The American Yawp

Eyre Crowe, Slaves Waiting for Sale, Richmond, Virginia, 1861.

艾尔·克劳，《等待出售的奴隶》，弗吉尼亚州里士满，1861 年。

University of Virginia, The Atlantic Slave Trade and Slave Life in the Americas .

弗吉尼亚大学，大西洋奴隶贸易和美洲的奴隶生活。

* NOTE: You are viewing a chapter from the archived, “First Edition” version of the American Yawp, which stopped receiving updates in spring 2026.

* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。

Click here to access the current, updated edition *

单击此处访问当前的更新版本*

In the decades leading up to the Civil War, the southern states experienced extraordinary change that would define the region and its role in American history for decades, even centuries, to come.

内战前的几十年里，南方各州经历了非凡的变化，这些变化将定义该地区及其在未来几十年甚至几个世纪的美国历史中的作用。

Between the 1830s and the beginning of the Civil War in 1861, the American South expanded its wealth and population and became an integral part of an increasingly global economy.

从 1830 年代到 1861 年南北战争爆发期间，美国南方的财富和人口不断增加，并成为日益全球化的经济的一个组成部分。

It did not, as previous generations of histories have told, sit back on its cultural and social traditions and insulate itself from an expanding system of communication, trade, and production that connected Europe and Asia to the Americas.

正如前几代历史所讲述的那样，它并没有坐视自己的文化和社会传统，将自己与连接欧洲、亚洲和美洲的不断扩大的通讯、贸易和生产体系隔离开来。

Quite the opposite; the South actively engaged new technologies and trade routes while also seeking to assimilate and upgrade its most “traditional” and culturally ingrained practices—such as slavery and agricultural production—within a modernizing world.

恰恰相反；南方积极采用新技术和贸易路线，同时也在现代化世界中寻求同化和升级其最“传统”和文化根深蒂固的做法，例如奴隶制和农业生产。

Beginning in the 1830s, merchants from the Northeast, Europe, Canada, Mexico, and the Caribbean flocked to southern cities, setting up trading firms, warehouses, ports, and markets.

从 1830 年代开始，来自东北部、欧洲、加拿大、墨西哥和加勒比地区的商人涌入南部城市，建立贸易公司、仓库、港口和市场。

As a result, these cities—Richmond, Charleston, St. Louis, Mobile, Savannah, and New Orleans, to name a few—doubled and even tripled in size and global importance.

结果，这些城市（仅举几例）——里士满、查尔斯顿、圣路易斯、莫比尔、萨凡纳和新奥尔良——的规模和全球重要性增加了一倍甚至三倍。

Populations became more cosmopolitan, more educated, and wealthier.

人们变得更加国际化、受教育程度更高、更加富裕。

Systems of class—lower-, middle-, and upper-class communities—developed where they had never clearly existed.

阶级体系——下层、中层和上层社会——在它们从未明显存在过的地方发展起来。

Ports that had once focused entirely on the importation of enslaved laborers and shipped only regionally became home to daily and weekly shipping lines to New York City, Liverpool, Manchester, Le Havre, and Lisbon.

曾经完全专注于输入奴隶劳工并仅进行区域性运输的港口，如今成为前往纽约市、利物浦、曼彻斯特、勒阿弗尔和里斯本的每日和每周航线的所在地。

The world was slowly but surely coming closer together, and slavery was right in the middle.

世界正在缓慢但坚定地变得更加紧密，而奴隶制就处于中间。

In November 1785, the Liverpool firm of Peel, Yates & Co. imported the first seven bales of American cotton ever to arrive in Europe.

1785 年 11 月，利物浦皮尔耶茨公司 (Peel, Yates & Co.) 进口了首批运抵欧洲的七包美国棉花。

Prior to this unscheduled, and frankly unwanted, delivery, European merchants saw cotton as a product of the colonial Caribbean islands of Barbados, Saint-Domingue (now Haiti), Martinique, Cuba, and Jamaica.

在这次计划外的、坦率地说是不受欢迎的交付之前，欧洲商人将棉花视为加勒比殖民地巴巴多斯、圣多明各（现海地）、马提尼克、古巴和牙买加岛屿的产品。

The American South, though relatively wide and expansive, was the go-to source for rice and, most importantly, tobacco.

美国南部虽然相对广阔，但却是大米和最重要的烟草的首选来源。

Few knew that the seven bales sitting in Liverpool that winter of 1785 would change the world.

很少有人知道 1785 年冬天存放在利物浦的七包货物将会改变世界。

But they did.

但他们做到了。

By the early 1800s, the American South had developed a niche in the European market for “luxurious” long-staple cotton grown exclusively on the Sea Islands off the coast of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida.

到 1800 年代初期，美国南部已经在欧洲市场上开发了专门种植在南卡罗来纳州、佐治亚州和佛罗里达州海岸附近的海岛上的“豪华”长绒棉。

1 But this was only the beginning of a massive flood to come and the foundation of the South’s astronomical rise to global prominence.

1 但这只是即将到来的大规模洪水的开始，也是南方在全球崛起的基础。

Before long, botanists, merchants, and planters alike set out to develop strains of cotton seed that would grow farther west on the southern mainland, especially in the new lands opened up by the Louisiana Purchase of 1803—an area that stretched from New Orleans in the South to what is today Minnesota, parts of the Dakotas, and Montana.

不久之后，植物学家、商人和种植园主都开始开发棉籽品种，这些品种将在南部大陆更西的地方生长，特别是在 1803 年购买路易斯安那开辟的新土地上——这一地区从南部的新奥尔良一直延伸到今天的明尼苏达州、达科他州和蒙大拿州的部分地区。

American and global cotton markets changed forever after Rush Nutt of Rodney, Mississippi, developed a hybrid strain of cotton in 1833 that he named Petit Gulf.

1833 年，密西西比州罗德尼的拉什·纳特 (Rush Nutt) 开发出一种杂交棉花品种，并将其命名为“小海湾”(Petit Gulf)，此后，美国和全球棉花市场发生了永远的变化。

2 Petit Gulf, it was said, slid through the cotton gin—a machine developed by Eli Whitney in 1794 for deseeding cotton—more easily than any other strain.

2 据说，Petit Gulf 比任何其他菌株都更容易穿过轧棉机（这是 Eli Whitney 于 1794 年开发的用于棉花去籽的机器）。

It also grew tightly, producing more usable cotton than anyone had imagined to that point.

它也生长得紧密，生产出比当时任何人想象的更多的可用棉花。

Perhaps most importantly, though, it came up at a time when Native peoples were removed from the Southwest—southern Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and northern Louisiana.

但也许最重要的是，它出现的时候，原住民已被从西南地区——乔治亚州南部、阿拉巴马州、密西西比州和路易斯安那州北部驱逐出去。

After Indian removal, land became readily available for white men with a few dollars and big dreams.

印第安人被驱逐后，白人只要有几美元和远大的梦想就可以轻易获得土地。

Throughout the 1820s and 1830s, the federal government implemented several forced migrations of Native Americans, establishing a system of reservations west of the Mississippi River on which all eastern peoples were required to relocate and settle.

在整个 1820 年代和 1830 年代，联邦政府对美洲原住民实施了多次强制迁移，在密西西比河以西建立了保留制度，要求所有东部人民搬迁和定居。

This system, enacted through the Indian Removal Act of 1830, allowed the federal government to survey, divide, and auction off millions of acres of land for however much bidders were willing to pay.

这一制度是通过 1830 年《印第安人迁移法案》颁布的，允许联邦政府调查、划分和拍卖数百万英亩的土地，无论竞标者愿意支付多少钱。

Suddenly, farmers with dreams of owning a large plantation could purchase dozens, even hundreds, of acres in the fertile Mississippi River Delta for cents on the dollar.

突然之间，梦想拥有大型种植园的农民可以花几美分在肥沃的密西西比河三角洲购买数十甚至数百英亩的土地。

Pieces of land that would cost thousands of dollars elsewhere sold in the 1830s for several hundred, at prices as low as 40¢ per acre.

在其他地方要花费数千美元的土地在 1830 年代以每英亩 40 美分的低至数百美元的价格出售。

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Eli Whitney’s mechanical cotton gin revolutionized cotton production and expanded and strengthened slavery throughout the South.

伊莱·惠特尼的机械轧棉机彻底改变了棉花生产，并扩大和加强了整个南方的奴隶制。

Eli Whitney’s Patent for the Cotton gin, March 14, 1794; Records of the Patent and Trademark Office; Record Group 241.

Eli Whitney 的轧棉机专利，1794 年 3 月 14 日；专利商标局的记录；记录组241。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

A 19th-century cotton gin on display at the Eli Whitney Museum.

伊莱惠特尼博物馆展出的一台 19 世纪轧棉机。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

Thousands rushed into the Cotton Belt.

数千人涌入棉花带。

Joseph Holt Ingraham, a writer and traveler from Maine, called it a “mania.” 4 William Henry Sparks, a lawyer living in Natchez, Mississippi, remembered it as “a new El Dorado” in which “fortunes were made in a day, without enterprise or work.” The change was astonishing.

来自缅因州的作家兼旅行家约瑟夫·霍尔特·英格拉汉姆 (Joseph Holt Ingraham) 将其称为“狂热”。 4 居住在密西西比州纳奇兹的律师威廉·亨利·斯帕克斯 (William Henry Sparks) 回忆道，这里是“一个新的黄金国”，“财富一天之内就创造出来了，无需进取或工作”。变化是惊人的。

“Where yesterday the wilderness darkened over the land with her wild forests,” he recalled, “to-day the cotton plantations whitened the earth.” 5 Money flowed from banks, many newly formed, on promises of “other-worldly” profits and overnight returns.

他回忆道：“昨天，荒野使大地变得漆黑，还有原始森林，而今天，棉花种植园却让大地变得洁白。” 5 资金从银行（许多是新成立的）中流出，承诺提供“超凡脱俗”的利润和隔夜回报。

Banks in New York City, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and even London offered lines of credit to anyone looking to buy land in the Southwest.

纽约市、巴尔的摩、费城甚至伦敦的银行都向任何想要在西南部购买土地的人提供信贷额度。

Some even sent their own agents to purchase cheap land at auction for the express purpose of selling it, sometimes the very next day, at double and triple the original value, a process known as speculation.

有些人甚至派自己的代理人在拍卖会上购买廉价土地，目的是为了明确出售土地，有时是在第二天，以原价的两倍或三倍的价格出售，这一过程称为投机。

The explosion of available land in the fertile Cotton Belt brought new life to the South.

肥沃的棉花带上可用土地的激增给南方带来了新的生机。

By the end of the 1830s, Petit Gulf cotton had been perfected, distributed, and planted throughout the region.

到 1830 年代末，小海湾棉花已得到完善，并在整个地区进行分销和种植。

Advances in steam power and water travel revolutionized southern farmers’ and planters’ ability to deseed and bundle their products and move them to ports popping up along the Atlantic seaboard.

蒸汽动力和水路运输的进步彻底改变了南方农民和种植园主播种和捆绑产品并将其运送到大西洋沿岸突然出现的港口的能力。

Indeed, by the end of the 1830s, cotton had become the primary crop not only of the southwestern states but of the entire nation.

事实上，到 1830 年代末，棉花不仅成为西南部各州的主要农作物，而且成为整个国家的主要农作物。

The numbers were staggering.

数字是惊人的。

In 1793, just a few years after the first, albeit unintentional, shipment of American cotton to Europe, the South produced around five million pounds of cotton, again almost exclusively the product of South Carolina’s Sea Islands.

1793 年，就在第一批（尽管是无意的）美国棉花运往欧洲的几年后，南方生产了约 500 万磅棉花，而且几乎全部是南卡罗来纳州海岛的产品。

Seven years later, in 1800, South Carolina remained the primary cotton producer in the South, sending 6.5 million pounds of the luxurious long-staple blend to markets in Charleston, Liverpool, London, and New York.

七年后，即 1800 年，南卡罗来纳州仍然是南方的主要棉花生产国，向查尔斯顿、利物浦、伦敦和纽约市场输送了 650 万磅豪华长绒混纺棉。

6 But as the tighter, more abundant, and vibrant Petit Gulf strain moved west with the dreamers, schemers, and speculators, the American South quickly became the world’s leading cotton producer.

6 但随着更紧张、更丰富、更有活力的小海湾品种随着梦想家、阴谋家和投机者向西迁移，美国南部迅速成为世界领先的棉花生产国。

By 1835, the five main cotton-growing states—South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana—produced more than five hundred million pounds of Petit Gulf for a global market stretching from New Orleans to New York and to London, Liverpool, Paris and beyond.

到 1835 年，五个主要棉花种植州——南卡罗来纳州、佐治亚州、阿拉巴马州、密西西比州和路易斯安那州——生产了超过 5 亿磅的小海湾棉花，供应从新奥尔良到纽约、伦敦、利物浦、巴黎等地的全球市场。

That five hundred million pounds of cotton made up nearly 55 percent of the entire United States export market, a trend that continued nearly every year until the outbreak of the Civil War.

这五亿磅棉花占整个美国出口市场的近 55%，这一趋势几乎每年都在持续，直到内战爆发。

Indeed, the two billion pounds of cotton produced in 1860 alone amounted to more than 60 percent of the United States’ total exports for that year.

事实上，仅 1860 年就生产了 20 亿磅棉花，占美国当年出口总额的 60% 以上。

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The astronomical rise of American cotton production came at the cost of the South’s first staple crop—tobacco.

美国棉花产量的天文数字增长是以牺牲南方第一种主要作物——烟草为代价的。

Perfected in Virginia but grown and sold in nearly every southern territory and state, tobacco served as the South’s main economic commodity for more than a century.

烟草在弗吉尼亚州得到了完善，但在几乎所有南方地区和州都有种植和销售，一个多世纪以来，烟草一直是南方的主要经济商品。

But tobacco was a rough crop.

但烟草是一种粗粮作物。

It treated the land poorly, draining the soil of nutrients.

它对土地的处理不当，耗尽了土壤的养分。

Tobacco fields did not last forever.

烟草田并没有永远存在。

In fact, fields rarely survived more than four or five cycles of growth, which left them dried and barren, incapable of growing much more than patches of grass.

事实上，田地很少能存活超过四到五个生长周期，这使得它们变得干燥和贫瘠，只能长出一小片草。

Of course, tobacco is, and was, an addictive substance, but because of its declining yields, farmers had to move around, purchasing new lands, developing new methods of production, and even creating new fields through deforestation and westward expansion.

当然，烟草现在和过去都是一种令人上瘾的物质，但由于其产量下降，农民不得不四处迁移，购买新土地，开发新的生产方法，甚至通过砍伐森林和向西扩张来开辟新的田地。

Tobacco, then, was expensive to produce—and not only because of the ubiquitous use of slave labor.

因此，烟草的生产成本很高，这不仅仅是因为普遍使用奴隶劳动。

It required massive, temporary fields, large numbers of laborers, and constant movement.

它需要大量的临时田地、大量的劳动力和不断的流动。

Cotton was different, and it arrived at a time best suited for its success.

棉花则不同，它出现的时机最适合其成功。

Petit Gulf cotton, in particular, grew relatively quickly on cheap, widely available land.

尤其是小海湾棉花，在廉价、广泛的土地上生长相对较快。

With the invention of the cotton gin in 1794, and the emergence of steam power three decades later, cotton became the common person’s commodity, the product with which the United States could expand westward, producing and reproducing Thomas Jefferson’s vision of an idyllic republic of small farmers—a nation in control of its land, reaping the benefits of honest, free, and self-reliant work, a nation of families and farmers, expansion and settlement.

随着1794年轧棉机的发明，以及三十年后蒸汽动力的出现，棉花成为普通人的商品，美国可以通过这种产品向西扩张，产生并复制了托马斯·杰斐逊的小农田园共和国的愿景——一个控制其土地的国家，从诚实、自由和自力更生的工作中获益，一个由家庭和农民组成的国家，扩张和定居。

But this all came at a violent cost.

但这一切都付出了惨重的代价。

With the democratization of land ownership through Indian removal, federal auctions, readily available credit, and the seemingly universal dream of cotton’s immediate profit, one of the South’s lasting traditions became normalized and engrained.

随着印第安人的迁徙、联邦拍卖、随时可用的信贷以及棉花直接利润的看似普遍的梦想实现了土地所有权的民主化，南方持久的传统之一变得正常化和根深蒂固。

And by the 1860s, that very tradition, seen as the backbone of southern society and culture, would split the nation in two.

到了 1860 年代，这一被视为南方社会和文化支柱的传统将国家一分为二。

The heyday of American slavery had arrived.

美国奴隶制的鼎盛时期已经到来。

This map, published by the US Coast Guard, shows the percentage of enslaved people in the population in each county of the slave-holding states in 1860.

这张地图由美国海岸警卫队出版，显示了 1860 年各奴隶州各县的奴隶人口百分比。

The highest percentages lie along the Mississippi River, in the “Black Belt” of Alabama, and coastal South Carolina, all of which were centers of agricultural production (cotton and rice) in the United States.

比例最高的地区是密西西比河沿岸、阿拉巴马州的“黑带”以及南卡罗来纳州沿海地区，这些地区都是美国的农业生产中心（棉花和大米）。

E.

E.

Hergesheimer (cartographer), Th.

Hergesheimer（制图师），Th.

Leonhardt (engraver), Map Showing the Distribution of the Slave Population of the Southern States of the United States Compiled from the Census of 1860, c.

Leonhardt（雕刻师），根据 1860 年人口普查编制的显示美国南部各州奴隶人口分布的地图，c.

1861.

1861.

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

The rise of cotton and the resulting upsurge in the United States’ global position wed the South to slavery.

棉花的崛起以及由此带来的美国全球地位的提升使南方与奴隶制结合在一起。

Without slavery there could be no Cotton Kingdom, no massive production of raw materials stretching across thousands of acres worth millions of dollars.

没有奴隶制，就不会有棉花王国，也不会有占地数千英亩、价值数百万美元的大规模原材料生产。

Indeed, cotton grew alongside slavery.

事实上，棉花是与奴隶制一起生长的。

The two moved hand-in-hand.

两人手牵着手。

The existence of slavery and its importance to the southern economy became the defining factor in what would be known as the Slave South.

奴隶制的存在及其对南方经济的重要性成为所谓“奴隶南方”的决定性因素。

Although slavery arrived in the Americas long before cotton became a profitable commodity, the use and purchase of enslaved laborers, the moralistic and economic justifications for the continuation of slavery, and even the urgency to protect the practice from extinction before the Civil War all received new life from the rise of cotton and the economic, social, and cultural growth spurt that accompanied its success.

尽管奴隶制早在棉花成为有利可图的商品之前就已抵达美洲，但对被奴役劳工的使用和购买、继续奴隶制的道德和经济理由，甚至内战前保护这种做法免遭灭绝的紧迫性，都因棉花的兴起以及伴随其成功而带来的经济、社会和文化的井喷而获得了新的生命。

Slavery had existed in the South since at least 1619, when a group of Dutch traders arrived at Jamestown with twenty Africans.

奴隶制至少从 1619 年起就在南方存在了，当时一群荷兰商人带着 20 名非洲人抵达詹姆斯敦。

Although these Africans remained under the ambiguous legal status of “unfree” rather than being actually enslaved, their arrival set in motion a practice that would stretch across the entire continent over the next two centuries.

尽管这些非洲人仍然处于“不自由”的模糊法律地位，而不是真正被奴役，但他们的到来引发了一种在接下来的两个世纪中蔓延到整个非洲大陆的做法。

Slavery was everywhere by the time the American Revolution created the United States, although northern states began a process of gradually abolishing the practice soon thereafter.

当美国革命创建美国时，奴隶制已经无处不在，尽管北方各州此后不久就开始了逐步废除这种做法的过程。

In the more rural, agrarian South, slavery became a way of life, especially as farmers expanded their lands, planted more crops, and entered the international trade market.

在更加农村、以农业为主的南方，奴隶制成为一种生活方式，特别是当农民扩大土地、种植更多农作物并进入国际贸易市场时。

By 1790, two years after the ratification of the Constitution, 654,121 enslaved people lived in the South—then just Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and the Southwest Territory (now Tennessee).

到 1790 年，即宪法批准两年后，有 654,121 名奴隶生活在南方——当时只有马里兰州、弗吉尼亚州、北卡罗来纳州、南卡罗来纳州、佐治亚州和西南地区（现在的田纳西州）。

Just twenty years later, in 1810, that number had increased to more than 1.1 million individuals in bondage.

仅仅二十年后，即 1810 年，受奴役的人数已增加到超过 110 万人。

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8

Though taken after the end of slavery, these stereographs show various stages of cotton production.

虽然这些立体照片是在奴隶制结束后拍摄的，但它们显示了棉花生产的各个阶段。

The fluffy white staple fiber is first extracted from the boll (a prickly, sharp protective capsule), after which the seed is separated in the ginning and taken to a storehouse.

首先从棉铃（一种多刺、锋利的保护性胶囊）中提取蓬松的白色短纤维，然后在轧花过程中将种子分离并送往仓库。

Unknown, Picking cotton in a great plantation in North Carolina, U.S.A., c.

未知，在美国北卡罗来纳州的一个大种植园采摘棉花，c.

1865-1903.

1865-1903。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

The massive change in the South’s enslaved population between 1790 and 1810 makes historical sense.

1790 年至 1810 年间南方奴隶人口的巨大变化具有历史意义。

During that time, the South advanced from a region of four states and one rather small territory to a region of six states (Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, and Tennessee) and three rather large territories (Mississippi, Louisiana, and Orleans).

在此期间，南方从一个由四个州和一个较小领土组成的地区发展到由六个州（弗吉尼亚州、北卡罗来纳州和南卡罗来纳州、佐治亚州、肯塔基州和田纳西州）和三个较大领土（密西西比州、路易斯安那州和奥尔良）组成的地区。

The free population of the South also nearly doubled over that period—from around 1.3 million in 1790 to more than 2.3 million in 1810.

在此期间，南方的自由人口也几乎翻了一番——从 1790 年的约 130 万增加到 1810 年的超过 230 万。

The enslaved population of the South did not increase at any rapid rate over the next two decades, until the cotton boom took hold in the mid-1830s.

在接下来的二十年里，南方的奴隶人口并没有以任何快速的速度增加，直到 1830 年代中期棉花繁荣占据主导地位。

Indeed, following the constitutional ban on the international slave trade in 1808, the number of enslaved people in the South increased by just 750,000 in twenty years.

事实上，自 1808 年宪法禁止国际奴隶贸易以来，南方被奴役的人数在 20 年内仅增加了 75 万。

But then cotton came, and grew, and changed everything.

但后来棉花出现并生长，改变了一切。

Over the course of the 1830s, 1840s, and 1850s, slavery became so endemic to the Cotton Belt that travelers, writers, and statisticians began referring to the area as the Black Belt, not only to describe the color of the rich land but also to describe the skin color of those forced to work its fields, line its docks, and move its products.

在 1830 年代、1840 年代和 1850 年代，奴隶制在棉花带变得如此普遍，以至于旅行者、作家和统计学家开始将该地区称为“黑带”，不仅用来描述富饶土地的颜色，还用来描述那些被迫在田地里劳作、在码头上排队和运输产品的人们的肤色。

Perhaps the most important aspect of southern slavery during this so-called Cotton Revolution was the value placed on both the work and the bodies of the enslaved themselves.

也许在这场所谓的棉花革命期间，南方奴隶制最重要的方面是对奴隶本身的工作和身体的重视。

Once the fever of the initial land rush subsided, land values became more static and credit less free-flowing.

一旦最初的土地热潮消退，土地价值就变得更加静态，信贷的自由流动也变得更加困难。

For Mississippi land that in 1835 cost no more than $600, a farmer or investor would have to shell out more than $3,000 in 1850.

对于 1835 年密西西比州土地的价格不超过 600 美元，农民或投资者在 1850 年将不得不花费超过 3,000 美元。

By 1860, that same land, depending on its record of production and location, could cost as much as $100,000.

到 1860 年，同一块土地的价格可能高达 10 万美元，具体取决于其生产记录和位置。

9 In many cases, cotton growers, especially planters with large lots and enslaved workforces, put up enslaved laborers as collateral for funds dedicated to buying more land.

9 在许多情况下，棉花种植者，特别是拥有大片土地和奴役劳动力的种植园主，将奴役劳工作为专门购买更多土地的资金的抵押品。

If that land, for one reason or another, be it weevils, a late freeze, or a simple lack of nutrients, did not produce a viable crop within a year, the planter would lose not only the new land but also the enslaved laborers he or she put up as a guarantee of payment.

如果这块土地由于某种原因，无论是象鼻虫、迟冻，还是简单地缺乏养分，在一年内没有长出可生存的作物，那么种植者不仅会失去新土地，还会失去他或她作为付款保证的奴役劳工。

The slave markets of the South varied in size and style, but the St. Louis Exchange in New Orleans was so frequently described it became a kind of representation for all southern slave markets.

南方奴隶市场的规模和风格各不相同，但新奥尔良的圣路易斯交易所被频繁描述，成为所有南方奴隶市场的代表。

Indeed, the St. Louis Hotel rotunda was cemented in the literary imagination of nineteenth-century Americans after Harriet Beecher Stowe chose it as the site for the sale of Uncle Tom in her 1852 novel, Uncle Tom’s Cabin.

事实上，自从哈丽特·比彻·斯托 (Harriet Beecher Stowe) 在 1852 年的小说《汤姆叔叔的小屋》(Uncle Tom’s Cabin) 中选择这里作为出售汤姆叔叔的地点后，圣路易斯酒店圆形大厅就深深地印在了 19 世纪美国人的文学想象中。

After the ruin of the St. Clare plantation, Tom and his fellow enslaved people were suddenly property that had to be liquidated.

圣克莱尔种植园被毁后，汤姆和他的奴隶同伴突然变成了必须清算的财产。

Brought to New Orleans to be sold to the highest bidder, Tom found himself “[b]eneath a splendid dome” where “men of all nations” scurried about.

汤姆被带到新奥尔良，卖给出价最高的人，他发现自己“在一个华丽的圆顶下面”，“各国人民”都在其中忙碌。

J.

J。

M.

M。

Starling (engraver), Sale of estates, pictures and slaves in the rotunda, New Orleans , 1842.

Starling（雕刻师），在新奥尔良圆形大厅出售庄园、图画和奴隶，1842 年。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

So much went into the production of cotton, the expansion of land, and the maintenance of enslaved workforces that by the 1850s, nearly every ounce of credit offered by southern, and even northern, banks dealt directly with some aspect of the cotton market.

棉花生产、土地扩张和奴役劳动力的维持投入如此之多，以至于到了 1850 年代，南方甚至北方银行提供的几乎每一盎司信贷都直接涉及棉花市场的某些方面。

Millions of dollars changed hands.

数百万美元易手。

Enslaved people, the literal and figurative backbone of the southern cotton economy, served as the highest and most important expense for any successful cotton grower.

奴隶是南方棉花经济的字面上和象征上的支柱，是任何成功的棉花种植者最高和最重要的支出。

Prices for enslaved laborers varied drastically, depending on skin color, sex, age, and location, both of purchase and birth.

被奴役劳工的价格差异很大，具体取决于肤色、性别、年龄、购买地点和出生地点。

In Virginia in the 1820s, for example, a single enslaved woman of childbearing age sold for an average of $300; an unskilled man above age eighteen sold for around $450; and boys and girls below age thirteen sold for between $100 and $150.

例如，在 1820 年代的弗吉尼亚州，一名育龄单身奴隶的平均售价为 300 美元；一名 18 岁以上的无技术男子以 450 美元左右的价格出售； 13 岁以下的男孩和女孩的售价在 100 至 150 美元之间。

10

10

By the 1840s and into the 1850s, prices had nearly doubled—a result of both standard inflation and the increasing importance of enslaved laborers in the cotton market.

到 1840 年代到 1850 年代，价格几乎翻了一番——这是标准通货膨胀和奴隶劳工在棉花市场上日益重要的结果。

In 1845, “plow boys” under age eighteen sold for more than $600 in some areas, measured at “five or six dollars per pound.” 11 “Prime field hands,” as they were called by merchants and traders, averaged $1,600 at market by 1850, a figure that fell in line with the rising prices of the cotton they picked.

1845 年，18 岁以下的“犁地男孩”在某些地区售价超过 600 美元，按“每磅五六美元”计算。 11 到 1850 年，商人和贸易商称他们为“优质田间工人”时，他们的市场平均价格为 1,600 美元，这一数字与他们采摘的棉花价格上涨一致。

For example, when cotton sat at 7¢ per pound in 1838, the average “field hand” cost around $700.

例如，当 1838 年棉花价格为每磅 7 美分时，“现场工人”的平均成本约为 700 美元。

As the price of cotton increased to 9¢, 10¢, then 11¢ per pound over the next ten years, the average cost of an enslaved male laborer likewise rose to $775, $900, and then more than $1,600.

在接下来的十年里，随着棉花价格上涨至每磅 9 美分、10 美分，然后是 11 美分，一名男性奴隶的平均成本同样上涨至 775 美元、900 美元，然后超过 1,600 美元。

12

12

The key is that cotton and enslaved labor helped define each other, at least in the cotton South.

关键在于，棉花和奴役劳工相互界定，至少在南方棉花地区如此。

By the 1850s, slavery and cotton had become so intertwined that the very idea of change—be it crop diversity, antislavery ideologies, economic diversification, or the increasingly staggering cost of purchasing and maintaining enslaved laborers—became anathema to the southern economic and cultural identity.

到了 1850 年代，奴隶制和棉花已经变得如此交织在一起，以至于变革的想法——无论是作物多样性、反奴隶制意识形态、经济多元化，还是购买和维持奴役劳工的成本日益惊人——都成为南方经济和文化认同的诅咒。

Cotton had become the foundation of the southern economy.

棉花已成为南方经济的基础。

Indeed, it was the only major product, besides perhaps sugarcane in Louisiana, that the South could effectively market internationally.

事实上，除了路易斯安那州的甘蔗之外，它是南方唯一可以在国际上有效营销的主要产品。

As a result, southern planters, politicians, merchants, and traders became more and more dedicated—some would say “obsessed”—to the means of its production: slavery.

结果，南方种植园主、政治家、商人和贸易商变得越来越专注——有些人会说“痴迷”——其生产手段：奴隶制。

In 1834, Joseph Ingraham wrote that “to sell cotton in order to buy negroes—to make more cotton to buy more negroes, ‘ad infinitum,’ is the aim and direct tendency of all the operations of the thorough going cotton planter; his whole soul is wrapped up in the pursuit.” 13 Twenty-three years later, such pursuit had taken a seemingly religious character, as James Stirling, an Englishman traveling through the South, observed, “[slaves] and cotton—cotton and [slaves]; these are the law and the prophets to the men of the South.” 14

1834 年，约瑟夫·英格拉汉姆 (Joseph Ingraham) 写道，“出售棉花以购买黑人——生产更多棉花来购买更多黑人，‘永无止境’，是彻底的棉花种植园主所有运作的目标和直接趋势；他的整个灵魂都沉浸在这种追求中。” 13 二十三年后，这种追求似乎具有宗教性质，正如一位游历南方的英国人詹姆斯·斯特林所观察到的那样，“[奴隶]和棉花——棉花和[奴隶]；这些是南方人的法律和先知。” 14

The Cotton Revolution was a time of capitalism, panic, stress, and competition.

棉花革命是一个充满资本主义、恐慌、压力和竞争的时代。

Planters expanded their lands, purchased enslaved laborers, extended lines of credit, and went into massive amounts of debt because they were constantly working against the next guy, the newcomer, the social mover, the speculator, the trader.

种植园主扩大了他们的土地，购买了被奴役的劳工，扩大了信贷额度，并陷入了巨额债务，因为他们不断地与下一个人、新来者、社会推动者、投机者、商人作斗争。

A single bad crop could cost even the most wealthy planter his or her entire life, along with those of his or her enslaved laborers and their families.

即使是最富有的种植园主，以及他或她的奴隶劳工及其家人，哪怕是最富有的种植园主，只要有一次歉收，就可能会失去一生的代价。

Although the cotton market was large and profitable, it was also fickle, risky, and cost intensive.

尽管棉花市场规模大、利润丰厚，但它也变化无常、风险大、成本密集。

The more wealth one gained, the more land one needed to procure, which led to more enslaved laborers, more credit, and more mouths to feed.

一个人获得的财富越多，需要购买的土地就越多，这就导致了更多的奴隶、更多的信贷和更多的人口需要养活。

The decades before the Civil War in the South, then, were not times of slow, simple tradition.

那么，南方内战之前的几十年并不是一个缓慢而简单的传统时期。

They were times of high competition, high risk, and high reward, no matter where one stood in the social hierarchy.

这是一个竞争激烈、风险高、回报高的时代，无论一个人处于社会等级中的哪个位置。

But the risk was not always economic.

但风险并不总是经济上的。

In southern cities like Norfolk, VA, markets sold not only vegetables, fruits, meats, and sundries, but also enslaved people.

在弗吉尼亚州诺福克等南方城市，市场不仅出售蔬菜、水果、肉类和杂货，还出售奴隶。

Enslaved men and women, like the two walking in the direct center, lived and labored next to free people, Black and white.

被奴役的男人和女人，就像走在正中心的两个人一样，与自由人（黑人和白人）一起生活和劳动。

S.

S。

Weeks, Market Square, Norfolk , from Henry Howe’s Historical Collections of Virginia, 1845.

威克斯，诺福克市集市广场，出自亨利·豪 (Henry Howe) 的弗吉尼亚历史收藏，1845 年。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

The most tragic, indeed horrifying, aspect of slavery was its inhumanity.

奴隶制最悲惨、甚至最可怕的方面是它的不人道。

All enslaved people had memories, emotions, experiences, and thoughts.

所有被奴役的人都有记忆、情感、经历和思想。

They saw their experiences in full color, felt the pain of the lash, the heat of the sun, and the heartbreak of loss, whether through death, betrayal, or sale.

他们清楚地看到了自己的经历，感受到了鞭打的痛苦、​​阳光的炙热，以及因死亡、背叛或出售而失去的心碎。

Communities developed on a shared sense of suffering, common work, and even family ties.

社区是在共同的痛苦感、共同的工作甚至家庭关系的基础上发展起来的。

Enslaved people communicated in the slave markets of the urban South and worked together to help their families, ease their loads, or simply frustrate their enslavers.

被奴役的人们在南方城市的奴隶市场上进行交流，共同努力帮助他们的家人，减轻他们的负担，或者只是挫败他们的奴隶主。

Simple actions of resistance, such as breaking a hoe, running a wagon off the road, causing a delay in production due to injury, running away, or even pregnancy provided a language shared by nearly all enslaved laborers, a sense of unity that remained unsaid but was acted out daily.

简单的抵抗行动，例如折断锄头、将马车冲出道路、因受伤而导致生产延误、逃跑，甚至怀孕，都提供了几乎所有被奴役劳工共同的语言，一种虽然不言而喻但每天都在行动的团结感。

Beyond the basic and confounding horror of it all, the problem of slavery in the cotton South was twofold.

除了基本的、令人困惑的恐怖之外，南方棉花种植区的奴隶制问题是双重的。

First and most immediate was the fear and risk of rebellion.

首先也是最直接的是叛乱的恐惧和风险。

With nearly four million individual enslaved people residing in the South in 1860, and nearly 2.5 million living in the Cotton Belt alone, the system of communication, resistance, and potential violence among enslaved people did not escape the minds of enslavers across the region and the nation as a whole.

1860 年，南方有近 400 万奴隶，仅棉花带就有近 250 万奴隶，奴隶之间的沟通、抵抗和潜在暴力并没有逃过整个地区和整个国家的奴隶主的心。

As early as 1785, Thomas Jefferson wrote in his Notes on the State of Virginia that the enslaved should be freed, but then they should be colonized to another country, where they could become an “independent people.” White people’s prejudices, and Black people’s “recollections .

早在1785年，托马斯·杰斐逊在《弗吉尼亚州笔记》中就写道，被奴役的人应该获得自由，但随后他们应该被殖民到另一个国家，在那里他们可以成为“独立的人民”。白人的偏见，黑人的“回忆”。

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of the injuries they have sustained” under slavery, would keep the two races from successfully living together in America.

他们在奴隶制下遭受的伤害将使这两个种族无法在美国成功地共存。

If freed people were not colonized, eventually there would be “convulsions which will probably never end but in the extermination of the one or the other race.” 15

如果获得自由的人不被殖民，最终将会出现“除了消灭一个或另一个种族之外可能永远不会结束的动乱”。 15

Southern writers, planters, farmers, merchants, and politicians expressed the same fears more than a half century later.

半个多世纪后，南方作家、种植园主、农民、商人和政治家表达了同样的担忧。

“The South cannot recede,” declared an anonymous writer in an 1852 issue of the New Orleans–based De Bow’s Review .

“南方不能撤退，”一位匿名作家在 1852 年新奥尔良《德鲍评论》杂志上宣称。

“She must fight for her slaves or against them.

“她必须为她的奴隶而战，或者反对他们。

Even cowardice would not save her.” 16 To many enslaveers in the South, slavery was the saving grace of not only their own economic stability but also the maintenance of peace and security in everyday life.

即使是胆怯也救不了她。” 16 对于南方的许多奴隶制来说，奴隶制不仅是他们自身经济稳定的救星，也是维持日常生活和平与安全的救星。

Much of pro-slavery ideology rested on the notion that slavery provided a sense of order, duty, and legitimacy to the lives of individual enslaved people, feelings that Africans and African Americans, it was said, could not otherwise experience.

支持奴隶制的意识形态很大程度上基于这样一种观念，即奴隶制为个体被奴役者的生活提供了一种秩序感、责任感和合法性，据说非洲人和非裔美国人无法体验到这种感觉。

Without slavery, many thought, “blacks” (the word most often used for “slaves” in regular conversation) would become violent, aimless, and uncontrollable.

许多人认为，如果没有奴隶制，“黑人”（在日常对话中最常用于指代“奴隶”的词）将会变得暴力、漫无目的和无法控制。

Some commentators recognized the problem in the 1850s as the internal slave trade, the legal trade of enslaved laborers between states, along rivers, and along the Atlantic coastline.

一些评论家认为 1850 年代的问题在于国内奴隶贸易，即各州之间、河流沿岸和大西洋沿岸奴隶劳工的合法贸易。

The internal trade picked up in the decade before the Civil War.

内战前十年国内贸易有所回升。

The problem was rather simple.

问题很简单。

The more enslaved laborers one owned, the more money it cost to maintain them and to extract product from their work.

一个人拥有的奴隶越多，维持他们的生活以及从他们的工作中提取产品的成本就越高。

As planters and cotton growers expanded their lands and purchased more enslaved laborers, their expectations increased.

随着种植园主和棉花种植者扩大土地并购买更多的奴隶劳工，他们的期望也随之增加。

And productivity, in large part, did increase.

生产率在很大程度上确实有所提高。

But it came on the backs of enslaved laborers with heavier workloads, longer hours, and more intense punishments.

但这是在奴役劳工的工作量更大、工作时间更长、惩罚更严厉的情况下发生的。

“The great limitation to production is labor ,” wrote one commentator in the American Cotton Planter in 1853.

“生产的最大限制是劳动力，”1853 年《美国棉花种植者》的一位评论员写道。

And many planters recognized this limitation and worked night and day, sometimes literally, to find the furthest extent of that limit.

许多种植园主认识到了这一限制，并夜以继日地工作，有时甚至是字面意义上的工作，以找到该限制的最大程度。

17 According to some contemporary accounts, by the mid-1850s, the expected production of an individual enslaved person in Mississippi’s Cotton Belt had increased from between four and five bales (weighing about 500 pounds each) per day to between eight and ten bales per day, on average.

17 根据一些当代的记载，到 1850 年代中期，密西西比州棉花带的一个奴隶的预期产量已从平均每天 4 到 5 包（每包重约 500 磅）增加到每天 8 到 10 包。

18 Other, perhaps more reliable sources, such as the account book of Buena Vista Plantation in Tensas Parish, Louisiana, list average daily production at between 300 and 500 pounds “per hand,” with weekly averages ranging from 1,700 to 2,100 pounds “per hand.” Cotton production “per hand” increased by 600 percent in Mississippi between 1820 and 1860.

18 其他也许更可靠的来源，例如路易斯安那州坦萨斯教区的布埃纳维斯塔种植园的账簿，列出“每手”平均日产量在 300 到 500 磅之间，每周平均“每手”产量在 1,700 到 2,100 磅之间。 1820 年至 1860 年间，密西西比州的“每手”棉花产量增加了 600%。

19 Each slave, then, was working longer, harder hours to keep up with his or her enslavers expected yield.

19 因此，每个奴隶都需要更长、更努力地工作，以跟上奴隶主的预期产量。

Here was capitalism with its most colonial, violent, and exploitative face.

这里的资本主义有着最具殖民性、暴力性和剥削性的一面。

Humanity became a commodity used and worked to produce profit for a select group of investors, regardless of its shortfalls, dangers, and immoralities.

人性成为一种商品，被用来为特定的投资者群体创造利润，而不管它的缺陷、危险和不道德。

But slavery, profit, and cotton did not exist only in the rural South.

但奴隶制、利润和棉花不仅仅存在于南方农村。

The Cotton Revolution sparked the growth of an urban South, cities that served as southern hubs of a global market, conduits through which the work of enslaved people and the profits of planters met and funded a wider world.

棉花革命引发了南方城市的发展，这些城市成为全球市场的南方中心，是被奴役者的劳动和种植园主的利润相遇并为更广阔的世界提供资金的渠道。

The slave trade sold bondspeople — men, women, and children — like mere pieces of property, as seen in the advertisements produced during the era.

奴隶贸易将奴隶——男人、女人和儿童——当作纯粹的财产出售，正如那个时代制作的广告中所见。

1840 poster advertising enslaved laborers for sale in New Orleans.

1840 年在新奥尔良出售奴隶劳工的海报。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

Much of the story of slavery and cotton lies in the rural areas where cotton actually grew.

奴隶制和棉花的大部分故事都发生在棉花实际种植的农村地区。

Enslaved laborers worked in the fields, and planters and farmers held reign over their plantations and farms.

奴隶劳工在田野里劳动，种植园主和农民统治着他们的种植园和农场。

But the 1830s, 1840s, and 1850s saw an extraordinary spike in urban growth across the South.

但在 1830 年代、1840 年代和 1850 年代，整个南方的城市发展出现了惊人的增长。

For nearly a half century after the Revolution, the South existed as a series of plantations, county seats, and small towns, some connected by roads, others connected only by rivers, streams, and lakes.

革命后的近半个世纪里，南方存在着一系列种植园、县城和小镇，有些通过道路相连，有些仅通过河流、溪流和湖泊相连。

Cities certainly existed, but they served more as local ports than as regional, or national, commercial hubs.

城市确实存在，但它们更多地充当当地港口，而不是区域或国家商业中心。

For example, New Orleans, then the capital of Louisiana, which entered the union in 1812, was home to just over 27,000 people in 1820; and even with such a seemingly small population, it was the second-largest city in the South—Baltimore had more than 62,000 people in 1820.

例如，当时的路易斯安那州首府新奥尔良于 1812 年加入联邦，到 1820 年人口只有 27,000 多人；尽管人口看似很少，但巴尔的摩却是南部第二大城市——1820 年，巴尔的摩的人口超过 62,000 人。

20 Given the standard nineteenth-century measurement of an urban space (2,500+ people), the South had just ten in that year, one of which—Mobile, Alabama—contained only 2,672 individuals, nearly half of whom were enslaved.

20 按照 19 世纪城市空间的标准衡量标准（2,500 多人），南方当年只有 10 人，其中阿拉巴马州莫比尔市只有 2,672 人，其中近一半是奴隶。

21

21

As late as the 1820s, southern life was predicated on a rural lifestyle—farming, laboring, acquiring land and enslaved laborers, and producing whatever that land and those enslaved laborers could produce.

直到 1820 年代，南方生活仍以乡村生活方式为基础——耕种、劳动、获得土地和被奴役的劳工，并生产土地和这些被奴役的劳工能生产的任何东西。

The market, often located in the nearest town or city, rarely stretched beyond state lines.

该市场通常位于最近的城镇或城市，很少超出州界。

Even in places like New Orleans, Charleston, and Norfolk, Virginia, which had active ports as early as the 1790s, shipments rarely, with some notable exceptions, left American waters or traveled farther than the closest port down the coast.

即使在新奥尔良、查尔斯顿和弗吉尼亚州诺福克等早在 1790 年代就拥有活跃港口的地方，除了一些明显的例外，货物也很少离开美国水域或比沿海最近的港口走得更远。

In the first decades of the nineteenth century, American involvement in international trade was largely confined to ports in New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and sometimes Baltimore—which loosely falls under the demographic category of the South.

在十九世纪的前几十年，美国对国际贸易的参与主要局限于纽约、波士顿、费城的港口，有时还有巴尔的摩——这大致属于南方的人口类别。

Imports dwarfed exports.

进口量远低于出口量。

In 1807, U.S. imports outnumbered exports by nearly $100 million, and even as the Napoleonic Wars broke out in Europe, causing a drastic decrease in European production and trade, the United States still took in almost $50 million more than it sent out.

1807年，美国的进口额超过出口额近1亿美元，即使拿破仑战争在欧洲爆发，导致欧洲生产和贸易急剧下降，美国的进口额仍然比出口额多了近5000万美元。

22

22

Cotton changed much of this, at least with respect to the South.

棉花改变了这一切，至少对于南方来说是这样。

Before cotton, the South had few major ports, almost none of which actively maintained international trade routes or even domestic supply routes.

在棉花出现之前，南方几乎没有主要港口，几乎没有一个港口积极维护国际贸易路线，甚至国内供应路线。

Internal travel and supply was difficult, especially on the waters of the Mississippi River, the main artery of the North American continent, and the eventual gold mine of the South.

国内旅行和补给很困难，特别是在密西西比河水域，北美大陆的主要动脉，以及南方的最终金矿。

With the Mississippi’s strong current, deadly undertow, and constant sharp turns, sandbars, and subsystems, navigation was difficult and dangerous.

由于密西西比河强劲的水流、致命的逆流、不断的急转弯、沙洲和子系统，航行变得困难和危险。

The river promised a revolution in trade, transportation, and commerce only if the technology existed to handle its impossible bends and fight against its southbound current.

只有存在能够处理其不可能的弯道并对抗其南行水流的技术，这条河才会带来贸易、运输和商业的革命。

By the 1820s and into the 1830s, small ships could successfully navigate their way to New Orleans from as far north as Memphis and even St. Louis, if they so dared.

到 1820 年代和 1830 年代，小型船只可以成功地从最北的孟菲斯甚至圣路易斯航行到新奥尔良，如果他们有勇气的话。

But the problem was getting back.

但问题是回来了。

Most often, traders and sailors scuttled their boats on landing in New Orleans, selling the wood for a quick profit or a journey home on a wagon or caravan.

最常见的情况是，商人和水手在新奥尔良登陆时凿沉船只，出售木材以快速获利，或者乘坐马车或大篷车回家。

The rise of cotton benefited from a change in transportation technology that aided and guided the growth of southern cotton into one of the world’s leading commodities.

棉花的崛起得益于运输技术的变革，该技术帮助和引导南方棉花成长为世界主要商品之一。

In January 1812, a 371-ton ship called the New Orleans arrived at its namesake city from the distant internal port of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.

1812 年 1 月，一艘名为“新奥尔良”号的 371 吨轮船从遥远的宾夕法尼亚州匹兹堡内港抵达其同名城市。

This was the first steamboat to navigate the internal waterways of the North American continent from one end to the other and remain capable of returning home.

这是第一艘在北美大陆内水道上从一端到另一端航行并仍然能够返回家园的汽船。

The technology was far from perfect—the New Orleans sank two years later after hitting a submerged sandbar covered in driftwood—but its successful trial promised a bright, new future for river-based travel.

这项技术远非完美——两年后，新奥尔良号撞上覆盖着浮木的水下沙洲后沉没——但其成功的试验为河流旅行带来了光明的新未来。

And that future was, indeed, bright.

这个未来确实是光明的。

Just five years after the New Orleans arrived in its city, 17 steamboats ran regular upriver lines.

新奥尔良号抵达这座城市仅仅五年后，就有 17 艘汽船定期在上游航线运营。

By the mid-1840s, more than 700 steamboats did the same.

到 1840 年代中期，已有 700 多艘汽船这样做了。

In 1860, the port of New Orleans received and unloaded 3,500 steamboats, all focused entirely on internal trade.

1860 年，新奥尔良港接收和卸载了 3,500 艘汽船，全部全部用于内部贸易。

These boats carried around 160,000 tons of raw product that merchants, traders, and agents converted into nearly $220 million in trade, all in a single year.

这些船只载运了约 16 万吨原材料，商人、贸易商和代理商在一年内将这些原材料转化为近 2.2 亿美元的贸易额。

23 More than 80 percent of the yield was from cotton alone, the product of the same fields tilled, expanded, and sold over the preceding three decades.

23 超过 80% 的产量仅来自棉花，是过去三十年耕种、扩张和销售的同一片土地的产品。

Only now, in the 1840s and 1850s, could those fields, plantations, and farms simply load their products onto a boat and wait for the profit, credit, or supplies to return from downriver.

直到现在，在 1840 年代和 1850 年代，这些田地、种植园和农场才可以简单地将产品装载到船上，等待利润、信贷或补给从下游返回。

Gordon, pictured here, endured terrible brutality from his enslaver before escaping to Union Army lines in 1863.

图中所示的戈登在 1863 年逃往联邦军防线之前，遭受了奴隶主的可怕残暴。

He would become a soldier and help fight to end the violent system that produced the horrendous scars on his back.

他将成为一名士兵，帮助结束在他背上留下可怕伤疤的暴力制度。

Matthew Brady, Gordon , 1863.

马修·布雷迪，戈登，1863。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

The explosion of steam power changed the face of the South, and indeed the nation as a whole.

蒸汽动力的爆发改变了南方乃至整个国家的面貌。

Everything that could be steam-powered was steam-powered, sometimes with mixed results.

一切可以由蒸汽驱动的东西都是由蒸汽驱动的，有时结果好坏参半。

Cotton gins, wagons, grinders, looms, and baths, among countless others, all fell under the net of this new technology.

轧棉机、货车、研磨机、织布机和浸棉机以及无数其他设备都落入了这项新技术的网下。

Most importantly, the South’s rivers, lakes, and bays were no longer barriers and hindrances to commerce.

最重要的是，南方的河流、湖泊和海湾不再是商业的障碍和阻碍。

Quite the opposite; they had become the means by which commerce flowed, the roads of a modernizing society and region.

恰恰相反；它们已成为商业流通的手段、现代化社会和地区的道路。

And most importantly, the ability to use internal waterways connected the rural interior to increasingly urban ports, the sources of raw materials—cotton, tobacco, wheat, and so on—to an eager global market.

最重要的是，使用内陆水道的能力将农村内陆地区与日益城市化的港口连接起来，将棉花、烟草、小麦等原材料的来源与渴望的全球市场连接起来。

Coastal ports like New Orleans, Charleston, Norfolk, and even Richmond became targets of steamboats and coastal carriers.

新奥尔良、查尔斯顿、诺福克甚至里士满等沿海港口成为汽船和沿海承运商的目标。

Merchants, traders, skilled laborers, and foreign speculators and agents flooded the towns.

商人、贸易商、熟练工人以及外国投机者和代理人涌入城镇。

In fact, the South experienced a greater rate of urbanization between 1820 and 1860 than the seemingly more industrial, urban-based North.

事实上，1820 年至 1860 年间，南方的城市化率高于看似更加工业化、城市化的北方。

Urbanization of the South simply looked different from that seen in the North and in Europe.

南方的城市化看起来与北方和欧洲的城市化完全不同。

Where most northern and some European cities (most notably London, Liverpool, Manchester, and Paris) developed along the lines of industry, creating public spaces to boost the morale of wage laborers in factories, on the docks, and in storehouses, southern cities developed within the cyclical logic of sustaining the trade in cotton that justified and paid for the maintenance of an enslaved labor force.

大多数北方和一些欧洲城市（尤其是伦敦、利物浦、曼彻斯特和巴黎）沿着工业路线发展，创造公共空间来提高工厂、码头和仓库中雇佣工人的士气，而南方城市则按照维持棉花贸易的周期性逻辑发展，这为维持被奴役的劳动力提供了合理性和报酬。

The growth of southern cities, then, allowed slavery to flourish and brought the South into a more modern world.

南方城市的发展使得奴隶制得以蓬勃发展，并将南方带入了一个更加现代化的世界。

Between 1820 and 1860, quite a few southern towns experienced dramatic population growth, which paralleled the increase in cotton production and international trade to and from the South.

1820 年至 1860 年间，相当多的南方城镇经历了人口急剧增长，这与棉花产量和进出南方的国际贸易的增长同步。

The 27,176 people New Orleans claimed in 1820 expanded to more than 168,000 by 1860.

新奥尔良在 1820 年声称拥有 27,176 人，到 1860 年已增加到 168,000 多人。

In fact, in New Orleans, the population nearly quadrupled from 1830 to 1840 as the Cotton Revolution hit full stride.

事实上，随着棉花革命的全面展开，新奥尔良的人口从 1830 年到 1840 年几乎翻了两番。

At the same time, Charleston’s population nearly doubled, from 24,780 to 40,522; Richmond expanded threefold, growing from a town of 12,067 to a capital city of 37,910; and St. Louis experienced the largest increase of any city in the nation, expanding from a frontier town of 10,049 to a booming Mississippi River metropolis of 160,773.

与此同时，查尔斯顿的人口几乎翻了一番，从 24,780 人增加到 40,522 人；里士满扩张了三倍，从一个拥有 12,067 人的小镇发展为拥有 37,910 人的首府城市；圣路易斯的人口增长是全美城市中最大的，从一个拥有 10,049 人的边境小镇发展到拥有 160,773 人的蓬勃发展的密西西比河大都市。

24

24

The city and the field, the urban center and the rural space, were inextricably linked in the decades before the Civil War.

在内战前的几十年里，城市与田野、城市中心与乡村空间密不可分。

And that relationship connected the region to a global market and community.

这种关系将该地区与全球市场和社区联系起来。

As southern cities grew, they became more cosmopolitan, attracting types of people either unsuited for or uninterested in rural life.

随着南方城市的发展，它们变得更加国际化，吸引了那些不适合或对乡村生活不感兴趣的人。

These people—merchants, skilled laborers, traders, sellers of all kinds and colors—brought rural goods to a market desperate for raw materials.

这些人——商人、熟练工人、贸易商、各种颜色的卖家——将农村商品带到了急需原材料的市场。

Everyone, it seemed, had a place in the cotton trade.

似乎每个人都在棉花贸易中占有一席之地。

Agents, many of them transients from the North, and in some cases Europe, represented the interests of planters and cotton farmers in the cities, making connections with traders who in turn made deals with manufactories in the Northeast, Liverpool, and Paris.

代理商中许多人是来自北方、有时甚至是欧洲的移民，他们代表城市中种植园主和棉农的利益，与贸易商建立联系，而贸易商又与东北部、利物浦和巴黎的制造商进行交易。

Among the more important aspects of southern urbanization was the development of a middle class in the urban centers, something that never fully developed in the more rural areas.

南方城市化的一个更重要的方面是城市中心中产阶级的发展，而这一点在农村地区从未得到充分发展。

In a very general sense, the rural South fell under a two-class system in which a landowning elite controlled the politics and most of the capital, and a working poor survived on subsistence farming or basic, unskilled labor funded by the elite.

从非常普遍的意义上来说，南方农村地区属于两级制度，其中地主精英控制着政治和大部分资本，而贫困工人靠自给农业或由精英资助的基本非熟练劳动力生存。

The development of large urban centers founded on trade, and flush with transient populations of sailors, merchants, and travelers, gave rise to a large, highly developed middle class in the South.

以贸易为基础的大城市中心的发展，以及水手、商人和旅行者等流动人口的涌入，在南方催生了大批高度发达的中产阶级。

Predicated on the idea of separation from those above and below them, middle-class men and women in the South thrived in the active, feverish rush of port city life.

基于与上层和下层分离的理念，南方的中产阶级男女在活跃、狂热的港口城市生活中蓬勃发展。

Skilled craftsmen, merchants, traders, speculators, and store owners made up the southern middle class.

熟练的工匠、商人、贸易商、投机者和商店老板组成了南方中产阶级。

Fashion trends that no longer served their original purpose—such as a broad-brimmed hat to protect one from the sun, knee-high boots for horse riding, and linen shirts and trousers to fight the heat of an unrelenting sun—lost popularity at an astonishing rate.

不再满足其最初目的的时尚潮流——比如用来防晒的宽边帽、骑马用的及膝靴、以及用来抵御无情阳光的亚麻衬衫和裤子——以惊人的速度失去了人气。

Silk, cotton, and bright colors came into vogue, especially in coastal cities like New Orleans and Charleston; cravats, golden brooches, diamonds, and “the best stylings of Europe” became the standards of urban middle-class life in the South.

丝绸、棉花和鲜艳的色彩开始流行，尤其是在新奥尔良和查尔斯顿等沿海城市；领带、金色胸针、钻石和“欧洲最好的造型”成为南方城市中产阶级的生活标准。

25 Neighbors, friends, and business partners formed and joined the same benevolent societies.

25 邻居、朋友和商业伙伴组成并加入了同一个慈善团体。

These societies worked to aid the less fortunate in society, the orphans, the impoverished, the destitute.

这些协会致力于帮助社会上的不幸者、孤儿、贫困者、赤贫者。

But in many cases these benevolent societies simply served as a way to keep other people out of middle-class circles, sustaining both wealth and social prestige within an insular, well-regulated community.

但在许多情况下，这些仁慈的社会只是将其他人排除在中产阶级圈子之外，在一个孤立的、管理良好的社区内维持财富和社会声望。

Members and partners married each others’ sisters, stood as godparents for each others’ children, and served, when the time came, as executors of fellow members’ wills.

成员和合伙人与彼此的姐妹结婚，担任彼此孩子的教父母，并在时机成熟时担任其他成员遗嘱的执行人。

The city bred exclusivity.

这座城市孕育了独特性。

That was part of the rush, part of fever of the time.

这是匆忙的一部分，是当时狂热的一部分。

Built upon the cotton trade, funded by European and Northeastern merchants, markets, and manufactories, Southern cities became headquarters of the nation’s largest and most profitable commodities—cotton and enslaved people.

南方城市以欧洲和东北部商人、市场和工厂资助的棉花贸易为基础，成为美国最大、最赚钱的商品——棉花和奴隶的总部。

And they welcomed the world with open checkbooks and open arms.

他们张开支票簿和双臂欢迎世界。

To understand the global and economic functions of the South, we also must understand the people who made the whole thing work.

要了解南方的全球和经济职能，我们还必须了解使整个事情发挥作用的人们。

The South, more than perhaps any other region in the United States, had a great diversity of cultures and situations.

南方可能比美国任何其他地区都具有更多样化的文化和情况。

The South still relied on the existence of slavery; and as a result, it was home to nearly 4 million enslaved people by 1860, amounting to more than 45 percent of the entire Southern population.

南方仍然依赖奴隶制的存在。因此，到 1860 年，这里已成为近 400 万奴隶的家园，占整个南方人口的 45% 以上。

26 Naturally, these people, though fundamentally unfree in their movement, developed a culture all their own.

26 当然，这些人虽然在行动上根本不自由，但却发展出了自己的文化。

They created kinship and family networks, systems of (often illicit) trade, linguistic codes, religious congregations, and even benevolent and social aid organizations—all within the grip of slavery, a system dedicated to extraction rather than development, work and production rather than community and emotion.

他们创造了亲属关系和家庭网络、（通常是非法的）贸易体系、语言规范、宗教团体，甚至慈善和社会援助组织——所有这些都在奴隶制的控制之下，这是一个致力于榨取而不是发展、工作和生产而不是社区和情感的体系。

The concept of family, more than anything else, played a crucial role in the daily lives of enslaved people.

家庭观念在被奴役者的日常生活中发挥着至关重要的作用。

Family and kinship networks, and the benefits they carried, represented an institution through which enslaved people could piece together a sense of community, a sense of feeling and dedication, separate from the forced system of production that defined their daily lives.

家庭和亲属关系网络以及它们所带来的好处代表了一种制度，通过这种制度，被奴役的人们可以拼凑出一种社区意识、一种情感和奉献精神，与定义他们日常生活的强制生产体系分开。

The creation of family units, distant relations, and communal traditions allowed enslaved people to maintain religious beliefs, ancient ancestral traditions, and even names passed down from generation to generation in a way that challenged enslavement.

家庭单位、远亲关系和公共传统的建立，使被奴役的人们得以保持宗教信仰、古老的祖先传统，甚至以挑战奴役的方式代代相传的名字。

Ideas passed between relatives on different plantations, names given to children in honor of the deceased, and basic forms of love and devotion created a sense of individuality, an identity that assuaged the loneliness and desperation of enslaved life.

不同种植园的亲戚之间交流思想，为纪念死者而给孩子起名字，爱和奉献的基本形式创造了一种个性感，一种缓解被奴役生活的孤独和绝望的身份。

Family defined how each plantation, each community, functioned, grew, and labored.

家庭定义了每个种植园、每个社区的运作、生长和劳动方式。

Nothing under slavery lasted long, at least not in the same form.

奴隶制下的任何事物都不会长久存在，至少不会以同样的形式存在。

Enslaved families and networks were no exceptions to this rule.

受奴役的家庭和网络也不例外。

African-born enslaved people during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries engaged in marriages—sometimes polygamous—with those of the same ethnic groups whenever possible.

在十七和十八世纪，非洲出生的奴隶只要有可能就会与同一种族的人通婚——有时是一夫多妻制。

This, most importantly, allowed for the maintenance of cultural traditions, such as language, religion, name practices, and even the rare practice of bodily scaring.

最重要的是，这允许维持文化传统，例如语言、宗教、命名习惯，甚至罕见的身体恐吓做法。

In some parts of the South, such as Louisiana and coastal South Carolina, ethnic homogeneity thrived, and as a result, traditions and networks survived relatively unchanged for decades.

在南方的一些地区，例如路易斯安那州和南卡罗来纳州沿海地区，种族同质性蓬勃发展，因此，传统和网络几十年来相对没有变化。

As the number of enslaved people arriving in the United States increased, and generations of American-born enslaved laborers overtook the original African-born populations, the practice of marriage, especially among members of the same ethnic group, or even simply the same plantation, became vital to the continuation of aging traditions.

随着抵达美国的奴隶数量增加，一代代在美国出生的奴隶劳工数量超过了最初在非洲出生的人口，婚姻习俗，尤其是同一种族群体、甚至同一种植园成员之间的婚姻，对于延续古老的传统变得至关重要。

Marriage served as the single most important aspect of cultural and identity formation, as it connected enslaved people to their own pasts, and gave some sense of protection for the future.

婚姻是文化和身份形成中最重要的一个方面，因为它将被奴役的人们与自己的过去联系起来，并为未来提供了某种保护感。

27 By the start of the Civil War, approximately two-thirds of enslaved people were members of nuclear households, each household averaging six people—mother, father, children, and often a grandparent, elderly aunt or uncle, and even “in-laws.” Those who did not have a marriage bond, or even a nuclear family, still maintained family ties, most often living with a single parent, brother, sister, or grandparent.

27 到内战开始时，大约三分之二的奴隶是核心家庭的成员，每个家庭平均有六人——母亲、父亲、孩子，通常还有祖父母、年迈的阿姨或叔叔，甚至还有“姻亲”。那些没有婚姻关系，甚至没有核心家庭的人，仍然保持着家庭联系，大多数情况下与单亲、兄弟、姐妹或祖父母住在一起。

28

28

Free people of color were present throughout the American South, particularly in urban areas like Charleston and New Orleans.

自由的有色人种遍布美国南部，特别是在查尔斯顿和新奥尔良等城市地区。

Some were relatively well off, like this femme de couleur libre who posed with her mixed-race child in front of her New Orleans home, maintaining a middling position between free white people and enslaved Black people.

有些人相对富裕，比如这位自由色彩女士和她的混血孩子在她新奥尔良的家门前合影，保持着介于自由白人和被奴役黑人之间的中间地位。

Free woman of color with quadroon daughter; late 18th century collage painting, New Orleans.

自由的有色人种妇女和四人女儿；十八世纪末拼贴画，新奥尔良。

Wikimedia

维基媒体

Many marriages between enslaved people endured for many years.

许多奴隶之间的婚姻持续了很多年。

But the threat of disruption, often through sale, always loomed.

但通常通过销售造成的破坏威胁总是隐约可见。

As the internal slave trade increased following the constitutional ban on slave importation in 1808 and the rise of cotton in the 1830s and 1840s, enslaved families, especially those established prior to arriving in the United States, came under increased threat.

随着 1808 年宪法禁止奴隶进口以及 1830 年代和 1840 年代棉花的兴起，国内奴隶贸易不断增加，被奴役家庭，特别是那些在抵达美国之前建立的家庭，受到越来越大的威胁。

Hundreds of thousands of marriages, many with children, fell victim to sale “downriver”—a euphemism for the near constant flow of enslaved laborers down the Mississippi River to the developing cotton belt in the Southwest.

成千上万的婚姻，其中许多都有孩子，成为“下游”出售的受害者——这是一种委婉的说法，指的是奴隶劳工几乎源源不断地沿着密西西比河流向西南部正在发展的棉花带。

29 In fact, during the Cotton Revolution alone, between one-fifth and one-third of all marriages between enslaved people were broken up through sale or forced migration.

29 事实上，仅在棉花革命期间，奴隶之间就有五分之一到三分之一的婚姻因出售或强迫移民而破裂。

But this was not the only threat.

但这并不是唯一的威胁。

Planters, and enslavers of all shapes and sizes, recognized that marriage was, in the most basic and tragic sense, a privilege granted and defined by them for their enslaved laborers.

各种形式和规模的种植园主和奴隶主都认识到，从最基本和悲剧性的意义上来说，婚姻是他们为被奴役的劳动者授予和定义的一种特权。

And as a result, many enslavers used’ marriages, or the threats thereto, to squeeze out more production, counteract disobedience, or simply make a gesture of power and superiority.

结果，许多奴隶主利用婚姻或婚姻的威胁来压榨更多的生产，抵制不服从，或者只是做出一种权力和优越感的姿态。

Threats to family networks, marriages, and household stability did not stop with the death of an enslaver.

对家庭网络、婚姻和家庭稳定的威胁并没有随着奴隶主的死亡而停止。

An enslaved couple could live their entire lives together, even having been born, raised, and married on the slave plantation, and, following the death of their enslaver, find themselves at opposite sides of the known world.

一对被奴役的夫妇可以一起度过一生，即使他们是在奴隶种植园出生、长大和结婚的，但在奴隶主死后，他们发现自己处于已知世界的两端。

It only took a single relative, executor, creditor, or friend of the deceased to make a claim against the estate to cause the sale and dispersal of an entire enslaved community.

只需死者的一个亲戚、遗嘱执行人、债权人或朋友就可以对遗产提出索赔，就导致整个被奴役社区被出售和驱散。

Enslaved women were particularly vulnerable to the shifts of fate attached to slavery.

被奴役的妇女特别容易受到奴隶制带来的命运转变的影响。

In many cases, enslaved women did the same work as men, spending the day—from sun up to sun down—in the fields picking and bundling cotton.

在许多情况下，被奴役的妇女与男人做同样的工作，从日出到日落，她们整天在田里采摘和捆扎棉花。

In some rare cases, especially among the larger plantations, planters tended to use women as house servants more than men, but this was not universal.

在一些罕见的情况下，特别是在较大的种植园中，种植园主往往更多地使用女性作为家庭佣人而不是男性，但这并不普遍。

In both cases, however, enslaved women’s experiences were different than their male counterparts, husbands, and neighbors.

然而，在这两种情况下，被奴役妇女的经历都不同于她们的男性同伴、丈夫和邻居。

Sexual violence, unwanted pregnancies, and constant childrearing while continuing to work the fields all made life as an enslaved woman more prone to disruption and uncertainty.

性暴力、意外怀孕以及继续在田间劳作的同时不断抚养孩子，这些都使得女奴的生活更容易受到干扰和不确定性。

Harriet Jacobs, an enslaved woman from North Carolina, chronicled her enslaver’s attempts to sexually abuse her in her narrative, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl .

哈丽特·雅各布斯 (Harriet Jacobs) 是一名来自北卡罗来纳州的女奴，她在她的叙述《女奴生活事件》中记录了奴隶主对她进行性虐待的企图。

Jacobs suggested that her successful attempts to resist sexual assault and her determination to love whom she pleased was “something akin to freedom.” 30 But this “freedom,” however empowering and contextual, did not cast a wide net.

雅各布斯表示，她成功抵抗性侵犯的尝试以及她爱自己喜欢的人的决心“类似于自由”。 30 但这种“自由”，无论多么赋予权力和背景，并没有撒下一张广泛的网。

Many enslaved women had no choice concerning love, sex, and motherhood.

许多被奴役的妇女在爱、性和母性方面别无选择。

On plantations, small farms, and even in cities, rape was ever-present.

在种植园、小农场，甚至在城市，强奸现象随处可见。

Like the splitting of families, enslavers used sexual violence as a form of terrorism, a way to promote increased production, obedience, and power relations.

就像家庭分裂一样，奴隶主利用性暴力作为恐怖主义的一种形式，一种促进生产、服从和权力关系增加的方式。

And this was not restricted only to unmarried women.

这不仅限于未婚女性。

In numerous contemporary accounts, particularly violent enslavers forced men to witness the rape of their wives, daughters, and relatives, often as punishment, but occasionally as a sadistic expression of power and dominance.

在许多当代的叙述中，特别暴力的奴隶主强迫男人目睹他们的妻子、女儿和亲戚被强奸，这通常是作为惩罚，但偶尔也是权力和统治的虐待狂表现。

31

31

As property, enslaved women had no recourse, and society, by and large, did not see a crime in this type of violence.

作为财产，被奴役的妇女没有追索权，而且社会总体上并不认为此类暴力构成犯罪。

Racist pseudo-scientists claimed that whites could not physically rape Africans or African Americans, as the sexual organs of each were not compatible in that way.

种族主义伪科学家声称，白人不能对非洲人或非裔美国人进行身体强奸，因为每个人的性器官在这方面都不兼容。

State law, in some cases, supported this view, claiming that rape could only occur between either two white people or a Black man and a white woman.

在某些情况下，州法律支持这一观点，声称强奸只能发生在两个白人或黑人男子和白人妇女之间。

All other cases fell under a silent acceptance.

所有其他案件都被默默接受。

32 The consequences of rape, too, fell to enslaved victimes.

32 强奸的后果也落在了被奴役的受害者身上。

Pregnancies that resulted from rape did not always lead to a lighter workload for the mother.

因强奸而怀孕并不总是会减轻母亲的工作负担。

And if an enslaved woman acted out against a rapist, whether that be her enslaver or any other white attacker, her actions were seen as crimes rather than desperate acts of survival.

如果一名被奴役的妇女对强奸犯采取行动，无论是她的奴隶还是任何其他白人袭击者，她的行为都会被视为犯罪，而不是绝望的生存行为。

For example, a 19-year-old enslaved woman named Celia fell victim to repeated rape by her enslaver in Callaway County, Missouri.

例如，密苏里州卡拉威县一名名叫西莉亚 (Celia) 的 19 岁女奴多次遭到奴役者的强奸。

Between 1850 and 1855, Robert Newsom raped Celia hundreds of times, producing two children and several miscarriages.

1850 年至 1855 年间，罗伯特·纽森 (Robert Newsom) 强奸了西莉亚数百次，生下了两个孩子，并多次流产。

Sick and desperate in the fall of 1855, Celia took a club and struck her enslaver in the head, killing him.

1855 年秋天，西莉亚在生病和绝望中，拿起一根棍子，击中了她的奴隶主的头部，导致他死亡。

But instead of sympathy and aid, or even an honest attempt to understand and empathize, the community called for the execution of Celia.

但社区没有给予同情和援助，甚至没有真诚地试图理解和同情，而是呼吁处决西莉亚。

On November 16, 1855, after a trial of ten days, Celia, the 19-year-old rape victim and slave, was hanged for her crimes against her enslaver.

1855 年 11 月 16 日，经过十天的审判，19 岁的强奸受害者兼奴隶西莉亚因对奴隶主犯下的罪行被绞死。

33

33

The women in this photograph are Selina Gray and two of her daughters.

这张照片中的女性是塞琳娜·格雷和她的两个女儿。

Gray was the enslaved housekeeper to Robert E.

格雷是罗伯特·E·格雷的奴隶管家。

Lee.

李.

National Park Service .

国家公园管理局。

Gender inequality did not always fall along the same lines as racial inequality.

性别不平等并不总是与种族不平等一样。

Southern society, especially in the age of cotton, deferred to white men, under whom laws, social norms, and cultural practices were written, dictated, and maintained.

南方社会，尤其是在棉花时代，服从于白人，法律、社会规范和文化习俗是在白人的指导下制定、规定和维护的。

White and free women of color lived in a society dominated, in nearly every aspect, by men.

白人和自由的有色人种女性生活在一个几乎在各个方面都由男性主导的社会中。

Denied voting rights, women, of all statuses and colors, had no direct representation in the creation and discussion of law.

由于剥夺了投票权，妇女，无论其地位和肤色如何，在法律的制定和讨论中都没有直接代表权。

Husbands, it was said, represented their wives, as the public sphere was too violent, heated, and high-minded for women.

据说，丈夫代表妻子，因为公共领域对女性来说过于暴力、激烈和高尚。

Society expected women to represent the foundations of the republic, gaining respectability through their work at home, in support of their husbands and children, away from the rough and boisterous realm of masculinity.

社会期望妇女代表共和国的基础，通过她们的家庭工作赢得尊重，支持她们的丈夫和孩子，远离男性气概的粗暴和喧闹的领域。

In many cases, too, law did not protect women the same way it protected men.

在许多情况下，法律也没有像保护男性那样保护女性。

In most states, marriage, an act expected of any self-respecting, reasonable woman of any class, effectively transferred all of a woman’s property to her husband, forever, regardless of claim or command.

在大多数州，婚姻是任何阶层任何有自尊、通情达理的女性都应该采取的行为，它实际上将女性的所有财产永远转移给她的丈夫，无论其主张或命令如何。

Divorce existed, but it hardly worked in a woman’s favor, and often, if successful, ruined the wife’s standing in society, and even led to well-known cases of suicide.

离婚是存在的，但它对女性来说几乎没有什么好处，而且即使成功，往往也会毁掉妻子的社会地位，甚至导致众所周知的自杀案件。

34

34

Life on the ground in cotton South, like the cities, systems, and networks within which it rested, defied the standard narrative of the Old South.

棉花南方的地面生活，就像它所在的城市、系统和网络一样，违背了旧南方的标准叙述。

Slavery existed to dominate, yet enslaved people formed bonds, maintained traditions, and crafted new culture.

奴隶制的存在是为了统治，但被奴役的人们却建立了联系，维护了传统，并创造了新的文化。

They fell in love, had children, and protected one another using the privileges granted them by their captors, and the basic intellect allowed all human beings.

他们坠入爱河，生了孩子，并利用俘虏者赋予他们的特权互相保护，而基本的智力也让全人类都具备了。

They were resourceful, brilliant, and vibrant, and they created freedom where freedom seemingly could not exist.

他们足智多谋、才华横溢、充满活力，他们在看似自由的地方创造了自由。

And within those communities, resilience and dedication often led to cultural sustenance.

在这些社区中，韧性和奉献精神往往会带来文化的延续。

Among the enslaved, women, and the impoverished-but-free, culture thrived in ways that are difficult to see through the bales of cotton and the stacks of money sitting on the docks and in the counting houses of the South’s urban centers.

在奴隶、妇女和贫困但自由的人中，文化以一种很难通过码头上和南方城市中心的会计室里的棉花包和成堆的钱看到的方式蓬勃发展。

But religion, honor, and pride transcended material goods, especially among those who could not express themselves that way.

但宗教、荣誉和自豪感超越了物质财富，尤其是对于那些无法以这种方式表达自己的人来说。

The issue of emigration elicited disparate reactions from African Americans.

移民问题引起了非裔美国人的不同反应。

Tens of thousands left the United States for Liberia, a map of which is shown here, to pursue greater freedoms and prosperity.

数以万计的人离开美国前往利比里亚（此处显示了利比里亚的地图），以追求更大的自由和繁荣。

Most emigrants did not experience such success, but Liberia continued to attract Black settlers for decades.

大多数移民并没有经历过这样的成功，但利比里亚几十年来继续吸引黑人定居者。

J.

J。

Ashmun, Map of the West Coast of Africa from Sierra Leone to Cape Palmas, including the colony of Liberia…, 1830.

阿什蒙，从塞拉利昂到帕尔马斯角的非洲西海岸地图，包括利比里亚殖民地……，1830 年。

Library of Congress .

国会图书馆。

Economic growth, violence, and exploitation coexisted and mutually reinforced evangelical Christianity in the South.

经济增长、暴力和剥削在南方的福音派基督教中共存并相互加强。

The revivals of the Second Great Awakening established the region’s prevailing religious culture.

第二次大觉醒的复兴确立了该地区盛行的宗教文化。

Led by Methodists, Baptists, and to a lesser degree, Presbyterians, this intense period of religious regeneration swept the along southern backcountry.

在卫理公会、浸信会以及较小程度上长老会的领导下，这一强烈的宗教复兴时期席卷了南部边远地区。

By the outbreak of the Civil War, the vast majority of southerners who affiliated with a religious denomination belonged to either the Baptist or Methodist faith.

内战爆发时，绝大多数属于某个宗教教派的南方人属于浸信会或卫理公会信仰。

35 Both churches in the South briefly attacked slavery before transforming into some of the most vocal defenders of slavery and the southern social order.

35 南方的两个教会都曾短暂地攻击奴隶制，然后转变为奴隶制和南方社会秩序最直言不讳的捍卫者。

Southern ministers contended that God himself had selected Africans for bondage but also considered the evangelization of enslaved people to be one of their greatest callings.

南方牧师们声称，上帝亲自选择了非洲人作为奴隶，但也认为向被奴役的人们传福音是他们最伟大的使命之一。

36 Missionary efforts among enslaved southerners largely succeeded and Protestantism spread rapidly among African Americans, leading to a proliferation of biracial congregations and prominent independent Black churches.

36 在被奴役的南方人中传教的努力基本上取得了成功，新教在非裔美国人中迅速传播，导致混血教会和著名的独立黑人教会的激增。

Some Black and white southerners forged positive and rewarding biracial connections; however, more often Black and white southerners described strained or superficial religious relationships.

一些南方黑人和白人建立了积极且有益的混血关系；然而，南方黑人和白人更常描述紧张或肤浅的宗教关系。

As the institution of slavery hardened racism in the South, relationships between missionaries and Native Americans transformed as well.

随着奴隶制制度在南方加剧了种族主义，传教士和美洲原住民之间的关系也发生了变化。

Missionaries of all denominations were among the first to represent themselves as “pillars of white authority.” After the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, plantation culture expanded into the Deep South, and mission work became a crucial element of Christian expansion.

所有教派的传教士都是最先将自己描绘成“白人权威的支柱”的人之一。 1803 年购买路易斯安那后，种植园文化扩展到了南方腹地，传教工作成为基督教扩张的关键要素。

Frontier mission schools carried a continual flow of Christian influence into Native American communities.

边疆教会学校将基督教的影响源源不断地带入美洲原住民社区。

Some missionaries learned Indigenous languages, but many more worked to prevent Indigenous children from speaking their native tongues, insisting on English for Christian understanding.

一些传教士学习了土著语言，但更多的传教士努力阻止土著儿童说他们的母语，坚持使用英语来理解基督教。

By the Indian removals of 1835 and the Trail of Tears in 1838, missionaries in the South preached a pro-slavery theology that emphasized obedience to enslavers, the biblical basis of racial slavery via the curse of Ham, and the “civilizing” paternalism of enslavers.

通过 1835 年印第安人的迁移和 1838 年的泪痕，南方的传教士宣扬了一种支持奴隶制的神学，强调对奴隶制的服从，通过哈姆的诅咒建立种族奴隶制​​的圣经基础，以及奴隶制的“文明”家长式作风。

Enslaved people most commonly received Christian instruction from white preachers or enslavers, whose religious message typically stressed the subservience of enslaved people.

被奴役的人最常从白人传教士或奴隶主那里接受基督教教育，他们的宗教信息通常强调被奴役的人的服从。

Anti-literacy laws ensured that most enslaved people would be unable to read the Bible in its entirety and thus could not acquaint themselves with such inspirational stories as Moses delivering the Israelites out of slavery.

反识字法确保大多数被奴役的人无法阅读完整的《圣经》，因此无法熟悉摩西将以色列人从奴隶制中解救出来等励志故事。

Contradictions between God’s Word and enslavers’ cruelty did not pass unnoticed by many enslaved African Americans.

许多被奴役的非裔美国人并没有忽视上帝的话语与奴隶制的残酷之间的矛盾。

As formerly enslaved person William Wells Brown declared, “slaveholders hide themselves behind the Church,” adding that “a more praying, preaching, psalm-singing people cannot be found than the slaveholders of the South.” 37

正如前奴隶威廉·威尔斯·布朗所宣称的那样，“奴隶主把自己隐藏在教会后面”，并补充说，“找不到比南方奴隶主更祈祷、讲道、唱诗篇的人了。” 37

Many enslaved people chose to create and practice their own versions of Christianity, one that typically incorporated aspects of traditional African religions with limited input from the white community.

许多被奴役的人选择创建和实践他们自己的基督教版本，这种基督教通常融合了传统非洲宗教的各个方面，而白人社区的投入有限。

Nat Turner, the leader of the great slave rebellion, found inspiration from religion early in life.

奴隶大起义的领袖纳特·特纳（Nat Turner）早年就从宗教中找到了灵感。

Adopting an austere Christian lifestyle during his adolescence, Turner claimed to have been visited by “spirits” during his twenties and considered himself something of a prophet.

特纳在青少年时期采取了简朴的基督教生活方式，他声称自己在二十多岁的时候曾被“灵魂”拜访过，并认为自己是一位先知。

He claimed to have had visions, in which he was called on to do the work of God, leading some contemporaries (as well as historians) to question his sanity.

他声称自己有过异象，在异象中他被要求去做上帝的工作，这导致一些同时代的人（以及历史学家）质疑他的理智。

38

38

Inspired by his faith, Turner led the most deadly slave rebellion in the antebellum South.

受信仰的启发，特纳领导了南北战争前南方最致命的奴隶叛乱。

On the morning of August 22, 1831, in Southampton County, Virginia, Nat Turner and six collaborators attempted to free the region’s enslaved population.

1831 年 8 月 22 日上午，在弗吉尼亚州南安普敦县，纳特·特纳 (Nat Turner) 和六名合作者试图解放该地区的被奴役人口。

Turner initiated the violence by killing his enslaver with an ax blow to the head.

特纳用斧头砍死了他的奴隶主的头部，从而引发了暴力。

By the end of the day, Turner and his band, which had grown to over fifty men, killed fifty-seven white men, women, and children on eleven farms.

到当天结束时，特纳和他的队伍已经扩大到超过 50 人，在 11 个农场杀死了 57 名白人男女和儿童。

By the next day, the local militia and white residents had captured or killed all of the participants except Turner, who hid for a number of weeks in nearby woods before being captured and executed.

到第二天，当地民兵和白人居民已经抓获或杀害了除特纳之外的所有参与者，特纳在附近的树林里躲藏了数周，然后被抓获并处决。

The white terror that followed Nat Turner’s rebellion transformed southern religion, as anti-literacy laws increased and Black-led churches were broken up and placed under the supervision of white ministers.

纳特·特纳叛乱之后的白色恐怖改变了南方宗教，反扫盲法的增加以及黑人领导的教堂被解散并置于白人牧师的监督之下。

This woodcut captured the terror felt by white southerners in the aftermath of Nat Turner’s rebellion.

这幅木刻捕捉了南方白人在纳特·特纳叛乱后所感受到的恐惧。

After the rebellion, fearful white reactionaries killed hundreds of enslaved people—most of whom were unconnected to the rebellion— and the state created stricter, more limiting laws concerning slavery.

叛乱发生后，可怕的白人反动派杀害了数百名奴隶——其中大多数人与叛乱无关——国家制定了关于奴隶制的更严格、更具限制性的法律。

African American Intellectual History Society .

非裔美国人思想史学会。

Evangelical religion also shaped understandings of what it meant to be a southern man or a southern woman.

福音派宗教也塑造了人们对南方男人或南方女人的理解。

Southern manhood was largely shaped by an obsession with masculine honor, whereas southern womanhood centered on expectations of sexual virtue or purity.

南方男子气概很大程度上是由对男性荣誉的痴迷所塑造的，而南方女性气概则以对性美德或纯洁的期望为中心。

Honor prioritized the public recognition of white masculine claims to reputation and authority.

荣誉优先考虑公众对白人男性对声誉和权威的认可。

Southern men developed a code to ritualize their interactions with each other and to perform their expectations of honor.

南方男人制定了一套准则，使他们之间的互动仪式化，并履行他们对荣誉的期望。

This code structured language and behavior and was designed to minimize conflict.

该代码结构化了语言和行为，旨在最大限度地减少冲突。

But when conflict did arise, the code also provided rituals that would reduce the resulting violence.

但当冲突确实发生时，该守则还提供了可以减少由此产生的暴力的仪式。

The formal duel exemplified the code in action.

正式的决斗体现了代码的实际作用。

If two men could not settle a dispute through the arbitration of their friends, they would exchange pistol shots to prove their equal honor status.

如果两个人不能通过朋友的仲裁来解决争端，他们就会用手枪射击以证明他们平等的荣誉地位。

Duelists arranged a secluded meeting, chose from a set of deadly weapons, and risked their lives as they clashed with swords or fired pistols at one another.

决斗者们安排了一次秘密会议，从一套致命武器中进行选择，并冒着生命危险，用刀剑或手枪互相射击。

Some of the most illustrious men in American history participated in a duel at some point during their lives, including President Andrew Jackson, Vice President Aaron Burr, and U.S. senators Henry Clay and Thomas Hart Benton.

美国历史上一些最杰出的人物在其一生中的某个时刻参加过决斗，其中包括总统安德鲁·杰克逊、副总统亚伦·伯尔以及美国参议员亨利·克莱和托马斯·哈特·本顿。

In all but Burr’s case, dueling helped elevate these men to prominence.

除了伯尔之外，决斗都帮助这些人获得了显赫地位。

Violence among the lower classes, especially those in the backcountry, involved fistfights and shoot-outs.

下层阶级之间的暴力，尤其是边远地区的暴力，包括斗殴和枪战。

Tactics included the sharpening of fingernails and filing of teeth into razor-sharp points, which would be used to gouge eyes and bite off ears and noses.

策略包括削尖指甲和将牙齿锉成锋利的尖端，用于挖眼睛、咬掉耳朵和鼻子。

In a duel, a gentleman achieved recognition by risking his life rather than killing his opponent, whereas those involved in rough-and-tumble fighting achieved victory through maiming their opponent.

在决斗中，君子通过冒着生命危险而不杀死对手来获得认可，而那些打斗的人则通过残害对手来获得胜利。

The legal system was partially to blame for the prevalence of violence in the Old South.

旧南方暴力盛行的部分原因应归咎于法律制度。

Although states and territories had laws against murder, rape, and various other forms of violence, including specific laws against dueling, upper-class southerners were rarely prosecuted, and juries often acquitted the accused.

尽管各州和领地制定了禁止谋杀、强奸和各种其他形式暴力的法律，包括禁止决斗的具体法律，但南方上层阶级很少受到起诉，陪审团常常宣判被告无罪。

Despite the fact that hundreds of duelists fought and killed one another, there is little evidence that many duelists faced prosecution, and only one, Timothy Bennett (of Belleville, Illinois), was ever executed.

尽管数百名决斗者互相争斗并互相残杀，但几乎没有证据表明许多决斗者面临起诉，只有蒂莫西·贝内特（伊利诺伊州贝尔维尔人）之一被处决。

By contrast, prosecutors routinely sought cases against lower-class southerners, who were found guilty in greater numbers than their wealthier counterparts.

相比之下，检察官通常会针对南方下层人士提起诉讼，这些人被判有罪的人数多于富裕阶层。

The southern emphasis on honor affected women as well.

南方对荣誉的重视也影响到了女性。

While southern men worked to maintain their sense of masculinity; so too southern women cultivated a sense of femininity.

南方男性努力保持男性气质；南方女性也培养了女性气质。

Femininity in the South was intimately tied to the domestic sphere, even more so than for women in the North.

南方的女性气质与家庭生活密切相关，甚至比北方的女性更是如此。

The cult of domesticity strictly limited the ability of wealthy southern women to engage in public life.

对家庭生活的崇拜严格限制了富裕的南方妇女参与公共生活的能力。

While northern women began to organize reform societies, southern women remained bound to the home, where they were instructed to cultivate their families’ religious sensibility and manage their household.

当北方妇女开始组织改革协会时，南方妇女仍然受到家庭的束缚，她们被指示培养家庭的宗教敏感性并管理家庭。

Managing the household was not easy work, however.

然而，管理家庭并不是一件容易的事。

For women on large plantations, managing the household would include directing a large bureaucracy of potentially rebellious enslaved people.

对于大型种植园里的妇女来说，管理家庭将包括领导一个由潜在叛逆的奴隶组成的庞大官僚机构。

For most southern women who did not live on plantations, managing the household included nearly constant work in keeping families clean, fed, and well-behaved.

对于大多数不住在种植园的南方妇女来说，管理家庭几乎包括保持家庭清洁、食物充足和举止良好的工作。

On top of these duties, many southern women were required to help with agricultural tasks.

除了这些职责之外，许多南方妇女还被要求帮助完成农业任务。

Female labor was an important aspect of the southern economy, but the social position of women in southern culture was understood not through economic labor but rather through moral virtue.

女性劳动是南方经济的一个重要方面，但南方文化中女性的社会地位不是通过经济劳动而是通过道德美德来理解的。

While men fought to get ahead in the turbulent world of the cotton boom, women were instructed to offer a calming, moralizing influence on husbands and children.

当男性在棉花繁荣的动荡世界中奋力争取出人头地时，女性则被要求对丈夫和孩子提供平静和道德的影响。

The home was to be a place of quiet respite and spiritual solace.

家是一个安静休息和精神慰藉的地方。

Under the guidance of a virtuous woman, the southern home would foster the values required for economic success and cultural refinement.

在一位贤惠的妇女的指导下，南方家庭将培养经济成功和文化精致所需的价值观。

Female virtue came to be understood largely as a euphemism for sexual purity, and southern culture, southern law, and southern violence largely centered on protecting that virtue of sexual purity from any possible imagined threat.

女性美德在很大程度上被理解为性纯洁的委婉说法，而南方文化、南方法律和南方暴力主要集中在保护性纯洁的美德免受任何可能想象到的威胁。

In a world saturated with the sexual exploitation of Black women, southerners developed a paranoid obsession with protecting the sexual purity of white women.

在一个充斥着黑人女性性剥削的世界里，南方人对保护白人女性的性纯洁产生了偏执的痴迷。

Black men were presented as an insatiable sexual threat.

黑人被视为一种永不满足的性威胁。

Racial systems of violence and domination were wielded with crushing intensity for generations, all in the name of keeping white womanhood as pure as the cotton that anchored southern society.

几代人以来，种族暴力和统治制度都受到了毁灭性的打击，所有这一切都是为了让白人女性像支撑南方社会的棉花一样纯洁。

Cotton created the antebellum South.

棉花创造了南北战争前的南方。

The wildly profitable commodity opened a previously closed society to the grandeur, the profit, the exploitation, and the social dimensions of a larger, more connected, global community.

这种利润丰厚的商品让一个以前封闭的社会看到了一个更大、联系更紧密的全球社区的宏伟、利润、剥削和社会维度。

In this way, the South, and the world, benefited from the Cotton Revolution and the urban growth it sparked.

通过这种方式，南方乃至全世界都从棉花革命及其引发的城市发展中受益。

But not all that glitters is gold.

但闪闪发光的并非都是金子。

Slavery remained and the internal slave trade grew to untold heights as the 1860s approached.

随着 1860 年代的临近，奴隶制依然存在，国内奴隶贸易增长到难以估量的高度。

Politics, race relations, and the burden of slavery continued beneath the roar of steamboats, countinghouses, and the exchange of goods.

政治、种族关系和奴隶制的负担在汽船、账房和货物交换的轰鸣声中继续存在。

Underneath it all, many questions remained—chief among them, what to do if slavery somehow came under threat.

在这一切之下，仍然存在许多问题——其中最主要的是，如果奴隶制以某种方式受到威胁该怎么办。

In August 1831, Nat Turner led a group of enslaved and free Black men in a rebellion that killed over fifty white men, women, and children.

1831 年 8 月，纳特·特纳领导一群被奴役和自由的黑人发动叛乱，杀害了 50 多名白人男女和儿童。

Nat Turner understood his rebellion as an act of God.

纳特·特纳（Nat Turner）将他的叛逆视为上帝的行为。

While he awaited trial, Turner spoke with the white attorney, Thomas Ruffin Gray, who wrote their conversations into the following document.

在等待审判期间，特纳与白人律师托马斯·鲁芬·格雷进行了交谈，后者将他们的谈话记录在以下文件中。

Harriet Jacobs was born into slavery in North Carolina.

哈里特·雅各布斯出生于北卡罗来纳州的奴隶家庭。

After escaping to New York, Jacobs eventually wrote a narrative of her enslavement under the pseudonym of Linda Brent.

逃到纽约后，雅各布斯最终以琳达·布伦特的笔名写了一篇关于她被奴役的故事。

In this excerpt, Jacobs explains her experience struggling with sexual assault from her enslaver.

在这段摘录中，雅各布斯解释了她与奴役者性侵犯作斗争的经历。

Solomon Northup was a free Black man in New York who was captured and sold into slavery.

所罗门·诺瑟普是纽约的一名自由黑人，后来被俘虏并被卖为奴隶。

After twelve years, he was rescued and returned to his family.

十二年后，他获救回到家人身边。

Shortly thereafter, he published a narrative of his experiences as a slave.

此后不久，他发表了一篇关于他作为奴隶的经历的叙述。

This excerpt describes the horrors he saw in a slave market.

这段摘录描述了他在奴隶市场看到的恐怖景象。

4.

4.

George Fitzhugh argues that slavery is better than liberty and equality, 1854

乔治·菲茨休 (George Fitzhugh) 认为奴隶制比自由和平等更好，1854 年

As the nineteenth century progressed, some Americans shifted their understanding of slavery from a necessary evil to a positive good.

随着十九世纪的发展，一些美国人将他们对奴隶制的理解从必然的罪恶转变为积极的善。

George Fitzhugh offered one of the most consistent and sophisticated defenses of slavery.

乔治·菲茨休提出了对奴隶制最一致、最复杂的辩护之一。

His study Sociology for the South attacked northern society as corrupt and slavery as a gentle system designed to “protect” the inferior Black race and promote social harmony.

他的研究《南方社会学》攻击北方社会腐败和奴役，认为这是一种温和的制度，旨在“保护”劣等黑人种族并促进社会和谐。

The Market Revolution brought a hardening of gender roles in both the North and the South, but the South tended to hold more tightly to the expectation of “separate spheres.” In this sermon, Rev.

市场革命使北方和南方的性别角色变得更加强化，但南方往往更坚定地坚持“独立领域”的期望。在这次讲道中，Rev.

Aldert Smedes of Raleigh, North Carolina, praises the virtues of women and explains the duties of a Christian woman.

北卡罗来纳州罗利市的阿尔德特·斯梅德斯赞扬女性的美德，并解释了基督徒女性的责任。

The coexistence of brutal oppression and genuine affection was but one of many contradictions in the antebellum slave system.

残酷的压迫与真挚的感情并存，只是战前奴隶制的诸多矛盾之一。

In this postwar reflection, Mary Polk Branch recalls her life as an enslaver.

在这篇战后反思中，玛丽·波尔克·布兰奇回忆了她作为奴隶的生活。

We see here how many white southerners justified the ownership of human beings, as well as an indication of the priorities and perspectives of enslaving women.

我们在这里看到有多少南方白人为人类的所有权辩护，也表明了奴役妇女的优先事项和观点。

7.

7.

William Wells Brown, “ Clotel; or, The President’s Daughter: A Narrative of Slave Life in the United States ,” 1853

威廉·威尔斯·布朗，“克洛特尔；或者，总统的女儿：美国奴隶生活的叙述”，1853 年

First published in London, Clotel; or, The President’s Daughter (1853) by William Wells Brown is considered the first novel by an African-American.

Clotel 首次在伦敦出版；或者，威廉·威尔斯·布朗的《总统的女儿》（1853）被认为是第一部非裔美国人的小说。

Brown was born in slavery in Kentucky and escaped to freedom at the age of 20.

布朗出生于肯塔基州的奴隶制家庭，20 岁时获得自由。

Opening with the auction of Currer, the supposed mistress of Thomas Jefferson, and their two daughters, Clotel and Althesa.

拍卖会以托马斯·杰斐逊所谓的情妇库勒和他们的两个女儿克洛特尔和阿尔塞萨的拍卖开始。

Jefferson indeed had a sexual relationship with an enslaved woman named Sally Hemmings, but this story does more to expose the horrifying realities of life under slavery than explain the particular experiences of Sally Hemmings and her children.

杰斐逊确实与一位名叫莎莉·海明斯的被奴役妇女发生了性关系，但这个故事更多地揭露了奴隶制下生活的可怕现实，而不是解释莎莉·海明斯和她的孩子们的特殊经历。

The English painter Eyre Crowe traveled through the American South in the early 1850s.

英国画家艾尔·克罗 (Eyre Crowe) 于 1850 年代初游历美国南部。

He was particularly shocked to see the horrors of a slave market where families were torn apart by sale.

他尤其震惊地看到奴隶市场的恐怖，那里的家庭因买卖而支离破碎。

In this painting, Crowe depicts an enslaved man, several women, and children waiting to be sold at auction.

在这幅画中，克罗描绘了一名被奴役的男子、几名妇女和儿童等待在拍卖会上出售。

European alliances helped the American antislavery movement.

欧洲联盟帮助了美国的反奴隶制运动。

But proslavery supporters also drew transatlantic comparisons.

但支持奴隶制的支持者也进行了跨大西洋的比较。

This proslavery image ignorantly portrays enslaved people who, according to white observers, were cheerful and pleased with their bondage.

这个支持奴隶制的形象无知地描绘了被奴役的人，根据白人观察家的说法，他们对自己的束缚感到高兴和满意。

Proslavery advocates attempted to claim that English factory workers suffered a worse “slavery” than enslaved Africans and African Americans in the American South.

支持奴隶制的倡导者试图声称，英国工厂工人遭受的“奴役”比美国南部被奴役的非洲人和非裔美国人还要严重。

This chapter was edited by Andrew Wegmann, with content contributions by Ian Beamish, Amanda Bellows, Marjorie Brown, Matthew Byron, Steffi Cerato, Kristin Condotta, Mari Crabtree, Jeff Fortney, John Harris, Robert Gudmestad, John Marks, Maria Montalvo, James Anthony Owen, Katherine Rohrer, Marie Stango, James Wellborn, Ben Wright, and Ashley Young.

本章由 Andrew Wegmann 编辑，内容贡献者包括 Ian Beamish、Amanda Bellows、Marjorie Brown、Matthew Byron、Steffi Cerato、Kristin Condotta、Mari Crabtree、Jeff Fortney、John Harris、Robert Gudmestad、John Marks、Maria Montalvo、James Anthony Owen、Katherine Rohrer、Marie Stango、James Wellborn、Ben Wright 和 Ashley Young。

Recommended citation: Ian Beamish et al., “The Cotton Revolution,” Andrew Wegmann, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.

推荐引用：Ian Beamish 等人，“棉花革命”，Andrew Wegmann 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。

Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).

约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。