The American Yawp
Emanuel Gottlieb Leutze, Westward the Course of Empire Takes Its Way, 1862.
伊曼纽尔·戈特利布·洛伊茨 (Emanuel Gottlieb Leutze)，《帝国的进程向西走》，1862 年。
Mural, United States Capitol .
壁画，美国国会大厦。
* NOTE: You are viewing a chapter from the archived, “First Edition” version of the American Yawp, which stopped receiving updates in spring 2026.
* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。
Click here to access the current, updated edition *
单击此处访问当前的更新版本*
John Louis O’Sullivan, a popular editor and columnist, articulated the long-standing American belief in the God-given mission of the United States to lead the world in the peaceful transition to democracy.
受欢迎的编辑和专栏作家约翰·路易斯·奥沙利文阐述了美国人长期以来的信念：美国肩负着上帝赋予的使命，即领导世界和平过渡到民主。
In a little-read essay printed in The United States Magazine and Democratic Review , O’Sullivan outlined the importance of annexing Texas to the United States:
在《美国杂志》和《民主评论》上发表的一篇很少有人读的文章中，奥沙利文概述了将德克萨斯州并入美国的重要性：
Why, were other reasoning wanting, in favor of now elevating this question of the reception of Texas into the Union, out of the lower region of our past party dissensions, up to its proper level of a high and broad nationality, it surely is to be found, found abundantly, in the manner in which other nations have undertaken to intrude themselves into it, between us and the proper parties to the case, in a spirit of hostile interference against us, for the avowed object of thwarting our policy and hampering our power, limiting our greatness and checking the fulfillment of our manifest destiny to overspread the continent allotted by Providence for the free development of our yearly multiplying millions.
为什么，如果没有其他理由支持现在将德克萨斯州加入联邦的问题从我们过去党派分歧的较低区域提升到其高而广泛的民族性的适当水平，那么肯定会发现，大量地发现，其他国家以敌对干涉的精神介入我们和案件的适当各方之间，以阻挠我们的政策和政策的公开目的。它阻碍了我们的力量，限制了我们的伟大，并阻碍了我们的使命的实现，即遍布上帝为我们每年成倍增长的数百万人的自由发展而分配的大陆。
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O’Sullivan and many others viewed expansion as necessary to achieve America’s destiny and to protect American interests.
奥沙利文和许多其他人认为，扩张对于实现美国的命运和保护美国的利益是必要的。
The quasi-religious call to spread democracy coupled with the reality of thousands of settlers pressing westward.
传播民主的准宗教呼声加上数千名定居者向西推进的现实。
Manifest destiny was grounded in the belief that a democratic, agrarian republic would save the world.
天命论的基础是相信民主的农业共和国将拯救世界。
John O’Sullivan, shown here in a 1874 Harper’s Weekly sketch, coined the phrase “manifest destiny” in an 1845 newspaper article.
约翰·奥沙利文 (John O’Sullivan) 在 1874 年《哈珀周刊》的草图中出现，他在 1845 年的一篇报纸文章中创造了“昭昭命运”一词。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Although called into name in 1845, manifest destiny was a widely held but vaguely defined belief that dated back to the founding of the nation.
尽管“昭昭天命”一词于 1845 年被命名，但它是一种广泛持有但定义模糊的信仰，其历史可以追溯到建国之初。
First, many Americans believed that the strength of American values and institutions justified moral claims to hemispheric leadership.
首先，许多美国人相信，美国价值观和制度的力量证明了对西半球领导地位的道德主张是合理的。
Second, the lands on the North American continent west of the Mississippi River (and later into the Caribbean) were destined for American-led political and agricultural improvement.
其次，北美大陆密西西比河以西（后来进入加勒比海）的土地注定要用于美国主导的政治和农业改良。
Third, God and the Constitution ordained an irrepressible destiny to accomplish redemption and democratization throughout the world.
第三，上帝和宪法规定了不可抗拒的命运，要在全世界实现救赎和民主化。
All three of these claims pushed many Americans, whether they uttered the words manifest destiny or not, to actively seek the expansion of democracy.
所有这三个主张都促使许多美国人，无论他们是否说出“昭昭命运”这个词，都积极寻求民主的扩张。
These beliefs and the resulting actions were often disastrous to anyone in the way of American expansion.
这些信念和由此产生的行动对于任何参与美国扩张的人来说往往是灾难性的。
The new religion of American democracy spread on the feet and in the wagons of those who moved west, imbued with the hope that their success would be the nation’s success.
美国民主的新宗教在那些向西迁移的人的脚下和马车上传播开来，他们满怀希望，他们的成功就是国家的成功。
The Young America movement, strongest among members of the Democratic Party but spanning the political spectrum, downplayed divisions over slavery and ethnicity by embracing national unity and emphasizing American exceptionalism, territorial expansion, democratic participation, and economic interdependence.
青年美国运动在民主党成员中最为强大，但跨越了各个政治派别，通过拥护民族团结并强调美国例外论、领土扩张、民主参与和经济相互依存，淡化了奴隶制和种族问题上的分歧。
2 Poet Ralph Waldo Emerson captured the political outlook of this new generation in a speech he delivered in 1844 titled “The Young American”:
2 诗人拉尔夫·沃尔多·爱默生 (Ralph Waldo Emerson) 在 1844 年发表的题为“年轻的美国人”的演讲中捕捉到了新一代的政治观点：
In every age of the world, there has been a leading nation, one of a more generous sentiment, whose eminent citizens were willing to stand for the interests of general justice and humanity, at the risk of being called, by the men of the moment, chimerical and fantastic.
在世界的每一个时代，都有一个领先的国家，一个有着更加慷慨的情感的国家，其杰出的公民愿意为普遍正义和人类的利益而奋斗，冒着被当时的人称为空想和幻想的风险。
Which should be that nation but these States?
除了这些州之外，哪个国家应该是那个国家？
Which should lead that movement, if not New England?
如果不是新英格兰，哪个应该领导这场运动？
Who should lead the leaders, but the Young American?
除了美国青年之外，谁应该领导领导人呢？
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However, many Americans, including Emerson, disapproved of aggressive expansion.
然而，包括艾默生在内的许多美国人不赞成激进的扩张。
For opponents of manifest destiny, the lofty rhetoric of the Young Americans was nothing other than a kind of imperialism that the American Revolution was supposed to have repudiated.
对于明显命运的反对者来说，美国青年的崇高言论无非是美国革命应该否认的一种帝国主义。
4 Many members of the Whig Party (and later the Republican Party) argued that the United States’ mission was to lead by example, not by conquest.
4 辉格党（以及后来的共和党）的许多成员认为，美国的使命是以身作则，而不是征服。
Abraham Lincoln summed up this criticism with a fair amount of sarcasm during a speech in 1859:
亚伯拉罕·林肯 (Abraham Lincoln) 在 1859 年的一次演讲中用相当讽刺的方式总结了这一批评：
He (the Young American) owns a large part of the world, by right of possessing it; and all the rest by right of wanting it, and intending to have it.
他（这位年轻的美国人）凭借拥有世界的权利而拥有了世界的很大一部分；其余的一切都是因为想要它并打算拥有它。
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Young America had “a pleasing hope—a fond desire—a longing after” territory.
年轻的美国有“一个令人愉快的希望——一个美好的愿望——一个渴望”的领土。
He has a great passion—a perfect rage—for the “new”; particularly new men for office, and the new earth mentioned in the revelations, in which, being no more sea, there must be about three times as much land as in the present.
他对“新事物”有着极大的热情——一种彻底的愤怒；特别是新任官员，以及启示录中提到的新地球，其中不再有海洋，其陆地面积必定是现在的三倍左右。
He is a great friend of humanity; and his desire for land is not selfish, but merely an impulse to extend the area of freedom.
他是人类的伟大朋友；他对土地的渴望并不是自私的，而只是一种扩大自由领域的冲动。
He is very anxious to fight for the liberation of enslaved nations and colonies, provided, always, they have land.
他非常渴望为被奴役的国家和殖民地的解放而战，只要他们拥有土地。
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As to those who have no land, and would be glad of help from any quarter, he considers they can afford to wait a few hundred years longer.
至于那些没有土地、愿意得到任何方面帮助的人，他认为他们可以再等几百年。
In knowledge he is particularly rich.
他的知识特别丰富。
He knows all that can possibly be known; inclines to believe in spiritual trappings, and is the unquestioned inventor of “Manifest Destiny.” 5
他知道一切可能知道的事；倾向于相信精神上的装饰，并且是毫无疑问的“昭昭命运”的发明者。 5
But Lincoln and other anti-expansionists would struggle to win popular opinion.
但林肯和其他反扩张主义者很难赢得民意。
The nation, fueled by the principles of manifest destiny, would continue westward.
在昭示命运原则的推动下，这个国家将继续向西前进。
Along the way, Americans battled both native peoples and foreign nations, claiming territory to the very edges of the continent.
一路上，美国人与土著人民和外国民族作战，夺取了非洲大陆边缘的领土。
But westward expansion did not come without a cost.
但向西扩张并非没有代价。
It exacerbated the slavery question, pushed Americans toward civil war, and, ultimately, threatened the very mission of American democracy it was designed to aid.
它加剧了奴隶制问题，将美国人推向内战，并最终威胁到其旨在帮助的美国民主的使命。
Artistic propaganda like this promoted the national project of manifest destiny.
这样的艺术宣传推动了国家天命工程。
Columbia, the female figure of America, leads Americans into the West and into the future by carrying the values of republicanism (as seen through her Roman garb) and progress (shown through the inclusion of technological innovations like the telegraph) and clearing native peoples and animals, seen being pushed into the darkness.
哥伦比亚，美国的女性形象，通过承载共和主义价值观（从她的罗马服装可以看出）和进步价值观（通过电报等技术创新来体现），并清除被推入黑暗的原住民和动物，带领美国人进入西方和未来。
John Gast, American Progress, 1872.
约翰·加斯特，《美国进步》，1872 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
After the War of 1812, Americans settled the Great Lakes region rapidly thanks in part to aggressive land sales by the federal government.
1812 年战争结束后，美国人迅速在五大湖地区定居，部分原因是联邦政府积极出售土地。
6 Missouri’s admission as a slave state presented the first major crisis over westward migration and American expansion in the antebellum period.
6 密苏里州被承认为蓄奴州，引发了内战前时期关于向西移民和美国扩张的第一次重大危机。
Farther north, lead and iron ore mining spurred development in Wisconsin.
再往北，铅矿和铁矿开采刺激了威斯康星州的发展。
7 By the 1830s and 1840s, increasing numbers of German and Scandinavian immigrants joined easterners in settling the Upper Mississippi watershed.
7 到了 1830 年代和 1840 年代，越来越多的德国和斯堪的纳维亚移民加入东部人的行列，在密西西比河上游流域定居。
8 Little settlement occurred west of Missouri as migrants viewed the Great Plains as a barrier to farming.
8 由于移民将大平原视为农业的障碍，密苏里州西部几乎没有定居点。
Farther west, the Rocky Mountains loomed as undesirable to all but fur traders, and all Native Americans west of the Mississippi appeared too powerful to allow for white expansion.
再往西，除了毛皮商人之外，落基山脉对所有人来说都是不受欢迎的，而密西西比河以西的所有美洲原住民似乎都太强大了，不允许白人扩张。
“Do not lounge in the cities!” commanded publisher Horace Greeley in 1841, “There is room and health in the country, away from the crowds of idlers and imbeciles.
“不要在城市里闲逛！”出版商霍勒斯·格里利 (Horace Greeley) 在 1841 年命令说：“这个国家有空间，有健康，远离一群游手好闲的人和低能儿。
Go west, before you are fitted for no life but that of the factory.” 9 The New York Tribune often argued that American exceptionalism required the United States to benevolently conquer the continent as the prime means of spreading American capitalism and American democracy.
向西走，在你适应除了工厂之外的生活之前。” 9 《纽约论坛报》经常认为，美国例外论要求美国仁慈地征服非洲大陆，以此作为传播美国资本主义和美国民主的主要手段。
However, the vast West was not empty.
然而，广阔的西方并不空旷。
Native Americans controlled much of the land east of the Mississippi River and almost all of the West.
美洲原住民控制了密西西比河以东的大部分土地和几乎整个西部地区。
Expansion hinged on a federal policy of Indian removal.
扩张取决于联邦驱逐印第安人的政策。
The harassment and dispossession of Native Americans—whether driven by official U.S. government policy or the actions of individual Americans and their communities—depended on the belief in manifest destiny.
对美洲原住民的骚扰和剥夺——无论是美国政府的官方政策还是美国个人及其社区的行为——都取决于对天命的信仰。
Of course, a fair bit of racism was part of the equation as well.
当然，相当一部分种族主义也是其中的一部分。
The political and legal processes of expansion always hinged on the belief that white Americans could best use new lands and opportunities.
扩张的政治和法律进程始终取决于这样的信念：美国白人可以最好地利用新的土地和机会。
This belief rested on the idea that only Americans embodied the democratic ideals of yeoman agriculturalism extolled by Thomas Jefferson and expanded under Jacksonian democracy.
这种信念基于这样一种观念，即只有美国人体现了托马斯·杰斐逊所推崇的自耕农主义的民主理想，并在杰克逊民主制下得到了扩展。
Florida was an early test case for the Americanization of new lands.
佛罗里达州是新土地美国化的早期测试案例。
The territory held strategic value for the young nation’s growing economic and military interests in the Caribbean.
这片领土对于这个年轻国家在加勒比地区不断增长的经济和军事利益具有战略价值。
The most important factors that led to the annexation of Florida included anxieties over runaway enslaved people, Spanish neglect of the region, and the desired defeat of Native American tribes who controlled large portions of lucrative farm territory.
导致佛罗里达州被吞并的最重要因素包括对逃跑的奴隶的焦虑、西班牙人对该地区的忽视以及控制着大部分利润丰厚的农场领土的美洲原住民部落的期望失败。
During the early nineteenth century, Spain wanted to increase productivity in Florida and encouraged migration of mostly southern enslavers.
十九世纪初，西班牙希望提高佛罗里达州的生产力，并鼓励大部分南部奴隶移民。
By the second decade of the 1800s, Anglo settlers occupied plantations along the St. Johns River, from the border with Georgia to Lake George a hundred miles upstream.
到 1800 年代的第二个十年，盎格鲁定居者占据了圣约翰河沿岸的种植园，从佐治亚州边境到上游一百英里的乔治湖。
Spain began to lose control as the area quickly became a haven for slave smugglers bringing illicit human cargo into the United States for lucrative sale to Georgia planters.
西班牙开始失去控制，因为该地区很快成为奴隶走私者的避风港，他们将非法人口货物带入美国，出售给佐治亚州种植园主以获取利润。
Plantation owners grew apprehensive about the growing numbers of enslaved laborers running to the swamps and Native American-controlled areas of Florida.
种植园主对越来越多的奴隶劳工逃往沼泽地和佛罗里达州美洲原住民控制的地区感到担忧。
American enslavers pressured the U.S. government to confront the Spanish authorities.
美国奴隶主向美国政府施压，要求其与西班牙当局对抗。
Southern enslavers refused to quietly accept the continued presence of armed Black men in Florida.
南方奴隶主拒绝悄悄接受武装黑人继续出现在佛罗里达州。
During the War of 1812, a ragtag assortment of Georgia enslavers joined by a plethora of armed opportunists raided Spanish and British-owned plantations along the St. Johns River.
1812 年战争期间，一群乌合之众的格鲁吉亚奴役者与众多武装机会主义者一起袭击了圣约翰河沿岸西班牙和英国拥有的种植园。
These private citizens received U.S. government help on July 27, 1816, when U.S. army regulars attacked the Negro Fort (established as an armed outpost during the war by the British and located about sixty miles south of the Georgia border).
1816 年 7 月 27 日，当美国正规军袭击黑人堡垒（英国人在战争期间建立的武装前哨基地，位于佐治亚州边境以南约 60 英里处）时，这些普通公民得到了美国政府的帮助。
The raid killed 270 of the fort’s inhabitants as a result of a direct hit on the fort’s gunpowder stores.
由于直接袭击了堡垒的火药仓库，此次袭击导致 270 名堡垒居民死亡。
This conflict set the stage for General Andrew Jackson’s invasion of Florida in 1817 and the beginning of the First Seminole War.
这场冲突为 1817 年安德鲁·杰克逊将军入侵佛罗里达和第一次塞米诺尔战争的爆发奠定了基础。
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Americans also held that Creek and Seminole people, occupying the area from the Apalachicola River to the wet prairies and hammock islands of central Florida, were dangers in their own right.
美国人还认为，居住在从阿巴拉契科拉河到佛罗里达州中部潮湿的大草原和吊床岛的克里克人和塞米诺尔人本身就是危险的。
These tribes, known to the Americans collectively as Seminoles, migrated into the region over the course of the eighteenth century and established settlements, tilled fields, and tended herds of cattle in the rich floodplains and grasslands that dominated the northern third of the Florida peninsula.
这些部落被美国人统称为塞米诺尔人，在十八世纪期间迁徙到该地区，并在佛罗里达半岛北部三分之一的肥沃的洪泛区和草原上建立了定居点、耕种土地并放牧牛群。
Envious eyes looked upon these lands.
羡慕的目光注视着这片土地。
After bitter conflict that often pitted Americans against a collection of Native Americans and formerly enslaved people, Spain eventually agreed to transfer the territory to the United States.
在美国人与一群美洲原住民和前奴隶之间经常发生激烈冲突之后，西班牙最终同意将领土转让给美国。
The resulting Adams-Onís Treaty exchanged Florida for $5 million and other territorial concessions elsewhere.
由此产生的《亚当斯-奥尼斯条约》用佛罗里达州换取了 500 万美元和其他地方的领土让步。
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After the purchase, planters from the Carolinas, Georgia, and Virginia entered Florida.
购买后，来自卡罗来纳州、佐治亚州和弗吉尼亚州的种植园主进入了佛罗里达州。
However, the influx of settlers into the Florida territory was temporarily halted in the mid-1830s by the outbreak of the Second Seminole War (1835–1842).
然而，由于第二次塞米诺尔战争（1835-1842）的爆发，1830 年代中期定居者涌入佛罗里达领土的情况暂时停止。
Free Black men and women and escaped enslaved laborers also occupied the Seminole district, a situation that deeply troubled enslavers.
自由黑人男女和逃亡的被奴役劳工也占领了塞米诺尔地区，这种情况让奴隶主深感困扰。
Indeed, General Thomas Sidney Jesup, U.S. commander during the early stages of the Second Seminole War, labeled that conflict “a negro, not an Indian War,” fearful as he was that if the revolt “was not speedily put down, the South will feel the effect of it on their slave population before the end of the next season.” 12 Florida became a state in 1845 and white settlement expanded.
事实上，第二次塞米诺尔战争初期的美国指挥官托马斯·西德尼·杰瑟普将军将这场冲突称为“一场黑人战争，而不是印第安人战争”，他担心如果叛乱“不迅速镇压，南方将在下一季结束前感受到它对奴隶人口的影响”。 12 佛罗里达州于 1845 年成为一个州，白人定居点不断扩大。
American action in Florida seized Indigenous people’s eastern lands, reduced lands available for freedom-seeking enslaved people, and killed entirely or removed Native American peoples farther west.
美国在佛罗里达州的行动夺取了原住民东部的土地，减少了寻求自由的奴隶可用的土地，并完全杀死或驱逐了更西部的美洲原住民。
This became the template for future action.
这成为未来行动的模板。
Presidents, since at least Thomas Jefferson, had long discussed removal, but President Andrew Jackson took the most dramatic action.
至少自托马斯·杰斐逊以来，历任总统长期以来一直在讨论罢免总统的问题，但安德鲁·杰克逊总统采取了最戏剧性的行动。
Jackson believed, “It [speedy removal] will place a dense and civilized population in large tracts of country now occupied by a few savage hunters.” 13 Desires to remove Native Americans from valuable farmland motivated state and federal governments to cease trying to assimilate Native Americans and instead plan for forced removal.
杰克逊相信，“它（迅速迁移）将把密集而文明的人口安置在现在被一些野蛮猎人占领的大片土地上。” 13 将美洲原住民从宝贵的农田中驱逐出去的愿望促使州和联邦政府停止试图同化美洲原住民，而是计划强制迁移。
Congress passed the Indian Removal Act in 1830, thereby granting the president authority to begin treaty negotiations that would give Native Americans land in the West in exchange for their lands east of the Mississippi.
国会于 1830 年通过了《印第安人迁移法案》，从而授权总统开始条约谈判，给予美洲原住民西部的土地，以换取他们密西西比河以东的土地。
Many advocates of removal, including President Jackson, paternalistically claimed that it would protect Native American communities from outside influences that jeopardized their chances of becoming “civilized” farmers.
许多提倡搬迁的人，包括杰克逊总统，家长式地声称，这将保护美国原住民社区免受外部影响，从而危及他们成为“文明”农民的机会。
Jackson emphasized this paternalism—the belief that the government was acting in the best interest of Native peoples—in his 1830 State of the Union Address.
杰克逊在 1830 年的国情咨文中强调了这种家长作风，即相信政府的行为符合原住民的最大利益。
“It [removal] will separate the Indians from immediate contact with settlements of whites .
“它（拆除）将使印第安人无法与白人定居点直接接触。
.
。
.
。
and perhaps cause them gradually, under the protection of the Government and through the influence of good counsels, to cast off their savage habits and become an interesting, civilized, and Christian community.” 14
或许，在政府的保护下，通过良好劝告的影响，使他们逐渐摆脱野蛮的习惯，成为一个有趣的、文明的、基督教的社区。” 14
The experience of the Cherokee was particularly brutal.
切罗基人的经历尤其残酷。
Despite many tribal members adopting some Euro-American ways, including intensified agriculture, slaving, and Christianity, state and federal governments pressured the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, and Cherokee Nations to sign treaties and surrender land.
尽管许多部落成员采用了一些欧美方式，包括集约化农业、奴隶制和基督教，但州和联邦政府仍向乔克托族、契卡索族、克里克族和切罗基族施加压力，要求其签署条约并交出土地。
Many of these tribal nations used the law in hopes of protecting their lands.
许多部落国家利用法律希望保护他们的土地。
Most notable among these efforts was the Cherokee Nation’s attempt to sue the state of Georgia.
这些努力中最引人注目的是切罗基族试图起诉佐治亚州。
Beginning in 1826, Georgian officials asked the federal government to negotiate with the Cherokee to secure lucrative lands.
从 1826 年开始，格鲁吉亚官员要求联邦政府与切罗基人谈判以获得利润丰厚的土地。
The Adams administration resisted the state’s request, but harassment from local settlers against the Cherokee forced the Adams and Jackson administrations to begin serious negotiations with the Cherokee.
亚当斯政府拒绝了该州的要求，但当地定居者对切罗基人的骚扰迫使亚当斯和杰克逊政府开始与切罗基人进行认真的谈判。
Georgia grew impatient with the process of negotiation and abolished existing state agreements with the Cherokee that had guaranteed rights of movement and jurisdiction of tribal law.
格鲁吉亚对谈判进程变得不耐烦，并废除了与切罗基人现有的保障迁徙权和部落法管辖权的国家协议。
Andrew Jackson penned a letter soon after taking office that encouraged the Cherokee, among others, to voluntarily relocate to the West.
安德鲁·杰克逊上任后不久写了一封信，鼓励切罗基人和其他人自愿迁移到西方。
The discovery of gold in Georgia in the fall of 1829 further antagonized the situation.
1829 年秋，格鲁吉亚发现金矿，使局势进一步恶化。
The Cherokee defended themselves against Georgia’s laws by citing treaties signed with the United States that guaranteed the Cherokee Nation both their land and independence.
切罗基人通过引用与美国签署的保证切罗基民族土地和独立的条约来对抗佐治亚州的法律。
The Cherokee appealed to the Supreme Court against Georgia to prevent dispossession.
切罗基人向最高法院上诉，反对佐治亚州，以防止被剥夺。
The Court, while sympathizing with the Cherokee’s plight, ruled that it lacked jurisdiction to hear the case ( Cherokee Nation v.
法院虽然对切罗基人的困境表示同情，但裁定其缺乏审理此案的管辖权（Cherokee Nation v.
Georgia [1831]).
乔治亚州[1831]）。
In an associated case, Worcester v.
在相关案件中，伍斯特诉。
Georgia (1832), the Supreme Court ruled that Georgia laws did not apply within Cherokee territory.
佐治亚州（1832 年），最高法院裁定佐治亚州法律不适用于切罗基领土。
15 Regardless of these rulings, the state government ignored the Supreme Court and did little to prevent conflict between settlers and the Cherokee.
15 不管这些裁决如何，州政府都无视最高法院，也没有采取任何措施来阻止定居者与切罗基人之间的冲突。
Jackson wanted a solution that might preserve peace and his reputation.
杰克逊想要一个可以维护和平和他的声誉的解决方案。
He sent secretary of war Lewis Cass to offer title to western lands and the promise of tribal governance in exchange for relinquishing of the Cherokee’s eastern lands.
他派战争部长刘易斯·卡斯提供对西部土地的所有权和部落治理的承诺，以换取放弃切罗基人的东部土地。
These negotiations opened a rift within the Cherokee Nation.
这些谈判在切罗基族内部造成了裂痕。
Cherokee leader John Ridge believed removal was inevitable and pushed for a treaty that would give the best terms.
切罗基族领导人约翰·里奇认为，驱逐是不可避免的，并推动达成一项提供最佳条款的条约。
Others, called nationalists and led by John Ross, refused to consider removal in negotiations.
其他以约翰·罗斯为首的民族主义者则拒绝考虑在谈判中撤职。
The Jackson administration refused any deal that fell short of large-scale removal of the Cherokee from Georgia, thereby fueling a devastating and violent intratribal battle between the two factions.
杰克逊政府拒绝了任何不能大规模将切罗基人从佐治亚州驱逐出去的协议，从而加剧了两派之间毁灭性的暴力部落内战。
Eventually tensions grew to the point that several treaty advocates were assassinated by members of the national faction.
最终，紧张局势升级到数名条约倡导者被民族派成员暗杀的程度。
16
16
In 1835, a portion of the Cherokee Nation led by John Ridge, hoping to prevent further tribal bloodshed, signed the Treaty of New Echota.
1835 年，约翰·里奇 (John Ridge) 领导的切罗基民族的一部分希望防止进一步的部落流血，签署了《新埃科塔条约》。
This treaty ceded lands in Georgia for $5 million and, the signatories hoped, would limit future conflicts between the Cherokee and white settlers.
该条约以 500 万美元的价格割让乔治亚州的土地，签署者希望这将限制切罗基人和白人定居者之间未来的冲突。
However, most of the tribe refused to adhere to the terms, viewing the treaty as illegitimately negotiated.
然而，大多数部落拒绝遵守这些条款，认为该条约是非法谈判达成的。
In response, John Ross pointed out the U.S. government’s hypocrisy.
对此，约翰·罗斯指出了美国政府的虚伪。
“You asked us to throw off the hunter and warrior state: We did so—you asked us to form a republican government: We did so.
“你要求我们摆脱猎人和武士国家：我们这样做了——你要求我们组建共和政府：我们这样做了。
Adopting your own as our model.
采用您自己的模型作为我们的模型。
You asked us to cultivate the earth, and learn the mechanic arts.
您让我们耕种土地，学习机械艺术。
We did so.
我们就这么做了。
You asked us to learn to read.
您要求我们学习阅读。
We did so.
我们就这么做了。
You asked us to cast away our idols and worship your god.
你要求我们抛弃偶像，敬拜你的神。
We did so.
我们就这么做了。
Now you demand we cede to you our lands.
现在你要求我们把土地割让给你。
That we will not do.” 17
我们不会这样做。” 17 号
President Martin van Buren, in 1838, decided to press the issue beyond negotiation and court rulings and used the New Echota Treaty provisions to order the army to forcibly remove those Cherokee not obeying the treaty’s cession of territory.
1838 年，马丁·范布伦总统决定将这个问题置于谈判和法庭裁决之外，并利用《新埃科塔条约》的条款，命令军队强行驱逐那些不遵守条约割让领土的切罗基人。
Harsh weather, poor planning, and difficult travel compounded the tragedy of what became known as the Trail of Tears.
恶劣的天气、糟糕的计划和艰难的旅行加剧了“泪水之路”的悲剧。
Sixteen thousand Cherokee embarked on the journey; only ten thousand completed it.
一万六千切罗基人踏上了征程；只有一万人完成了它。
18 Not every instance of removal was as treacherous or demographically disastrous as the Cherokee example.
18 并非所有的迁移实例都像切罗基的例子那样危险或人口灾难性的。
Furthermore, tribes responded in a variety of ways.
此外，部落以多种方式做出反应。
Some tribes violently resisted removal.
一些部落强烈抵制迁移。
Ultimately, over sixty-thousand Native Americans were forced west prior to the Civil War.
最终，在内战之前，超过六万美洲原住民被迫向西迁移。
19
19
The allure of manifest destiny encouraged expansion regardless of terrain or locale, and Indian removal also took place, to a lesser degree, in northern lands.
昭然天命的诱惑鼓励了扩张，无论地形或地点如何，印第安人的迁移也发生在北部地区，但程度较轻。
In the Old Northwest, Odawa and Ojibwe communities in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota resisted removal as many lived on land north of desirable farming land.
在旧西北地区，密歇根州、威斯康星州和明尼苏达州的奥达瓦和奥及布威社区拒绝搬迁，因为许多人居住在理想农田以北的土地上。
Moreover, some Ojibwe and Odawa individuals purchased land independently.
此外，一些奥及布威人和奥达瓦人独立购买了土地。
They formed successful alliances with missionaries to help advocate against removal, as well as with some traders and merchants who depended on trade with Native peoples.
他们与传教士建立了成功的联盟，以帮助倡导反对迁移，并与一些依赖与原住民贸易的贸易商和商人结成联盟。
Yet Indian removal occurred in the North as well—the Black Hawk War in 1832, for instance, led to the removal of many Sauk to Kansas.
然而，北方也发生了印第安人的迁移——例如，1832 年的黑鹰战争导致许多索克人迁移到堪萨斯州。
20
20
Despite the disaster of removal, tribal nations slowly rebuilt their cultures and in some cases even achieved prosperity in new territories.
尽管遭受了迁移的灾难，部落民族还是慢慢地重建了自己的文化，在某些情况下甚至在新的领土上实现了繁荣。
Tribal nations blended traditional cultural practices, including common land systems, with western practices including constitutional governments, common school systems, and creating an elite enslaving class.
部落国家将包括共同土地制度在内的传统文化习俗与包括宪政政府、共同学校制度和创建精英奴役阶级在内的西方习俗融为一体。
Some Native American groups remained too powerful to remove.
一些美洲原住民群体的势力仍然强大，无法消除。
Beginning in the late eighteenth century, the Comanche rose to power in the Southern Plains region of what is now the southwestern United States.
从十八世纪末开始，科曼奇人在南部平原地区（即现在的美国西南部）崛起。
By quickly adapting to the horse culture first introduced by the Spanish, the Comanche transitioned from a foraging economy into a mixed hunting and pastoral society.
通过迅速适应西班牙人首先引入的马文化，科曼奇人从采集经济转变为混合狩猎和游牧社会。
After 1821, the new Mexican nation-state claimed the region as part of the northern Mexican frontier, but they had little control.
1821 年后，新的墨西哥民族国家声称该地区是墨西哥北部边境的一部分，但他们几乎没有控制权。
Instead, the Comanche remained in power and controlled the economy of the Southern Plains.
相反，科曼奇人仍然掌权并控制着南部平原的经济。
A flexible political structure allowed the Comanche to dominate other Native American groups as well as Mexican and American settlers.
灵活的政治结构使科曼奇人能够统治其他美洲原住民群体以及墨西哥和美国定居者。
In the 1830s, the Comanche launched raids into northern Mexico, ending what had been an unprofitable but peaceful diplomatic relationship with Mexico.
1830 年代，科曼奇人对墨西哥北部发动袭击，结束了与墨西哥之间无利可图但和平的外交关系。
At the same time, they forged new trading relationships with Anglo-American traders in Texas.
与此同时，他们与德克萨斯州的英美商人建立了新的贸易关系。
Throughout this period, the Comanche and several other independent Native groups, particularly the Kiowa, Apache, and Navajo, engaged in thousands of violent encounters with northern Mexicans.
在此期间，科曼奇人和其他几个独立的土著群体，特别是基奥瓦人、阿帕奇人和纳瓦霍人，与墨西哥北部人发生了数千次暴力冲突。
Collectively, these encounters comprised an ongoing war during the 1830s and 1840s as tribal nations vied for power and wealth.
总的来说，这些遭遇构成了 1830 年代和 1840 年代部落国家争夺权力和财富时持续不断的战争。
By the 1840s, Comanche power peaked with an empire that controlled a vast territory in the trans-Mississippi west known as Comancheria.
到了 1840 年代，科曼奇的势力达到顶峰，帝国控制了密西西比河西部的大片领土，称为科曼切里亚。
By trading in Texas and raiding in northern Mexico, the Comanche controlled the flow of commodities, including captives, livestock, and trade goods.
通过在德克萨斯州的贸易和墨西哥北部的袭击，科曼奇人控制了商品的流动，包括俘虏、牲畜和贸易货物。
They practiced a fluid system of captivity and captive trading, rather than a rigid chattel system.
他们实行流动的自保制度和自保贸易制度，而不是严格的动产制度。
The Comanche used captives for economic exploitation but also adopted captives into kinship networks.
科曼奇人利用俘虏进行经济剥削，但也将俘虏纳入亲属关系网络。
This allowed for the assimilation of diverse peoples in the region into the empire.
这使得该地区的不同民族得以融入帝国。
The ongoing conflict in the region had sweeping consequences on both Mexican and American politics.
该地区持续不断的冲突对墨西哥和美国政治产生了广泛影响。
The U.S.-Mexican War, beginning in 1846, can be seen as a culmination of this violence.
1846 年开始的美墨战争可以被视为这种暴力的顶峰。
21
21
“Map of the Plains Indians,” undated.
“平原印第安人地图”，日期不详。
Smithsonian Institute .
史密森学会。
In the Great Basin region, Mexican independence also escalated patterns of violence.
在大盆地地区，墨西哥独立也加剧了暴力行为。
This region, on the periphery of the Spanish empire, was nonetheless integrated in the vast commercial trading network of the West.
该地区位于西班牙帝国的边缘，但仍然融入了西方庞大的商业贸易网络。
Mexican officials and Anglo-American traders entered the region with their own imperial designs.
墨西哥官员和英美商人带着自己的帝国设计进入该地区。
New forms of violence spread into the homelands of the Paiute and Western Shoshone.
新形式的暴力蔓延到派尤特人和西肖肖尼人的家园。
Traders, settlers, and Mormon religious refugees, aided by U.S. officials and soldiers, committed daily acts of violence and laid the groundwork for violent conquest.
商人、定居者和摩门教难民在美国官员和士兵的帮助下，每天都犯下暴力行为，为暴力征服奠定了基础。
This expansion of the American state into the Great Basin meant groups such as the Ute, Cheyenne, and Arapahoe had to compete over land, resources, captives, and trade relations with Anglo-Americans.
美国向大盆地的扩张意味着尤特人、夏延人和阿拉帕霍人等群体必须与英裔美国人争夺土地、资源、俘虏和贸易关系。
Eventually, white incursion and ongoing wars against Native Americans resulted in traumatic dispossession of land and the struggle for subsistence.
最终，白人的入侵和针对美洲原住民的持续战争导致了土地被剥夺和生存斗争的痛苦。
The federal government attempted more than relocation of Native Americans.
联邦政府的尝试不仅仅是重新安置美洲原住民。
Policies to “civilize” Native Americans coexisted along with forced removal and served an important “Americanizing” vision of expansion that brought an ever-increasing population under the American flag and sought to balance aggression with the uplift of paternal care.
“文明”美洲原住民的政策与强制迁移并存，并服务于重要的“美国化”扩张愿景，将不断增加的人口置于美国旗帜之下，并寻求在侵略性与父权关怀的提升之间取得平衡。
Thomas L.
托马斯·L。
McKenney, superintendent of Indian trade from 1816 to 1822 and the Superintendent of Indian Affairs from 1824 to 1830, served as the main architect of the civilization policy.
麦肯尼于 1816 年至 1822 年担任印度贸易总监，并于 1824 年至 1830 年担任印第安事务总监，是文明政策的主要设计者。
He asserted that Native Americans were morally and intellectually equal to whites.
他声称美洲原住民在道德和智力上与白人平等。
He sought to establish a national Indian school system.
他寻求建立印度全国学校系统。
Congress rejected McKenney’s plan but instead passed the Civilization Fund Act in 1819.
国会拒绝了麦肯尼的计划，但于 1819 年通过了《文明基金法案》。
This act offered $10,000 annually to be allocated toward societies that funded missionaries to establish schools among Native American tribes.
该法案每年拨款 10,000 美元，用于资助传教士在美洲原住民部落中建立学校的社团。
However, providing schooling for Native Americans under the auspices of the civilization program also allowed the federal government to justify taking more land.
然而，在文明计划的支持下为美洲原住民提供学校教育也让联邦政府有理由征用更多土地。
Treaties, such as the 1820 Treaty of Doak’s Stand made with the Choctaw nation, often included land cessions as requirements for education provisions.
条约，例如 1820 年与乔克托民族签订的《多克斯坦条约》，通常将土地割让作为提供教育的要求。
Removal and Americanization reinforced Americans’ sense of cultural dominance.
迁移和美国化强化了美国人的文化统治感。
22
22
After removal in the 1830s, the Cherokee, Choctaw, and Chickasaw began to collaborate with missionaries to build school systems of their own.
1830 年代迁徙后，切罗基族、乔克托族和奇卡索族开始与传教士合作建立自己的学校系统。
Leaders hoped education would help ensuing generations to protect political sovereignty.
领导人希望教育能够帮助后代保护政治主权。
In 1841, the Cherokee Nation opened a public school system that within two years included eighteen schools.
1841 年，切罗基族建立了公立学校系统，两年内就包括了 18 所学校。
By 1852, the system expanded to twenty-one schools with a national enrollment of 1,100 pupils.
到 1852 年，该系统扩展到 21 所学校，全国招生人数达 1,100 名学生。
23 Many of the students educated in these tribally controlled schools later served their nations as teachers, lawyers, physicians, bureaucrats, and politicians.
23 在这些部落控制的学校接受教育的许多学生后来成为教师、律师、医生、官僚和政治家，为国家服务。
The dream of creating a democratic utopia in the West ultimately rested on those who picked up their possessions and their families and moved west.
在西方创建民主乌托邦的梦想最终落在了那些拿起财产和家人移居西方的人身上。
Western settlers usually migrated as families and settled along navigable and potable rivers.
西方定居者通常举家迁徙，并沿着通航和饮用的河流定居。
Settlements often coalesced around local traditions, especially religion, carried from eastern settlements.
定居点往往围绕着从东部定居点传承下来的当地传统，尤其是宗教。
These shared understandings encouraged a strong sense of cooperation among western settlers that forged communities on the frontier.
这些共同的理解鼓励了西方定居者之间强烈的合作意识，在边境建立了社区。
Before the Mexican War, the West for most Americans still referred to the fertile area between the Appalachian Mountains and the Mississippi River with a slight amount of overspill beyond its banks.
在墨西哥战争之前，对于大多数美国人来说，西方仍然指的是阿巴拉契亚山脉和密西西比河之间的肥沃地区，其河岸有少量溢出。
With soil exhaustion and land competition increasing in the East, most early western migrants sought a greater measure of stability and self-sufficiency by engaging in small-scale farming.
随着东部土壤枯竭和土地竞争加剧，大多数早期西部移民通过从事小规模农业来寻求更大程度的稳定和自给自足。
Boosters of these new agricultural areas along with the U.S. government encouraged perceptions of the West as a land of hard-built opportunity that promised personal and national bounty.
这些新农业区的支持者与美国政府一起鼓励人们将西方视为一块充满机遇的土地，承诺为个人和国家带来丰厚的回报。
Women migrants bore the unique double burden of travel while also being expected to conform to restrictive gender norms.
女性移民承担着独特的双重旅行负担，同时还被期望遵守限制性的性别规范。
The key virtues of femininity, according to the “cult of true womanhood,” included piety, purity, domesticity, and submissiveness.
根据“对真正女性气质的崇拜”，女性气质的主要美德包括虔诚、纯洁、家庭生活和顺从。
The concept of “separate spheres” expected women to remain in the home.
“分离领域”的概念期望妇女留在家里。
These values accompanied men and women as they traveled west to begin their new lives.
这些价值观伴随着男人和女人前往西部开始他们的新生活。
While many of these societal standards endured, there often existed an openness of frontier society that resulted in modestly more opportunities for women.
尽管许多社会标准得以延续，但边疆社会往往存在开放性，这为女性带来了更多的机会。
Husbands needed partners in setting up a homestead and working in the field to provide food for the family.
丈夫们需要合作伙伴来建立家园并在田间工作为家人提供食物。
Suitable wives were often in short supply, enabling some to informally negotiate more power in their households.
合适的妻子往往供不应求，这使得一些人能够非正式地谈判获得更多家庭权力。
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Americans debated the role of government in westward expansion.
美国人对政府在向西扩张中的作用进行了争论。
This debate centered on the proper role of the U.S. government in paying for the internal improvements that soon became necessary to encourage and support economic development.
这场辩论的焦点是美国政府在支付内部改进费用方面的适当角色，这些改进很快成为鼓励和支持经济发展所必需的。
Some saw frontier development as a self-driven undertaking that necessitated private risk and investment devoid of government interference.
一些人认为边境开发是一项自我驱动的事业，需要私人风险和投资，而无需政府干预。
Others saw the federal government’s role as providing the infrastructural development needed to give migrants the push toward engagement with the larger national economy.
其他人则认为联邦政府的作用是提供必要的基础设施发展，推动移民参与更大的国民经济。
In the end, federal aid proved essential for the conquest and settlement of the region.
最终，事实证明，联邦援助对该地区的征服和定居至关重要。
American artist George Catlin traveled west to paint Native Americans.
美国艺术家乔治·卡特林前往西部描绘美洲原住民。
In 1832 he painted Eeh-nís-kim, Crystal Stone, wife of a Blackfoot leader.
1832 年，他画了《Eeh-nís-kim》（水晶石），她是一位黑脚族领袖的妻子。
Smithsonian American Art Museum .
史密森尼美国艺术博物馆。
Economic busts constantly threatened western farmers and communities.
经济萧条不断威胁着西方农民和社区。
The economy worsened after the Panic of 1819.
1819 年恐慌之后，经济恶化。
Falling prices and depleted soil meant farmers were unable to make their loan payments.
价格下跌和土壤枯竭意味着农民无法偿还贷款。
The dream of subsistence and stability abruptly ended as many migrants lost their land and felt the hand of the distant market economy forcing them even farther west to escape debt.
随着许多移民失去了土地，并感受到遥远的市场经济的力量迫使他们向更远的西部逃避债务，生存和稳定的梦想突然破灭。
As a result, the federal government consistently sought to increase access to land in the West, including efforts to lower the amount of land required for purchase.
因此，联邦政府不断寻求增加西部土地的获取机会，包括努力减少购买所需的土地数量。
Smaller lots made it easier for more farmers to clear land and begin farming faster.
较小的地块使更多农民更容易清理土地并更快地开始耕种。
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More than anything else, new roads and canals provided conduits for migration and settlement.
最重要的是，新的道路和运河为移民和定居提供了渠道。
Improvements in travel and exchange fueled economic growth in the 1820s and 1830s.
旅行和交流的改善推动了 1820 年代和 1830 年代的经济增长。
Canal improvements expanded in the East, while road building prevailed in the West.
运河改造在东部扩大，而道路建设在西部盛行。
Congress continued to allocate funds for internal improvements.
国会继续拨款用于内部改进。
Federal money pushed the National Road, begun in 1811, farther west every year.
联邦资金推动 1811 年开始修建的国道逐年向西推进。
Laborers needed to construct these improvements increased employment opportunities and encouraged nonfarmers to move to the West.
劳动者需要进行这些改进，增加就业机会，并鼓励非农民迁移到西方。
Wealth promised by engagement with the new economy was hard to reject.
参与新经济所带来的财富是难以拒绝的。
However, roads were expensive to build and maintain, and some Americans strongly opposed spending money on these improvements.
然而，道路的建设和维护成本高昂，一些美国人强烈反对花钱进行这些改进。
The use of steamboats grew quickly throughout the 1810s and into the 1820s.
从 1810 年代到 1820 年代，汽船的使用迅速增长。
As water trade and travel grew in popularity, local, state, and federal funds helped connect rivers and streams.
随着水贸易和旅行的日益普及，地方、州和联邦资金帮助连接河流和溪流。
Hundreds of miles of new canals cut through the eastern landscape.
数百英里的新运河穿过东部景观。
The most notable of these early projects was the Erie Canal.
这些早期项目中最著名的是伊利运河。
That project, completed in 1825, linked the Great Lakes to New York City.
该项目于 1825 年竣工，将五大湖与纽约市连接起来。
The profitability of the canal helped New York outpace its East Coast rivals to become the center for commercial import and export in the United States.
运河的盈利能力帮助纽约超越东海岸的竞争对手，成为美国商业进出口中心。
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Early railroads like the Baltimore and Ohio line hoped to link mid-Atlantic cities with lucrative western trade routes.
巴尔的摩和俄亥俄线等早期铁路希望将大西洋中部城市与利润丰厚的西部贸易路线连接起来。
Railroad boosters encouraged the rapid growth of towns and cities along their routes.
铁路的推动者促进了沿线城镇的快速发展。
Not only did rail lines promise to move commerce faster, but the rails also encouraged the spreading of towns farther away from traditional waterway locations.
铁路线不仅有望加快商业发展，而且还鼓励城镇向远离传统水路地点的地区扩展。
Technological limitations, constant repairs, conflicts with Native Americans, and political disagreements all hampered railroading and kept canals and steamboats as integral parts of the transportation system.
技术限制、不断的维修、与美洲原住民的冲突以及政治分歧都阻碍了铁路建设，并使运河和汽船成为交通系统不可或缺的一部分。
Nonetheless, this early establishment of railroads enabled a rapid expansion after the Civil War.
尽管如此，铁路的早期建立使得内战后铁路得以迅速扩张。
Economic chains of interdependence stretched over hundreds of miles of land and through thousands of contracts and remittances.
相互依存的经济链绵延数百英里的土地，通过数千份合同和汇款。
America’s manifest destiny became wedded not only to territorial expansion but also to economic development.
美国的明显命运不仅与领土扩张紧密相连，而且与经济发展紧密相连。
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The debate over slavery became one of the prime forces behind the Texas Revolution and the resulting republic’s annexation to the United States.
关于奴隶制的争论成为德克萨斯革命和由此产生的共和国并入美国背后的主要力量之一。
After gaining its independence from Spain in 1821, Mexico hoped to attract new settlers to its northern areas to create a buffer between it and the powerful Comanche.
1821 年从西班牙独立后，墨西哥希望吸引新的定居者到其北部地区，以在其与强大的科曼奇之间建立缓冲地带。
New immigrants, mostly from the southern United States, poured into Mexican Texas.
主要来自美国南部的新移民涌入墨西哥德克萨斯州。
Over the next twenty-five years, concerns over growing Anglo influence and possible American designs on the area produced great friction between Mexicans and the former Americans in the area.
在接下来的二十五年里，由于担心英国人的影响力不断增长以及美国可能对该地区的设计，墨西哥人和该地区的前美国人之间产生了巨大的摩擦。
In 1829, Mexico, hoping to quell both anger and immigration, outlawed slavery and required all new immigrants to convert to Catholicism.
1829 年，墨西哥希望平息愤怒和移民，宣布奴隶制为非法，并要求所有新移民皈依天主教。
American immigrants, eager to expand their agricultural fortunes, largely ignored these requirements.
渴望扩大农业财富的美国移民在很大程度上忽视了这些要求。
In response, Mexican authorities closed their territory to any new immigration in 1830—a prohibition ignored by Americans who often squatted on public lands.
作为回应，墨西哥当局于 1830 年对任何新移民关闭了其领土——这一禁令被经常占用公共土地的美国人忽视。
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In 1834, an internal conflict between federalists and centralists in the Mexican government led to the political ascendency of General Antonio López de Santa Anna.
1834 年，墨西哥政府中联邦派和中央集权派之间的内部冲突导致安东尼奥·洛佩斯·德·圣安娜将军在政治上取得优势。
Santa Anna, governing as a dictator, repudiated the federalist Constitution of 1824, pursued a policy of authoritarian central control, and crushed several revolts throughout Mexico.
圣安娜以独裁者的身份执政，废除了 1824 年联邦制宪法，奉行独裁中央控制政策，并镇压了墨西哥各地的几次叛乱。
Anglo settlers in Mexican Texas, or Texians as they called themselves, opposed Santa Anna’s centralizing policies and met in November.
墨西哥德克萨斯州的盎格鲁定居者（他们自称德克萨斯人）反对圣安娜的集权政策，并于 11 月举行了会议。
They issued a statement of purpose that emphasized their commitment to the Constitution of 1824 and declared Texas to be a separate state within Mexico.
他们发表了一份宗旨声明，强调对 1824 年宪法的承诺，并宣布德克萨斯州成为墨西哥境内的一个独立州。
After the Mexican government angrily rejected the offer, Texian leaders soon abandoned their fight for the Constitution of 1824 and declared independence on March 2, 1836.
在墨西哥政府愤怒地拒绝这一提议后，得克萨斯领导人很快放弃了争取 1824 年宪法的斗争，并于 1836 年 3 月 2 日宣布独立。
29 The Texas Revolution of 1835–1836 was a successful secessionist movement in the northern district of the Mexican state of Coahuila y Tejas that resulted in an independent Republic of Texas.
29 1835 年至 1836 年的德克萨斯革命是墨西哥科阿韦拉和特哈斯州北部地区一场成功的分离主义运动，最终建立了独立的德克萨斯共和国。
At the Alamo and Goliad, Santa Anna crushed smaller rebel forces and massacred hundreds of Texian prisoners.
在阿拉莫和戈利亚德，圣安娜镇压了规模较小的叛军，并屠杀了数百名德克萨斯囚犯。
The Mexican army pursued the retreating Texian army deep into East Texas, spurring a mass panic and evacuation by American civilians known as the Runaway Scrape.
墨西哥军队追击撤退的得克萨斯军队深入东得克萨斯州，引发了美国平民的大规模恐慌和疏散，被称为“逃亡大屠杀”。
The confident Santa Anna consistently failed to make adequate defensive preparations, an oversight that eventually led to a surprise attack from the outnumbered Texian army led by Sam Houston on April 21, 1836.
自信的圣安娜始终未能做好充分的防御准备，这一疏忽最终导致 1836 年 4 月 21 日山姆·休斯顿率领的寡不敌众的得克萨斯军队发起突然袭击。
The battle of San Jacinto lasted only eighteen minutes and resulted in a decisive victory for the Texians, who retaliated for previous Mexican atrocities by killing fleeing and surrendering Mexican soldiers for hours after the initial assault.
圣哈辛托战役只持续了十八分钟，但德克萨斯人取得了决定性的胜利，他们在最初的袭击后数小时内杀死了逃跑和投降的墨西哥士兵，以报复墨西哥之前的暴行。
Santa Anna was captured in the aftermath and compelled to sign the Treaty of Velasco on May 14, 1836, by which he agreed to withdraw his army from Texas and acknowledged Texas independence.
圣安娜随后被捕，被迫于 1836 年 5 月 14 日签署《贝拉斯科条约》，同意从德克萨斯州撤军并承认德克萨斯州独立。
Although a new Mexican government never recognized the Republic of Texas, the United States and several other nations gave the new country diplomatic recognition.
尽管墨西哥新政府从未承认德克萨斯共和国，但美国和其他几个国家给予了这个新国家外交承认。
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Texas annexation had remained a political landmine since the Republic declared independence from Mexico in 1836.
自 1836 年共和国宣布脱离墨西哥独立以来，吞并德克萨斯州一直是一个政治地雷。
American politicians feared that adding Texas to the Union would provoke a war with Mexico and reignite sectional tensions by throwing off the balance between free and slave states.
美国政界人士担心，德克萨斯州加入联邦会引发与墨西哥的战争，并打破自由州和蓄奴州之间的平衡，从而重新引发地区紧张局势。
However, after his expulsion from the Whig party, President John Tyler saw Texas statehood as the key to saving his political career.
然而，在被辉格党开除后，约翰·泰勒总统将得克萨斯州地位视为挽救其政治生涯的关键。
In 1842, he began work on opening annexation to national debate.
1842 年，他开始致力于将吞并问题纳入全国辩论。
Harnessing public outcry over the issue, Democrat James K.
利用公众对此问题的强烈抗议，民主党人 James K.
Polk rose from virtual obscurity to win the presidential election of 1844.
波尔克从默默无闻中脱颖而出，赢得了 1844 年的总统选举。
Polk and his party campaigned on promises of westward expansion, with eyes toward Texas, Oregon, and California.
波尔克和他的政党在竞选时承诺向西扩张，并着眼于德克萨斯州、俄勒冈州和加利福尼亚州。
In the final days of his presidency, Tyler at last extended an official offer to Texas on March 3, 1845.
在他总统任期的最后几天，泰勒终于于 1845 年 3 月 3 日向德克萨斯州发出了正式邀请。
The republic accepted on July 4, becoming the twenty-eighth state.
共和国于7月4日接受，成为第28个州。
Mexico denounced annexation as “an act of aggression, the most unjust which can be found recorded in the annals of modern history.” 31 Beyond the anger produced by annexation, the two nations both laid claim over a narrow strip of land between two rivers.
墨西哥谴责吞并行为是“一种侵略行为，是现代历史史上最不公正的行为”。 31 除了因吞并而产生的愤怒之外，两国还对两条河流之间的一小片土地提出了主权要求。
Mexico drew the southwestern border of Texas at the Nueces River, but Texans claimed that the border lay roughly 150 miles farther west at the Rio Grande.
墨西哥将德克萨斯州的西南边界划定在纽埃西斯河，但德克萨斯人声称边界位于格兰德河以西约 150 英里处。
Neither claim was realistic since the sparsely populated area, known as the Nueces strip, was in fact controlled by Native Americans.
这两种说法都不现实，因为这个人口稀少的地区（称为纽埃西斯地带）实际上是由美洲原住民控制的。
In November 1845, President Polk secretly dispatched John Slidell to Mexico City to purchase the Nueces strip along with large sections of New Mexico and California.
1845 年 11 月，波尔克总统秘密派遣约翰·斯莱德尔前往墨西哥城购买纽埃塞斯地带以及新墨西哥州和加利福尼亚州的大部分地区。
The mission was an empty gesture, designed largely to pacify those in Washington who insisted on diplomacy before war.
这次任务是一种空洞的姿态，主要是为了安抚华盛顿那些坚持战前外交的人。
Predictably, officials in Mexico City refused to receive Slidell.
不出所料，墨西哥城官员拒绝接待斯莱德尔。
In preparation for the assumed failure of the negotiations, Polk preemptively sent a four-thousand-man army under General Zachary Taylor to Corpus Christi, Texas, just northeast of the Nueces River.
为了应对谈判可能失败的情况，波尔克先发制人，派出扎卡里·泰勒将军率领的四千人军队前往纽埃西斯河东北部的得克萨斯州科珀斯克里斯蒂。
Upon word of Slidell’s rebuff in January 1846, Polk ordered Taylor to cross into the disputed territory.
1846 年 1 月，得知斯莱德尔遭到拒绝后，波尔克命令泰勒越境进入有争议的领土。
The president hoped that this show of force would push the lands of California onto the bargaining table as well.
总统希望这种武力展示能够将加利福尼亚州的土地也推上谈判桌。
Unfortunately, he badly misread the situation.
不幸的是，他严重误判了形势。
After losing Texas, the Mexican public strongly opposed surrendering any more ground to the United States.
失去德克萨斯州后，墨西哥公众强烈反对向美国再投降。
Popular opinion left the shaky government in Mexico City without room to negotiate.
民意使摇摇欲坠的墨西哥城政府没有谈判的余地。
On April 24, Mexican cavalrymen attacked a detachment of Taylor’s troops in the disputed territory just north of the Rio Grande, killing eleven U.S. soldiers.
4 月 24 日，墨西哥骑兵在格兰德河以北有争议的地区袭击了泰勒部队的一支分队，造成 11 名美国士兵死亡。
It took two weeks for the news to reach Washington.
消息花了两周时间才传到华盛顿。
Polk sent a message to Congress on May 11 that summed up the assumptions and intentions of the United States.
波尔克5月11日向国会发出信息，总结了美国的假设和意图。
Instead of this, however, we have been exerting our best efforts to propitiate her good will.
然而，我们并没有这样做，而是尽了最大的努力来满足她的善意。
Upon the pretext that Texas, a nation as independent as herself, thought proper to unite its destinies with our own, she has affected to believe that we have severed her rightful territory, and in official proclamations and manifestoes has repeatedly threatened to make war upon us for the purpose of reconquering Texas.
她借口得克萨斯这个与她一样独立的国家，认为应该将自己的命运与我们的命运结合起来，假装相信我们已经切断了她的合法领土，并在官方公告和宣言中一再威胁要向我们发动战争，以重新征服得克萨斯。
In the meantime we have tried every effort at reconciliation.
与此同时，我们已尽一切努力进行和解。
The cup of forbearance had been exhausted even before the recent information from the frontier of the Del Norte.
甚至在从德尔北边境传来最近的情报之前，忍耐之杯就已经耗尽了。
But now, after reiterated menaces, Mexico has passed the boundary of the United States, has invaded our territory and shed American blood upon the American soil.
但现在，在一再的威胁之后，墨西哥已经越过了美国的边界，入侵了我们的领土，并在美国的土地上洒下了美国人的鲜血。
She has proclaimed that hostilities have commenced, and that the two nations are now at war.
她宣布敌对行动已经开始，两国现在处于战争状态。
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The cagey Polk knew that since hostilities already existed, political dissent would be dangerous—a vote against war became a vote against supporting American soldiers under fire.
谨慎的波尔克知道，由于敌对行动已经存在，政治异议将是危险的——反对战争的投票就变成了反对支持战火中的美国士兵的投票。
Congress passed a declaration of war on May 13.
国会于 5 月 13 日通过宣战。
Only a few members of both parties, notably John Quincy Adams and John C.
双方只有少数成员，特别是约翰·昆西·亚当斯和约翰·C.
Calhoun, opposed the measure.
卡尔霍恩反对这项措施。
Upon declaring war in 1846, Congress issued a call for fifty thousand volunteer soldiers.
1846 年宣战时，国会号召招募 5 万名志愿兵。
Spurred by promises of adventure and conquest abroad, thousands of eager men flocked to assembly points across the country.
在海外冒险和征服承诺的刺激下，成千上万渴望的人涌向全国各地的集结点。
33 However, opposition to “Mr. Polk’s War” soon grew.
33 然而，对“波尔克先生的战争”的反对很快就起来了。
In the early fall of 1846, the U.S. Army invaded Mexico on multiple fronts and within a year’s time General Winfield Scott’s men took control of Mexico City.
1846 年初秋，美国陆军从多条战线入侵墨西哥，一年之内温菲尔德·斯科特将军的军队控制了墨西哥城。
However, the city’s fall did not bring an end to the war.
然而，这座城市的陷落并没有结束战争。
Scott’s men occupied Mexico’s capital for over four months while the two countries negotiated.
在两国谈判期间，斯科特的军队占领了墨西哥首都四个多月。
In the United States, the war had been controversial from the beginning.
在美国，这场战争从一开始就充满争议。
Embedded journalists sent back detailed reports from the front lines, and a divided press viciously debated the news.
驻扎在前线的记者发回了详细的报道，分裂的媒体对这一消息展开了激烈的争论。
Volunteers found that war was not as they expected.
志愿军发现战争并不像他们想象的那样。
Disease killed seven times as many American soldiers as combat.
疾病导致的美国士兵死亡人数是战斗死亡人数的七倍。
34 Harsh discipline, conflict within the ranks, and violent clashes with civilians led soldiers to desert in huge numbers.
34 严酷的纪律、队伍内部的冲突以及与平民的暴力冲突导致大量士兵开小差。
Peace finally came on February 2, 1848 with the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo.
1848 年 2 月 2 日，随着《瓜达卢佩·伊达尔戈条约》的签署，和平终于到来。
The United States gained lands that would become the future states of California, Utah, and Nevada; most of Arizona; and parts of New Mexico, Colorado, and Wyoming.
美国获得了后来成为加利福尼亚州、犹他州和内华达州的土地；亚利桑那州大部分地区；以及新墨西哥州、科罗拉多州和怀俄明州的部分地区。
Mexican officials would also have to surrender their claims to Texas and recognize the Rio Grande as its southern boundary.
墨西哥官员还必须放弃对德克萨斯州的主权主张，并承认格兰德河为其南部边界。
The United States offered $15 million for all of it.
美国为此提供了 1500 万美元。
With American soldiers occupying their capital, Mexican leaders had no choice but to sign.
由于美国士兵占领了墨西哥首都，墨西哥领导人别无选择，只能签署。
“General Scott’s entrance into Mexico.” Lithograph.
“斯科特将军进入墨西哥。”石版画。
1851.
1851.
Originally published in George Wilkins Kendall & Carl Nebel, The War between the United States and Mexico Illustrated, Embracing Pictorial Drawings of all the Principal Conflicts (New York: D.
最初发表于乔治·威尔金斯·肯德尔和卡尔·内贝尔的《美国与墨西哥之间的战争插图，拥抱所有主要冲突的图画》（纽约：D.
Appleton), 1851.
阿普尔顿），1851。
Wikimedia Commons
维基共享资源
The new American Southwest attracted a diverse group of entrepreneurs and settlers to the commercial towns of New Mexico, the fertile lands of eastern Texas, the famed gold deposits of California, and the Rocky Mountains.
新的美国西南部吸引了各种各样的企业家和定居者来到新墨西哥州的商业城镇、德克萨斯州东部的肥沃土地、加利福尼亚州著名的金矿和落基山脉。
This postwar migration built earlier paths dating back to the 1820s, when the lucrative Santa Fe trade enticed merchants to New Mexico and generous land grants brought numerous settlers to Texas.
这种战后移民建立的早期道路可以追溯到 1820 年代，当时利润丰厚的圣达菲贸易吸引了商人来到新墨西哥州，慷慨的土地赠款将众多定居者带到了德克萨斯州。
The Gadsden Purchase of 1854 further added to American gains north of Mexico.
1854 年的加兹登购买案进一步增加了美国在墨西哥北部的收益。
The U.S.-Mexican War had an enormous impact on both countries.
美墨战争对两国都产生了巨大影响。
The American victory helped set the United States on the path to becoming a world power.
美国的胜利帮助美国走上了成为世界强国的道路。
It elevated Zachary Taylor to the presidency and served as a training ground for many of the Civil War’s future commanders.
它使扎卡里·泰勒晋升为总统，并成为许多内战未来指挥官的训练场。
Most significantly, however, Mexico lost roughly half of its territory.
然而，最重要的是，墨西哥失去了大约一半的领土。
Yet the United States’ victory was not without danger.
然而美国的胜利并非没有危险。
Ralph Waldo Emerson, an outspoken critic, predicted ominously at the beginning of the conflict, “We will conquer Mexico, but it will be as the man who swallows the arsenic which will bring him down in turn.
直言不讳的批评家拉尔夫·沃尔多·爱默生在冲突开始时就做出了不祥的预言：“我们将征服墨西哥，但吞下砒霜的人将反过来把他打倒。
Mexico will poison us.” 35 Indeed, the conflict over whether to extend slavery into the newly won territory pushed the nation ever closer to disunion and civil war.
墨西哥会毒害我们。” 35 事实上，关于是否将奴隶制扩大到新占领的领土的冲突使国家越来越接近分裂和内战。
California, belonging to Mexico prior to the war, was at least three arduous months’ travel from the nearest American settlements.
战前属于墨西哥的加利福尼亚州距离最近的美国定居点至少需要三个月的艰苦路程。
There was some sparse settlement in the Sacramento Valley, and missionaries made the trip occasionally.
萨克拉门托山谷有一些稀疏的定居点，偶尔会有传教士前往。
The fertile farmland of Oregon, like the black dirt lands of the Mississippi Valley, attracted more settlers than California.
俄勒冈州肥沃的农田，就像密西西比河谷的黑色泥土一样，比加利福尼亚州吸引了更多的定居者。
Dramatized stories of Native American attacks filled migrants with a sense of foreboding, although most settlers encountered no violence and often no Native Americans at all.
美洲原住民袭击的戏剧性故事让移民充满了不祥的预感，尽管大多数定居者没有遇到暴力，而且往往根本没有遇到美洲原住民。
The slow progress, disease, human and oxen starvation, poor trails, terrible geographic preparations, lack of guidebooks, threatening wildlife, vagaries of weather, and general confusion were all more formidable and frequent than attacks from Native Americans.
缓慢的进展、疾病、人类和牛的饥饿、崎岖的道路、可怕的地理准备、缺乏指南、威胁野生动物、变幻莫测的天气和普遍的混乱，都比美洲原住民的袭击更加可怕和频繁。
Despite the harshness of the journey, by 1848 approximately twenty thousand Americans were living west of the Rockies, with about three fourths of that number in Oregon.
尽管旅途艰辛，到 1848 年仍有约两万名美国人居住在落基山脉以西，其中约四分之三居住在俄勒冈州。
The great environmental and economic potential of the Oregon Territory led many to pack up their families and head west along the Oregon Trail.
俄勒冈领地巨大的环境和经济潜力促使许多人带上家人，沿着俄勒冈小道向西行进。
The Trail represented the hopes of many for a better life, represented and reinforced by images like Bierstadt’s idealistic Oregon Trail.
这条小道代表了许多人对美好生活的希望，比尔施塔特理想主义的俄勒冈小道等图像代表并强化了这一愿望。
Albert Bierstadt, Oregon Trail (Campfire), 1863.
阿尔伯特·比尔施塔特，俄勒冈小道（篝火），1863 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Many who moved nurtured a romantic vision of life, attracting more Americans who sought more than agricultural life and familial responsibilities.
许多搬家的人对生活抱有浪漫的憧憬，吸引了更多追求农业生活和家庭责任之外的美国人。
The rugged individualism and military prowess of the West, encapsulated for some by service in the Mexican war, drew a growing new breed west of the Sierra Nevada to meet with the Californians already there: a breed of migrants different from the modest agricultural communities of the near West.
西部地区粗犷的个人主义和军事实力，对一些人来说在墨西哥战争中的服役体现得淋漓尽致，吸引了内华达山脉以西不断壮大的新移民与已经在那里的加利福尼亚人会面：这些移民不同于近西部的简陋农业社区。
If the great draw of the West served as manifest destiny’s kindling, then the discovery of gold in California was the spark that set the fire ablaze.
如果说西方的伟大吸引力是命运的引火物，那么加利福尼亚州金矿的发现就是点燃火焰的火花。
On January 24, 1848, James W.
1848 年 1 月 24 日，詹姆斯·W.
Marshall, a contractor hired by John Sutter, discovered gold on Sutter’s sawmill land in the Sacramento Valley area of the California Territory.
马歇尔是约翰·萨特雇佣的承包商，他在加利福尼亚州萨克拉门托谷地区萨特的锯木厂土地上发现了黄金。
Most western settlers sought land ownership, but the lure of getting rich quick drew younger single men (with some women) to gold towns throughout the West.
大多数西部定居者寻求土地所有权，但快速致富的诱惑吸引了年轻的单身男性（包括一些女性）来到整个西部的黄金城镇。
These adventurers and fortune-seekers then served as magnets for the arrival of others providing services associated with the gold rush.
这些冒险家和寻求财富的人随后成为吸引其他提供与淘金热相关服务的人到来的磁石。
Towns and cities grew rapidly throughout the West, notably San Francisco, whose population grew from about five hundred in 1848 to almost fifty thousand by 1853.
整个西部地区的城镇和城市迅速发展，特别是旧金山，其人口从 1848 年的约 500 人增加到 1853 年的近 5 万人。
Lawlessness, predictable failure of most fortune seekers, racial conflicts, and the slavery question all threatened manifest destiny’s promises.
无法无天、大多数寻求财富的人可预见的失败、种族冲突和奴隶制问题都威胁着命运的承诺。
Throughout the 1850s, Californians beseeched Congress for a transcontinental railroad to provide service for both passengers and goods from the Midwest and the East Coast.
整个 1850 年代，加利福尼亚人恳求国会修建一条横贯大陆的铁路，为来自中西部和东海岸的乘客和货物提供服务。
The potential economic benefits for communities along proposed railroads made the debate over the route rancorous.
拟议铁路沿线社区的潜在经济效益使得有关该路线的争论变得激烈。
Growing dissent over the slavery issue also heightened tensions.
对奴隶制问题日益增长的异议也加剧了紧张局势。
The great influx of diverse people clashed in a combative and aggrandizing atmosphere of individualistic pursuit of fortune.
各种各样的人大量涌入，在个人主义追求财富的好斗和夸大的气氛中发生冲突。
36 Linguistic, cultural, economic, and racial conflict roiled both urban and rural areas.
36 语言、文化、经济和种族冲突扰乱了城市和农村地区。
By the end of the 1850s, Chinese and Mexican immigrants made up one fifth of the mining population in California.
到 1850 年代末，中国和墨西哥移民占加州采矿人口的五分之一。
The ethnic patchwork of these frontier towns belied a clearly defined socioeconomic arrangement that saw whites on top as landowners and managers, with poor whites and ethnic minorities working the mines and assorted jobs.
这些边境城镇的种族杂乱掩盖了明确的社会经济安排，即白人作为土地所有者和管理者，而贫穷的白人和少数民族则从事矿山和各种工作。
The competition for land, resources, and riches furthered individual and collective abuses, particularly against Native Americans and older Mexican communities.
对土地、资源和财富的竞争加剧了个人和集体的虐待行为，特别是针对美洲原住民和墨西哥老社区的虐待行为。
California’s towns, as well as those dotting the landscape throughout the West, struggled to balance security with economic development and the protection of civil rights and liberties.
加州的城镇以及遍布西部地区的城镇都在努力平衡安全与经济发展以及保护公民权利和自由。
This cartoon depicts a highly racialized image of a Chinese immigrant and Irish immigrant “swallowing” the United States–in the form of Uncle Sam.
这部漫画以山姆大叔的形式描绘了一个高度种族化的中国移民和爱尔兰移民“吞噬”美国的形象。
Networks of railroads and the promise of American expansion can be seen in the background.
铁路网络和美国扩张的承诺在背景中可见一斑。
“The great fear of the period That Uncle Sam may be swallowed by foreigners : The problem solved,” 1860-1869.
“对山姆大叔可能被外国人吞没的时期的巨大恐惧：问题解决了”，1860-1869。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
The expansion of influence and territory off the continent became an important corollary to westward expansion.
影响力和领土在非洲大陆之外的扩张成为向西扩张的重要必然结果。
The U.S. government sought to keep European countries out of the Western Hemisphere and applied the principles of manifest destiny to the rest of the hemisphere.
美国政府试图将欧洲国家排除在西半球之外，并将昭示命运原则应用于西半球其他地区。
As secretary of state for President James Monroe, John Quincy Adams held the responsibility for the satisfactory resolution of ongoing border disputes between the United States, England, Spain, and Russia.
作为詹姆斯·门罗总统的国务卿，约翰·昆西·亚当斯有责任圆满解决美国、英国、西班牙和俄罗斯之间持续存在的边界争端。
Adams’s view of American foreign policy was put into clearest practice in the Monroe Doctrine, which he had great influence in crafting.
亚当斯对美国外交政策的看法在门罗主义中得到了最明确的实践，他对门罗主义的制定产生了巨大的影响。
Increasingly aggressive incursions from Russians in the Northwest, ongoing border disputes with the British in Canada, the remote possibility of Spanish reconquest of South America, and British abolitionism in the Caribbean all triggered an American response.
俄罗斯人对西北地区日益侵略性的入侵、加拿大与英国人持续不断的边界争端、西班牙重新征服南美洲的可能性微乎其微，以及英国在加勒比地区的废奴主义，都引发了美国的反应。
In a speech before the U.S. House of Representatives on July 4, 1821, Secretary of State Adams acknowledged the American need for a robust foreign policy that simultaneously protected and encouraged the nation’s growing and increasingly dynamic economy.
1821 年 7 月 4 日，国务卿亚当斯在美国众议院发表讲话，承认美国需要强有力的外交政策，同时保护和鼓励国家不断增长和日益活跃的经济。
America .
美国 。
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in the lapse of nearly half a century, without a single exception, respected the independence of other nations while asserting and maintaining her own.
近半个世纪以来，无一例外地尊重其他国家的独立，同时主张和维护自己的独立。
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She is the well-wisher to the freedom and independence of all.
她是所有人自由和独立的祝福者。
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She well knows that by once enlisting under other banners than her own, were they even the banners of foreign independence, she would involve herself beyond the power of extrication, in all the wars of interest and intrigue, of individual avarice, envy, and ambition, which assume the colors and usurp the standard of freedom.
她深知，一旦打着除她自己以外的其他旗帜入伍，即使是外国独立的旗帜，她也会将自己卷入所有利益和阴谋、个人贪婪、嫉妒和野心的战争中，无法自拔，这些战争都披上了自由的色彩，篡夺了自由的标准。
The fundamental maxims of her policy would insensibly change from liberty to force.
她的政策的基本准则会在不知不觉中从自由转变为武力。
The frontlet on her brows would no longer beam with the ineffable splendor of freedom and independence; but in its stead would soon be substituted an imperial diadem, flashing in false and tarnished lustre the murky radiance of dominion and power.
她额头上的额头不再闪烁着难以言喻的自由独立的光辉，但它很快就会被一顶王冠所取代，王冠闪烁着虚假而黯淡的光芒，闪烁着统治和权力的阴暗光芒。
She might become the dictatress of the world; she would be no longer the ruler of her own spirit.
她可能会成为世界的独裁者；她将不再是自己精神的统治者。
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Her glory is not dominion, but liberty.
她的荣耀不是统治，而是自由。
Her march is the march of the mind.
她的行军是心灵的行军。
She has a spear and a shield: but the motto upon her shield is, Freedom, Independence, Peace.
她有长矛和盾牌：但她盾牌上的座右铭是：自由、独立、和平。
This has been her Declaration: this has been, as far as her necessary intercourse with the rest of mankind would permit, her practice.
这就是她的宣言：只要她与其他人进行必要的交往，这就是她的实践。
37
37
Adams’s great fear was not territorial loss.
亚当斯最担心的并不是领土丧失。
He had no doubt that Russian and British interests in North America could be arrested.
他毫不怀疑俄罗斯和英国在北美的利益可能会被逮捕。
Adams held no reason to antagonize the Russians with grand pronouncements, nor was he generally called upon to do so.
亚当斯没有理由以宏大的声明来对抗俄罗斯人，他也没有被普遍要求这样做。
He enjoyed a good relationship with the Russian ambassador and stewarded through Congress most-favored trade status for the Russians in 1824.
他与俄罗斯大使关系良好，并于 1824 年通过国会为俄罗斯提供了最优惠的贸易地位。
Rather, Adams worried gravely about the ability of the United States to compete commercially with the British in Latin America and the Caribbean.
相反，亚当斯严重担心美国在拉丁美洲和加勒比地区与英国进行商业竞争的能力。
This concern deepened with the valid concern that America’s chief Latin American trading partner, Cuba, dangled perilously close to outstretched British claws.
这种担忧随着人们对美国主要拉丁美洲贸易伙伴古巴危险地接近英国伸出的利爪的担忧而加深。
Cabinet debates surrounding establishment of the Monroe Doctrine and geopolitical events in the Caribbean focused attention on that part of the world as key to the future defense of U.S. military and commercial interests, the main threat to those interests being the British.
围绕门罗主义建立和加勒比地缘政治事件的内阁辩论将注意力集中在世界这一地区，认为该地区是未来捍卫美国军事和商业利益的关键，而这些利益的主要威胁是英国。
Expansion of economic opportunity and protection from foreign pressures became the overriding goals of U.S. foreign policy.
扩大经济机会和免受外国压力成为美国外交政策的首要目标。
38 But despite the philosophical confidence present in the Monroe administration’s decree, the reality of limited military power kept the Monroe Doctrine as an aspirational assertion.
38 但是，尽管门罗政府的法令充满了哲学上的信心，但军事力量有限的现实使门罗主义仍然是一个抱负的主张。
Bitter disagreements over the expansion of slavery into the new lands won from Mexico began even before the war ended.
关于奴隶制扩展到从墨西哥赢得的新土地的激烈分歧甚至在战争结束之前就已经开始了。
Many northern businessmen and southern enslavers supported the idea of expanding slavery into the Caribbean as a useful alternative to continental expansion, since slavery already existed in these areas.
许多北方商人和南方奴隶主支持将奴隶制扩展到加勒比地区的想法，作为大陆扩张的有用替代方案，因为这些地区已经存在奴隶制。
Some were critical of these attempts, seeing them as evidence of a growing slave-power conspiracy.
一些人对这些尝试持批评态度，认为它们是日益严重的奴隶权力阴谋的证据。
Many others supported attempts at expansion, like those previously seen in eastern Florida, even if these attempts were not exactly legal.
许多其他人支持扩张尝试，就像之前在佛罗里达州东部看到的那样，即使这些尝试并不完全合法。
Filibustering, as it was called, involved privately financed schemes directed at capturing and occupying foreign territory without the approval of the U.S. government.
所谓的阻挠议事涉及私人资助的计划，旨在未经美国政府批准而夺取和占领外国领土。
Filibustering took greatest hold in the imagination of Americans as they looked toward Cuba.
当美国人把目光投向古巴时，阻挠议事在他们的想象中占据了最大的份额。
Fears of racialized revolution in Cuba (as in Haiti and Florida before it) as well as the presence of an aggressive British abolitionist influence in the Caribbean energized the movement to annex Cuba and encouraged filibustering as expedient alternatives to lethargic official negotiations.
对古巴种族化革命（如之前的海地和佛罗里达）的担忧以及英国废奴主义在加勒比海地区的侵略性影响力激发了吞并古巴的运动，并鼓励阻挠以作为替代昏昏欲睡的官方谈判的权宜之计。
Despite filibustering’s seemingly chaotic planning and destabilizing repercussions, those intellectually and economically guiding the effort imagined a willing and receptive Cuban population and expected an agreeable American business class.
尽管拖延战术看似混乱的计划和破坏稳定的影响，但那些在智力和经济上指导这一努力的人想象着古巴人民愿意和接受，并期望有一个令人愉快的美国商业阶层。
In Cuba, manifest destiny for the first time sought territory off the continent and hoped to put a unique spin on the story of success in Mexico.
在古巴，天命号首次寻求非洲大陆以外的领土，并希望为墨西哥的成功故事注入独特的色彩。
Yet the annexation of Cuba, despite great popularity and some military attempts led by Narciso López, a Cuban dissident, never succeeded.
然而，尽管古巴持不同政见者纳西索·洛佩斯领导的军事行动广受民众欢迎，但吞并古巴从未成功。
39
39
Other filibustering expeditions were launched elsewhere, including two by William Walker, a former American soldier.
其他地方也发起了其他阻挠行动，其中包括前美国士兵威廉·沃克 (William Walker) 发起的两次行动。
Walker seized portions of the Baja peninsula in Mexico and then later took power and established a slaving regime in Nicaragua.
沃克占领了墨西哥巴哈半岛的部分地区，后来掌权并在尼加拉瓜建立了奴隶制政权。
Eventually Walker was executed in Honduras.
最终沃克在洪都拉斯被处决。
40 These missions violated the laws of the United States, but wealthy Americans financed various filibusters, and less-wealthy adventurers were all too happy to sign up.
40 这些任务违反了美国的法律，但富有的美国人资助了各种阻挠，而不太富有的冒险家则非常乐意报名参加。
Filibustering enjoyed its brief popularity into the late 1850s, at which point slavery and concerns over secession came to the fore.
拖延战术在 1850 年代末曾短暂流行过，此时奴隶制和对分裂国家的担忧开始凸显出来。
By the opening of the Civil War, most saw these attempts as simply territorial theft.
在内战开始时，大多数人将这些企图视为简单的领土盗窃。
Debates over expansion, economics, diplomacy, and manifest destiny exposed some of the weaknesses of the American system.
关于扩张、经济、外交和天命的争论暴露了美国体系的一些弱点。
The chauvinism of policies like Native American removal, the Mexican War, and filibustering existed alongside growing anxiety.
诸如驱逐美洲原住民、墨西哥战争和阻挠政治等政策的沙文主义与日益增长的焦虑并存。
Manifest destiny attempted to make a virtue of America’s lack of history and turn it into the very basis of nationhood.
天命论试图利用美国缺乏历史的优点，并将其转变为建国的基础。
To locate such origins, John O’Sullivan and other champions of manifest destiny grafted biological and territorial imperatives—common among European definitions of nationalism—onto American political culture.
为了找到这样的起源，约翰·奥沙利文和其他昭昭命运的拥护者将生物和领土规则（欧洲民族主义定义中常见的规则）嫁接到美国政治文化中。
The United States was the embodiment of the democratic ideal, they said.
他们说，美国是民主理想的体现。
Democracy had to be timeless, boundless, and portable.
民主必须是永恒的、无限的和可移植的。
New methods of transportation and communication, the rapidity of the railroad and the telegraph, the rise of the international market economy, and the growth of the American frontier provided shared platforms to help Americans think across local identities and reaffirm a national character.
新的交通和通讯方式、铁路和电报的快速发展、国际市场经济的兴起以及美国边境的扩展，为帮助美国人思考当地身份并重申民族性格提供了共享平台。
Native Americans responded differently to the constant encroachments and attacks of American settlers.
美洲原住民对美国定居者不断的侵犯和攻击做出了不同的反应。
Some resisted violently.
一些人进行了激烈的反抗。
Others worked to adapt to American culture and defend themselves using particularly American weapons like lawsuits and petitions.
其他人努力适应美国文化，并使用诉讼和请愿等特别是美国的武器来保护自己。
The Cherokee did more to adapt than perhaps any other Native American group, creating a written constitution modeled off the American constitution and adopting American culture in dress, speech, religion and economic activity.
切罗基人在适应方面所做的努力可能比任何其他美洲原住民群体都要多，他们以美国宪法为蓝本制定了成文宪法，并在服饰、言论、宗教和经济活动方面采用了美国文化。
In this document, Cherokee leaders protested the loss of their territory using a very American tactic: petitioning.
在这份文件中，切罗基领导人使用了一种非常美国化的策略来抗议失去领土：请愿。
2.
2.
John O’Sullivan declares America’s manifest destiny, 1845
约翰·奥沙利文宣告美国的昭昭命运，1845 年
John Louis O’Sullivan, a popular editor and columnist, articulated the long-standing American belief in the God-given mission of the United States to lead the world in the transition to democracy.
受欢迎的编辑和专栏作家约翰·路易斯·奥沙利文阐述了美国长期以来对上帝赋予美国领导世界民主转型使命的信念。
He called this America’s “manifest destiny.” This idea motivated wars of American expansion.
他称之为美国的“昭昭命运”。这个想法激发了美国的扩张战争。
He explained this idea in the following essay where he advocated adding Texas to the United States.
他在接下来的文章中解释了这个想法，他主张将德克萨斯州纳入美国。
The experience of migrating west into territory still controlled by Native Americans was difficult and dangerous.
向西迁移到仍由美洲原住民控制的领土的经历是艰难而危险的。
In these diary excerpts we find the experience of Amelia Stewart Knight who traveled with her husband and seven children from Iowa to Oregon.
在这些日记摘录中，我们找到了阿米莉亚·斯图尔特·奈特 (Amelia Stewart Knight) 的经历，她与丈夫和七个孩子从爱荷华州前往俄勒冈州。
She was pregnant the entire trip and gave birth to her eighth child on the side of the road near the journey’s end.
她在整个旅程中都怀孕了，并在旅程终点附近的路边生下了第八个孩子。
The California Gold Rush of 1849 brought a major influx of Asian immigrants to the new state.
1849 年的加州淘金热让大量亚洲移民涌入这个新州。
This number only grew after railroad companies turned to Chinese laborers to build western railroads.
在铁路公司转向中国劳工建造西部铁路后，这个数字才有所增长。
Life for these immigrants was particularly difficult, as even financially successful Chinese immigrants faced considerable discrimination.
这些移民的生活尤其困难，因为即使是经济上成功的中国移民也面临着相当大的歧视。
In 1860, the Chinese merchant Pun Chi drafted this petition to congress, calling on the legislature to do more to protect Chinese immigrants.
1860年，华商潘吉向国会起草了这份请愿书，呼吁立法机关采取更多措施保护华人移民。
In 1843, the Wyandotte nation was forcefully removed from their homeland in Ohio and brought to the Kansas Territory.
1843 年，怀恩多特民族被强行从俄亥俄州的家乡迁往堪萨斯领地。
They found themselves on a borderland between Native American territory and Missouri’s slave society, and when the national Methodist church split, debates over slavery threatened the Christianity of the Wyandotte.
他们发现自己处于美洲原住民领土和密苏里州奴隶社会之间的边界，当全国卫理公会分裂时，关于奴隶制的争论威胁到怀恩多特的基督教。
This letter depicts the complex relationship between recently removed Native peoples, Christianity, and slavery.
这封信描述了最近被驱逐的原住民、基督教和奴隶制之间的复杂关系。
6.
6.
Letters from Venezuelan General Francisco de Miranda regarding Latin American Revolution, 1805-1806
委内瑞拉将军弗朗西斯科·德米兰达关于 1805 年至 1806 年拉丁美洲革命的信件
During a trip to the United States, Venezuelan General Francisco de Miranda worked to launch a revolution in Venezuela that he expected would spread throughout South America.
在美国之行期间，委内瑞拉将军弗朗西斯科·德米兰达致力于在委内瑞拉发动一场革命，他预计这场革命将蔓延到整个南美洲。
He made a series of high-level contacts, as indicated in the letters below.
正如下面的信件所示，他进行了一系列高层接触。
The American public saw South American revolutionaries as “fellow republicans.” At least three American ships, numerous American guns, and about 200 recruits participated in Miranda’s failed attempt at Revolution.
美国公众将南美革命者视为“共和党同胞”。至少三艘美国船只、大量美国枪支和大约 200 名新兵参与了米兰达失败的革命尝试。
The spirit of Manifest Destiny had its corollary in an earlier piece of American foreign policy.
“昭昭命运”精神在美国早期的外交政策中得到了推论。
Americans sought to remove colonizing Europeans from the western hemisphere.
美国人试图将欧洲殖民者赶出西半球。
As Secretary of State for President James Monroe, John Quincy Adams crafted what came to be called the Monroe Doctrine.
作为詹姆斯·门罗总统的国务卿，约翰·昆西·亚当斯制定了后来被称为“门罗主义”的政策。
President Monroe outlined the principles of this policy in his seventh annual message to Congress, excerpted here.
门罗总统在向国会提交的第七次年度致辞中概述了这一政策的原则，摘录如下。
Columbia, the female figure of America, leads Americans into the West and into the future by carrying the values of republicanism (as seen through her Roman garb) and progress (shown through the inclusion of technological innovations like the telegraph) and clearing native peoples and animals, seen being pushed into the darkness.
哥伦比亚，美国的女性形象，通过承载共和主义价值观（从她的罗马服装可以看出）和进步价值观（通过电报等技术创新来体现），并清除被推入黑暗的原住民和动物，带领美国人进入西方和未来。
Many white Americans responded to increasing numbers of immigrants in the 1800s with great fear and xenophobic hatred, seeing immigrants as threats to their vision of manifest destiny.
1800 年代，许多美国白人对移民数量的增加怀有极大的恐惧和仇外仇恨，他们将移民视为对他们天命愿景的威胁。
This cartoon depicts a highly racialized image of a Chinese immigrant and Irish immigrant “swallowing” the United States–in the form of Uncle Sam.
这部漫画以山姆大叔的形式描绘了一个高度种族化的中国移民和爱尔兰移民“吞噬”美国的形象。
In the second image, the Chinese immigrant swallows the Irish immigrant.
在第二幅图中，中国移民吞噬了爱尔兰移民。
Networks of railroads and the promise of American expansion can be seen in the background.
铁路网络和美国扩张的承诺在背景中可见一斑。
This chapter was edited by Joshua Beatty and Gregg Lightfoot, with content contributions by Ethan Bennett, Michelle Cassidy, Jonathan Grandage, Gregg Lightfoot, Jose Juan Perez Melendez, Jessica Moore, Nick Roland, Matthew K.
本章由 Joshua Beatty 和 Gregg Lightfoot 编辑，内容由 Ethan Bennett、Michelle Cassidy、Jonathan Grandage、Gregg Lightfoot、Jose Juan Perez Melendez、Jessica Moore、Nick Roland、Matthew K.
Saionz, Rowan Steinecker, Patrick Troester, and Ben Wright.
塞翁兹、罗温·斯坦尼克、帕特里克·特罗斯特和本·赖特。
Recommended citation: Ethan Bennett et al., “Manifest Destiny,” Joshua Beatty and Gregg Lightfoot, eds., in The American Yawp , eds.
推荐引用：Ethan Bennett 等人，“Manifest Destiny”，Joshua Beatty 和 Gregg Lightfoot 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。
Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).
约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。