including banks, insurance companies, shops, and the surrounding farms.

该镇的居民为非裔美国人拥有镇上的所有财产而感到自豪，包括银行、保险公司、商店和周围的农场。

The town celebrated African American cultural and economic achievements during their annual festival, Mound Bayou Days.

该镇在一年一度的节日“芒德河口日”期间庆祝非裔美国人的文化和经济成就。

These tight-knit communities provided African Americans with spaces where they could live free from the indignities of segregation and the exploitation of sharecropping on white-owned plantations.

这些紧密结合的社区为非裔美国人提供了生活空间，使他们能够免受种族隔离和白人种植园佃农剥削的侮辱。

35

35

George N.

乔治·N.

Barnard, City of Atlanta, Ga., no. 1, c.

巴纳德，佐治亚州亚特兰大市，No. 1、c.

1866.

1866.

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

The Civil War destroyed and then transformed the American economy.

内战摧毁并改变了美国经济。

In 1859 and 1860, wealthy southern planters were flush after producing record cotton crops.

1859 年和 1860 年，富裕的南方种植园主在生产了创纪录的棉花产量后发财致富。

Southern prosperity relied on over four million enslaved African American to grow cotton, along with a number of other staple crops across the region.

南方的繁荣依赖于超过四百万被奴役的非裔美国人种植棉花以及该地区的许多其他主要作物。

Cotton fed the textile mills of America and Europe and brought great wealth to the region.

棉花为美国和欧洲的纺织厂提供了原料，并为该地区带来了巨大的财富。

On the eve of war, the American South enjoyed more per capita wealth than any other slave economy in the New World.

战争前夕，美国南方的人均财富比新世界任何其他奴隶经济体都多。

To their enslavers, these people constituted their most valuable assets, worth roughly $3 billion.

对于他们的奴隶主来说，这些人构成了他们最有价值的资产，价值大约 30 亿美元。

36 Yet this wealth obscured the gains in infrastructure, industrial production, and financial markets that occurred north of the Mason-Dixon Line, a fact that the war would unmask for all to see.

36 然而，这些财富掩盖了梅森-迪克森线以北的基础设施、工业生产和金融市场的收益，这一事实将在战争中被揭露出来，让所有人都看到。

In contrast to the slave South, northerners praised their region as a land of free labor, populated by farmers, merchants, and wage laborers.

与奴隶制的南方相比，北方人称赞他们的地区是自由劳动力的土地，居住着农民、商人和雇佣工人。

It was also home to a robust market economy.

它也是强劲市场经济的发源地。

By 1860, northerners could buy clothing made in a New England factory, or light their homes with kerosene oil from Pennsylvania.

到 1860 年，北方人可以购买新英格兰工厂生产的衣服，或者用宾夕法尼亚州的煤油来照明。

The Midwest produced seas of grain that fed the country, with enough left over for export to Europe.

中西部出产的粮海足以养活整个国家，剩下的粮食足以出口到欧洲。

Farther west, mining and agriculture were the mainstays of life.

再往西，采矿和农业是生活的支柱。

Along with the textile mills, shoe factories, and iron foundries, the firms that produced McCormick’s wheat harvesters and Colt’s firearms displayed the technical advances of northern manufacturers.

除了纺织厂、鞋厂和铸铁厂之外，生产麦考密克小麦收割机和柯尔特枪支的公司也展示了北方制造商的技术进步。

Their goods crisscrossed the country on the North’s growing railroad network.

他们的货物通过北方不断发展的铁路网络纵横全国。

An extensive network of banks and financial markets helped aggregate capital that could be reinvested into further growth.

广泛的银行和金融市场网络有助于聚集资本，这些资本可以再投资于进一步的增长。

The Civil War, like all wars, interrupted the rhythms of commercial life by destroying lives and property.

与所有战争一样，内战破坏了生命和财产，打乱了商业生活的节奏。

This was especially true in the South.

在南方尤其如此。

From 1861 onward, the Confederate government struggled to find the guns, food, and supplies needed to field an army.

从 1861 年起，南部邦联政府一直在努力寻找军队所需的枪支、食物和补给。

Southerners did make astonishing gains in industrial production during this time, but it was never enough.

在此期间，南方人的工业生产确实取得了惊人的进步，但这还不够。

The Union’s blockade of the Atlantic prevented the Confederacy from financing the war with cotton sales to Europe.

联盟对大西洋的封锁阻止了南部邦联通过向欧洲销售棉花来为战争提供资金。

To pay their troops and keep the economy alive, the Confederate Congress turned to printing paper money that quickly sank in value and led to rapid inflation.

为了支付军队费用并保持经济活力，南方邦联国会转而印刷纸币，纸币的价值迅速贬值并导致快速通货膨胀。

In many cases, Confederate officials dispensed with taxes paid in cash and simply impressed the food and materials needed from their citizens.

在许多情况下，南部邦联官员免除了以现金支付的税款，而只是向公民提供了所需的食物和材料。

Perhaps most striking of all, in the vast agricultural wealth of the South, many southerners struggled to find enough to eat.

也许最引人注目的是，在南方巨大的农业财富中，许多南方人都在努力寻找足够的食物。

The war also pushed the U.S. government to take unprecedented steps.

战争也促使美国政府采取前所未有的措施。

Congress raised tariffs and passed the first national income tax in 1862.

国会提高关税并于 1862 年通过了第一个国民所得税。

In late 1861, Congress created the nation’s first fiat currency, called greenbacks .

1861 年底，国会创造了美国第一种法定货币，称为美元。

At first, the expansion of the currency and the rapid rise in government spending created an uptick in business in 1862–1863.

起初，货币扩张和政府支出迅速增加导致 1862 年至 1863 年商业增长。

As the war dragged on, inflation also hit the North.

随着战争的拖延，通货膨胀也袭击了北方。

Workers demanded higher wages to pay rents and buy necessities, while the business community groaned under their growing tax burden.

工人们要求更高的工资来支付租金和购买必需品，而商界则在日益增加的税收负担下呻吟。

The United States, however, never embarked on a policy of impressment for food and supplies.

然而，美国从未采取征集粮食和物资的政策。

The factories and farms of the North successfully supplied Union troops, while the federal government, with some adjustments, found the means to pay for war.

北方的工厂和农场成功地为联邦军队提供了物资，而联邦政府经过一些调整，找到了支付战争费用的手段。

None of this is to suggest that the North’s superior ability to supply its war machine made the outcome of the war inevitable.

所有这些并不意味着朝鲜为其战争机器提供卓越的供应能力使战争的结果不可避免。

Any account of the war must consider the tangled web of politics, battles, and economics that occurred between 1861 and 1865.

对这场战争的任何描述都必须考虑 1861 年至 1865 年间发生的政治、战争和经济错综复杂的网络。

But the aftermath of the war left portions of the Confederacy in ruins.

但战争的后果使南部邦联的部分地区变成了废墟。

State governments were mired in debt.

各州政府深陷债务泥潭。

White planters had most of their capital tied up in enslaved laborers, and so lost most of their wealth.

白人种植园主的大部分资本都被奴役劳工所束缚，因此失去了大部分财富。

Cotton remained the most significant crop, but the war changed how it was grown and sold.

棉花仍然是最重要的农作物，但战争改变了它的种植和销售方式。

Planters broke up large farms into smaller plots tended by single families in exchange for a portion of the crop, a system called sharecropping.

种植园主将大农场分成较小的土地，由单个家庭照料，以换取一部分农作物，这种制度称为佃农。

Once cotton production resumed, Americans found that their cotton now competed with new cotton plantations around the world.

一旦棉花生产恢复，美国人发现他们的棉花现在与世界各地新的棉花种植园竞争。

For the South as a whole, the war and Reconstruction marked the start of a period of deep poverty that would last until at least the New Deal of the 1930s.

对于整个南方来说，战争和重建标志着深度贫困时期的开始，这一时期至少持续到 1930 年代新政时期。

War brought destruction across the South.

战争给整个南方带来了破坏。

Governmental and private buildings, communication systems, the economy, and transportation infrastructure were all debilitated.

政府和私人建筑、通信系统、经济和交通基础设施都遭到削弱。

[Richmond, Va.

[弗吉尼亚州里士满

Crippled locomotive, Richmond & Petersburg Railroad depot], c.

损坏的机车，里士满和彼得堡火车站]，c。

1865.

1865年。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

Victory did not produce a sudden economic boom for the rest of the United States, either.

胜利也没有给美国其他地区带来突然的经济繁荣。

The North would not regain its prewar pace of industrial and commodity output until the 1870s.

直到 1870 年代，朝鲜的工业和商品产出才恢复到战前的水平。

But the war did prove beneficial to wealthy northern farmers who could afford new technologies.

但事实证明，战争确实对有能力负担新技术的富裕北方农民有利。

Wartime labor shortages promoted the use of mechanical reapers, reducing demand for labor, boosting farm yields, and sowing the seeds of inequality.

战时劳动力短缺促进了机械收割机的使用，减少了劳动力需求，提高了农业产量，并播下了不平等的种子。

Massachusetts Agricultural College (now known as the University of Massachusetts Amherst) was one of many colleges founded through the Federal Morrill-Land Grant Colleges Act.

马萨诸塞州农学院（现称为马萨诸塞大学阿默斯特分校）是通过联邦莫里尔-土地拨款学院法案建立的众多学院之一。

Massachusetts Agricultural College, Amherst, Mass.

马萨诸塞州农业学院，马萨诸塞州阿默斯特。

1879, 1880.

1879、1880。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

Wartime laws also transformed the relationship between the federal government and the American economy.

战时法律也改变了联邦政府与美国经济之间的关系。

New tariff laws sheltered northern industry from European competition.

新的关税法保护北方工业免受欧洲竞争。

The Morrill Land Grant helped create colleges such as the University of California, the University of Illinois, and the University of Wisconsin.

莫里尔土地赠款帮助创建了加利福尼亚大学、伊利诺伊大学和威斯康星大学等大学。

With the creation of the national banking system and greenbacks, Congress replaced hundreds of state bank notes with a system of federal currency that accelerated trade and exchange.

随着国家银行体系和美元的建立，国会用联邦货币体系取代了数百种州银行纸币，从而加速了贸易和交换。

This was not to say that Republican policy worked for everyone.

这并不是说共和党的政策对所有人都有效。

The Homestead Act, meant to open the West to small farmers, was often frustrated by railroad corporations and speculators.

旨在向小农开放西部的《宅地法案》经常遭到铁路公司和投机者的挫败。

The Transcontinental Railroad, launched during the war, failed to produce substantial economic gains for years.

战争期间开通的横贯大陆铁路多年来未能产生实质性的经济收益。

The war years forged a close relationship between government and the business elite, a relationship that sometimes resulted in corruption and catastrophe, as it did when markets crashed on Black Friday, September 24, 1869.

战争年代在政府和商界精英之间建立了密切的关系，这种关系有时会导致腐败和灾难，就像 1869 年 9 月 24 日黑色星期五市场崩溃时那样。

This new relationship created a political backlash, especially in the West and South, against Washington’s perceived eastern and industrial bias.

这种新的关系引起了政治上的强烈抵制，尤其是在西方和南方，反对华盛顿对东方和工业的偏见。

Conflicts over emancipation and civil rights quickly gave way to long political conflict over the direction of American economic development.

关于解放和公民权利的冲突很快就被围绕美国经济发展方向的长期政治冲突所取代。

Reconstruction ended when northerners abandoned the cause of the formerly enslaved and Democrats recaptured southern politics.

当北方人放弃了以前被奴役的事业，民主党重新夺回南方政治时，重建结束了。

Between 1868 and 1877, and especially after the Depression of 1873, economic issues supplanted Reconstruction as the foremost issue on the national agenda.

1868 年至 1877 年间，特别是 1873 年大萧条之后，经济问题取代重建成为国家议程上的首要问题。

The biggest threat to Republican power in the South had been the violence and intimidation of white Democrats.

南方共和党权力的最大威胁是白人民主党人的暴力和恐吓。

Only the presence of federal troops in key southern cities prevented Reconstruction’s quick collapse.

只有联邦军队在南部主要城市的存在才阻止了重建的迅速崩溃。

But the United States never committed the personnel required to restore order and guarantee Black southerners the rights promised by the Fourteenth Amendment.

但美国从未派遣人员来恢复秩序并保证南方黑人享有第十四修正案所承诺的权利。

Republicans and Democrats responded to economic uncertainty by retreating from Reconstruction.

共和党和民主党通过退出重建来应对经济不确定性。

War-weary from a decade of military and political strife, so-called Stalwart Republicans turned from the idealism of civil rights to the practicality of economics and party politics.

由于十年的军事和政治冲突而厌倦了战争，所谓的坚定共和党人从民权的理想主义转向了经济和政党政治的实用性。

They won particular influence during Ulysses S.

他们在尤利西斯 S.

Grant’s first term as president (1868–1872).

格兰特的第一个总统任期（1868-1872）。

By the early 1870s, Stalwart Republicans assumed control of Republican Party politics.

到 1870 年代初，坚定的共和党人控制了共和党政治。

Meanwhile, New Departure Democrats—who focused on business, economics, political corruption, and trade—gained strength by distancing themselves from pro-slavery Democrats and Copperheads.

与此同时，专注于商业、经济、政治腐败和贸易的新出发民主党通过与支持奴隶制的民主党和铜斑蛇保持距离而获得了力量。

In the South, they were called Redeemers.

在南方，他们被称为救赎者。

White southerners initially opposed the Redeemers and instead clung tightly to white supremacy and the Confederacy, but between 1869 and 1871, the Redeemers won support from white southerners by promising local rule by white Democrats, rather than Black or white Republicans.

南方白人最初反对救赎者会，转而紧紧抓住白人至上和联邦，但在 1869 年至 1871 年间，救赎者会通过承诺由白人民主党人而不是黑人或白人共和党人来统治地方，赢得了南方白人的支持。

By 1871, Redeemers won political control and ended Reconstruction in three important states: Tennessee, Virginia, and Georgia.

到 1871 年，救赎者赢得了政治控制权并结束了三个重要州的重建：田纳西州、弗吉尼亚州和佐治亚州。

In September 1873, Jay Cooke and Company declared bankruptcy, resulting in a bank run that spiraled into a six-year depression.

1873 年 9 月，杰伊·库克公司宣布破产，导致银行挤兑，进而演变成长达六年的萧条。

The Depression of 1873 crushed the nation’s already suffering laboring class and destroyed whatever remaining idealism northerners had about Reconstruction.

1873 年的大萧条压垮了这个国家本已饱受苦难的劳动阶级，也摧毁了北方人对重建的一切残余理想主义。

In the South, where many farms were capitalized entirely through loans, sources of credit vanished, many landowners defaulted, and farmers entered an already oversaturated labor market.

在南方，许多农场完全通过贷款获得资本，信贷来源消失，许多土地所有者违约，农民进入了已经过度饱和的劳动力市场。

Wages plummeted and a growing system of debt peonage trapped workers in endless cycles of poverty.

工资暴跌，不断扩大的劳役债务制度使工人陷入无尽的贫困循环。

The economic turmoil enabled the Democrats to take control of the House of Representatives after the 1874 elections, blunting the legislature’s capacity to any longer direct Reconstruction.

经济动荡使民主党在 1874 年选举后控制了众议院，削弱了立法机关直接重建的能力。

During the Panic of 1873, workers began demanding that the federal government help alleviate the strain on Americans.

在 1873 年的恐慌期间，工人们开始要求联邦政府帮助减轻美国人的压力。

In January 1874, over 7,000 protesters congregated in New York City’s Tompkins Square to insist the government make job creation a priority.

1874 年 1 月，超过 7,000 名抗议者聚集在纽约市汤普金斯广场，坚持要求政府将创造就业作为优先事项。

They were met with brutality as police dispersed the crowd, and consequently the unemployment movement lost much of its steam.

当警察驱散人群时，他们遭到了残酷对待，失业运动因此失去了大部分动力。

Matt Morgen, Print of a crowd driven from Tompkins Square by the mounted police, in the Tompkins Square Riot of 1874, January 1874.

马特·摩根 (Matt Morgen)，1874 年汤普金斯广场骚乱中一群人被骑警驱赶出汤普金斯广场的照片，1874 年 1 月。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

On the eve of the 1876 presidential election, the nation still reeled from depression.

1876 年总统选举前夕，整个国家仍笼罩在萧条之中。

Scandals sapped trust in the Grant Administration.

丑闻削弱了人们对格兰特政府的信任。

By 1875, Democrats in Mississippi hatched the Mississippi Plan, a wave of violence designed to intimidate Black activists and suppress Black voters.

到 1875 年，密西西比州的民主党人制定了密西西比计划，这是一场旨在恐吓黑人活动人士和镇压黑人选民的暴力浪潮。

39 The state’s Republican governor pleaded for federal intervention, but national Republicans ignored the plea.

39 该州的共和党州长请求联邦干预，但全国共和党人忽视了这一请求。

Meanwhile, Rutherford B.

与此同时，卢瑟福 B.

Hayes, a Republican, won a landslide victory in the Ohio gubernatorial election without mentioning Reconstruction, focusing instead on fighting corruption and alcohol abuse and promoting economic recovery.

共和党人海耶斯在俄亥俄州州长选举中获得压倒性胜利，但没有提及重建，而是将重点放在打击腐败和酗酒以及促进经济复苏上。

His success made him a potential presidential candidate.

他的成功使他成为潜在的总统候选人。

The stage was set for an election that would end Reconstruction as a national issue.

一场选举将结束重建作为一个全国性问题的舞台。

Republicans chose Rutherford B.

共和党人选择了卢瑟福 B.

Hayes as their nominee; Democrats chose Samuel J.

海耶斯作为他们的提名人；民主党选择了塞缪尔·J.

Tilden, who ran on honest politics and home rule in the South.

蒂尔登在南方以诚实的政治和地方自治为竞选理念。

Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina would determine the president.

佛罗里达州、路易斯安那州和南卡罗来纳州将决定总统。

Despite the enduring presence of Reconstruction in those states, white conservatives organized violence and fraud with impunity.

尽管重建运动在这些州长期存在，但白人保守派组织暴力和欺诈却不受惩罚。

With the election results contested, a federal special electoral commission voted along party lines—eight Republicans for, seven Democrats against—in favor of Hayes.

由于选举结果存在争议，联邦特别选举委员会按照党派路线投票——八名共和党人支持，七名民主党人反对——支持海耶斯。

Democrats threatened to boycott Hayes’s inauguration.

民主党人威胁要抵制海耶斯的就职典礼。

Rival governments arose claiming to recognize Tilden as the rightfully elected president.

敌对政府纷纷崛起，声称承认蒂尔登是合法当选的总统。

Republicans, fearing another sectional crisis, reached out to Democrats.

共和党人担心再次出现部门危机，于是向民主党人伸出援手。

In what became known as the Compromise of 1877, Democrats conceded the presidency to Hayes on the condition that all remaining troops would be removed from the South and the South would receive special economic favors.

在后来被称为“1877 年妥协”的事件中，民主党将总统职位让给海耶斯，条件是所有剩余的军队将从南方撤走，并且南方将获得特殊的经济优惠。

Hayes was inaugurated in March 1877.

海耶斯于 1877 年 3 月就职。

In April, the remaining troops were ordered out of the South.

4月，剩余部队奉命撤出南方。

The compromise allowed southern Democrats, no longer fearing reprisal from federal troops or northern politicians for their flagrant violence and intimidation of Black voters, to return to power.

这一妥协让南方民主党人不再担心联邦军队或北方政客因公然暴力和恐吓黑人选民而遭到报复，从而重新掌权。

After 1877, Republicans no longer had the political capital—or political will—to intervene in the South in cases of violence and electoral fraud.

1877 年之后，共和党不再有政治资本或政治意愿来干预南方的暴力和选举舞弊案件。

In certain locations with large populations of African Americans, such as South Carolina, freedpeople continued to hold some local offices for several years.

在某些非裔美国人人口众多的地区，例如南卡罗来纳州，自由民继续担任一些地方办事处数年。

Yet, with its most revolutionary aims thwarted by 1868, and economic depression and political turmoil taking even its most modest promises off the table by the early 1870s, most of the promises of Reconstruction were unmet.

然而，由于其最具革命性的目标在 1868 年受挫，而到了 1870 年代初，经济萧条和政治动荡甚至使其最温和的承诺也落空，重建的大部分承诺都没有兑现。

Table.

桌子。

This table shows the military districts of the seceded states of the South, the date the state was readmitted into the Union, and the date when conservatives recaptured the state house.

该表显示了南方各州的军区、该州重新加入联邦的日期以及保守派重新夺回州议会大厦的日期。

Reconstruction in the United States achieved Abraham Lincoln’s paramount desire: the restoration of the Union.

美国的重建实现了亚伯拉罕·林肯的首要愿望：恢复联邦。

The war and its aftermath forever ended legal slavery in the United States, but African Americans remained second-class citizens and women still struggled for full participation in the public life of the United States.

战争及其后果永远结束了美国的合法奴隶制，但非裔美国人仍然是二等公民，妇女仍在为充分参与美国公共生活而奋斗。

The closing of Reconstruction saw North and South reunited behind the imperatives of economic growth and territorial expansion, rather than ensuring the full rights of its citizens.

重建结束后，南北双方在经济增长和领土扩张的迫切需要下重新团结起来，而不是确保其公民的全部权利。

From the ashes of civil war, a new nation faced fresh possibilities while enduring old problems.

在内战的废墟中，一个新的国家面临着新的可能性，同时也面临着老问题。

1.

1.

Freedmen discuss post-emancipation life with General Sherman, 1865

自由民与谢尔曼将军讨论解放后的生活，1865 年

Reconstruction began before the War ended.

重建工作在战争结束前就开始了。

After his famous March to the Sea in January of 1865, General William T.

1865 年 1 月，威廉·T.

Sherman and Secretary of War Edwin Stanton met with twenty of Savannah’s African American religious leaders to discuss the future of the freedmen of the state of Georgia.

谢尔曼和战争部长埃德温·斯坦顿会见了二十位萨凡纳的非裔美国宗教领袖，讨论了佐治亚州自由民的未来。

In the excerpt below, Garrison Frazier, the chosen spokesman for the group, explains the importance of land for freedom.

在下面的摘录中，该组织选定的发言人加里森·弗雷泽解释了土地对于自由的重要性。

The result of this meeting was Sherman’s famous Field Order 15, which set aside confiscated plantation lands along the coast from Charleston, S.C.

这次会议的结果是谢尔曼著名的第 15 号实地命令，该命令划出了南卡罗来纳州查尔斯顿沿海没收的种植园土地。

to Jacksonville, FL.

飞往佛罗里达州杰克逊维尔。

for Black land ownership.

争取黑人土地所有权。

The policy would later be overruled and freedpeople would lose their right to the land.

该政策后来被否决，自由人将失去对土地的权利。

Black Americans hoped that the end of the Civil War would create an entirely new world, while white southerners tried to restore the antebellum order as much as they could.

美国黑人希望内战的结束能够创造一个全新的世界，而南方白人则试图尽可能恢复内战前的秩序。

Most enslavers sought to maintain control over their formerly enslaved laborers through sharecropping contracts.

大多数奴隶主试图通过佃农合同来维持对以前被奴役的劳工的控制。

P.H.

PH.

Anderson of Tennessee was one such former enslaver.

田纳西州的安德森就是这样一位前奴隶主。

After the war, he contacted his formerly enslaved laborer Jourdon Anderson, offering him a job opportunity.

战后，他联系了以前被奴役的劳工乔登·安德森，为他提供了一个工作机会。

The following is Jourdon Anderson’s reply.

以下是乔登·安德森的回复。

3.

3.

Charlotte Forten teaches freed children in South Carolina, 1864

夏洛特·福滕 (Charlotte Forten) 在南卡罗来纳州教获自由的儿童，1864 年

Charlotte Forten was born into a wealthy Black family in Philadelphia.

夏洛特·福滕出生于费城一个富裕的黑人家庭。

After receiving an education in Salem, Massachusetts, Forten became the first Black American hired to teach white students.

在马萨诸塞州塞勒姆接受教育后，福滕成为第一位受聘教授白人学生的美国黑人。

She lent her educational expertise to the war effort by relocating to South Carolina in 1862 with the goal of educating formerly enslaved people.

1862 年，她搬到南卡罗来纳州，为战争贡献自己的教育专业知识，目标是为以前的奴隶提供教育。

This excerpt from her diary explains her experiences during this time.

她的日记摘录解释了她这段时间的经历。

Many southern governments enacted legislation that reestablished antebellum power relationships.

许多南方政府颁布了重建战前权力关系的立法。

South Carolina and Mississippi passed laws known as Black Codes to regulate Black behavior and impose social and economic control.

南卡罗来纳州和密西西比州通过了称为“黑人法典”的法律，以规范黑人行为并实施社会和经济控制。

While they granted some rights to African Americans – like the right to own property, to marry or to make contracts – they also denied other fundamental rights.

虽然他们赋予非裔美国人一些权利——比如拥有财产、结婚或签订合同的权利——但他们也否认了其他基本权利。

Mississippi’s vagrant law, excerpted here, required all freedmen to carry papers proving they had means of employment.

密西西比州的流浪法（摘录自此处）要求所有自由民携带证明其拥有就业手段的文件。

If they had no proof, they could be arrested, fined, or even re-enslaved and leased out to their former enslaver.

如果他们没有证据，他们可能会被逮捕、罚款，甚至重新被奴役并出租给他们以前的奴隶主。

Most histories of the Civil War claim that the war ended in the summer of 1865 when Confederate armies surrendered.

大多数内战历史都声称战争于 1865 年夏天南方联盟军队投降时结束。

However, violent resistance and terrorism continued in the South for over a decade.

然而，暴力抵抗和恐怖主义在南方持续了十多年。

In this report, General J.J.

在这份报告中，J.J.

Reynolds describes the lawlessness of Texas during Reconstruction.

雷诺兹描述了重建期间德克萨斯州的无法无天。

These documents chronicle a case in the wider wave of violence that targeted people of color during Reconstruction.

这些文件记录了重建期间针对有色人种的更广泛暴力浪潮中的一个案例。

The first document includes Frances Thompson and Lucy Smith’s testimony about their assault, rape, and robbery in 1866.

第一份文件包括弗朗西斯·汤普森和露西·史密斯关于 1866 年袭击、强奸和抢劫的证词。

The second document, demonstrates one way that white Southerners denied these claims.

第二份文件展示了南方白人否认这些说法的一种方式。

In 1876, Thompson was exposed for cross-dressing.

1876年，汤普森因变装而被曝光。

For twenty years she successfully passed as a woman.

二十年来，她成功地成为了一名女性。

Southerners trumpeted this case as evidence that widely documented cases of violence, sexual and otherwise, were fabricated.

南方人大肆宣传此案，证明广泛记录的暴力、性和其他案件都是捏造的。

Americans came together after the Civil War largely by collectively forgetting what the war was about.

美国人在内战后走到一起，很大程度上是因为集体忘记了战争的意义。

Celebrations honored the bravery of both armies, and the meaning of the war faded.

人们庆祝两军的英勇，战争的意义逐渐消失。

Frederick Douglass and other Black leaders engaged with Confederate sympathizers in a battle of historical memory.

弗雷德里克·道格拉斯和其他黑人领导人与南部邦联的同情者进行了一场历史记忆之战。

In this speech, Douglass calls on Americans to remember the war for what it was—a struggle between an army fighting to protect slavery and a nation reluctantly transformed into a force for liberation.

在这次演讲中，道格拉斯呼吁美国人记住这场战争的本来面目——一场为保护奴隶制而战的军队与一个不情愿地转变为解放力量的国家之间的斗争。

This print mocks Reconstruction by making several allusions to Shakespeare.

这幅版画通过多次提及莎士比亚来嘲笑重建。

The center illustration shows a Black soldier as Othello and President Andrew Johnson as Iago.

中间的插图显示一名黑人士兵扮演奥赛罗，安德鲁·约翰逊总统扮演伊阿古。

Johnson’s slogans “Treason is a crime and must be made odious” and “I am your Moses” are on the wall.

墙上挂着约翰逊的标语“叛国是一种犯罪，必须变得可憎”和“我是你的摩西”。

The top left shows a riot in Memphis and at the top a riot in New Orleans.

左上方显示孟菲斯的骚乱，顶部显示新奥尔良的骚乱。

At the bottom, Johnson is trying to charm a Confederate Copperhead.

在底部，约翰逊正试图吸引南方邦联的铜头蛇。

General Benjamin Butler is at the bottom left, accepting the Confederate surrender of New Orleans in 1862.

左下角是本杰明·巴特勒将军，他接受 1862 年南方邦联投降新奥尔良。

This scene is contrasted to the bottom right where General Philips Sheridan bows to Louisiana Attorney General Andrew Herron in 1866, implying a defeat for Reconstruction.

这一场景与右下角 1866 年飞利浦·谢里登 (Philips Sheridan) 将军向路易斯安那州总检察长安德鲁·赫伦 (Andrew Herron) 鞠躬的场景形成鲜明对比，暗示重建运动的失败。

Click on the image for more information.

单击图像了解更多信息。

This 1870 print celebrated the passage of the Fifteenth Amendment.

这幅 1870 年的印刷品庆祝了第十五修正案的通过。

Here we see several of the themes most important to Black Americans during Reconstruction: The print celebrates the military achievements of Black veterans, the voting rights protected by the amendment, the right to marry and establish families, the creation and protection of Black churches, and the right to own and improve land.

在这里，我们看到了重建期间对美国黑人最重要的几个主题：印刷品庆祝黑人退伍军人的军事成就、修正案保护的投票权、结婚和建立家庭的权利、黑人教堂的创建和保护以及拥有和改善土地的权利。

Unfortunately, many of these freedoms would be short-lived as the United States retreated from Reconstruction.

不幸的是，随着美国退出重建，其中许多自由将是短暂的。

This chapter was edited by Nicole Turner, with content contributions by Christopher Abernathy, Jeremiah Bauer, Michael T.

本章由 Nicole Turner 编辑，Christopher Abernathy、Jeremiah Bauer、Michael T.

Caires, Mari Crabtree, Chris Hayashida-Knight, Krista Kinslow, Ashley Mays, Keith McCall, Ryan Poe, Bradley Proctor, Emma Teitelman, Nicole Turner, and Caitlin Verboon.

Caires、Mari Crabtree、Chris Hayashida-Knight、Krista Kinslow、Ashley Mays、Keith McCall、Ryan Poe、Bradley Proctor、Emma Teitelman、Nicole Turner 和 Caitlin Verboon。

Recommended citation: Christopher Abernathy et al., “Reconstruction,” Nicole Turner, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.

推荐引用：Christopher Abernathy 等人，“重建”，Nicole Turner 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。

Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).

约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。