The American Yawp
This mural, created over eighty years after John Brown’s death, captures the violence and religious fervor of the man and his era.
这幅壁画是在约翰·布朗去世八十多年后创作的，捕捉到了这个人和他的时代的暴力和宗教热情。
John Steuart Curry, Tragic Prelude , 1938-1940, Kansas State Capitol .
约翰·斯图尔特·库里，《悲剧前奏曲》，1938-1940 年，堪萨斯州议会大厦。
* NOTE: You are viewing a chapter from the archived, “First Edition” version of the American Yawp, which stopped receiving updates in spring 2026.
* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。
Click here to access the current, updated edition *
单击此处访问当前的更新版本*
Slavery’s western expansion created problems for the United States from the very start.
奴隶制的西部扩张从一开始就给美国带来了问题。
Battles emerged over the westward expansion of slavery and over the role of the federal government in protecting the interests of enslavers.
关于奴隶制向西扩张以及联邦政府在保护奴隶制利益方面的作用出现了争论。
Northern workers felt that slavery suppressed wages and stole land that could have been used by poor white Americans to achieve economic independence.
北方工人认为，奴隶制压低了工资，并窃取了贫穷的美国白人本可以用来实现经济独立的土地。
Southerners feared that without slavery’s expansion, the abolitionist faction would come to dominate national politics and an increasingly dense population of enslaved people would lead to bloody insurrection and race war.
南方人担心，如果奴隶制不扩大，废奴派将主导国家政治，而日益稠密的奴隶人口将导致血腥叛乱和种族战争。
Constant resistance from enslaved men and women required a strong pro-slavery government to maintain order.
被奴役男女的持续抵抗需要一个强大的支持奴隶制的政府来维持秩序。
As the North gradually abolished human bondage, enslaved men and women headed north on an underground railroad of hideaways and safe houses.
随着北方逐渐废除人类束缚，被奴役的男男女女沿着一条遍布藏身之处和安全屋的地下铁路向北进发。
Northerners and southerners came to disagree sharply on the role of the federal government in capturing and returning these freedom seekers.
北方人和南方人对于联邦政府在抓捕和遣返这些自由寻求者方面所扮演的角色产生了尖锐的分歧。
While northerners appealed to their states’ rights to refuse to capture people escaping slavery, white southerners demanded a national commitment to slavery.
北方人呼吁各州有权拒绝抓捕逃离奴隶制的人，而南方白人则要求全国对奴隶制做出承诺。
Enslaved laborers meanwhile remained vitally important to the nation’s economy, fueling not only the southern plantation economy but also providing raw materials for the industrial North.
与此同时，被奴役的劳工对国家经济仍然至关重要，不仅推动了南方种植园经济，还为北方工业提供了原材料。
Differences over the fate of slavery remained at the heart of American politics, especially as the United States expanded.
关于奴隶制命运的分歧仍然是美国政治的核心，尤其是随着美国的扩张。
After decades of conflict, Americans north and south began to fear that the opposite section of the country had seized control of the government.
经过数十年的冲突，美国南北双方开始担心对方已经控制了政府。
By November 1860, an opponent of slavery’s expansion arose from within the Republican Party.
到 1860 年 11 月，共和党内部出现了反对奴隶制扩张的声音。
During the secession crisis that followed, fears nearly a century in the making at last devolved into bloody war.
在随后的分裂国家危机中，酝酿了近一个世纪的恐惧最终演变成血腥战争。
This map, published by the US Coast Guard, shows the percentage of enslaved people in the population in each county of the slave-holding states in 1860.
这张地图由美国海岸警卫队出版，显示了 1860 年各奴隶州各县的奴隶人口百分比。
The highest percentages lie along the Mississippi River, in the “Black Belt” of Alabama, and coastal South Carolina, all of which were centers of agricultural production (cotton and rice) in the United States.
比例最高的地区是密西西比河沿岸、阿拉巴马州的“黑带”以及南卡罗来纳州沿海地区，这些地区都是美国的农业生产中心（棉花和大米）。
E.
E.
Hergesheimer (cartographer), Th.
Hergesheimer（制图师），Th.
Leonhardt (engraver), Map Showing the Distribution of the Slave Population of the Southern States of the United States Compiled from the Census of 1860, c.
Leonhardt（雕刻师），根据 1860 年人口普查编制的显示美国南部各州奴隶人口分布的地图，c.
1861.
1861.
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Prior to the American Revolution, nearly everyone in the world accepted slavery as a natural part of life.
在美国革命之前，世界上几乎每个人都接受奴隶制作为生活的自然组成部分。
1 English colonies north and south relied on enslaved workers who grew tobacco, harvested indigo and sugar, and worked in ports.
1 英国殖民地的北部和南部都依赖奴隶工人种植烟草、收获靛蓝和糖，并在港口工作。
They generated tremendous wealth for the British crown.
他们为英国王室创造了巨大的财富。
That wealth and luxury fostered seemingly limitless opportunities and inspired seemingly boundless imaginations.
财富和奢侈孕育了看似无限的机会，激发了看似无限的想象力。
Enslaved workers also helped give rise to revolutionary new ideals that in time became the ideological foundations of the sectional crisis.
被奴役的工人还帮助产生了革命性的新理想，这些理想最终成为了局部危机的意识形态基础。
English political theorists, in particular, began to rethink natural-law justifications for slavery.
特别是英国政治理论家开始重新思考奴隶制的自然法理由。
They rejected the long-standing idea that slavery was a condition that naturally suited some people.
他们拒绝接受奴隶制是一种自然适合某些人的条件这一长期存在的观点。
A new transatlantic antislavery movement began to argue that freedom was the natural condition of humankind.
一场新的跨大西洋反奴隶制运动开始主张自由是人类的自然条件。
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Revolutionaries seized onto these ideas to stunning effect in the late eighteenth century.
革命者抓住了这些想法，在十八世纪末取得了惊人的效果。
In the United States, France, and Haiti, revolutionaries began the work of splintering the old order.
在美国、法国和海地，革命者开始了分裂旧秩序的工作。
Each revolution seemed to radicalize the next.
每一次革命似乎都会使下一次革命变得激进。
Bolder and more expansive declarations of equality and freedom followed one after the other.
更大胆、更广泛的平等和自由宣言接踵而至。
Revolutionaries in the United States declared, “All men are created equal,” in the 1770s.
1770 年代，美国革命者宣称“人人生而平等”。
French visionaries issued the “Declaration of Rights and Man and Citizen” by 1789.
法国的远见者于1789年发表了《权利与人和公民宣言》。
But the most startling development came in 1803 in Haiti.
但最令人震惊的发展发生在 1803 年的海地。
A revolution led by the island’s rebellious enslaved people turned France’s most valuable sugar colony into an independent country administered by the formerly enslaved.
岛上反叛的奴隶领导的一场革命将法国最有价值的糖业殖民地变成了一个由以前的奴隶管理的独立国家。
The Haitian Revolution marked an early origin of the sectional crisis.
海地革命标志着地区危机的早期起源。
It helped splinter the Atlantic basin into clear zones of freedom and unfreedom, shattering the long-standing assumption that African-descended enslaved people could not also be rulers.
它帮助将大西洋盆地分裂成明显的自由和不自由区域，打破了非洲后裔奴隶不能成为统治者的长期假设。
Despite the clear limitations of the American Revolution in attacking slavery, the era marked a powerful break in slavery’s history.
尽管美国革命在攻击奴隶制方面存在明显的局限性，但这个时代标志着奴隶制历史的重大突破。
Military service on behalf of both the English and the American army freed thousands of enslaved people.
代表英国和美国军队服兵役解放了数千名被奴役的人。
Many others simply used the turmoil of war to make their escape.
还有许多人只是利用战争的混乱来逃脱。
As a result, free Black communities emerged—communities that would continually reignite the antislavery struggle.
结果，自由的黑人社区出现了——这些社区将不断重新点燃反奴隶制斗争。
For nearly a century, most white Americans were content to compromise over the issue of slavery, but the constant agitation of Black Americans, both enslaved and free, kept the issue alive.
近一个世纪以来，大多数美国白人都满足于在奴隶制问题上妥协，但美国黑人（无论是被奴役的还是自由的）的不断煽动使这个问题一直存在。
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The national breakdown over slavery occurred over a long timeline and across a broad geography.
奴隶制问题造成的国家崩溃经历了很长的时间和广泛的地理范围。
Debates over slavery in the American West proved especially important.
事实证明，关于美国西部奴隶制的争论尤其重要。
As the United States pressed westward, new questions arose as to whether those lands ought to be slave or free.
随着美国向西推进，出现了新的问题：这些土地应该成为奴隶还是自由。
The framers of the Constitution did a little, but not much, to help resolve these early questions.
宪法的制定者为帮助解决这些早期问题做了一点但不多。
Article VI of the 1787 Northwest Ordinance banned slavery north and west of the Ohio River.
1787 年西北法令第六条禁止俄亥俄河以北和以西的奴隶制。
4 Many took it to mean that the founders intended for slavery to die out, as why else would they prohibit its spread across such a huge swath of territory?
4 许多人认为这意味着开国元勋们打算消灭奴隶制，否则他们为什么要禁止奴隶制在如此大的领土上蔓延呢？
Debates over the framers’ intentions often led to confusion and bitter debate, but the actions of the new government left better clues as to what the new nation intended for slavery.
关于制宪者意图的争论常常导致混乱和激烈的争论，但新政府的行动为了解新国家对奴隶制的意图留下了更好的线索。
Congress authorized the admission of Vermont (1791) and Kentucky (1792), with Vermont coming into the Union as a free state and Kentucky coming in as a slave state.
国会批准佛蒙特州（1791 年）和肯塔基州（1792 年）加入联邦，佛蒙特州作为自由州加入联邦，肯塔基州作为蓄奴州加入联邦。
Though Americans at the time made relatively little of the balancing act suggested by the admission of a slave state and a free state, the pattern became increasingly important, particularly when considering power in the United States Senate.
尽管当时的美国人相对较少采取承认蓄奴州和自由州所建议的平衡行动，但这种模式变得越来越重要，特别是在考虑美国参议院的权力时。
By 1820, preserving the balance of free states and slave states would be seen as an issue of national security.
到 1820 年，维持自由州和蓄奴州的平衡将被视为国家安全问题。
New pressures challenging the delicate balance again arose in the West.
西方再次出现挑战微妙平衡的新压力。
The Louisiana Purchase of 1803 more than doubled the size of the United States.
1803 年购买路易斯安那使美国面积扩大了一倍多。
Questions immediately arose as to whether these lands would be made slave or free.
立即出现了关于这些土地是否会成为奴隶或自由的问题。
Complicating matters further was the rapid expansion of plantation slavery fueled by the invention of the cotton gin in 1793.
1793 年轧棉机的发明推动了种植园奴隶制的迅速扩张，使问题变得更加复杂。
Yet even with the booming cotton economy, many Americans, including Thomas Jefferson, believed that slavery was a temporary institution and would soon die out.
然而，即使棉花经济蓬勃发展，包括托马斯·杰斐逊在内的许多美国人仍然认为奴隶制只是暂时的制度，很快就会消失。
Tensions rose with the Louisiana Purchase, but a truly sectional national debate remained mostly dormant.
路易斯安那购买案导致紧张局势加剧，但一场真正的局部全国性辩论大多处于休眠状态。
That debate, however, came quickly.
然而，这场争论来得很快。
Sectional differences tied to the expansion of plantation slavery in the West were especially important after 1803.
1803 年之后，与西方种植园奴隶制扩张相关的地区差异尤其重要。
The Ohio River Valley became an early fault line in the coming sectional struggle.
俄亥俄河谷成为即将到来的局部斗争的早期断层线。
Kentucky and Tennessee emerged as slave states, while free states Ohio, Indiana (1816), and Illinois (1818) gained admission along the river’s northern banks.
肯塔基州和田纳西州成为蓄奴州，而俄亥俄州、印第安纳州（1816 年）和伊利诺伊州（1818 年）等自由州则在河流北岸获得许可。
Borderland negotiations and accommodations along the Ohio River fostered a distinctive kind of white supremacy, as laws tried to keep Black people out of the West entirely.
俄亥俄河沿岸的边境谈判和和解培育了一种独特的白人至上主义，因为法律试图将黑人完全排除在西方之外。
Ohio’s so-called Black Laws of 1803 foreshadowed the exclusionary cultures of Indiana, Illinois, and several subsequent states of the Old Northwest and later, the Far West.
俄亥俄州所谓的 1803 年黑人法律预示了印第安纳州、伊利诺伊州以及随后的老西北州和后来的远西部的几个州的排他性文化。
5 These laws often banned African American voting, denied Black Americans access to public schools, and made it impossible for nonwhites to serve on juries and in local militias, among a host of other restrictions and obstacles.
5 这些法律经常禁止非裔美国人投票，拒绝黑人进入公立学校，并使得非白人无法在陪审团和地方民兵中任职，此外还有许多其他限制和障碍。
The Missouri Territory, by far the largest section of the Louisiana Territory, marked a turning point in the sectional crisis.
密苏里领地是路易斯安那领地迄今为止最大的地区，标志着该地区危机的转折点。
St. Louis, a bustling Mississippi River town filled with powerful enslavers, loomed large as an important trade headquarters for networks in the northern Mississippi Valley and the Greater West.
圣路易斯是一座繁华的密西西比河小镇，充满了强大的奴隶主，作为密西西比河谷北部和大西部网络的重要贸易总部而显得尤为突出。
In 1817, eager to put questions of whether this territory would be slave or free to rest, Congress opened its debate over Missouri’s admission to the Union.
1817 年，国会急于提出这片领土是奴隶制还是自由休养的问题，就密苏里州加入联邦展开了辩论。
Congressman James Tallmadge of New York proposed laws that would gradually abolish slavery in the new state.
纽约州国会议员詹姆斯·塔尔米奇提出了在新州逐步废除奴隶制的法律。
Southern states responded with unanimous outrage, and the nation shuddered at an undeniable sectional controversy.
南方各州一致愤怒回应，全国因不可否认的局部争议而颤抖。
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Congress reached a “compromise” on Missouri’s admission, largely through the work of Kentuckian Henry Clay.
国会在密苏里州的加入问题上达成了“妥协”，这主要是通过肯塔基州亨利·克莱的努力。
Maine would be admitted to the Union as a free state.
缅因州将作为一个自由州加入联邦。
In exchange, Missouri would come into the Union as a slave state.
作为交换，密苏里州将作为蓄奴州加入联邦。
Legislators sought to prevent future conflicts by making Missouri’s southern border at 36°30′ the new dividing line between slavery and freedom in the Louisiana Purchase lands.
立法者试图将密苏里州南部边界 36°30′ 定为路易斯安那购地土地上奴隶制与自由之间的新分界线，以防止未来发生冲突。
South of that line, running east from Missouri to the western edge of the Louisiana Purchase lands (near the present-day Texas panhandle), slavery could expand.
这条线以南，从密苏里州向东延伸到路易斯安那购买地的西缘（靠近现在的德克萨斯州狭长地带），奴隶制可能会扩大。
North of it, encompassing what in 1820 was still “unorganized territory,” there would be no slavery.
在它的北部，包括 1820 年仍然是“无组织领土”的地方，不会有奴隶制。
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The Missouri Compromise marked a major turning point in America’s sectional crisis because it exposed to the public just how divisive the slavery issue had grown.
密苏里妥协案标志着美国局部危机的一个重大转折点，因为它向公众暴露了奴隶制问题的分裂程度。
The debate filled newspapers, speeches, and congressional records.
这场辩论充斥着报纸、演讲和国会记录。
Antislavery and pro-slavery positions from that point forward repeatedly returned to points made during the Missouri debates.
从那时起，反奴隶制和支持奴隶制的立场一再回到密苏里州辩论期间提出的观点。
Legislators battled for weeks over whether the Constitutional framers intended slavery’s expansion, and these contests left deep scars.
立法者们就制宪者是否有意扩大奴隶制争论了数周，这些争论留下了深深的伤痕。
Even seemingly simple and straightforward phrases like “all men are created equal” were hotly contested all over again.
就连“人人生而平等”这样看似简单明了的话语，也再次引起了激烈的争论。
Questions over the expansion of slavery remained open, but nearly all Americans concluded that the Constitution protected slavery where it already existed.
关于奴隶制扩张的问题仍然悬而未决，但几乎所有美国人都得出结论，宪法保护已经存在的奴隶制。
Southerners were not yet advancing arguments that said slavery was a positive good, but they did insist during the Missouri Debate that the framers supported slavery and wanted to see it expand.
南方人还没有提出认为奴隶制是一种积极的好处的论点，但他们在密苏里州辩论期间确实坚持认为制宪者支持奴隶制并希望看到它扩大。
In Article I, Section 2, for example, the Constitution enabled representation in the South to be based on rules defining an enslaved person as three-fifths of a voter, meaning southern white men would be overrepresented in Congress.
例如，在第一条第二节中，宪法允许南方的代表权基于将奴隶定义为选民五分之三的规则，这意味着南方白人在国会中的代表人数将过多。
The Constitution also stipulated that Congress could not interfere with the slave trade before 1808 and enabled Congress to draft fugitive slave laws.
宪法还规定国会在1808年之前不得干预奴隶贸易，并允许国会起草逃亡奴隶法。
Antislavery participants in the Missouri debate argued that the framers never intended slavery to survive the Revolution and in fact hoped it would disappear through peaceful means.
密苏里州辩论中反奴隶制的参与者认为，制宪者从未打算让奴隶制在革命中继续存在，事实上，他们希望奴隶制能够通过和平方式消失。
The framers of the Constitution never used the word slave .
宪法的制定者从未使用过“奴隶”这个词。
Enslaved people were referred to as “persons held in service,” perhaps referring to English common law precedents that questioned the legitimacy of “property in man.” Antislavery activists also pointed out that while Congress could not pass a law limiting the slave trade before 1808, the framers had also recognized the flip side of the debate and had thus opened the door to legislating the slave trade’s end once the deadline arrived.
被奴役的人被称为“服役人员”，可能指的是质疑“人的财产”合法性的英国普通法先例。反奴隶制活动人士还指出，虽然国会无法在 1808 年之前通过一项限制奴隶贸易的法律，但制宪者也认识到辩论的另一面，因此为在最后期限到来时通过立法终结奴隶贸易打开了大门。
Language in the Tenth Amendment, they claimed, also said slavery could be banned in the territories.
他们声称，第十修正案中的措辞还表示可以在这些领土上禁止奴隶制。
Finally, they pointed to the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment, which said that property could be seized through appropriate legislation.
最后，他们指出第五修正案的正当程序条款，该条款规定可以通过适当的立法来扣押财产。
8 The bruising Missouri debates ultimately transcended arguments about the Constitution.
8 密苏里州的激烈辩论最终超越了有关宪法的争论。
They became an all-encompassing referendum on the American past, present, and future.
它们成为对美国过去、现在和未来的全面公投。
Despite the furor, the Missouri crisis did not yet inspire hardened defenses of either slave or free labor.
尽管密苏里州危机引起了轩然大波，但它尚未激起对奴隶或自由劳工的坚定捍卫。
Those would come in the coming decades.
这些将在未来几十年内实现。
In the meantime, the uneasy consensus forged by the Missouri debate managed to bring a measure of calm.
与此同时，密苏里州辩论达成的令人不安的共识设法带来了一定程度的平静。
The Missouri debate had also deeply troubled the nation’s African Americans and Native Americans.
密苏里州的辩论也深深困扰着该国的非裔美国人和美洲原住民。
By the time of the Missouri Compromise debate, both groups saw that whites never intended them to be citizens of the United States.
到密苏里妥协案辩论时，两个群体都意识到白人从未打算让他们成为美国公民。
In fact, the debates over Missouri’s admission had offered the first sustained debate on the question of Black citizenship, as Missouri’s state constitution wanted to impose a hard ban on any future Black migrants.
事实上，关于密苏里州接纳的辩论首次就黑人公民身份问题进行了持续辩论，因为密苏里州宪法希望对任何未来的黑人移民实施严厉禁令。
Legislators ultimately agreed that this hard ban violated the U.S. Constitution but reaffirmed Missouri’s ability to deny citizenship to African Americans.
立法者最终同意这一严厉禁令违反了美国宪法，但重申密苏里州有能力拒绝非裔美国人获得公民身份。
Americans by 1820 had endured a broad challenge, not only to their cherished ideals but also more fundamentally to their conceptions of self.
到 1820 年，美国人经受了广泛的挑战，不仅是对他们所珍视的理想的挑战，更根本的是对他们自我概念的挑战。
Missouri’s admission to the Union in 1821 exposed deep fault lines in American society.
1821 年密苏里州加入联邦暴露了美国社会的深刻裂痕。
But the compromise created a new sectional consensus that most white Americans, at least, hoped would ensure a lasting peace.
但这一妥协创造了一种新的局部共识，至少大多数美国白人希望这种共识能够确保持久和平。
Through sustained debates and arguments, white Americans agreed that the Constitution could do little about slavery where it already existed and that slavery, with the State of Missouri as the key exception, would never expand north of the 36°30′ line.
经过持续不断的辩论和争论，美国白人一致认为，宪法对已经存在的奴隶制无能为力，而且奴隶制（密苏里州是一个主要例外）永远不会扩展到 36°30' 线以北。
Once again westward expansion challenged this consensus, and this time the results proved even more damaging.
西进再一次挑战了这一共识，而这一次的结果更具破坏性。
Tellingly, enslaved southerners were among the first to signal their discontent.
很明显，被奴役的南方人是最先表达不满的人之一。
A rebellion led by Denmark Vesey in 1822 threatened lives and property throughout the Carolinas.
1822 年，丹麦·维西 (Denmark Vesey) 领导的叛乱威胁了整个卡罗来纳州的生命和财产。
The nation’s religious leaders also expressed a rising discontent with the new status quo.
该国的宗教领袖也对新现状表达了日益增长的不满。
9 The Second Great Awakening further sharpened political differences by promoting schisms within the major Protestant churches, schisms that also became increasingly sectional in nature.
9 第二次大觉醒通过促进主要新教教会内部的分裂，进一步加剧了政治分歧，这些分裂本质上也变得越来越分裂。
Between 1820 and 1846, sectionalism drew on new political parties, new religious organizations, and new reform movements.
1820 年至 1846 年间，地方主义利用了新的政党、新的宗教组织和新的改革运动。
As politics grew more democratic, leaders attacked old inequalities of wealth and power, but in doing so many pandered to a unity under white supremacy.
随着政治变得更加民主，领导人攻击了古老的财富和权力不平等，但许多人这样做是为了迎合白人至上的团结。
Slavery briefly receded from the nation’s attention in the early 1820s, but that would change quickly.
1820 年代初，奴隶制一度从全国的注意力中消失，但这种情况很快就发生了变化。
By the last half of the decade, slavery was back, and this time it appeared even more threatening.
到了这十年的最后五年，奴隶制又回来了，而且这一次它似乎更具威胁性。
Inspired by the social change of Jacksonian democracy, white men, regardless of status, would gain not only land and jobs but also the right to vote, the right to serve on juries, the right to attend public schools, and the right to serve in the militia and armed forces.
受杰克逊民主社会变革的启发，白人，无论身份如何，不仅可以获得土地和工作，还可以获得投票权、担任陪审员的权利、就读公立学校的权利以及在民兵和武装部队服役的权利。
In this post-Missouri context, leaders arose to push the country’s new expansionist desires in aggressive new directions.
在后密苏里州的背景下，领导人崛起，将国家新的扩张主义愿望推向积极的新方向。
As they did so, however, the sectional crisis again deepened.
然而，当他们这样做时，部门危机再次加深。
The Democratic Party initially seemed to offer a compelling answer to the problems of sectionalism by promising benefits to white working men of the North, South, and West, while also uniting rural, small-town, and urban residents.
民主党最初似乎为地区主义问题提供了令人信服的答案，承诺为北方、南方和西方的白人工人带来好处，同时团结农村、小镇和城市居民。
Indeed, huge numbers of western, southern, and northern workingmen rallied behind Andrew Jackson during the 1828 presidential election.
事实上，在 1828 年总统选举期间，大量西部、南部和北部工人团结起来支持安德鲁·杰克逊。
The Democratic Party tried to avoid the issue of slavery and instead sought to unite Americans around shared commitments to white supremacy and desires to expand the nation.
民主党试图回避奴隶制问题，而是寻求将美国人团结在对白人至上的共同承诺和扩张国家的愿望上。
Democrats were not without their critics.
民主党人也不乏批评者。
Northerners seen as especially friendly to the South had become known as “Doughfaces” during the Missouri debates, and as the 1830s wore on, more and more Doughfaced Democrats became vulnerable to the charge that they served the southern slaving oligarchs better than they served their own northern communities.
在密苏里州辩论期间，被视为对南方特别友好的北方人被称为“面孔”，随着 1830 年代的流逝，越来越多的面孔民主党人变得容易受到这样的指控，即他们为南方奴隶寡头服务比为自己的北方社区服务更好。
Whites discontented with the direction of the country used the slur and other critiques to help chip away at Democratic Party majorities.
对国家方向不满的白人利用诽谤和其他批评来削弱民主党的多数席位。
The accusation that northern Democrats were lapdogs for southern enslavers had real power.
关于北方民主党人是南方奴隶主的走狗的指控具有真正的影响力。
10
10
The Whigs offered an organized major-party challenge to the Democrats.
辉格党向民主党提出了有组织的主要政党挑战。
Whig strongholds often mirrored the patterns of westward migrations out of New England.
辉格党的据点常常反映了新英格兰向西移民的模式。
Whigs drew from an odd coalition of wealthy merchants, middle- and upper-class farmers, planters in the Upland South, and settlers in the Great Lakes.
辉格党由富商、中上层农民、南部高地种植园主和五大湖区定居者组成的奇怪联盟组成。
Because of this motley coalition, the party struggled to bring a cohesive message to voters in the 1830s.
由于这个五花八门的联盟，该党在 1830 年代很难向选民传达有凝聚力的信息。
Their strongest support came from places like Ohio’s Western Reserve, the rural and Protestant-dominated areas of Michigan, and similar parts of Protestant and small-town Illinois, particularly the fast-growing towns and cities of the state’s northern half.
他们最强有力的支持来自俄亥俄州西保留地、密歇根州农村和新教主导地区以及伊利诺伊州新教和小镇的类似地区，特别是该州北半部快速发展的城镇。
11
11
Whig leaders stressed Protestant culture and federal-sponsored internal improvements and courted the support of a variety of reform movements, including temperance, nativism, and even antislavery, though few Whigs believed in racial equality.
辉格党领导人强调新教文化和联邦资助的内部改进，并寻求各种改革运动的支持，包括禁酒、本土主义，甚至反奴隶制，尽管很少有辉格党相信种族平等。
These positions attracted a wide range of figures, including a young convert to politics named Abraham Lincoln.
这些职位吸引了广泛的人物，其中包括一位年轻的从政者亚伯拉罕·林肯。
Lincoln admired Whig leader Henry Clay of Kentucky, and by the early 1830s, Lincoln certainly fit the image of a developing Whig.
林肯钦佩肯塔基州的辉格党领袖亨利·克莱，到了 1830 年代初，林肯无疑符合发展中的辉格党的形象。
A veteran of the Black Hawk War, Lincoln had relocated to New Salem, Illinois, where he worked a variety of odd jobs, living a life of thrift, self-discipline, and sobriety as he educated himself in preparation for a professional life in law and politics.
作为黑鹰战争的老兵，林肯搬到了伊利诺伊州新塞勒姆，在那里打过各种零工，过着节俭、自律和清醒的生活，同时接受教育，为法律和政治领域的职业生涯做好准备。
The Whig Party blamed Democrats for defending slavery at the expense of the American people, but antislavery was never a core component of the Whig platform.
辉格党指责民主党以牺牲美国人民为代价来捍卫奴隶制，但反奴隶制从来都不是辉格党纲领的核心组成部分。
Several abolitionists grew so disgusted with the Whigs that they formed their own party, a true antislavery party.
一些废奴主义者对辉格党感到非常厌恶，因此他们组建了自己的政党，一个真正的反奴隶制政党。
Activists in Warsaw, New York, organized the antislavery Liberty Party in 1839.
1839 年，纽约华沙的活动人士组织了反奴隶制自由党。
Liberty leaders demanded the end of slavery in the District of Columbia, the end of the interstate slave trade, and the prohibition of slavery’s expansion into the West.
自由领袖要求结束哥伦比亚特区的奴隶制、结束州际奴隶贸易，并禁止奴隶制向西部扩张。
But the Liberty Party also shunned women’s participation in the movement and distanced themselves from visions of true racial egalitarianism.
但自由党也回避女性参与这场运动，并与真正的种族平等主义愿景保持距离。
Few Americans voted for the party.
很少有美国人投票支持该党。
The Democrats and Whigs continued to dominate American politics.
民主党和辉格党继续主导美国政治。
Democrats and Whigs fostered a moment of relative calm on the slavery debate, partially aided by gag rules prohibiting discussion of antislavery petitions.
民主党和辉格党在奴隶制辩论中营造了一段相对平静的时期，部分原因是禁止讨论反奴隶制请愿书的禁言规则。
Arkansas (1836) and Michigan (1837) became the newest states admitted to the Union, with Arkansas coming in as a slave state, and Michigan coming in as a free state.
阿肯色州（1836 年）和密歇根州（1837 年）成为最新加入联邦的州，其中阿肯色州作为奴隶州加入，密歇根州作为自由州加入。
Michigan gained admission through provisions established in the Northwest Ordinance, while Arkansas came in under the Missouri Compromise.
密歇根州通过《西北条例》的规定获得许可，而阿肯色州则根据《密苏里妥协案》获得许可。
Since its lands were below the line at 36°30′, the admission of Arkansas did not threaten the Missouri consensus.
由于其土地位于 36°30′ 线以下，阿肯色州的加入并不会威胁到密苏里州的共识。
The balancing act between slavery and freedom continued.
奴隶制与自由之间的平衡仍在继续。
Events in Texas would shatter the balance.
德克萨斯州发生的事件将打破这种平衡。
Independent Texas soon gained recognition from a supportive Andrew Jackson administration in 1837.
1837 年，独立的德克萨斯州很快就得到了安德鲁·杰克逊 (Andrew Jackson) 政府的支持。
But Jackson’s successor, President Martin Van Buren, also a Democrat, soon had reasons to worry about the Republic of Texas.
但杰克逊的继任者、民主党总统马丁·范布伦很快就有理由担心德克萨斯共和国。
Texas struggled with ongoing conflicts with Mexico and raids from the powerful Comanche.
德克萨斯州一直在与墨西哥持续不断的冲突和强大的科曼奇人的袭击中挣扎。
The 1844 democratic presidential candidate James K.
1844 年民主党总统候选人 James K.
Polk sought to bridge the sectional divide by promising new lands to whites north and south.
波尔克试图通过承诺向南北白人提供新土地来弥合地区分歧。
Polk cited the annexation of Texas and the Oregon Territory as campaign cornerstones.
波尔克将吞并德克萨斯州和俄勒冈领地作为竞选的基石。
12 Yet as Polk championed the acquisition of these vast new lands, northern Democrats grew annoyed by their southern colleagues, especially when it came to Texas.
12 然而，当波尔克支持收购这些广阔的新土地时，北方民主党人对南方同事感到恼火，尤其是在德克萨斯州。
For many observers, the debates over Texas statehood illustrated that the federal government was clearly pro-slavery.
对于许多观察家来说，关于德克萨斯州地位的争论表明联邦政府明显支持奴隶制。
Texas president Sam Houston managed to secure a deal with Polk and gained admission to the Union for Texas in 1845.
德克萨斯州总统萨姆·休斯顿设法与波尔克达成协议，并于 1845 年获准加入联邦。
Antislavery northerners also worried about the admission of Florida, which entered the Union as a slave state in 1845.
反奴隶制的北方人还担心佛罗里达州的加入，该州于 1845 年作为蓄奴州加入联邦。
The year 1845 became a pivotal year in the memory of antislavery leaders.
1845 年成为反奴隶制领袖记忆中的关键一年。
As Americans embraced calls to pursue their manifest destiny, antislavery voices looked at developments in Florida and Texas as signs that the sectional crisis had taken an ominous and perhaps irredeemable turn.
当美国人拥抱追求自己命运的呼声时，反奴隶制的声音将佛罗里达州和得克萨斯州的事态发展视为局部危机已经发生不祥且可能无法挽回的转变的迹象。
The 1840s opened with a number of disturbing developments for antislavery leaders.
1840 年代伊始，出现了一系列令反奴隶制领导人不安的事态发展。
The 1842 Supreme Court case Prigg v.
1842 年最高法院案件 Prigg v.
Pennsylvania ruled that the federal government’s Fugitive Slave Act trumped Pennsylvania’s personal liberty law.
宾夕法尼亚州裁定联邦政府的逃亡奴隶法优先于宾夕法尼亚州的个人自由法。
13 Antislavery activists believed that the federal government only served southern enslavers and were trouncing the states’ rights of the North.
13 反奴隶制活动人士认为，联邦政府只为南方奴隶主服务，并且正在侵犯北方各州的权利。
A number of northern states reacted by passing new personal liberty laws in protest in 1843.
1843 年，一些北方州通过了新的个人自由法以示抗议。
The rising controversy over the status of freedom-seeking people swelled partly through the influence of escaped formerly enslaved people, including Frederick Douglass.
关于寻求自由的人们地位的日益激烈的争议在一定程度上是由于包括弗雷德里克·道格拉斯在内的逃亡前奴隶的影响而加剧的。
Douglass’s entrance into northern politics marked an important new development in the nation’s coming sectional crisis.
道格拉斯进入北方政治标志着该国即将到来的局部危机的一个重要的新发展。
Born into slavery in 1818 at Talbot County, Maryland, Douglass grew up, like many enslaved people, barely having known his own mother or date of birth.
道格拉斯 1818 年出生于马里兰州塔尔伯特县的奴隶家庭，像许多被奴役的人一样，他在成长过程中几乎不知道自己的母亲或出生日期。
And yet because of a range of unique privileges afforded him by the circumstances of his upbringing, as well as his own genius and determination, Douglass managed to learn how to read and write.
然而，由于他的成长环境赋予他一系列独特的特权，以及他自己的天才和决心，道格拉斯成功地学会了如何阅读和写作。
He used these skills to escape from slavery in 1837, when he was just nineteen.
1837 年，年仅 19 岁的他利用这些技能逃离了奴隶制。
By 1845, Douglass put the finishing touches on his autobiography, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass .
1845 年，道格拉斯完成了他的自传《弗雷德里克·道格拉斯的一生的叙述》的最后润色。
14 The book launched his lifelong career as an advocate for the enslaved and helped further raise the visibility of Black politics.
14 这本书开启了他作为奴隶倡导者的一生职业生涯，并帮助进一步提高了黑人政治的知名度。
Other formerly enslaved people, including Sojourner Truth, joined Douglass in rousing support for antislavery, as did free Black Americans like Maria Stewart, James McCune Smith, Martin Delaney, and numerous others.
包括索杰纳·特鲁斯在内的其他前奴隶与道格拉斯一起呼吁反对奴隶制，玛丽亚·斯图尔特、詹姆斯·麦库恩·史密斯、马丁·德莱尼等获得自由的美国黑人也是如此。
15 But Black activists did more than deliver speeches.
15 但黑人活动家所做的不仅仅是发表演讲。
They also attacked fugitive slave laws by helping thousands to escape.
他们还通过帮助数千人逃跑来攻击逃亡奴隶法。
The incredible career of Harriet Tubman is one of the more dramatic examples.
哈丽特·塔布曼 (Harriet Tubman) 令人难以置信的职业生涯就是其中最引人注目的例子之一。
But the forces of slavery had powerful allies at every level of government.
但奴隶制势力在各级政府都有强大的盟友。
The year 1846 signaled new reversals to the antislavery cause and the beginnings of a dark new era in American politics.
1846 年标志着反奴隶制事业的新逆转以及美国政治黑暗新时代的开始。
President Polk and his Democratic allies were eager to see western lands brought into the Union and were especially anxious to see the borders of the nation extended to the shores of the Pacific Ocean.
波尔克总统和他的民主党盟友渴望看到西部土地纳入联邦，尤其渴望看到国家边界延伸到太平洋沿岸。
Critics of the administration blasted these efforts as little more than land grabs on behalf of enslavers.
政府的批评者指责这些努力只不过是代表奴隶主掠夺土地。
Events in early 1846 seemed to justify antislavery complaints.
1846 年初发生的事件似乎证明了反奴隶制的抱怨是合理的。
Since Mexico had never recognized independent Texas, it continued to lay claim to its lands, even after the United States admitted it to the Union.
由于墨西哥从未承认独立的德克萨斯州，因此即使在美国承认其加入联邦之后，它仍继续对其土地提出主权要求。
In January 1846, Polk ordered troops to Texas to enforce claims stemming from its border dispute along the Rio Grande.
1846 年 1 月，波尔克命令军队前往德克萨斯州，以执行格兰德河沿岸边界争端所产生的索赔要求。
Polk asked for war on May 11, 1846, and by September 1847, the United States had invaded Mexico City.
1846 年 5 月 11 日，波尔克要求发动战争，到 1847 年 9 月，美国入侵了墨西哥城。
Whigs, like Abraham Lincoln, found their protests sidelined, but antislavery voices were becoming more vocal and more powerful.
辉格党人，如亚伯拉罕·林肯，发现他们的抗议被边缘化，但反奴隶制的声音变得更加直言不讳、更加有力。
After 1846, the sectional crisis raged throughout North America.
1846年后，局部危机席卷整个北美。
Debates swirled over whether the new lands would be slave or free.
关于新土地是奴隶制还是自由的争论不断。
The South began defending slavery as a positive good.
南方开始捍卫奴隶制作为一种积极的好处。
At the same time, Congressman David Wilmot submitted his Wilmot Proviso late in 1846, banning the expansion of slavery into the territories won from Mexico.
与此同时，国会议员戴维·威尔莫特 (David Wilmot) 于 1846 年底提交了《威尔莫特暂行条例》(Wilmot Proviso)，禁止将奴隶制扩张到从墨西哥赢得的领土上。
The proviso gained widespread northern support and even passed the House with bipartisan support, but it failed in the Senate.
该但书获得了北方的广泛支持，甚至在两党的支持下在众议院获得通过，但在参议院失败了。
The conclusion of the Mexican War led to the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo.
墨西哥战争的结束导致了 1848 年瓜达卢佩伊达尔戈条约的签订。
The treaty infuriated antislavery leaders in the United States.
该条约激怒了美国反奴隶制领导人。
The spoils of war were impressive, but it was clear they would help expand slavery.
战利品令人印象深刻，但很明显它们将有助于扩大奴隶制。
Antislavery activists, who already judged the Mexican War an enslavers’ plot, vowed that no new territories would be opened to slavery.
反奴隶制活动人士已经将墨西哥战争判定为奴隶制阴谋，并发誓不会向奴隶制开放新的领土。
But knowing that the Liberty Party was also not likely to provide a home to many moderate voters, leaders fostered a new and more competitive party, which they called the Free Soil Party.
但领导人知道自由党也不可能为许多温和派选民提供一个家园，因此培育了一个新的、更具竞争力的政党，他们称之为自由土壤党。
Antislavery leaders had thought that their vision of a federal government divorced from slavery might be represented by the major parties in that year’s presidential election, but both the Whigs and the Democrats nominated candidates hostile to the antislavery cause.
反奴隶制领导人曾认为，他们的联邦政府脱离奴隶制的愿景可能会在当年的总统选举中由主要政党代表，但辉格党和民主党都提名了敌视反奴隶制事业的候选人。
Left unrepresented, antislavery Free Soil leaders swung into action.
在无人代表的情况下，反奴隶制“自由土地”领导人立即采取了行动。
Questions about the balance of free and slave states in the Union became even more fierce after the US acquired these territories from Mexico by the 1848 in the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo.
1848 年，美国根据《瓜达卢佩·伊达尔戈条约》从墨西哥手中获得这些领土后，有关联邦自由州和蓄奴州平衡的问题变得更加激烈。
Map of the Mexican Cession, 2008.
墨西哥割让地地图，2008 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Demanding an alternative to the pro-slavery status quo, Free Soil leaders assembled so-called Conscience Whigs, the remnants of the Liberty Party, and antislavery Democrats.
为了要求改变支持奴隶制的现状，自由土地领导人召集了所谓的良心辉格党、自由党的残余分子和反奴隶制民主党人。
The new coalition called for a national convention in August 1848 at Buffalo, New York.
新联盟呼吁于 1848 年 8 月在纽约州布法罗召开全国代表大会。
A number of ex-Democrats committed to the party right away, including an important group of New Yorkers loyal to Martin Van Buren.
许多前民主党人立即加入了该党，其中包括忠于马丁·范布伦的重要纽约人群体。
The Free Soil Party’s platform bridged the eastern and western leadership together and called for an end to slavery in Washington, D.C., and a halt on slavery’s expansion in the territories.
自由土壤党的纲领将东西方领导层联系在一起，呼吁结束华盛顿特区的奴隶制，并停止奴隶制在这些领土上的扩张。
16 The Free Soil movement hardly made a dent in the 1848 presidential election, but it drew more than four times the popular vote won by the Liberty Party earlier.
16 自由土地运动在 1848 年总统选举中几乎没有产生什么影响，但它所吸引的民众选票是自由党早些时候赢得的选票的四倍多。
It was a promising start.
这是一个充满希望的开始。
In 1848, Free Soil leaders claimed just 10 percent of the popular vote but won over a dozen House seats and even managed to win one Senate seat in Ohio, which went to Salmon P.
1848 年，自由土壤运动的领导人只获得了 10% 的普选票，但却赢得了十多个众议院席位，甚至还赢得了俄亥俄州的一个参议院席位，该席位被萨蒙·P·肯尼迪 (Salmon P.
Chase.
追逐。
17 In Congress, Free Soil members had enough votes to swing power to either the Whigs or the Democrats.
17 在国会，自由土地成员拥有足够的选票，可以将权力转向辉格党或民主党。
The admission of Wisconsin as a free state in May 1848 helped cool tensions after the Texas and Florida admissions.
1848 年 5 月，威斯康星州被接纳为自由州，这有助于缓和德克萨斯州和佛罗里达州被接纳后的紧张局势。
Meanwhile, news from a number of failed European revolutions alarmed American reformers, but as exiled radicals filtered into the United States, a strengthening women’s rights movement also flexed its muscle at Seneca Falls, New York.
与此同时，一系列欧洲革命失败的消息令美国改革者感到震惊，但随着流亡的激进分子涌入美国，一场不断加强的女权运动也在纽约塞内卡福尔斯大展拳脚。
Led by figures such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott, women with deep ties to the abolitionist cause, it represented the first of such meetings ever held in U.S. history.
这次会议由伊丽莎白·卡迪·斯坦顿和卢克丽霞·莫特等与废奴主义事业有着深厚联系的女性领导，这是美国历史上首次举行此类会议。
18 Frederick Douglass also appeared at the convention and took part in the proceedings, where participants debated the Declaration of Sentiments, Grievances, and Resolutions.
18 弗雷德里克·道格拉斯 (Frederick Douglass) 也出席了大会并参加了会议进程，与会者就《情感、申诉和决议宣言》进行了辩论。
19 By August 1848, it seemed plausible that the Free Soil Movement might tap into these reforms and build a broader coalition.
19 到 1848 年 8 月，自由土地运动似乎有可能利用这些改革并建立更广泛的联盟。
In some ways that is precisely what it did.
在某些方面，这正是它所做的。
But come November, the spirit of reform failed to yield much at the polls.
但到了 11 月，改革精神在民意调查中并没有取得多大成果。
Whig candidate Zachary Taylor bested Democrat Lewis Cass of Michigan.
辉格党候选人扎卡里·泰勒击败了密歇根州的民主党人刘易斯·卡斯。
The upheavals of 1848 came to a quick end.
1848 年的动乱很快就结束了。
Taylor remained in office only a brief time until his unexpected death from a stomach ailment in 1850.
泰勒只在位很短一段时间，直到 1850 年因胃病意外去世。
During Taylor’s brief time in office, the fruits of the Mexican War began to spoil.
在泰勒短暂的执政期间，墨西哥战争的成果开始腐烂。
While Taylor was alive, his administration struggled to find a good remedy.
泰勒在世时，他的政府一直在努力寻找良策。
Increased clamoring for the admission of California, New Mexico, and Utah pushed the country closer to the edge.
要求加入加利福尼亚州、新墨西哥州和犹他州的呼声日益高涨，使该国更接近边缘。
Gold had been discovered in California, and as thousands continued to pour onto the West Coast and through the trans-Mississippi West, the admission of new states loomed.
加利福尼亚州发现了金矿，随着成千上万的人继续涌入西海岸并穿过密西西比河西部，新州的加入迫在眉睫。
In Utah, Mormons were also making claims to an independent state they called Deseret.
在犹他州，摩门教徒也声称建立一个他们称之为德塞雷特的独立国家。
By 1850, California wanted admission as a free state.
1850 年，加利福尼亚希望成为一个自由州。
With so many competing dynamics under way, and with the president dead and replaced by Whig Millard Fillmore, the 1850s were off to a troubling start.
由于存在如此多的竞争动态，加上总统去世并由辉格党人米勒德菲尔莫尔取代，1850 年代的开局令人不安。
Congressional leaders like Henry Clay and newer legislators like Stephen A.
亨利·克莱 (Henry Clay) 等国会领导人和斯蒂芬·A·克莱 (Stephen A.
Douglas of Illinois were asked to broker a compromise, but this time it was clear no compromise could bridge all the diverging interests at play in the country.
伊利诺伊州的道格拉斯被要求促成一项妥协，但这一次很明显，任何妥协都无法弥合该国所有不同的利益。
Clay eventually left Washington disheartened by affairs.
克莱最终因事务而灰心丧气地离开了华盛顿。
It fell to young Stephen Douglas, then, to shepherd the bills through Congress, which he in fact did.
于是，年轻的史蒂芬·道格拉斯 (Stephen Douglas) 就负责引导这些法案在国会获得通过，事实上他也做到了。
Legislators rallied behind the Compromise of 1850, an assemblage of bills passed late in 1850, which managed to keep the promises of the Missouri Compromise alive.
立法者们齐心协力支持《1850 年妥协案》，该法案于 1850 年末通过了一系列法案，成功地兑现了《密苏里妥协案》的承诺。
Henry Clay (“The Great Compromiser”) addresses the U.S. Senate during the debates over the Compromise of 1850.
亨利·克莱（“伟大的妥协者”）在 1850 年妥协案辩论期间向美国参议院发表讲话。
The print shows a number of incendiary personalities, like John C.
该印刷品展示了许多煽动性人物，例如 John C.
Calhoun, whose increasingly sectional beliefs were pacified for a time by the Compromise.
卡尔霍恩日益分裂的信念因妥协案而暂时得到平息。
P.
P。
F.
F。
Rothermel (artist), c.
罗瑟梅尔（艺术家），c。
1855.
1855年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
The Compromise of 1850 tried to offer something to everyone, but in the end it only worsened the sectional crisis.
1850年的妥协试图为每个人提供一些东西，但最终只会加剧局部危机。
For southerners, the package offered a tough new fugitive slave law that empowered the federal government to deputize regular citizens in arresting runaways.
对于南方人来说，该计划提供了一项严厉的新逃奴法，授权联邦政府代表普通公民逮捕逃亡者。
The New Mexico Territory and the Utah Territory would be allowed to determine their own fates as slave or free states based on popular sovereignty.
新墨西哥领地和犹他领地将被允许根据人民主权决定自己作为奴隶州或自由州的命运。
The compromise also allowed territories to submit suits directly to the Supreme Court over the status of freedom-seeking people within their bounds.
该妥协还允许各领地就其境内寻求自由的人民的地位直接向最高法院提起诉讼。
The admission of California as the newest free state in the Union cheered many northerners, but even the admission of a vast new state full of resources and rich agricultural lands was not enough.
承认加利福尼亚州为联邦中最新的自由州让许多北方人欢呼雀跃，但即使承认一个拥有丰富资源和丰富农田的广阔新州也还不够。
In addition to California, northerners also gained a ban on the slave trade in Washington, D.C., but not the full emancipation abolitionists had long advocated.
除了加州之外，北方人还在华盛顿特区获得了禁止奴隶贸易的禁令，但并不是像废奴主义者长期以来所主张的那样全面解放奴隶。
Texas, which had already come into the Union as a slave state, was asked to give some of its land to New Mexico in return for the federal government absorbing some of the former republic’s debt.
已经作为奴隶州加入联邦的德克萨斯州被要求将其部分土地交给新墨西哥州，以换取联邦政府吸收前共和国的部分债务。
But the compromise debates soon grew ugly.
但妥协的争论很快就变得丑陋起来。
After the Compromise of 1850, antislavery critics became increasingly certain that enslavers had co-opted the federal government, and that a southern Slave Power secretly held sway in Washington, where it hoped to make slavery a national institution.
1850 年妥协之后，反奴隶制批评者越来越确定，奴隶主已经拉拢了联邦政府，而南方奴隶势力秘密地在华盛顿掌权，希望使奴隶制成为一个国家制度。
These northern complaints pointed back to how the three-fifths compromise of the Constitution gave southerners proportionally more representatives in Congress.
这些北方人的抱怨表明，宪法的五分之三妥协如何让南方人在国会中获得更多的代表。
In the 1850s, antislavery leaders increasingly argued that Washington worked on behalf of enslavers while ignoring the interests of white working men.
1850 年代，反奴隶制领导人越来越多地辩称，华盛顿代表奴隶主行事，却忽视了白人工人的利益。
None of the individual measures in the Compromise of 1850 proved more troubling to antislavery Americans than the Fugitive Slave Act.
事实证明，1850 年妥协案中的任何一项措施都没有比《逃亡奴隶法案》更让反奴隶制的美国人感到不安。
In a clear bid to extend slavery’s influence throughout the country, the act created special federal commissioners to determine the fate of alleged fugitives without benefit of a jury trial or even court testimony.
为了扩大奴隶制在全国的影响力，该法案设立了特别联邦专员，在没有陪审团审判甚至法庭证词的情况下确定被指控逃犯的命运。
Under its provisions, local authorities in the North could not interfere with the capture of fugitives.
根据其规定，北方地方当局不得干预抓捕逃犯。
Northern citizens, moreover, had to assist in the arrest of fugitives when called upon by federal agents.
此外，当联邦特工要求时，北方公民必须协助逮捕逃犯。
The Fugitive Slave Act created the foundation for a massive expansion of federal power, including an alarming increase in the nation’s policing powers.
《逃亡奴隶法》为联邦权力的大规模扩张奠定了基础，其中包括国家治安权力的惊人增强。
Many northerners were also troubled by the way the bill undermined local and state laws.
许多北方人还对该法案破坏地方和州法律的方式感到不安。
The law itself fostered corruption and the enslavement of free Black northerners.
该法律本身助长了腐败和对自由北方黑人的奴役。
The federal commissioners who heard these cases were paid $10 if they determined that the defendant was enslaved and only $5 if they determined he or she was free.
审理这些案件的联邦委员如果确定被告被奴役，将获得 10 美元的报酬；如果确定被告是自由的，则只需获得 5 美元。
20 Many Black northerners responded to the new law by heading farther north to Canada.
20 许多北方黑人响应新法律，向北迁徙至加拿大。
The 1852 presidential election gave the Whigs their most stunning defeat and effectively ended their existence as a national political party.
1852 年的总统选举让辉格党遭遇了最惊人的失败，实际上结束了他们作为全国性政党的存在。
Whigs captured just 42 of the 254 electoral votes needed to win.
辉格党仅获得获胜所需的 254 张选举人票中的 42 张。
With the Compromise of 1850 and plenty of new lands, peaceful consensus seemed to be on the horizon.
随着 1850 年的妥协和大量新土地的出现，和平共识似乎即将到来。
Antislavery feelings continued to run deep, however.
然而，反奴隶制的情绪仍然根深蒂固。
One measure of the popularity of antislavery ideas came in 1852 when Harriet Beecher Stowe published her best-selling antislavery novel, Uncle Tom’s Cabin .
1852 年，哈里特·比彻·斯托出版了她最畅销的反奴隶制小说《汤姆叔叔的小屋》，这是衡量反奴隶制思想受欢迎程度的一个指标。
Sales for Uncle Tom’s Cabin were astronomical, eclipsed only by sales of the Bible.
《汤姆叔叔的小屋》的销量是天文数字，仅次于《圣经》的销量。
21 The book became a sensation and helped move antislavery into everyday conversation for many northerners.
21 这本书引起了轰动，并帮助将反奴隶制纳入了许多北方人的日常对话中。
Despite the powerful antislavery message, Stowe’s book also reinforced many racist stereotypes.
尽管斯托的书传达了强有力的反奴隶制信息，但它也强化了许多种族主义刻板印象。
Even abolitionists struggled with the deeply ingrained racism that plagued American society.
即使是废奴主义者也在与困扰美国社会的根深蒂固的种族主义作斗争。
While the major success of Uncle Tom’s Cabin bolstered the abolitionist cause, the terms outlined by the Compromise of 1850 appeared strong enough to keep the peace.
虽然《汤姆叔叔的小屋》的巨大成功支持了废奴主义事业，但 1850 年妥协案所概述的条款似乎足以维持和平。
Uncle Tom’s Cabin intensified an already hot debate over slavery throughout the United States.
《汤姆叔叔的小屋》加剧了全美范围内关于奴隶制的激烈争论。
The book revolves around Eliza (the woman holding the young boy) and Tom (standing with his wife Chloe), each of whom takes a very different path: Eliza escapes slavery using her own two feet, but Tom endures his chains only to die by the whip of a brutish enslaver.
这本书围绕着伊丽莎（抱着小男孩的女人）和汤姆（和他的妻子克洛伊站在一起）展开，他们每个人都走着截然不同的道路：伊丽莎用自己的两只脚逃离了奴隶制，但汤姆忍受着他的锁链，结果却死于野蛮奴隶主的鞭子之下。
The horrific violence that both endured melted the hearts of many northerners and pressed some to join in the fight against slavery.
两者所遭受的可怕暴力融化了许多北方人的心，并迫使一些人加入反对奴隶制的斗争。
Full-page illustration by Hammatt Billings for Uncle Tom’s Cabin, 1852.
Hamatt Billings 为《汤姆叔叔的小屋》绘制的整页插图，1852 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Democrats by 1853 were badly splintered along sectional lines over slavery, but they also had reasons to act with confidence.
1853 年，民主党在奴隶制问题上严重分裂，但他们也有理由充满信心地采取行动。
Voters had returned them to office in 1852 following the bitter fights over the Compromise of 1850.
经过 1850 年妥协案的激烈斗争后，选民于 1852 年让他们重新执政。
Emboldened, Illinois senator Stephen A.
伊利诺伊州参议员斯蒂芬·A.
Douglas introduced a set of additional amendments to a bill drafted in late 1853 to help organize the Nebraska Territory, the last of the Louisiana Purchase lands.
道格拉斯对 1853 年末起草的一项法案提出了一系列附加修正案，以帮助组织内布拉斯加州领地，这是路易斯安那购置地的最后一块土地。
In 1853, the Nebraska Territory was huge, extending from the northern end of Texas to the Canadian border.
1853年，内布拉斯加州领土幅员辽阔，从德克萨斯州北端一直延伸到加拿大边境。
Altogether, it encompassed present-day Nebraska, Wyoming, South Dakota, North Dakota, Colorado, and Montana.
总共包括现在的内布拉斯加州、怀俄明州、南达科他州、北达科他州、科罗拉多州和蒙大拿州。
Douglas’s efforts to amend and introduce the bill in 1854 opened dynamics that would break the Democratic Party in two and, in the process, rip the country apart.
1854 年，道格拉斯修改并提出该法案的努力开启了将民主党一分为二的动力，并在此过程中使国家分裂。
Douglas proposed a bold plan in 1854 to cut off a large southern chunk of Nebraska and create it separately as the Kansas Territory.
1854 年，道格拉斯提出了一项大胆的计划，将内布拉斯加州南部的一大片地区割掉，将其单独建立为堪萨斯领地。
Douglas had a number of goals in mind.
道格拉斯心中有很多目标。
The expansionist Democrat from Illinois wanted to organize the territory to facilitate the completion of a national railroad that would flow through Chicago.
来自伊利诺伊州的扩张主义民主党人希望组织该地区，以促进修建一条流经芝加哥的国家铁路。
But before he had even finished introducing the bill, opposition had already mobilized.
但在他提出该法案之前，反对派已经动员起来。
Salmon P.
鲑鱼P。
Chase drafted a response in northern newspapers that exposed the Kansas-Nebraska Bill as a measure to overturn the Missouri Compromise and open western lands for slavery.
蔡斯在北方报纸上起草了一份回应，揭露堪萨斯-内布拉斯加州法案是推翻密苏里妥协案并开放西部奴隶制土地的一项措施。
Kansas-Nebraska protests emerged in 1854 throughout the North, with key meetings in Wisconsin and Michigan.
1854 年，堪萨斯-内布拉斯加州的抗议活动在整个北方爆发，主要集会在威斯康星州和密歇根州举行。
Kansas would become slave or free depending on the result of local elections, elections that would be greatly influenced by migrants flooding to the state to either protect or stop the spread of slavery.
堪萨斯州将成为奴隶制还是自由州，取决于地方选举的结果，而选举将受到涌入该州以保护或阻止奴隶制蔓延的移民的极大影响。
Ordinary Americans in the North increasingly resisted what they believed to be a pro-slavery federal government on their own terms.
北方的普通美国人越来越多地抵制他们认为支持奴隶制的联邦政府。
The rescues and arrests of enslaved men like Anthony Burns in Boston and Joshua Glover in Milwaukee signaled the rising vehemence of resistance to the nation’s 1850 fugitive slave law.
波士顿的安东尼·伯恩斯 (Anthony Burns) 和密尔沃基的约书亚·格洛弗 (Joshua Glover) 等奴隶的获救和逮捕标志着美国对 1850 年逃亡奴隶法的抵制日益激烈。
The case of Anthony Burns illustrates how the Fugitive Slave Law radicalized many northerners.
安东尼·伯恩斯的案例说明了《逃亡奴隶法》如何使许多北方人变得激进。
On May 24, 1854, twenty-year-old Burns, a preacher who worked in a Boston clothing shop, was clubbed and dragged to jail.
1854 年 5 月 24 日，二十岁的伯恩斯，一名在波士顿一家服装店工作的传教士，遭到棍棒殴打并被拖入监狱。
One year earlier, Burns had escaped slavery in Virginia, and a group of slave catchers had come to return him to Richmond.
一年前，伯恩斯逃离了弗吉尼亚州的奴隶制，一群奴隶捕手前来将他送回里士满。
Word of Burns’s capture spread rapidly through Boston, and a mob gathered outside the courthouse demanding Burns’s release.
伯恩斯被捕的消息迅速传遍波士顿，一群暴徒聚集在法院外，要求释放伯恩斯。
Two days after the arrest, the crowd stormed the courthouse and shot a deputy U.S. Marshal to death.
逮捕两天后，人群冲进法院，枪杀了一名美国副元帅。
News reached Washington, and the federal government sent soldiers.
消息传到华盛顿，联邦政府派出了士兵。
Boston was placed under martial law.
波士顿处于戒严状态。
Federal troops lined the streets of Boston as Burns was marched to a ship, where he was sent back to slavery in Virginia.
当伯恩斯被押上一艘船时，联邦军队在波士顿街道两旁排列，他被送回弗吉尼亚州当奴隶。
After spending over $40,000, the U.S. government had successfully reenslaved Anthony Burns.
美国政府花费了四万多美元，成功地重新奴役了安东尼·伯恩斯。
22 A short time later, Burns was redeemed by abolitionists who paid $1,300 to return him to freedom, but the outrage among Bostonians only grew.
22 不久之后，废奴主义者支付了 1,300 美元赎回了伯恩斯，让他重获自由，但波士顿人的愤怒却与日俱增。
And Anthony Burns was only one of hundreds of highly publicized episodes of the federal government imposing the Fugitive Slave Law on rebellious northern populations.
安东尼·伯恩斯只是联邦政府对叛逆的北方人口实施逃亡奴隶法的数百起广为人知的事件之一。
In the words of Amos Adams Lawrence, “We went to bed one night old-fashioned, conservative, compromise Union Whigs & woke up stark mad Abolitionists.” 23
用阿莫斯·亚当斯·劳伦斯的话来说，“一天晚上，我们睡着时是老式的、保守的、妥协的辉格党联盟，醒来时却是彻底疯狂的废奴主义者。” 23
Anthony Burns, the fugitive slave, appears in a portrait at the center of this 1855 print.
逃亡奴隶安东尼·伯恩斯 (Anthony Burns) 出现在这幅 1855 年版画中央的肖像中。
Burns’ arrest and trial, possible because of the 1850 Fugitive Slave Act, became a rallying cry.
由于 1850 年《逃亡奴隶法案》，伯恩斯的被捕和审判成为可能，这成为了战斗口号。
As a symbol of the injustice of the slave system, Burns’ treatment spurred riots and protests by abolitionists and citizens of Boston in the spring of 1854.
作为奴隶制度不公正的象征，伯恩斯的待遇在 1854 年春天引发了废奴主义者和波士顿公民的骚乱和抗议。
John Andrews (engraver), “Anthony Burns,” c.
约翰·安德鲁斯（雕刻师），《安东尼·伯恩斯》，c。
1855.
1855年。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
As northerners radicalized, organizations like the New England Emigrant Aid Company provided guns and other goods for pioneers willing to go to Kansas and establish the territory as antislavery through popular sovereignty.
随着北方人变得激进，新英格兰移民援助公司等组织为愿意前往堪萨斯州并通过人民主权建立反奴隶制领土的拓荒者提供枪支和其他物品。
On all sides of the slavery issue, politics became increasingly militarized.
在奴隶制问题的各个方面，政治都变得越来越军事化。
The year 1855 nearly derailed the northern antislavery coalition.
1855 年，北方反奴隶制联盟几乎脱轨。
A resurgent anti-immigrant movement briefly took advantage of the Whig collapse and nearly stole the energy of the anti-administration forces by channeling its frustrations into fights against the large number of mostly Catholic German and Irish immigrants in American cities.
一场复兴的反移民运动短暂地利用了辉格党垮台的机会，将其挫败感转化为针对美国城市中大量信奉天主教的德国和爱尔兰移民的斗争，几乎窃取了反行政力量的能量。
Calling themselves Know-Nothings, on account of their tendency to pretend ignorance when asked about their activities, the Know-Nothing or American Party made impressive gains in 1854 and 1855, particularly in New England and the Middle Atlantic.
一无所知党或美国党自称为“一无所知党”，因为他们在被问及自己的活动时倾向于假装无知，因此在 1854 年和 1855 年取得了令人印象深刻的进展，特别是在新英格兰和中大西洋地区。
But the anti-immigrant movement simply could not capture the nation’s attention in ways the antislavery movement already had.
但反移民运动根本无法像反奴隶制运动那样吸引全国的注意力。
24
24
The antislavery political movements that started in 1854 coalesced with the formation of a new political party.
1854 年开始的反奴隶制政治运动与新政党的形成结合在一起。
Harking back to the founding fathers, its organizers named it the Republican Party.
回顾开国元勋，其组织者将其命名为共和党。
Republicans moved forward into a highly charged summer.
共和党人进入了一个高度紧张的夏季。
Following an explosive speech before Congress on May 19–20, Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts was violently beaten with a cane by Representative Preston Brooks of South Carolina on the floor of the Senate chamber.
5 月 19 日至 20 日在国会发表爆炸性演讲后，马萨诸塞州参议员查尔斯·萨姆纳 (Charles Sumner) 在参议院会议厅的地板上遭到南卡罗来纳州众议员普雷斯顿·布鲁克斯 (Preston Brooks) 的猛烈殴打。
Among other accusations, Sumner accused Senator Andrew Butler of South Carolina, Brooks’s cousin, of defending slavery so he could have sexual access to Black women.
除其他指控外，萨姆纳还指责布鲁克斯的表弟、南卡罗来纳州参议员安德鲁·巴特勒捍卫奴隶制，以便他能够与黑人女性发生性关系。
25 Brooks felt that he had to defend his relative’s honor and nearly killed Sumner as a result.
25 布鲁克斯觉得他必须捍卫亲戚的荣誉，因此差点杀死萨姆纳。
The violence in Washington pales before the many murders occurring in Kansas.
与堪萨斯州发生的许多谋杀案相比，华盛顿的暴力事件显得黯然失色。
26 Pro-slavery raiders attacked Lawrence, Kansas.
26 支持奴隶制的袭击者袭击了堪萨斯州的劳伦斯。
Radical abolitionist John Brown retaliated, murdering several pro-slavery Kansans in retribution.
激进废奴主义者约翰·布朗进行报复，谋杀了几名支持奴隶制的堪萨斯人作为报复。
As all of this played out, the House failed to expel Brooks.
随着这一切的发生，众议院未能驱逐布鲁克斯。
Brooks resigned his seat anyway, only to be reelected by his constituents later in the year.
布鲁克斯无论如何都辞去了席位，但在今年晚些时候被选民连选连任。
He received new canes emblazoned with the words “Hit him again!” 27
他收到了新手杖，上面写着“再打他一次！” 27
With sectional tensions at a breaking point, both parties readied for the coming presidential election.
随着派别紧张局势达到临界点，两党都为即将到来的总统选举做好了准备。
In June 1856, the newly named Republican Party held its nominating convention at Philadelphia and selected Californian John Charles Frémont.
1856年6月，新成立的共和党在费城举行提名大会，选出了加州人约翰·查尔斯·弗里蒙特。
Frémont’s antislavery credentials may not have pleased many abolitionists, but his dynamic and talented wife, Jessie Benton Frémont, appealed to more radical members of the coalition.
弗里蒙特的反奴隶制资格可能令许多废奴主义者不高兴，但他充满活力和才华横溢的妻子杰西·本顿·弗里蒙特（Jessie Benton Frémont）吸引了联盟中更激进的成员。
The Kansas-Nebraska debate, the organization of the Republican Party, and the 1856 presidential campaign all energized a new generation of political leaders, including Abraham Lincoln.
堪萨斯-内布拉斯加州辩论、共和党的组织以及 1856 年的总统竞选都为包括亚伯拉罕·林肯在内的新一代政治领导人注入了活力。
Beginning with his speech at Peoria, Illinois, in 1854, Lincoln carved out a message that encapsulated better than anyone else the main ideas and visions of the Republican Party.
1854 年，林肯在伊利诺伊州皮奥里亚发表演讲，从他的演讲开始，他传达的信息比任何人都更能概括共和党的主要思想和愿景。
28 Lincoln himself was slow to join the coalition, yet by the summer of 1856, Lincoln had fully committed to the Frémont campaign.
28 林肯本人迟迟没有加入联盟，但到 1856 年夏天，林肯已完全投入到弗里蒙特战役中。
Frémont lost, but Republicans celebrated that he won eleven of the sixteen free states.
弗里蒙特失败了，但共和党人庆祝他赢得了十六个自由州中的十一个。
This showing, they urged, was truly impressive for any party making its first run at the presidency.
他们敦促说，对于任何首次竞选总统的政党来说，这一表现确实令人印象深刻。
Yet northern Democrats in crucial swing states remained unmoved by the Republican Party’s appeals.
然而，关键摇摆州的北部民主党人仍然对共和党的呼吁无动于衷。
Ulysses S.
尤利西斯·S.
Grant of Missouri, for example, worried that Frémont and Republicans signaled trouble for the Union itself.
例如，密苏里州的格兰特担心弗里蒙特和共和党人会给联邦本身带来麻烦。
Grant voted for the Democratic candidate, James Buchanan, believing a Republican victory might bring about disunion.
格兰特把票投给了民主党候选人詹姆斯·布坎南，他认为共和党的胜利可能会导致分裂。
In abolitionist and especially Black American circles, Frémont’s defeat was more than a disappointment.
在废奴主义者圈子，尤其是美国黑人圈子里，弗里蒙特的失败不仅仅是令人失望。
Believing their fate had been sealed as permanent noncitizens, some African Americans would consider foreign emigration and colonization.
一些非裔美国人相信自己作为永久非公民的命运已经注定，因此会考虑移民和殖民。
Others began to explore the option of more radical and direct action against the Slave Power.
其他人开始探索针对奴隶制采取更激进和直接行动的选择。
White antislavery leaders hailed Frémont’s defeat as a “glorious” one and looked ahead to the party’s future successes.
白人反奴隶制领导人称赞弗里蒙特的失败是一次“光荣”的失败，并展望该党未来的成功。
For those still in slavery or hoping to see loved ones freed, the news was of course much harder to take.
对于那些仍处于奴隶制状态或希望看到亲人获释的人来说，这个消息当然更难以接受。
The Republican Party had promised the rise of an antislavery coalition, but voters rebuked it.
共和党曾承诺建立反奴隶制联盟，但遭到选民的谴责。
The lessons seemed clear enough.
教训似乎很清楚。
Kansas loomed large over the 1856 election, darkening the national mood.
堪萨斯州在 1856 年的选举中表现突出，全国情绪低落。
The story of voter fraud in Kansas had begun years before in 1854, when nearby Missourians first started crossing the border to tamper with the Kansas elections.
堪萨斯州选民欺诈的故事始于多年前的 1854 年，当时附近的密苏里州人首次开始越境篡改堪萨斯州的选举。
Noting this, critics at the time attacked the Pierce administration for not living up to the ideals of popular sovereignty by ensuring fair elections.
注意到这一点，当时的批评者批评皮尔斯政府没有通过确保公平选举来实现人民主权的理想。
From there, the crisis only deepened and democratic norms collapsed.
从那时起，危机只会加深，民主规范崩溃。
Kansas voted to come into the Union as a free state, but the federal government refused to recognize their votes and instead recognized a sham pro-slavery legislature.
堪萨斯州投票决定作为一个自由州加入联邦，但联邦政府拒绝承认他们的选票，而是承认了一个虚假的支持奴隶制的立法机构。
The sectional crisis had at last become a national crisis.
局部危机最终演变成全国性危机。
“Bleeding Kansas” was the first place to demonstrate that the sectional crisis could easily be, and in fact already was, exploding into a full-blown national crisis.
《流血的堪萨斯》是第一个证明局部危机很容易并且事实上已经爆发为全面的国家危机的地方。
As the national mood grew increasingly grim, Kansas attracted militants representing the extreme sides of the slavery debate.
随着全国情绪变得越来越严峻，堪萨斯州吸引了代表奴隶制辩论极端一方的激进分子。
In the days after the 1856 presidential election, Buchanan made his plans for his time in office clear.
1856 年总统选举后的几天里，布坎南明确了他的任期计划。
He talked with Chief Justice Roger Taney on inauguration day about a court decision he hoped to see handled during his time in office.
他在就职当天与首席大法官罗杰·塔尼讨论了他希望在他任职期间处理的法院判决。
Indeed, not long after the inauguration, the Supreme Court handed down a decision that would come to define Buchanan’s presidency.
事实上，就职典礼后不久，最高法院就做出了一项决定，决定布坎南的总统任期。
The Dred Scott decision, Scott v.
德雷德·斯科特判决，斯科特诉。
Sandford , ruled that Black Americans could not be citizens of the United States and therefore could be transported as chattel from any state to another regardless of state law.
桑德福德裁定，美国黑人不能成为美国公民，因此无论州法律如何，黑人都可以作为动产从任何州转移到另一个州。
29 This gave the Buchanan administration and its southern allies a direct repudiation of the Missouri Compromise.
29 这使布坎南政府及其南方盟友直接拒绝了密苏里妥协案。
The court ruled that Scott, a Missouri slave, had no right to sue in United States courts.
法院裁定，密苏里州奴隶斯科特无权在美国法院提起诉讼。
The Dred Scott decision signaled that the federal government was now fully committed to extending slavery as far and as wide as it might want.
德雷德·斯科特的决定表明，联邦政府现在完全致力于将奴隶制扩大到其想要的程度和范围。
Dred Scott’s Supreme Court case made clear that the federal government was no longer able or willing to ignore the issue of slavery.
德雷德·斯科特最高法院的案件清楚地表明，联邦政府不再能够或愿意忽视奴隶制问题。
More than that, all Black Americans, Justice Taney declared, could never be citizens of the United States.
更重要的是，坦尼法官宣称，所有美国黑人永远不可能成为美国公民。
Though seemingly a disastrous decision for abolitionists, this controversial ruling actually increased the ranks of the abolitionist movement.
尽管对废奴主义者来说似乎是一个灾难性的决定，但这一有争议的裁决实际上提高了废奴运动的队伍。
Photograph of Dred Scott, 1857.
德雷德·斯科特的照片，1857 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
The Dred Scott decision seemed to settle the sectional crisis by making slavery fully national, but in reality it just exacerbated sectional tensions further.
德雷德·斯科特的决定似乎通过使奴隶制完全全国化来解决部门危机，但实际上它只是进一步加剧了部门紧张。
In 1857, Buchanan sent U.S. military forces to Utah, hoping to subdue Utah’s Mormon communities.
1857 年，布坎南派遣美国军队前往犹他州，希望征服犹他州的摩门教社区。
This action, however, led to renewed charges, many of them leveled from within his own party, that the administration was abusing its powers.
然而，这一行动导致了新的指控，其中许多指控来自他自己的政党内部，称政府滥用权力。
Far more important than the Utah invasion, however, were the ongoing events in Kansas.
然而，比犹他州的入侵更重要的是堪萨斯州正在发生的事件。
It was Kansas that at last proved to many northerners that the sectional crisis would not go away unless slavery also went away.
堪萨斯州最终向许多北方人证明，除非奴隶制也消失，否则局部危机不会消失。
The Illinois Senate race in 1858 put the scope of the sectional crisis on full display.
1858 年的伊利诺伊州参议员竞选充分展示了部门危机的严重性。
Republican candidate Abraham Lincoln challenged the greatly influential Democrat Stephen Douglas.
共和党候选人亚伯拉罕·林肯挑战了极具影响力的民主党人斯蒂芬·道格拉斯。
Pandering to appeals to white supremacy, Douglas hammered the Republican opposition as a “Black Republican” party bent on racial equality.
为了迎合白人至上的诉求，道格拉斯抨击共和党反对派是一个致力于种族平等的“黑人共和党”政党。
30 The Republicans, including Lincoln, fired back with warnings of divisiveness and assertions that all Americans deserved equality of opportunity.
30 包括林肯在内的共和党人予以回击，警告会造成分歧，并声称所有美国人都应该享有平等的机会。
Democrats hung on as best they could, but the Republicans won the House of Representatives and picked up seats in the Senate.
民主党尽其所能地坚持下去，但共和党赢得了众议院席位并获得了参议院席位。
Lincoln actually lost his contest with Stephen Douglas but in the process firmly established himself as a leading national Republican.
林肯实际上输掉了与斯蒂芬·道格拉斯的竞争，但在此过程中坚定地确立了自己作为全国共和党领袖的地位。
After the 1858 elections, all eyes turned to 1860.
1858 年选举结束后，所有人的目光都转向了 1860 年。
Given the Republican Party’s successes since 1854, it was expected that the 1860 presidential election might produce the nation’s first antislavery president.
鉴于共和党自 1854 年以来取得的成功，人们预计 1860 年的总统选举可能会产生美国第一位反奴隶制总统。
In the troubled decades since the Missouri Compromise, the nation slowly tore itself apart.
自密苏里妥协以来陷入困境的几十年里，这个国家慢慢地分裂了。
Congressmen clubbed each other nearly to death on the floor of Congress, and by the middle of the 1850s Americans were already at war on the Kansas and Missouri plains.
国会议员们在国会大厅里互相用棍棒打得几乎致死，到了 1850 年代中期，美国人已经在堪萨斯和密苏里平原陷入了战争。
Across the country, cities and towns were in various stages of revolt against federal authority.
全国各地的城镇都处于反抗联邦权威的不同阶段。
Fighting spread even farther against Native Americans in the Far West and against Mormons in Utah.
针对远西部美洲原住民和犹他州摩门教徒的战斗甚至蔓延到更远的地方。
The nation’s militants anticipated a coming breakdown and worked to exploit it.
该国的激进分子预见到了即将到来的崩溃，并努力利用它。
John Brown, fresh from his actions in Kansas, moved east and planned more violence.
约翰·布朗刚从堪萨斯州的行动中恢复过来，便向东迁移并策划了更多的暴力活动。
Assembling a team from across the West, including Black radicals from Oberlin, Ohio, and throughout communities in western Canada, Brown hatched a plan to attack Harper’s Ferry, a federal weapons arsenal in Virginia (now West Virginia).
布朗召集了一支来自西部各地的团队，其中包括来自俄亥俄州奥柏林和加拿大西部各个社区的黑人激进分子，制定了一项攻击弗吉尼亚州（现为西弗吉尼亚州）联邦武器库哈珀渡口的计划。
He would use the weapons to lead a revolt of enslaved people.
他将使用这些武器来领导被奴役人民的反抗。
Brown approached Frederick Douglass, though Douglass refused to join.
布朗联系了弗雷德里克·道格拉斯，但道格拉斯拒绝加入。
Brown’s raid embarked on October 16.
布朗的突袭行动于 10 月 16 日开始。
By October 18, a command under Robert E.
到 10 月 18 日，罗伯特·E.
Lee had crushed the revolt.
李镇压了这次叛乱。
Many of Brown’s men, including his own sons, were killed, but Brown himself lived and was imprisoned.
布朗的许多部下，包括他自己的儿子，都被杀，但布朗本人活了下来并被监禁。
Brown prophesied while in prison that the nation’s crimes would only be purged with blood.
布朗在狱中预言，这个国家的罪行只能用鲜血来清洗。
He went to the gallows in December 1859.
1859 年 12 月，他上了绞刑架。
Northerners made a stunning display of sympathy on the day of his execution.
在他被处决的那天，北方人表现出了惊人的同情。
Southerners took their reactions to mean that the coming 1860 election would be, in many ways, a referendum on secession and disunion.
南方人认为他们的反应意味着即将到来的 1860 年选举在很多方面将是一次关于分裂和分裂的全民公投。
The execution of John Brown made him a martyr in abolitionist circles and a confirmed traitor in southern crowds.
约翰·布朗的处决使他成为废奴主义者圈子里的烈士，也成为南方群众中公认的叛徒。
Both of these images continued to pervade public memory after the Civil War, but in the North especially (where so many soldiers had died to help end slavery) his name was admired.
内战结束后，这两个形象继续弥漫在公众记忆中，但尤其是在北方（那里有那么多士兵为结束奴隶制而牺牲），他的名字受到人们的钦佩。
Over two decades after Brown’s death, Thomas Hovenden portrayed Brown as a saint.
布朗去世二十多年后，托马斯·霍文登将布朗描绘成圣人。
As he is lead to his execution for attempting to destroy slavery, Brown poignantly leans over a rail to kiss a Black baby.
当布朗因试图摧毁奴隶制而被处决时，他痛苦地靠在栏杆上亲吻一个黑人婴儿。
Thomas Hovenden, The Last Moments of John Brown, c.
托马斯·霍文登，约翰·布朗的最后时刻，c。
1882-1884.
1882-1884。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Republicans wanted little to do with Brown and instead tried to portray themselves as moderates opposed to both abolitionists and pro-slavery expansionists.
共和党人不想与布朗有任何关系，而是试图将自己描绘成反对废奴主义者和支持奴隶制扩张主义者的温和派。
In this climate, the parties opened their contest for the 1860 presidential election.
在这种气氛下，各党派开始了 1860 年总统选举的角逐。
The Democratic Party fared poorly as its southern delegates bolted its national convention at Charleston and ran their own candidate, Vice President John C.
民主党表现不佳，南方代表们逃离了在查尔斯顿举行的全国代表大会，并选举了自己的候选人、副总统约翰·C·肯尼迪。
Breckenridge of Kentucky.
肯塔基州布雷肯里奇。
Hoping to field a candidate who might nonetheless manage to bridge the broken party’s factions, the Democrats decided to meet again at Baltimore and nominated Stephen A.
民主党希望选出一位能够弥合分裂的党内派系的候选人，因此决定在巴尔的摩再次举行会议，并提名斯蒂芬·A·
Douglas of Illinois.
伊利诺伊州的道格拉斯.
The Republicans, meanwhile, held their boisterous convention in Chicago.
与此同时，共和党在芝加哥举行了热闹的代表大会。
The Republican platform made the party’s antislavery commitments clear, also making wide promises to its white constituents, particularly westerners, with the promise of new land, transcontinental railroads, and broad support of public schools.
共和党的纲领明确了该党的反奴隶制承诺，还向白人选民，特别是西方人做出了广泛承诺，承诺提供新土地、横贯大陆的铁路和对公立学校的广泛支持。
31 Abraham Lincoln, a candidate few outside Illinois truly expected to win, nonetheless proved far less polarizing than the other names on the ballot.
31 亚伯拉罕·林肯是伊利诺伊州以外很少有人真正希望获胜的候选人，但事实证明，他的两极分化远没有选票上的其他名字那么严重。
Lincoln won the nomination, and with the Democrats in disarray, Republicans knew their candidate Lincoln had a good chance of winning.
林肯赢得了提名，在民主党陷入混乱的情况下，共和党人知道他们的候选人林肯获胜的机会很大。
This political cartoon depicts the four candidates in the 1860 presidential election.
这幅政治漫画描绘了 1860 年总统选举的四位候选人。
Dividing the National Map.
划分国家地图。
Available from the Library of Congress .
可从美国国会图书馆获取。
Abraham Lincoln won the 1860 contest on November 6, gaining just 40 percent of the popular vote and not a single southern vote in the Electoral College.
亚伯拉罕·林肯 (Abraham Lincoln) 在 11 月 6 日赢得了 1860 年的竞选，只获得了 40% 的普选票，在选举团中没有获得一张南方选票。
Within days, southern states were organizing secession conventions.
几天之内，南方各州就组织了分裂国家大会。
John J.
约翰·J。
Crittenden of Kentucky proposed a series of compromises, but a clear pro-southern bias meant they had little chance of gaining Republican acceptance.
肯塔基州的克里滕登提出了一系列妥协方案，但明显的亲南方偏见意味着他们几乎没有机会获得共和党的接受。
Crittenden’s plan promised renewed enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law and offered a plan to keep slavery in the nation’s capital.
克里滕登的计划承诺重新执行《逃亡奴隶法》，并提出一项在国家首都保留奴隶制的计划。
32 Republicans by late 1860 knew that the voters who had just placed them in power did not want them to cave on these points, and southern states proceeded with their plans to leave the Union.
32 到 1860 年底，共和党人知道刚刚让他们掌权的选民不希望他们在这些问题上让步，南方各州继续实施脱离联邦的计划。
On December 20, South Carolina voted to secede and issued its Declaration of the Immediate Causes.” 33 The declaration highlighted failure of the federal government to enforce the Fugitive Slave Act over competing personal liberty laws in northern states.
12 月 20 日，南卡罗来纳州投票决定脱离联邦，并发表了《直接原因宣言》。 33 该声明强调了联邦政府未能在北部各州执行《逃亡奴隶法》，而不是相互竞争的个人自由法。
After the war many southerners claimed that secession was primarily motivated by a concern to preserve states’ rights, but the primary complaint of the very first ordinance of secession listed the federal government’s failure to exert its authority over the northern states.
战后，许多南方人声称，分裂国家的主要动机是出于保护各州权利的考虑，但第一个分裂国家法令的主要抱怨列出了联邦政府未能对北方各州行使权力。
The year 1861, then, saw the culmination of the secession crisis.
1861 年，分裂国家危机达到了顶峰。
Before he left for Washington, Lincoln told those who had gathered in Springfield to wish him well and that he faced a “task greater than Washington’s” in the years to come.
在前往华盛顿之前，林肯告诉聚集在斯普林菲尔德的人们祝他一切顺利，并表示他在未来几年将面临“比华盛顿更艰巨的任务”。
Southerners were also learning the challenges of forming a new nation.
南方人也在了解组建一个新国家所面临的挑战。
The seceded states grappled with internal divisions right away, as states with enslavers sometimes did not support the newly seceded states.
脱离联邦的州立即陷入内部分歧，因为有奴隶主的州有时不支持新脱离的州。
In January, for example, Delaware rejected secession.
例如，一月份，特拉华州拒绝脱离联邦。
But states in the Lower South adopted a different course.
但下南部各州采取了不同的做法。
The state of Mississippi seceded.
密西西比州脱离联邦。
Later in the month, the states of Florida, Alabama, Georgia, and Louisiana also all left the Union.
本月晚些时候，佛罗里达州、阿拉巴马州、佐治亚州和路易斯安那州也全部脱离联邦。
By early February, Texas had also joined the newly seceded states.
到二月初，德克萨斯州也加入了新脱离的州的行列。
In February, southerners drafted a constitution protecting slavery and named Jefferson Davis of Mississippi their president.
二月，南方人起草了一部保护奴隶制的宪法，并任命密西西比州的杰斐逊·戴维斯为总统。
Weeks after Abraham Lincoln’s inauguration, rebels in the newly formed Confederate States of America opened fire on Fort Sumter in South Carolina.
亚伯拉罕·林肯就职几周后，新成立的美利坚联盟国的叛军向南卡罗来纳州的萨姆特堡开火。
Within days, Abraham Lincoln would demand seventy-five thousand volunteers from the North to crush the rebellion.
几天之内，亚伯拉罕·林肯就要求北方提供七万五千名志愿者来镇压叛乱。
The American Civil War had begun.
美国内战开始了。
Slavery had long divided the politics of the United States.
奴隶制长期以来一直分裂着美国的政治。
In time, these divisions became both sectional and irreconcilable.
随着时间的推移，这些分歧变得分裂且不可调和。
The first and most ominous sign of a coming sectional storm occurred over debates surrounding the admission of the state of Missouri in 1821.
即将到来的局部风暴的第一个也是最不祥的迹象发生在围绕 1821 年密苏里州加入的辩论中。
As westward expansion continued, these fault lines grew even more ominous, particularly as the United States managed to seize even more lands from its war with Mexico.
随着向西扩张的继续，这些断层线变得更加不祥，特别是当美国设法从与墨西哥的战争中夺取更多土地时。
The country seemed to teeter ever closer to a full-throated endorsement of slavery.
这个国家似乎越来越接近全力支持奴隶制。
But an antislavery coalition arose in the middle 1850s calling itself the Republican Party.
但 1850 年代中期出现了一个自称为共和党的反奴隶制联盟。
Eager to cordon off slavery and confine it to where it already existed, the Republicans won the presidential election of 1860 and threw the nation on the path to war.
共和党人渴望封锁奴隶制并将其限制在已经存在的地方，因此赢得了 1860 年的总统选举，并将国家推上了战争的道路。
Throughout this period, the mainstream of the antislavery movement remained committed to a peaceful resolution of the slavery issue through efforts understood to foster the “ultimate extinction” of slavery in due time.
在此期间，反奴隶制运动的主流仍然致力于通过努力促进奴隶制在适当的时候“最终灭绝”，和平解决奴隶制问题。
But as the secession crisis revealed, the South could not tolerate a federal government working against the interests of slavery’s expansion and decided to take a gamble on war with the United States.
但正如分裂危机所揭示的那样，南方不能容忍联邦政府违背奴隶制扩张的利益，并决定赌一把与美国开战。
Secession, in the end, raised the possibility of emancipation through war, a possibility most Republicans knew, of course, had always been an option, but one they nonetheless hoped would never be necessary.
最终，分裂国家提出了通过战争解放奴隶的可能性，当然，大多数共和党人都知道这种可能性一直是一种选择，但他们仍然希望永远没有必要这样做。
By 1861 all bets were off, and the fate of slavery, and of the nation, depended on war.
到 1861 年，所有的赌注都落空了，奴隶制和国家的命运取决于战争。
Conflicts between the power of the federal government and states’ rights strained American politics throughout the antebellum era.
在整个战前时期，联邦政府权力与各州权利之间的冲突使美国政治紧张。
During the 1840s and 1850s, the most consistent source of tension on the issue stemmed from northerners refusing to comply with fugitive slave laws.
在 1840 年代和 1850 年代，该问题最持续的紧张根源是北方人拒绝遵守逃亡奴隶法。
As early as the 1780s, Pennsylvania passed laws that made it illegal to take a Black person from the state for the purpose of enslaving them.
早在 1780 年代，宾夕法尼亚州就通过了法律，规定以奴役为目的从该州带走黑人是非法的。
In the majority opinion, excerpted here, Supreme Court justice Joseph Story decided that the national fugitive slave act overruled Pennsylvania’s law.
在此处摘录的多数意见中，最高法院法官约瑟夫·斯托里 (Joseph Story) 裁定，全国逃亡奴隶法案推翻了宾夕法尼亚州的法律。
William Still was an African-American abolitionist who frequently risked his life to help freedom-seekers escape slavery.
威廉·斯蒂尔是一位非裔美国废奴主义者，他经常冒着生命危险帮助寻求自由的人摆脱奴隶制。
In these excerpts, Still offers the readers some of the letters sent to him from abolitionists and formerly enslaved persons.
在这些摘录中，斯蒂尔向读者提供了一些废奴主义者和前奴隶写给他的信件。
The passages shed light on family separation, the financial costs of the journey to freedom, and the logistics of the Underground Railroad.
这些段落揭示了家庭分离、自由之旅的财务成本以及地下铁路的后勤保障。
In 1852 Harriet Beecher Stowe published her bestselling antislavery novel, Uncle Tom’s Cabin .
1852 年，哈丽特·比彻·斯托出版了她的畅销反奴隶制小说《汤姆叔叔的小屋》。
Sales for Uncle Tom’s Cabin were astronomical, eclipsed only by sales of the Bible.
《汤姆叔叔的小屋》的销量是天文数字，仅次于《圣经》的销量。
The book became a sensation and helped move antislavery into everyday conversation for many northerners.
这本书引起了轰动，并帮助将反奴隶制纳入了许多北方人的日常对话中。
In this passage, a senator and his wife debate the Fugitive Slave Law.
在这篇文章中，一位参议员和他的妻子就《逃亡奴隶法》进行了辩论。
Writer, activist, and teacher Charlotte Forten was born in Philadelphia in 1837 to a well-to-do African American family.
作家、活动家兼教师夏洛特·福滕 (Charlotte Forten) 1837 年出生于费城一个富裕的非裔美国家庭。
Forten’s diary entries from 1854 illuminate sectional tensions, especially in her discussion of the trial of Anthony Burns, a fugitive from slavery.
福滕 1854 年的日记揭示了部门间的紧张关系，尤其是在她对奴隶制逃犯安东尼·伯恩斯的审判的讨论中。
She also expressed frequent frustration over the racism she encountered in Boston.
她还经常对自己在波士顿遇到的种族主义表示沮丧。
5.
5.
Margaraetta Mason and Lydia Maria Child discuss John Brown, 1860
玛格丽塔·梅森和莉迪亚·玛丽亚·柴尔德讨论约翰·布朗，1860 年
After John Brown was arrested for his raid on Harpers Ferry, Lydia Maria Child wrote to the governor of Virginia requesting to visit Brown.
约翰·布朗因袭击哈珀斯费里被捕后，莉迪亚·玛丽亚·柴尔德写信给弗吉尼亚州州长，请求探望布朗。
Margaretta Mason of Virginia wrote a searing letter to Child attacking her for supporting a murder.
弗吉尼亚州的玛格丽塔·梅森给柴尔德写了一封措辞激烈的信，攻击她支持谋杀。
Child responded, and the exchange of letters was published by the American Antislavery Society.
柴尔德做出了回应，美国反奴隶制协会公布了交换信件的内容。
The 1860 Republican Party convention in Chicago created a platform that clearly opposed the expansion of slavery in the West and the reopening of the slave trade.
1860年在芝加哥举行的共和党大会创建了一个明确反对奴隶制在西方扩张和重新开放奴隶贸易的纲领。
However, nothing in the document claimed that the government had the power to eliminate slavery where it already existed.
然而，该文件中没有任何内容声称政府有权消除已经存在的奴隶制。
Controversies over slavery suffuse the platform, but maybe even more noticeable is the importance of the West to the Republican Party.
关于奴隶制的争议充斥着这个纲领，但也许更引人注目的是西方对共和党的重要性。
Abraham Lincoln won the 1860 contest on November 6 with just 40% of the popular vote and not a single southern vote in the Electoral College.
亚伯拉罕·林肯 (Abraham Lincoln) 在 11 月 6 日赢得了 1860 年的竞选，仅获得 40% 的普选票，而且在选举团中没有一张南方选票。
Within days, southern states were organizing secession conventions.
几天之内，南方各州就组织了分裂国家大会。
On December 20, South Carolina voted to secede, and issued its “Declaration of the Immediate Causes.”
12月20日，南卡罗来纳州投票决定脱离联邦，并发布了“直接原因声明”。
This lithograph imagines the consequences of the Fugitive Slave Act, part of the Compromise of 1850.
这幅石版画描绘了《逃亡奴隶法案》的后果，该法案是 1850 年妥协案的一部分。
Four well-dressed Black men are being hunted by a party of white men, seen in the background.
从背景中可以看到，四名衣着考究的黑人正在被一群白人追捕。
There are a number of ambiguities in the image – are the Black men enslaved or free?
图像中有许多含糊之处——黑人是被奴役的还是自由的？
Are they trying to escape or not?
他们到底是想逃跑还是不想逃跑？
Where exactly are they?
他们究竟在哪里？
These ambiguities speak to the concerns many abolitionists had about the law, which required free citizens to return freedom-seeking people to their enslavers.
这些含糊之处反映了许多废奴主义者对该法律的担忧，该法律要求自由公民将寻求自由的人归还给他们的奴隶。
This piece of Republican propaganda from the 1856 election makes clear distinctions between free states, slave states, and territories.
1856 年选举中的共和党宣传对自由州、蓄奴州和领地进行了明确区分。
Featured at the top of the page are engravings of John C.
页面顶部是 John C.
Fremont and his running mate, William C.
弗里蒙特和他的竞选搭档 William C.
Dayton.
代顿。
A vibrant red sets off the free states.
充满活力的红色衬托着自由州。
The chart, “Freedom vs. Slavery,” demonstrates the North’s economic and cultural superiority over slave states in terms of everything from population per square mile, capital in manufactures, miles of railroad, the number of newspapers and public libraries, and value of churches.
这张名为“自由与奴隶制”的图表展示了北方在每平方英里人口、制造业资本、铁路里程、报纸和公共图书馆数量以及教堂价值等各个方面相对于奴隶制国家的经济和文化优势。
This chapter was edited by Jesse Gant, with content contributions by Jeffrey Bain-Conkin, Matthew A.
本章由 Jesse Gant 编辑，Jeffrey Bain-Conkin、Matthew A.
Byron, Christopher Childers, Jesse Gant, Christopher Null, Ryan Poe, Michael Robinson, Nicholas Wood, Michael Woods, and Ben Wright.
拜伦、克里斯托弗·柴尔德斯、杰西·甘特、克里斯托弗·纳尔、瑞恩·坡、迈克尔·罗宾逊、尼古拉斯·伍德、迈克尔·伍兹和本·赖特。
Recommended citation: Jeffrey Bain-Conkin et al., “The Sectional Crisis,” Jesse Gant, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.
推荐引用：Jeffrey Bain-Conkin 等人，“局部危机”，Jesse Gant 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。
Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).
约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。