The American Yawp

“Camp Meeting of the Methodists in N.

“卫理公会在 N 的帐篷大会。

America,” 1819.

美国”，1819 年。

Library of Congress

国会图书馆

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* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。

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The early nineteenth century was a period of immense change in the United States.

十九世纪初是美国发生巨大变革的时期。

Economic, political, demographic, and territorial transformations radically altered how Americans thought about themselves, their communities, and the rapidly expanding nation.

经济、政治、人口和领土的变革从根本上改变了美国人对自己、社区和迅速扩张的国家的看法。

It was a period of great optimism, with the possibilities of self-governance infusing everything from religion to politics.

那是一个非常乐观的时期，自治的可能性渗透到从宗教到政治的各个方面。

Yet it was also a period of great conflict, as the benefits of industrialization and democratization increasingly accrued along starkly uneven lines of gender, race, and class.

然而，这也是一个巨大冲突的时期，工业化和民主化的好处随着性别、种族和阶级的明显不平等而日益增加。

Westward expansion distanced urban dwellers from frontier settlers more than ever before, even as the technological innovations of industrialization—like the telegraph and railroads—offered exciting new ways to maintain communication.

向西扩张使城市居民与边疆定居者的距离比以往任何时候都更远，尽管工业化的技术创新——如电报和铁路——提供了令人兴奋的新方式来维持沟通。

The spread of democracy opened the franchise to nearly all white men, but urbanization and a dramatic influx of European migration increased social tensions and class divides.

民主的传播向几乎所有白人开放了选举权，但城市化和欧洲移民的大量涌入加剧了社会紧张局势和阶级分歧。

Americans looked on these changes with a mixture of enthusiasm and suspicion, wondering how the moral fabric of the new nation would hold up to emerging social challenges.

美国人以热情和怀疑的态度看待这些变化，想知道这个新国家的道德结构将如何应对新出现的社会挑战。

Increasingly, many turned to two powerful tools to help understand and manage the various transformations: spiritual revivalism and social reform.

许多人越来越多地求助于两种强大的工具来帮助理解和管理各种变革：精神复兴主义和社会改革。

Reacting to the rationalism of the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, the religious revivals of the Second Great Awakening reignited Protestant spirituality during the early nineteenth century.

针对十八世纪启蒙运动的理性主义，第二次大觉醒的宗教复兴在十九世纪初重新点燃了新教的灵性。

The revivals incorporated worshippers into an expansive religious community that crisscrossed all regions of the United States and armed them with a potent evangelical mission.

复兴运动将信徒纳入了一个横跨美国所有地区的广阔宗教社区，并赋予他们强大的福音使命。

Many emerged from these religious revivals with a conviction that human society could be changed to look more heavenly.

许多人从这些宗教复兴中脱颖而出，坚信人类社会可以改变，看起来更加天堂。

They joined their spiritual networks to rapidly developing social reform networks that sought to alleviate social ills and eradicate moral vice.

他们将自己的精神网络加入到快速发展的社会改革网络中，旨在减轻社会弊病并消除道德罪恶。

Tackling numerous issues, including alcoholism, slavery, and the inequality of women, reformers worked tirelessly to remake the world around them.

为了解决酗酒、奴隶制和妇女不平等等众多问题，改革者不知疲倦地努力重塑他们周围的世界。

While not all these initiatives were successful, the zeal of reform and the spiritual rejuvenation that inspired it were key facets of antebellum life and society.

虽然并非所有这些举措都取得了成功，但改革的热情和激发改革的精神复兴是战前生活和社会的关键方面。

In the early nineteenth century, a succession of religious revivals collectively known as the Second Great Awakening remade the nation’s religious landscape.

十九世纪初，一系列统称为第二次大觉醒的宗教复兴重塑了该国的宗教格局。

Revivalist preachers traveled on horseback, sharing the message of spiritual and moral renewal to as many as possible.

复兴主义传教士骑马旅行，向尽可能多的人分享精神和道德复兴的信息。

Residents of urban centers, rural farmlands, and frontier territories alike flocked to religious revivals and camp meetings, where intense physical and emotional enthusiasm accompanied evangelical conversion.

城市中心、农村农田和边境地区的居民纷纷涌入宗教复兴和帐篷大会，在这些活动中，伴随着福音派皈依，人们在身体和情感上都表现出强烈的热情。

The Second Great Awakening emerged in response to powerful intellectual and social currents.

第二次大觉醒是为了回应强大的知识和社会潮流而出现的。

Camp meetings captured the democratizing spirit of the American Revolution, but revivals also provided a unifying moral order and new sense of spiritual community for Americans struggling with the great changes of the day.

营地会议体现了美国革命的民主化精神，但复兴也为在当今巨大变革中挣扎的美国人提供了统一的道德秩序和新的精神共同体意识。

The market revolution, western expansion, and European immigration all challenged traditional bonds of authority, and evangelicalism promised equal measures of excitement and order.

市场革命、西部扩张和欧洲移民都挑战了传统的权威纽带，而福音派则承诺同等程度的兴奋和秩序。

Revivals spread like wildfire throughout the United States, swelling church membership, spawning new Christian denominations, and inspiring social reform.

复兴运动像野火一样蔓延到美国各地，教会成员不断增加，催生了新的基督教教派，并激发了社会改革。

One of the earliest and largest revivals of the Second Great Awakening occurred in Cane Ridge, Kentucky, over a one-week period in August 1801.

第二次大觉醒运动最早、规模最大的复兴之一发生在肯塔基州甘蔗岭，时间为 1801 年 8 月，历时一周。

The Cane Ridge Revival drew thousands of people, and possibly as many as one of every ten residents of Kentucky.

甘蔗岭复兴活动吸引了数千人，可能有肯塔基州十分之一的居民参加。

1 Though large crowds had previously gathered annually in rural areas each late summer or fall to receive communion, this assembly was very different.

1 尽管以前每年夏末或秋季都会有大量人群聚集在农村地区接受圣餐，但这次集会却截然不同。

2 Methodist, Baptist, and Presbyterian preachers all delivered passionate sermons, exhorting the crowds to strive for their own salvation.

2 卫理公会、浸信会和长老会的传教士都发表了热情洋溢的布道，劝告群众为自己的救赎而奋斗。

They preached from inside buildings, evangelized outdoors under the open sky, and even used tree stumps as makeshift pulpits, all to reach their enthusiastic audiences in any way possible.

他们在建筑物内布道，在露天的户外传福音，甚至用树桩作为临时讲坛，所有这些都是为了以任何可能的方式接触热情的听众。

Women, too, exhorted, in a striking break with common practice.

女性也受到劝告，这与惯例截然不同。

Attendees, moved by the preachers’ fervor, responded by crying, jumping, speaking in tongues, or even fainting.

与会者被传教士的热情所感动，纷纷哭泣、跳跃、说方言，甚至晕倒。

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Events like the Cane Ridge Revival did spark significant changes in Americans’ religious affiliations.

像甘蔗岭复兴这样的事件确实引发了美国人宗教信仰的重大变化。

Many revivalists abandoned the comparatively formal style of worship observed in the well-established Congregationalist and Episcopalian churches and instead embraced more impassioned forms of worship that included the spontaneous jumping, shouting, and gesturing found in new and alternative denominations.

许多复兴主义者放弃了在完善的公理会和圣公会教堂中观察到的相对正式的崇拜风格，转而采用更热情的崇拜形式，包括在新的和替代教派中发现的自发跳跃、喊叫和手势。

The ranks of Christian denominations such as the Methodists, Baptists, and Presbyterians swelled precipitously alongside new denominations such as the Seventh-Day Adventist Church.

卫理公会、浸信会和长老会等基督教教派的队伍与基督复临安息日会等新教派一起急剧壮大。

The evangelical fire reached such heights, in fact, that one swath of western and central New York state came to be known as the Burned-Over District.

事实上，福音派的大火达到了如此高度，以至于纽约州西部和中部的一大片地区被称为“烧毁区”。

Charles Grandison Finney, the influential revivalist preacher who first coined the term, explained that the residents of this area had experienced so many revivals by different religious groups that there were no more souls to awaken to the fire of spiritual conversion.

查尔斯·格兰迪森·芬尼（Charles Grandison Finney）是一位颇具影响力的复兴主义传教士，他首先创造了这个词，他解释说，该地区的居民经历了不同宗教团体的多次复兴，以至于没有更多的灵魂被唤醒，被精神皈依的火焰所唤醒。

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Removing the government support of churches created what historians call the American spiritual marketplace.

取消政府对教会的支持创造了历史学家所说的美国精神市场。

Methodism achieved the most remarkable success, enjoying the most significant denominational increase in American history.

卫理公会取得了最显着的成功，享受了美国历史上最显着的教派增长。

By 1850, Methodism was by far the most popular American denomination.

到 1850 年，卫理公会已成为美国最受欢迎的教派。

The Methodist denomination grew from fewer than one thousand members at the end of the eighteenth century to constitute 34 percent of all American church membership by the midnineteenth century.

卫理公会的成员数量从 18 世纪末的不到 1000 人发展到 19 世纪中叶占美国教会全体成员的 34%。

5 After its leaders broke with the Church of England to form a new American denomination in 1784, the Methodist Episcopal Church (MEC) achieved its growth through innovation.

5 1784 年，卫理公会 (MEC) 的领导人与英国国教决裂，成立了一个新的美国教派，此后，卫理公会圣公会 (MEC) 通过创新实现了发展。

Methodists used itinerant preachers, known as circuit riders.

卫理公会使用巡回传教士，称为巡回传教士。

These men (and the occasional woman) won converts by pushing west with the expanding United States over the Alleghenies and into the Ohio River Valley, bringing religion to new settlers hungry to have their spiritual needs attended.

这些男人（偶尔还有女人）随着不断扩张的美国向西推进，越过阿勒格尼山脉进入俄亥俄河流域，从而赢得了皈依者，将宗教带给渴望满足精神需求的新定居者。

Circuit riding took preachers into homes, meetinghouses, and churches, all mapped out at regular intervals that collectively took about two weeks to complete.

巡回骑行将传教士带到家庭、教堂和教堂，所有这些都定期绘制，总共需要大约两周的时间才能完成。

Revolutionary ideals also informed a substantial theological critique of orthodox Calvinism that had far-reaching consequences for religious individuals and for society as a whole.

革命理想还引发了对正统加尔文主义的实质性神学批判，这对宗教个人和整个社会产生了深远的影响。

Calvinists believed that all of humankind was marred by sin, and God predestined only some for salvation.

加尔文主义者相信全人类都被罪所玷污，上帝只预定了一些人得救。

These attitudes began to seem too pessimistic for many American Christians.

对于许多美国基督徒来说，这些态度开始显得过于悲观。

Worshippers increasingly began to take responsibility for their own spiritual fates by embracing theologies that emphasized human action in effecting salvation, and revivalist preachers were quick to recognize the importance of these cultural shifts.

越来越多的崇拜者开始接受强调人类行动以实现救赎的神学，为自己的精神命运负责，复兴主义传教士很快认识到这些文化转变的重要性。

Radical revivalist preachers, such as Charles Grandison Finney, put theological issues aside and evangelized by appealing to worshippers’ hearts and emotions.

查尔斯·格兰迪森·芬尼等激进复兴主义传教士将神学问题放在一边，通过吸引信徒的心灵和情感来传福音。

Even more conservative spiritual leaders, such as Lyman Beecher of the Congregational Church, appealed to younger generations of Americans by adopting a less orthodox approach to Calvinist doctrine.

甚至更保守的精神领袖，例如公理会的莱曼·比彻，也通过对加尔文主义教义采取不那么正统的方法来吸引年轻一代的美国人。

6 Though these men did not see eye to eye, they both contributed to the emerging consensus that all souls are equal in salvation and that all people can be saved by surrendering to God.

6 尽管这些人意见不一致，但他们都为新兴的共识做出了贡献，即所有灵魂在救赎方面都是平等的，并且所有人都可以通过臣服于上帝而获得拯救。

This idea of spiritual egalitarianism was one of the most important transformations to emerge out of the Second Great Awakening.

这种精神平等主义的思想是第二次大觉醒中出现的最重要的转变之一。

Spiritual egalitarianism dovetailed neatly with an increasingly democratic United States.

精神平等主义与日益民主的美国完美契合。

In the process of winning independence from Britain, the revolution weakened the power of long-standing social hierarchies and the codes of conduct that went along with them.

在从英国赢得独立的过程中，革命削弱了长期存在的社会等级制度的力量以及随之而来的行为准则。

The democratizing ethos opened the door for a more egalitarian approach to spiritual leadership.

民主化思潮为精神领导力采取更加平等的方式打开了大门。

Whereas preachers of long-standing denominations like the Congregationalists were required to have a divinity degree and at least some theological training in order to become spiritual leaders, many alternative denominations only required a conversion experience and a supernatural “call to preach.” This meant, for example, that a twenty-year-old man could go from working in a mill to being a full-time circuit-riding preacher for the Methodists practically overnight.

公理会等历史悠久的教派的传教士需要拥有神学学位，并至少接受一些神学训练才能成为精神领袖，而许多其他教派只需要皈依经历和超自然的“传道呼召”。例如，这意味着一个二十岁的男子几乎在一夜之间就可以从一家工厂工作变成一名卫理公会的全职巡回传教士。

Indeed, their emphasis on spiritual egalitarianism over formal training enabled Methodists to outpace spiritual competition during this period.

事实上，他们对精神平等主义的重视超过了正规训练，使得卫理公会在这一时期超越了精神竞争。

Methodists attracted more new preachers to send into the field, and the lack of formal training meant that individual preachers could be paid significantly less than a Congregationalist preacher with a divinity degree.

卫理公会吸引了更多新的传教士进入该领域，而缺乏正规培训意味着个人传教士的薪水可能比拥有神学学位的公理会传教士要低得多。

In addition to the divisions between evangelical and nonevangelical denominations wrought by the Second Great Awakening, the revivals and subsequent evangelical growth also revealed strains within the Methodist and Baptist churches.

除了第二次大觉醒造成的福音派和非福音派教派之间的分歧之外，复兴和随后的福音派增长也揭示了卫理公会和浸信会内部的紧张关系。

Each witnessed several schisms during the 1820s and 1830s as reformers advocated for a return to the practices and policies of an earlier generation.

在 1820 年代和 1830 年代，随着改革者主张回归上一代的做法和政策，每个国家都经历了几次分裂。

Many others left mainstream Protestantism altogether, opting instead to form their own churches.

许多其他人完全离开了主流新教，选择建立自己的教会。

Some, like Alexander Campbell and Barton Stone, proposed a return to (or “restoration” of) New Testament Christianity, stripped of centuries of additional teachings and practices.

有些人，如亚历山大·坎贝尔和巴顿·斯通，提议回归（或“恢复”）新约基督教，剥夺几个世纪以来的额外教义和实践。

7 Other restorationists built on the foundation laid by the evangelical churches by using their methods and means to both critique the Protestant mainstream and move beyond the accepted boundaries of contemporary Christian orthodoxy.

7 其他恢复主义者建立在福音派教会奠定的基础上，利用他们的方法和手段批评新教主流并超越当代基督教正统的公认界限。

Self-declared prophets claimed that God had called them to establish new churches and introduce new (or, in their understanding, restore lost ) teachings, forms of worship, and even scripture.

自称为先知的人声称，上帝呼召他们建立新的教会，并引入新的（或者，按照他们的理解，恢复丢失的）教义、敬拜形式，甚至圣经。

Mormon founder Joseph Smith, for example, claimed that God the Father and Jesus Christ appeared to him in a vision in a grove of trees near his boyhood home in upstate New York and commanded him to “join none of [the existing churches], for they are all wrong.” 8 Subsequent visitations from angelic beings revealed to Smith the location of a buried record, purportedly containing the writings and histories of an ancient Christian civilization on the American continent.

例如，摩门教创始人约瑟夫·史密斯声称，天父上帝和耶稣基督在纽约州北部他儿时的家附近的一片树林中向他显现，并命令他“不要加入任何[现有的教会]，因为它们都是错的。” 8 随后天使的造访向史密斯透露了一份埋藏记录的位置，据称其中包含美洲大陆古代基督教文明的著作和历史。

Smith published the Book of Mormon in early 1830 and organized the Church of Christ (later renamed the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints) a short time later.

史密斯于 1830 年初出版了《摩尔门经》，并在不久之后组织了基督教会（后来更名为耶稣基督后期圣徒教会）。

Borrowing from the Methodists a faith in the abilities of itinerant preachers without formal training, Smith dispatched early converts as missionaries to take the message of the Book of Mormon throughout the United States, across the ocean to England and Ireland, and eventually even farther abroad.

史密斯借鉴了卫理公会对未经正规培训的流动传教士能力的信念，派出早期皈依者作为传教士，将《摩尔门经》的信息传遍美国，跨越大洋到达英格兰和爱尔兰，最终甚至更远的国外。

He attracted a sizable number of followers on both sides of the Atlantic and commanded them to gather to a center place, where they collectively anticipated the imminent second coming of Christ.

他在大西洋两岸吸引了相当多的追随者，并命令他们聚集到一个中心地方，在那里他们共同期待基督即将到来的第二次降临。

Continued growth and near-constant opposition from both Protestant ministers and neighbors suspicious of their potential political power forced the Mormons to move several times, first from New York to Ohio, then to Missouri, and finally to Illinois, where they established a thriving community on the banks of the Mississippi River.

摩门教徒的持续增长和新教牧师和邻居对其潜在政治权力的怀疑而不断反对，迫使摩门教徒多次搬迁，首先从纽约搬到俄亥俄州，然后搬到密苏里州，最后搬到伊利诺伊州，在那里他们在密西西比河畔建立了一个繁荣的社区。

In Nauvoo, as they called their city, Smith moved even further beyond the bounds of the Christian orthodoxy by continuing to pronounce additional revelations and introducing sacred rites to be performed only in front of church members in Mormon temples.

在纳府（他们称自己的城市），史密斯进一步超越了基督教正统观念的界限，继续宣布额外的启示，并引入只能在摩门教寺庙的教会成员面前进行的神圣仪式。

Most controversially, Smith and a select group of his most loyal followers began taking additional wives (Smith himself married at least thirty women).

最具争议的是，史密斯和他最忠实的追随者中的一群人开始娶更多的妻子（史密斯本人至少娶了三十个女人）。

Although Mormon polygamy was not publicly acknowledged and openly practiced until 1852 (when the Mormons had moved yet again, this time to the protective confines of the intermountain west on the shores of the Great Salt Lake), rumors of Smith’s involvement circulated almost immediately after its quiet introduction and played a part in the motivations of the mob that eventually murdered the Mormon prophet in the summer of 1844.

尽管摩门教一夫多妻制直到 1852 年才得到公开承认和公开实行（当时摩门教徒再次迁移，这次是搬到了大盐湖沿岸西部山间的保护性边界），但有关史密斯参与其中的谣言几乎在悄悄引入后立即就流传开来，并在最终于 1844 年夏天谋杀摩门教先知的暴民的动机中发挥了一定作用。

Mormons were not the only religious community in antebellum America to challenge the domestic norms of the era through radical sexual experiments: Shakers strictly enforced celibacy in their several communes scattered throughout New England and the upper Midwest, while John Humphrey Noyes introduced free love (or “complex marriage”) to his Oneida community in upstate New York.

摩门教并不是内战前美国唯一一个通过激进的性实验挑战当时国内规范的宗教团体：震教徒在分布于新英格兰和中西部北部的几个公社中严格强制实行独身，而约翰·汉弗莱·诺伊斯则在纽约州北部的奥奈达社区引入了自由恋爱（或“复杂婚姻”）。

Others challenged existing cultural customs in less radical ways.

其他人则以不那么激进的方式挑战现有的文化习俗。

For individual worshippers, spiritual egalitarianism in revivals and camp meetings could break down traditional social conventions.

对于个人崇拜者来说，复兴和帐篷大会中的精神平等主义可能会打破传统的社会习俗。

For example, revivals generally admitted both men and women.

例如，复兴通常接纳男性和女性。

Furthermore, in an era when many American Protestants discouraged or outright forbade women from speaking in church meetings, some preachers provided women with new opportunities to openly express themselves and participate in spiritual communities.

此外，在许多美国新教徒不鼓励或完全禁止妇女在教会会议上发言的时代，一些传教士为妇女提供了公开表达自己和参与精神社区的新机会。

This was particularly true in the Methodist and Baptist traditions, though by the midnineteenth century most of these opportunities would be curtailed as these denominations attempted to move away from radical revivalism and toward the status of respectable denominations.

在卫理公会和浸信会传统中尤其如此，尽管到了十九世纪中叶，随着这些教派试图摆脱激进的复兴主义并走向受人尊敬的教派地位，大多数机会都将被削减。

Some preachers also promoted racial integration in religious gatherings, expressing equal concern for white and Black people’s spiritual salvation and encouraging both enslavers and the enslaved to attend the same meetings.

一些传教士还在宗教集会中提倡种族融合，表达对白人和黑人精神救赎的同等关注，鼓励奴隶主和被奴役者参加同样的集会。

Historians have even suggested that the extreme physical and vocal manifestations of conversion seen at impassioned revivals and camp meetings offered the ranks of worshippers a way to enact a sort of social leveling by flouting the codes of self-restraint prescribed by upper-class elites.

历史学家甚至认为，在热情的复兴和帐篷大会上看到的极端的身体和声音的皈依表现，为崇拜者提供了一种通过藐视上层阶级精英规定的自我克制准则来实现某种社会平等的方式。

Although the revivals did not always live up to such progressive ideals in practice, particularly in the more conservative regions of the slaveholding South, the concept of spiritual egalitarianism nonetheless changed how Protestant Americans thought about themselves, their God, and one another.

尽管复兴在实践中并不总能实现这种进步的理想，特别是在奴隶制南方较为保守的地区，但精神平等主义的概念仍然改变了美国新教徒对自己、上帝和彼此的看法。

As the borders of the United States expanded during the nineteenth century and as new demographic changes altered urban landscapes, revivalism also offered worshippers a source of social and religious structure to help cope with change.

随着十九世纪美国边界的扩张以及新的人口变化改变了城市景观，复兴主义也为信徒提供了社会和宗教结构的来源，以帮助他们应对变化。

Revival meetings held by itinerant preachers offered community and collective spiritual purpose to migrant families and communities isolated from established social and religious institutions.

巡回传教士举办的复兴会议为远离既定社会和宗教机构的移民家庭和社区提供了社区和集体精神目标。

In urban centers, where industrialization and European famines brought growing numbers of domestic and foreign migrants, evangelical preachers provided moral order and spiritual solace to an increasingly anonymous population.

在城市中心，工业化和欧洲饥荒带来了越来越多的国内外移民，福音派传教士为日益匿名的人口提供了道德秩序和精神安慰。

Additionally, and quite significantly, the Second Great Awakening armed evangelical Christians with a moral purpose to address and eradicate the many social problems they saw as arising from these dramatic demographic shifts.

此外，相当重要的是，第二次大觉醒武装了福音派基督徒，以道德目的解决和消除他们认为由这些急剧的人口变化引起的许多社会问题。

Not all American Christians, though, were taken with the revivals.

然而，并非所有美国基督徒都接受复兴运动。

The early nineteenth century also saw the rise of Unitarianism as a group of ministers and their followers came to reject key aspects of “orthodox” Protestant belief including the divinity of Christ.

十九世纪初，一神论也兴起，一群牧师及其追随者开始拒绝“正统”新教信仰的关键方面，包括基督的神性。

Christians in New England were particularly involved in the debates surrounding Unitarianism as Harvard University became a hotly contested center of cultural authority between Unitarians and Trinitarians.

随着哈佛大学成为一神论者和三位一体论者之间激烈争夺的文化权威中心，新英格兰的基督徒特别参与了围绕一神论的辩论。

Unitarianism had important effects on the world of reform when a group of Unitarian ministers founded the Transcendental Club in 1836.

1836 年，一群一神论牧师创立了先验俱乐部，一神论对世界改革产生了重要影响。

9 The club met for four years and included Ralph Waldo Emerson, Bronson Alcott, Frederic Henry Hedge, George Ripley, Orestes Brownson, James Freeman Clarke, and Theodore Parker.

9 该俱乐部召开了四年，成员包括拉尔夫·沃尔多·爱默生、布朗森·奥尔科特、弗雷德里克·亨利·赫奇、乔治·里普利、奥瑞斯特斯·布朗森、詹姆斯·弗里曼·克拉克和西奥多·帕克。

While initially limited to ministers or former ministers—except for the eccentric Alcott—the club quickly expanded to include numerous literary intellectuals.

虽然最初仅限于部长或前部长（除了古怪的奥尔科特），但俱乐部很快扩大到包括许多文学知识分子。

Among these were the author Henry David Thoreau, the protofeminist and literary critic Margaret Fuller, and the educational reformer Elizabeth Peabody.

其中包括作家亨利·大卫·梭罗、原始女权主义者和文学评论家玛格丽特·富勒以及教育改革家伊丽莎白·皮博迪。

Transcendentalism had no established creed, but this was intentional.

超验主义没有既定的信条，但这是有意为之的。

What united the Transcendentalists was their belief in a higher spiritual principle within each person that could be trusted to discover truth, guide moral action, and inspire art.

超验主义者之所以团结在一起，是因为他们相信每个人内心都有一个更高的精神原则，可以相信这个原则可以发现真理、指导道德行为和激发艺术灵感。

They often referred to this principle as Soul, Spirit, Mind, or Reason.

他们经常将这一原则称为灵魂、精神、思想或理性。

Deeply influenced by British Romanticism and German idealism’s celebration of individual artistic inspiration, personal spiritual experience, and aspects of human existence not easily explained by reason or logic, the Transcendentalists established an enduring legacy precisely because they developed distinctly American ideas that emphasized individualism, optimism, oneness with nature, and a modern orientation toward the future rather than the past.

深受英国浪漫主义和德国唯心主义对个人艺术灵感、个人精神体验以及人类存在不易用理性或逻辑解释的方面的颂扬的影响，超验主义者建立了不朽的遗产，正是因为他们发展了明显的美国思想，强调个人主义、乐观主义、与自然的一体性以及面向未来而不是过去的现代取向。

These themes resonated in an American nineteenth century where political democracy and readily available land distinguished the United States from Europe.

这些主题在十九世纪的美国引起了共鸣，政治民主和容易获得的土地使美国区别于欧洲。

Ralph Waldo Emerson espoused a religious worldview wherein God, “the eternal ONE,” manifested through the special harmony between the individual soul and nature.

拉尔夫·沃尔多·爱默生拥护一种宗教世界观，其中上帝“永恒的独一”通过个人灵魂与自然之间的特殊和谐而显现。

In “The American Scholar” (1837) and “Self-Reliance” (1841), Emerson emphasized the utter reliability and sufficiency of the individual soul and exhorted his audience to overcome “our long apprenticeship to the learning of other lands.” 10 Emerson believed that the time had come for Americans to declare their intellectual independence from Europe.

在《美国学者》（1837年）和《自力更生》（1841年）中，爱默生强调了个人灵魂的绝对可靠性和充足性，并劝告他的听众要克服“我们长期在其他国家学习的学徒期”。 10 爱默生认为，美国人宣布思想独立于欧洲的时候到了。

Henry David Thoreau espoused a similar enthusiasm for simple living, communion with nature, and self-sufficiency.

亨利·大卫·梭罗也同样热衷于简单的生活、与自然的交流以及自给自足。

Thoreau’s sense of rugged individualism, perhaps the strongest among even the Transcendentalists, also yielded “Resistance to Civil Government” (1849).

梭罗粗犷的个人主义意识，甚至可能是超验主义者中最强烈的，也产生了“对公民政府的抵抗”（1849）。

11 Several of the Transcendentalists also participated in communal living experiments.

11 一些超验主义者还参加了公共生活实验。

For example, in the mid-1840s, George Ripley and other members of the utopian Brook Farm community began to espouse Fourierism, a vision of society based on cooperative principles, as an alternative to capitalist conditions.

例如，在 1840 年代中期，乔治·里普利 (George Ripley) 和乌托邦布鲁克农场社区的其他成员开始拥护傅里叶主义，这是一种基于合作原则的社会愿景，作为资本主义条件的替代方案。

12

12

Many of these different types of responses to the religious turmoil of the time had a similar endpoint in the embrace of voluntary associations and social reform work.

许多对当时宗教动乱的不同类型的反应都有一个相似的终点，即拥抱志愿协会和社会改革工作。

During the antebellum period, many American Christians responded to the moral anxiety of industrialization and urbanization by organizing to address specific social needs.

内战前时期，许多美国基督徒通过组织起来解决特定的社会需求来应对工业化和城市化的道德焦虑。

Social problems such as intemperance, vice, and crime assumed a new and distressing scale that older solutions, such as almshouses, were not equipped to handle.

诸如不节制、恶习和犯罪等社会问题呈现出新的、令人痛苦的规模，而救济院等旧的解决方案无力应对。

Moralists grew concerned about the growing mass of urban residents who did not attend church, and who, thanks to poverty or illiteracy, did not even have access to scripture.

道德主义者越来越担心越来越多的城市居民不去教堂，而且由于贫困或文盲，他们甚至无法接触到圣经。

Voluntary benevolent societies exploded in number to tackle these issues.

为了解决这些问题，志愿慈善团体的数量激增。

Led by ministers and dominated by middle-class women, voluntary societies printed and distributed Protestant tracts, taught Sunday school, distributed outdoor relief, and evangelized in both frontier towns and urban slums.

由牧师领导、中产阶级妇女主导的志愿团体印刷和分发新教小册子、教授主日学、分发户外救济品，并在边境城镇和城市贫民窟传福音。

These associations and their evangelical members also lent moral backing and workers to large-scale social reform projects, including the temperance movement designed to curb Americans’ consumption of alcohol, the abolitionist campaign to eradicate slavery in the United States, and women’s rights agitation to improve women’s political and economic rights.

这些协会及其福音派成员还为大规模的社会改革项目提供了道德支持和工人，包括旨在遏制美国人饮酒的禁酒运动、旨在消除美国奴隶制的废奴运动以及旨在提高妇女政治和经济权利的女权运动。

As such wide-ranging reform projects combined with missionary zeal, evangelical Christians formed a “benevolent empire” that swiftly became a cornerstone of the antebellum period.

由于如此广泛的改革项目与传教士的热情相结合，福音派基督徒形成了一个“仁慈的帝国”，并迅速成为战前时期的基石。

The reform movements that emerged in the United States during the first half of the nineteenth century were not American inventions.

十九世纪上半叶美国出现的改革运动并不是美国的发明。

Instead, these movements were rooted in a transatlantic world where both sides of the ocean faced similar problems and together collaborated to find similar solutions.

相反，这些运动植根于跨大西洋世界，大洋两岸都面临着类似的问题，并共同合作寻找类似的解决方案。

Many of the same factors that spurred American reformers to action—such as urbanization, industrialization, and class struggle—equally affected Europe.

许多促使美国改革者采取行动的因素——例如城市化、工业化和阶级斗争——同样影响了欧洲。

Reformers on both sides of the Atlantic visited and corresponded with one another.

大西洋两岸的改革家互相访问并通信。

Exchanging ideas and building networks proved crucial to shared causes like abolition and women’s rights.

事实证明，交流思想和建立网络对于废除死刑和妇女权利等共同事业至关重要。

Improvements in transportation, including the introduction of the steamboat, canals, and railroads, connected people not just across the United States, but also with other like-minded reformers in Europe.

交通的改善，包括汽船、运河和铁路的引入，不仅将美国各地的人们联系起来，而且还与欧洲其他志同道合的改革者联系起来。

(Ironically, the same technologies also helped ensure that even after the abolition of slavery in the British Empire, the British remained heavily invested in slavery, both directly and indirectly.) Equally important, the reduction of publication costs created by new printing technologies in the 1830s allowed reformers to reach new audiences across the world.

（具有讽刺意味的是，同样的技术也有助于确保即使在大英帝国废除奴隶制之后，英国仍然直接和间接地对奴隶制进行了大量投资。）同样重要的是，1830 年代新印刷技术降低了出版成本，使改革者能够接触到世界各地的新受众。

13 Almost immediately after its publication in the United States, for instance, Frederick Douglass’s autobiography was republished in Europe and translated into French and Dutch.

13 例如，弗雷德里克·道格拉斯的自传几乎在美国出版后立即在欧洲重新出版，并翻译成法语和荷兰语。

This abolitionist who escaped enslavement earned supporters across the Atlantic.

这位摆脱奴役的废奴主义者赢得了大西洋彼岸的支持者。

14

14

Such exchanges began as part of the larger processes of colonialism and empire building.

这种交流是殖民主义和帝国建设更大进程的一部分。

Missionary organizations from the colonial era had created many of these transatlantic links.

殖民时代的传教组织创造了许多跨大西洋联系。

The Atlantic travel of major figures during the First Great Awakening such as George Whitefield had built enduring networks.

第一次大觉醒期间，乔治·怀特菲尔德等主要人物的大西洋旅行建立了持久的网络。

These networks changed as a result of the American Revolution but still revealed spiritual and personal connections between religious individuals and organizations in the United States and Great Britain.

这些网络因美国革命而发生变化，但仍然揭示了美国和英国的宗教个人和组织之间的精神和个人联系。

These connections can be seen in multiple areas.

这些联系可以在多个领域看到。

Mission work continued to be a joint effort, with American and European missionary societies in close correspondence throughout the early nineteenth century, as they coordinated domestic and foreign evangelistic missions.

宣教工作继续是一项共同努力，在整个十九世纪初期，美国和欧洲的宣教团体在协调国内和国外的福音宣教时保持着密切的联系。

The transportation and print revolutions meant that news of British missionary efforts in India and Tahiti could be quickly printed in American religious periodicals, galvanizing American efforts to evangelize Native Americans, frontier settlers, immigrant groups, and even people overseas.

交通和印刷革命意味着英国在印度和塔希提岛的传教活动的消息可以迅速刊登在美国宗教期刊上，从而激励美国向美洲原住民、边境定居者、移民群体甚至海外人民传播福音。

In addition to missions, antislavery work had a decidedly transatlantic cast from its very beginnings.

除了传教之外，反奴隶制工作从一开始就明显具有跨大西洋的影响力。

American Quakers began to question slavery as early as the late seventeenth century and worked with British reformers in the successful campaign that ended the slave trade.

美国贵格会早在十七世纪末就开始质疑奴隶制，并与英国改革者合作，成功地结束了奴隶贸易。

15 Before, during, and after the Revolution, many Americans continued to admire European thinkers.

15 在革命之前、期间和之后，许多美国人仍然钦佩欧洲思想家。

Influence extended both east and west.

影响遍及东西方。

By foregrounding questions about rights, the American Revolution helped inspire British abolitionists, who in turn offered support to their American counterparts.

通过突出权利问题，美国革命帮助激励了英国废奴主义者，而英国废奴主义者反过来向美国废奴主义者提供了支持。

American antislavery activists developed close relationships with abolitionists on the other side of the Atlantic, such as Thomas Clarkson, Daniel O’Connell, and Joseph Sturge.

美国反奴隶制活动人士与大西洋彼岸的废奴主义者如托马斯·克拉克森、丹尼尔·奥康奈尔和约瑟夫·斯特奇建立了密切的关系。

Prominent American abolitionists such as Theodore Dwight Weld, Lucretia Mott, and William Lloyd Garrison were converted to the antislavery idea of immediatism—that is, the demand for emancipation without delay—by British abolitionists Elizabeth Heyrick and Charles Stuart.

西奥多·德怀特·韦尔德、卢克丽霞·莫特和威廉·劳埃德·加里森等美国著名废奴主义者被英国废奴主义者伊丽莎白·海里克和查尔斯·斯图尔特转变为立即主义的反奴隶制思想，即立即解放奴隶的要求。

16 Although Anglo-American antislavery networks reached back to the late eighteenth century, they dramatically grew in support and strength over the antebellum period, as evidenced by the General Anti-Slavery Convention of 1840.

16 尽管英美反奴隶制网络可以追溯到 18 世纪末，但他们的支持和力量在战前时期急剧增长，1840 年《反奴隶制总公约》证明了这一点。

This antislavery delegation consisted of more than five hundred abolitionists, mostly coming from France, England, and the United States.

这个反奴隶制代表团由五百多名废奴主义者组成，大部分来自法国、英国和美国。

All met together in England, united by their common goal of ending slavery in their time.

所有的人都在英格兰聚集在一起，为了结束他们那个时代的奴隶制的共同目标而团结在一起。

Although abolitionism was not the largest American reform movement of the antebellum period (that honor belongs to temperance), it did foster greater cooperation among reformers in England and the United States.

尽管废奴主义并不是美国内战前最大的改革运动（这一荣誉属于节制），但它确实促进了英美改革者之间更大的合作。

This enormous painting documents the 1840 convention of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, established by both American and English anti-slavery activists to promote worldwide abolition.

这幅巨大的画作记录了 1840 年英国和外国反奴隶制协会的会议，该协会由美国和英国反奴隶制活动人士成立，旨在促进世界范围内的废奴运动。

Benjamin Haydon, The Anti-Slavery Society Convention, 1840.

本杰明·海顿，《反奴隶制协会公约》，1840 年。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

In the course of their abolitionist activities, many American women began to establish contact with their counterparts across the Atlantic, each group penning articles and contributing material support to the others’ antislavery publications and fundraisers.

在废奴运动的过程中，许多美国妇女开始与大西洋彼岸的同行建立联系，每个团体都撰写文章，并为其他团体的反奴隶制出版物和筹款活动提供物质支持。

The bonds between British and American reformers can be traced throughout the many social improvement projects of the nineteenth century.

英国和美国改革者之间的联系可以追溯到十九世纪的许多社会改善项目。

Transatlantic cooperation galvanized efforts to reform individuals’ and societies’ relationships to alcohol, labor, religion, education, commerce, and land ownership.

跨大西洋合作激发了改革个人和社会与酒精、劳工、宗教、教育、商业和土地所有权关系的努力。

This cooperation stemmed from the recognition that social problems on both sides of the Atlantic were strikingly similar.

这种合作源于对大西洋两岸社会问题惊人相似的认识。

Atlantic activists helped American reformers conceptualize themselves as part of a worldwide moral mission to attack social ills and spread the gospel of Christianity.

大西洋活动家帮助美国改革者将自己视为全球道德使命的一部分，以攻击社会弊病和传播基督教福音。

After religious disestablishment, citizens of the United States faced a dilemma: how to cultivate a moral and virtuous public without aid from state-sponsored religion.

宗教解体后，美国公民面临着一个困境：如何在没有国家支持的宗教援助的情况下培养道德高尚的公众。

Most Americans agreed that a good and moral citizenry was essential for the national project to succeed, but many shared the perception that society’s moral foundation was weakening.

大多数美国人都认为，良好和有道德的公民对于国家项目的成功至关重要，但许多人也认为社会的道德基础正在削弱。

Narratives of moral and social decline, known as jeremiads, had long been embedded in Protestant story-telling traditions, but jeremiads took on new urgency in the antebellum period.

道德和社会衰落的叙述，被称为哀悼，长期以来一直根植于新教讲故事的传统中，但哀悼在战前时期呈现出新的紧迫性。

In the years immediately following disestablishment, “traditional” Protestant Christianity was at low tide, while the Industrial Revolution and the spread of capitalism had led to a host of social problems associated with cities and commerce.

在解散后的几年里，“传统”新教基督教处于低潮，而工业革命和资本主义的传播导致了一系列与城市和商业相关的社会问题。

The Second Great Awakening was in part a spiritual response to such changes, revitalizing Christian spirits through the promise of salvation.

第二次大觉醒在一定程度上是对这种变化的精神回应，通过救赎的承诺重振基督教精神。

The revivals also provided an institutional antidote to the insecurities of a rapidly changing world by inspiring an immense and widespread movement for social reform.

复兴还通过激发一场巨大而广泛的社会改革运动，为快速变化的世界的不安全感提供了制度上的解药。

Growing directly out of nineteenth-century revivalism, reform societies proliferated throughout the United States between 1815 and 1861, melding religion and reform into a powerful force in American culture known as the benevolent empire .

直接源于 19 世纪复兴主义的改革协会在 1815 年至 1861 年间在美国各地激增，将宗教和改革融为一体，成为美国文化中的一股强大力量，被称为仁慈帝国。

The benevolent empire departed from revivalism’s early populism, as middle-class ministers dominated the leadership of antebellum reform societies.

这个仁慈的帝国背离了复兴主义早期的民粹主义，中产阶级部长主导了战前改革社会的领导层。

Because of the economic forces of the market revolution, middle-class evangelicals had the time and resources to devote to reform campaigns.

由于市场革命的经济力量，中产阶级福音派人士有时间和资源致力于改革运动。

Often, their reforms focused on creating and maintaining respectable middle-class culture throughout the United States.

通常，他们的改革重点是在美国各地创造和维护受人尊敬的中产阶级文化。

Middle-class women, in particular, played a leading role in reform activity.

尤其是中产阶级妇女，在改革活动中发挥了主导作用。

They became increasingly responsible for the moral maintenance of their homes and communities, and their leadership signaled a dramatic departure from previous generations when such prominent roles for ordinary women would have been unthinkable.

她们对维护家庭和社区的道德责任越来越大，她们的领导力标志着与前几代人的巨大背离，在当时，普通女性扮演如此重要的角色是不可想象的。

17

17 号

Different forces within evangelical Protestantism combined to encourage reform.

福音派新教内部的不同力量联合起来鼓励改革。

One of the great lights of benevolent reform was Charles Grandison Finney, the radical revivalist, who promoted a movement known as “perfectionism.” Premised on the belief that truly redeemed Christians would be motivated to live free of sin and reflect the perfection of God himself, his wildly popular revivals encouraged his converted followers to join reform movements and create God’s kingdom on earth.

慈善改革的伟大人物之一是激进复兴主义者查尔斯·格兰迪森·芬尼，他推动了一场被称为“完美主义”的运动。他相信真正得救的基督徒会被激励过没有罪的生活，并反映出上帝本身的完美，他广受欢迎的复兴运动鼓励他的皈依者加入改革运动，在地上创建上帝的国度。

The idea of “disinterested benevolence” also turned many evangelicals toward reform.

“无私的仁慈”的理念也使许多福音派人士转向改革。

Preachers championing disinterested benevolence argued that true Christianity requires that a person give up self-love in favor of loving others.

拥护无私仁慈的传教士认为，真正的基督教要求一个人放弃自爱，转而爱他人。

Though perfectionism and disinterested benevolence were the most prominent forces encouraging benevolent societies, some preachers achieved the same end in their advocacy of postmillennialism.

尽管完美主义和无私的仁慈是鼓励仁慈社会的最突出的力量，但一些传教士在倡导后千禧年主义时也达到了同样的目的。

In this worldview, Christ’s return was foretold to occur after humanity had enjoyed one thousand years’ peace, and it was the duty of converted Christians to improve the world around them in order to pave the way for Christ’s redeeming return.

在这种世界观中，基督的再来被预言发生在人类享受一千年的和平之后，而皈依基督教的基督徒有责任改善他们周围的世界，以便为基督的救赎性回归铺平道路。

Though ideological and theological issues like these divided Protestants into more and more sects, church leaders often worked on an interdenominational basis to establish benevolent societies and draw their followers into the work of social reform.

尽管此类意识形态和神学问题将新教徒分成越来越多的教派，但教会领袖经常在跨教派的基础上努力建立仁慈的社会，并吸引其追随者参与社会改革工作。

Under the leadership of preachers and ministers, reform societies attacked many social problems.

在传教士和牧师的领导下，改革社会解决了许多社会问题。

Those concerned about drinking could join temperance societies; other groups focused on eradicating dueling and gambling.

那些担心饮酒的人可以加入戒酒协会；其他团体则致力于消除决斗和赌博。

Evangelical reformers might support home or foreign missions or Bible and tract societies.

福音派改革者可能支持国内或国外的宣教活动或圣经和小册子社团。

Sabbatarians fought tirelessly to end nonreligious activity on the Sabbath.

安息日信徒不知疲倦地为结束安息日的非宗教活动而奋斗。

Moral reform societies sought to end prostitution and redeem “fallen women.” Over the course of the antebellum period, voluntary associations and benevolent activists also worked to reform bankruptcy laws, prison systems, insane asylums, labor laws, and education.

道德改革协会寻求结束卖淫并拯救“堕落的妇女”。在内战前期间，志愿协会和慈善活动家还致力于改革破产法、监狱系统、精神病院、劳动法和教育。

They built orphanages and free medical dispensaries and developed programs to provide professional services like social work, job placement, and day camps for children in the slums.

他们建立了孤儿院和免费医疗药房，并制定了为贫民窟儿童提供社会工作、就业安置和日营等专业服务的计划。

Eastern State Penitentiary changed the principles of imprisonment, focusing on reform rather than punishment.

东州监狱改变了监禁原则，注重改革而不是惩罚。

The structure itself used the panopticon surveillance system, and was widely copied by prison systems around the world.

该结构本身使用了全景监狱监视系统，并被世界各地的监狱系统广泛复制。

P.S: Duval and Co., The State Penitentiary for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, 1855.

P.S：杜瓦尔公司，宾夕法尼亚州东区州立监狱，1855 年。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

These organizations often shared membership as individuals found themselves interested in a wide range of reform movements.

这些组织经常共享成员资格，因为个人发现自己对广泛的改革运动感兴趣。

On Anniversary Week, many of the major reform groups coordinated the schedules of their annual meetings in New York or Boston to allow individuals to attend multiple meetings in a single trip.

在周年纪念周，许多主要改革团体协调了在纽约或波士顿举行的年度会议的时间表，以允许个人在一次旅行中参加多个会议。

18

18

Among all the social reform movements associated with the benevolent empire, the temperance crusade was the most successful.

在与仁慈帝国相关的所有社会改革运动中，禁酒运动是最成功的。

Championed by prominent preachers like Lyman Beecher, the movement’s effort to curb the consumption of alcohol galvanized widespread support among the middle class.

在莱曼·比彻等著名传教士的倡导下，这场遏制饮酒的运动赢得了中产阶级的广泛支持。

Alcohol consumption became a significant social issue after the American Revolution.

美国革命后，饮酒成为一个重大的社会问题。

Commercial distilleries produced readily available, cheap whiskey that was frequently more affordable than milk or beer and safer than water, and hard liquor became a staple beverage in many lower- and middle-class households.

商业酿酒厂生产容易获得的廉价威士忌，通常比牛奶或啤酒更便宜，比水更安全，烈性酒成为许多中下阶层家庭的主要饮料。

Consumption among adults skyrocketed in the early nineteenth century, and alcoholism had become an endemic problem across the United States by the 1820s.

19 世纪初，成年人的消费量猛增，到 1820 年代，酗酒已成为美国各地的普遍问题。

As alcoholism became an increasingly visible issue in towns and cities, most reformers escalated their efforts from advocating moderation in liquor consumption to full abstinence from all alcohol.

随着酗酒成为城镇中日益明显的问题，大多数改革者将他们的努力从提倡适度饮酒升级为完全戒酒。

N.

N。

Currier, “Tree of Temperance” and “Tree of Intemperance,” 1849.

柯里尔，《节制之树》和《不节制之树》，1849 年。

Courtesy American Antiquarian Society .

由美国古物协会提供。

Many reformers saw intemperance as the biggest impediment to maintaining order and morality in the young republic.

许多改革者认为，酗酒是维持这个年轻共和国的秩序和道德的最大障碍。

Temperance reformers saw a direct correlation between alcohol and other forms of vice and, most importantly, felt that it endangered family life.

禁酒改革者看到了酒精和其他形式的恶习之间的直接联系，最重要的是，他们认为它危及家庭生活。

In 1826, evangelical ministers organized the American Temperance Society to help spread the crusade nationally.

1826年，福音派牧师组织了美国禁酒协会，以帮助在全国范围内传播这场运动。

It supported lecture campaigns, produced temperance literature, and organized revivals specifically aimed at encouraging worshippers to give up the drink.

它支持讲座活动，制作禁酒文献，并组织专门旨在鼓励信徒戒酒的复兴活动。

It was so successful that within a decade, it established five thousand branches and grew to over a million members.

它非常成功，在十年之内就建立了五千个分支机构，会员人数已超过一百万。

19 Temperance reformers pledged not to touch the bottle and canvassed their neighborhoods and towns to encourage others to join their “Cold Water Army.” They also influenced lawmakers in several states to prohibit the sale of liquor.

19 禁酒改革者承诺不碰酒瓶，并游说他们的社区和城镇，鼓励其他人加入他们的“冷水军”。他们还影响几个州的立法者禁止销售酒类。

In response to the perception that heavy drinking was associated with men who abused, abandoned, or neglected their family obligations, women formed a significant presence in societies dedicated to eradicating liquor.

人们认为酗酒与虐待、抛弃或忽视家庭义务有关，因此女性在致力于根除酗酒的社会中占据了重要地位。

Temperance became a hallmark of middle-class respectability among both men and women and developed into a crusade with a visible class character.

禁酒成为中产阶级男性和女性受人尊敬的标志，并发展成为具有明显阶级特征的十字军东征。

Temperance, like many other reform efforts, was championed by the middle class and threatened to intrude on the private lives of lower-class workers, many of whom were Irish Catholics.

与许多其他改革努力一样，禁酒受到中产阶级的拥护，并威胁要侵犯下层工人的私生活，其中许多人是爱尔兰天主教徒。

Such intrusions by the Protestant middle class exacerbated class, ethnic, and religious tensions.

新教中产阶级的这种入侵加剧了阶级、种族和宗教的紧张关系。

Still, while the temperance movement made less substantial inroads into lower-class workers’ drinking culture, the movement was still a great success for reformers.

尽管如此，尽管禁酒运动对下层工人饮酒文化的影响较小，但这场运动对于改革者来说仍然是巨大的成功。

In the 1840s, Americans drank half of what they had in the 1820s, and per capita consumption continued to decline over the next two decades.

1840 年代，美国人的饮酒量是 1820 年代的一半，而在接下来的二十年里，人均消费量持续下降。

20 .

20.

Nathaniel Currier, “The Drunkard’s Progress.” 1846.

纳撒尼尔·柯里尔，《醉汉的进步》。 1846.

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

Though middle-class reformers worked tirelessly to cure all manner of social problems through institutional salvation and voluntary benevolent work, they regularly participated in religious organizations founded explicitly to address the spiritual mission at the core of evangelical Protestantism.

尽管中产阶级改革者孜孜不倦地致力于通过制度拯救和自愿慈善工作来解决各种社会问题，但他们经常参加专门为解决福音派新教核心精神使命而成立的宗教组织。

In fact, for many reformers, it was actually the experience of evangelizing among the poor and seeing firsthand the rampant social issues plaguing life in the slums that first inspired them to get involved in benevolent reform projects.

事实上，对于许多改革者来说，正是在穷人中传福音、亲眼目睹了贫民窟中猖獗的社会问题的经历，才激发了他们参与慈善改革项目的动力。

Modeling themselves on the British and Foreign Bible Society, formed in 1804 to spread Christian doctrine to the British working class, urban missionaries emphasized the importance of winning the world for Christ, one soul at a time.

城市传教士效仿英国和外国圣经公会（成立于 1804 年，旨在向英国工人阶级传播基督教教义），强调为基督赢得世界的重要性，一次一个灵魂。

For example, the American Bible Society and the American Tract Society used the efficient new steam-powered printing press to distribute Bibles and evangelizing religious tracts throughout the United States.

例如，美国圣经协会和美国单张协会使用高效的新型蒸汽动力印刷机在美国各地分发圣经和传播宗教单张。

For example, the New York Religious Tract Society alone managed to distribute religious tracts to all but 388 of New York City’s 28,383 families.

例如，仅纽约宗教传单协会就成功地向纽约市 28,383 个家庭中除 388 个家庭之外的所有人分发了宗教传单。

21 In places like Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, middle-class women also established groups specifically to canvass neighborhoods and bring the gospel to lower-class “wards.”

21 在波士顿、纽约和费城等地，中产阶级妇女还成立了专门团体，专门游说社区，将福音传播到下层阶级的“病房”。

Such evangelical missions extended well beyond the urban landscape, however.

然而，这种福音派使命远远超出了城市景观。

Stirred by nationalism and moral purpose, evangelicals labored to make sure the word of God reached far-flung settlers on the new American frontier.

在民族主义和道德目标的推动下，福音派人士努力确保上帝的话语传达到美国新边境上遥远的定居者那里。

The American Bible Society distributed thousands of Bibles to frontier areas where churches and clergy were scarce, while the American Home Missionary Society provided substantial financial assistance to frontier congregations struggling to achieve self-sufficiency.

美国圣经公会向教堂和神职人员稀缺的边境地区分发了数千本圣经，而美国家庭宣教会则为努力实现自给自足的边境教会提供了大量的财政援助。

Missionaries worked to translate the Bible into Iroquois and other languages in order to more effectively evangelize Native American populations.

传教士致力于将圣经翻译成易洛魁语和其他语言，以便更有效地向美洲原住民传福音。

As efficient printing technology and faster transportation facilitated new transatlantic and global connections, religious Americans also began to flex their missionary zeal on a global stage.

随着高效的印刷技术和更快的运输促进了新的跨大西洋和全球联系，虔诚的美国人也开始在全球舞台上展现他们的传教热情。

In 1810, for example, Presbyterian and Congregationalist leaders established the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions to evangelize in India, Africa, East Asia, and the Pacific.

例如，1810 年，长老会和公理会领导人成立了美国海外宣教专员委员会，在印度、非洲、东亚和太平洋地区传福音。

22

22

The potent combination of social reform and evangelical mission at the heart of the nineteenth century’s benevolent empire produced reform agendas and institutional changes that have reverberated through the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.

十九世纪仁慈帝国核心的社会改革和福音派使命的有力结合产生了改革议程和制度变革，这些变革在整个二十世纪和二十一世纪产生了深远的影响。

By devoting their time to the moral uplift of their communities and the world at large, middle-class reformers created many of the largest and most influential organizations in the nation’s history.

通过将时间投入到社区和整个世界的道德提升，中产阶级改革者创建了美国历史上许多最大和最有影响力的组织。

For the optimistic, religiously motivated American, no problem seemed too great to solve.

对于乐观、有宗教动机的美国人来说，似乎没有什么问题是解决不了的。

Difficulties arose, however, when the benevolent empire attempted to take up more explicitly political issues.

然而，当仁慈的帝国试图解决更明确的政治问题时，困难就出现了。

The movement against Indian removal was the first major example of this.

反对印第安人迁移的运动是第一个主要例子。

Missionary work had first brought the Cherokee Nation to the attention of northeastern evangelicals in the early nineteenth century.

十九世纪初，传教工作首先引起了东北部福音派人士的注意。

Missionaries sent by the American Board and other groups sought to introduce Christianity and American cultural values to the Cherokee and celebrated when their efforts seemed to be met with success.

美国委员会和其他团体派出的传教士试图向切罗基人介绍基督教和美国文化价值观，并在他们的努力似乎取得成功时庆祝。

Evangelicals proclaimed that the Cherokee were becoming “civilized,” which could be seen in their adoption of a written language and of a constitution modeled on that of the U.S. government.

福音派宣称切罗基人正在变得“文明”，这可以从他们采用书面语言和效仿美国政府的宪法中看出。

Mission supporters were shocked, then, when the election of Andrew Jackson brought a new emphasis on the removal of Native Americans from the land east of the Mississippi River.

当安德鲁·杰克逊的当选重新强调将美洲原住民从密西西比河以东的土地上驱逐出去时，传教团的支持者们感到震惊。

The Indian Removal Act of 1830 was met with fierce opposition from within the affected Native American communities as well as from the benevolent empire.

1830 年的印第安人迁移法案遭到了受影响的美洲原住民社区以及仁慈的帝国的强烈反对。

Jeremiah Evarts, one of the leaders of the American Board, wrote a series of essays under the pen name William Penn urging Americans to oppose removal.

美国委员会领导人之一耶利米·埃瓦茨（Jeremiah Evarts）以笔名威廉·佩恩（William Penn）撰写了一系列文章，敦促美国人反对驱逐。

23 He used the religious and moral arguments of the mission movement but added a new layer of politics in his extensive discussion of the history of treaty law between the United States and Native Americans.

23 他利用了宣教运动的宗教和道德论点，但在对美国和美洲原住民之间条约法历史的广泛讨论中增加了新的政治层面。

This political shift was even more evident when American missionaries challenged Georgia state laws asserting sovereignty over Cherokee territory in the Supreme Court Case Worcester v.

当美国传教士在最高法院案件“伍斯特诉切罗基人案”中挑战佐治亚州主张切罗基领土主权的法律时，这种政治转变更加明显。

Georgia .

格鲁吉亚。

24 Although the case was successful, the federal government did not enforce the Court’s decision, and Indian removal was accomplished through the Trail of Tears, the tragic, forced removal of Native Americans to territories west of the Mississippi River.

24 虽然此案胜诉，但联邦政府并没有执行法院的裁决，印第安人的迁移是通过“泪水之路”完成的，即悲剧性地、强迫美洲原住民迁移到密西西比河以西的领土。

Anti-removal activism was also notable for the entry of ordinary American women into political discourse.

反驱逐行动主义也因普通美国妇女进入政治话语而引人注目。

The first major petition campaign by American women focused on opposition to removal and was led (anonymously) by Catharine Beecher.

美国妇女发起的第一次大型请愿活动主要是反对驱逐，由凯瑟琳·比彻（匿名）领导。

Beecher was already a leader in the movement to reform women’s education and came to her role in removal through her connections to the mission movement.

比彻已经是妇女教育改革运动的领导者，并通过她与宣教运动的联系而在罢免中发挥了作用。

Inspired by a meeting with Jeremiah Evarts, Beecher echoed his arguments from the William Penn letters in her appeal to American women.

受到与耶利米·埃瓦茨会面的启发，比彻在对美国女性的呼吁中呼应了威廉·佩恩信件中的论点。

25 Beecher called on women to petition the government to end the policy of Indian removal.

25 比彻呼吁妇女向政府请愿，要求终止印第安人驱逐政策。

She used religious and moral arguments to justify women’s entry into political discussion when it concerned an obviously moral cause.

当政治讨论涉及明显的道德事业时，她利用宗教和道德论据来证明女性参与政治讨论的合理性。

This effort was ultimately unsuccessful but still introduced the kinds of arguments that paved the way for women’s political activism for abolitionism and women’s rights.

这项努力最终没有成功，但仍然引入了各种论点，为妇女争取废奴主义和妇女权利的政治活动铺平了道路。

The divisions that the anti-removal campaign revealed became more dramatic with the next political cause of nineteenth century reformers: abolitionism.

随着十九世纪改革者的下一个政治目标：废奴主义，反废除运动所揭示的分歧变得更加引人注目。

The revivalist doctrines of salvation, perfectionism, and disinterested benevolence led many evangelical reformers to believe that slavery was the most God-defying of all sins and the most terrible blight on the moral virtue of the United States.

救赎、完美主义和无私仁慈的复兴主义教义使许多福音派改革者相信奴隶制是所有罪恶中最违逆上帝的，也是对美国道德美德最可怕的损害。

While white interest in and commitment to abolition had existed for several decades, organized antislavery advocacy had been largely restricted to models of gradual emancipation (seen in several northern states following the American Revolution) and conditional emancipation (seen in colonization efforts to remove Black Americans to settlements in Africa).

虽然白人对废除奴隶制的兴趣和承诺已经存在了几十年，但有组织的反奴隶制宣传在很大程度上仅限于逐步解放（在美国革命后的几个北方州可见）和有条件解放（在将美国黑人迁往非洲定居点的殖民努力中可见）的模式。

The colonizationist movement of the early nineteenth century had drawn together a broad political spectrum of Americans with its promise of gradually ending slavery in the United States by removing the free Black population from North America.

十九世纪初的殖民主义运动将美国人的广泛政治派别聚集在一起，并承诺通过将自由黑人人口赶出北美来逐步结束美国的奴隶制。

By the 1830s, however, a rising tide of anticolonization sentiment among northern free Black Americans and middle-class evangelicals’ flourishing commitment to social reform radicalized the movement.

然而，到了 1830 年代，美国北部自由黑人反殖民情绪高涨，加上中产阶级福音派人士对社会改革的大力支持，使得这场运动变得激进。

Baptists such as William Lloyd Garrison, Congregational revivalists like Arthur and Lewis Tappan and Theodore Dwight Weld, and radical Quakers including Lucretia Mott and John Greenleaf Whittier helped push the idea of immediate emancipation onto the center stage of northern reform agendas.

威廉·劳埃德·加里森等浸信会教徒，阿瑟·塔潘、刘易斯·塔潘和西奥多·德怀特·韦尔德等公理会复兴主义者，以及卢克丽霞·莫特和约翰·格林利夫·惠蒂尔等激进贵格会教徒，帮助将立即解放的想法推上了北方改革议程的中心舞台。

Inspired by a strategy known as “moral suasion,” these young abolitionists believed they could convince enslavers to voluntarily release their enslaved laborers by appealing to their sense of Christian conscience.

受到“道德劝说”策略的启发，这些年轻的废奴主义者相信，他们可以通过诉诸奴隶主的基督教良知来说服他们自愿释放被奴役的劳工。

The result would be national redemption and moral harmony.

结果将是民族救赎和道德和谐。

William Lloyd Garrison’s early life and career famously illustrated this transition toward immediatism.

威廉·劳埃德·加里森（William Lloyd Garrison）的早年生活和职业生涯很好地说明了向即时主义的转变。

As a young man immersed in the reform culture of antebellum Massachusetts, Garrison had fought slavery in the 1820s by advocating for both Black colonization and gradual abolition.

作为一名沉浸在战前马萨诸塞州改革文化中的年轻人，加里森在 1820 年代通过倡导黑人殖民和逐步废除奴隶制来对抗奴隶制。

Fiery tracts penned by Black northerners David Walker and James Forten, however, convinced Garrison that colonization was an inherently racist project and that African Americans possessed a hard-won right to the fruits of American liberty.

然而，北方黑人大卫·沃克（David Walker）和詹姆斯·福滕（James Forten）撰写的激烈传单让加里森相信，殖民化本质上是一个种族主义项目，非裔美国人拥有来之不易的获得美国自由果实的权利。

26 So, in 1831, he established a newspaper called The Liberator , through which he organized and spearheaded an unprecedented interracial crusade dedicated to promoting immediate emancipation and Black citizenship.

26 因此，他于 1831 年创办了一份名为《解放者》的报纸，通过该报纸组织并领导了一场史无前例的跨种族十字军东征，致力于促进立即解放和黑人公民身份。

Then, in 1833, Garrison presided as reformers from ten states came together to create the American Anti-Slavery Society.

1833 年，在加里森的主持下，来自十个州的改革者聚集在一起创建了美国反奴隶制协会。

They rested their mission for immediate emancipation “upon the Declaration of our Independence, and upon the truths of Divine Revelation,” binding their cause to both national and Christian redemption.

他们将立即解放的使命“建立在我们的独立宣言和神圣启示的真理之上”，将他们的事业与民族和基督教的救赎结合起来。

27 Abolitionists fought to save the enslaved and thereby save the nation.

27 废奴主义者为拯救被奴役者而奋斗，从而拯救国家。

The Liberator, April 17, 1857.

《解放者》，1857 年 4 月 17 日。

Masthead designed by Hammatt Billings in 1850.

刊头由 Hamatt Billings 于 1850 年设计。

Metropolitan State University .

大都会州立大学。

In order to accomplish their goals, abolitionists employed every method of outreach and agitation.

为了实现他们的目标，废奴主义者使用了各种外展和鼓动的方法。

At home in the North, abolitionists established hundreds of antislavery societies and worked with long-standing associations of Black activists to establish schools, churches, and voluntary associations.

在北方的家乡，废奴主义者建立了数百个反奴隶制协会，并与长期存在的黑人活动家协会合作建立学校、教堂和志愿协会。

Women and men of all colors were encouraged to associate together in these spaces to combat what they termed “color phobia.” Harnessing the potential of steam-powered printing and mass communication, abolitionists also blanketed the free states with pamphlets and antislavery newspapers.

鼓励各种肤色的女性和男性在这些空间中联合起来，以对抗他们所谓的“颜色恐惧症”。利用蒸汽印刷和大众传播的潜力，废奴主义者还用小册子和反奴隶制报纸覆盖自由州。

They blared their arguments from lyceum podiums and broadsides.

他们在中学讲台上和侧面大声宣扬自己的论点。

Prominent individuals such as Wendell Phillips and Angelina Grimké saturated northern media with shame-inducing exposés of northern complicity in the return of freedom-seeking fugitive enslaved people, and white reformers sentimentalized slave narratives that tugged at middle-class heartstrings.

温德尔·菲利普斯（Wendell Phillips）和安吉丽娜·格里姆克（Angelina Grimké）等知名人士在北方媒体上充斥着令人羞愧的揭露，揭露北方在寻求自由的逃亡被奴役者回归过程中的共谋行为，而白人改革者则对奴隶叙事进行了感情用事，拉动中产阶级的心弦。

Abolitionists used the U.S. Postal Service in 1835 to inundate southern enslavers with calls to emancipate their enslaved laborers in order to save their souls, and, in 1836, they prepared thousands of petitions for Congress as part of the Great Petition Campaign.

1835 年，废奴主义者利用美国邮政服务向南方奴隶主发出大量呼吁，呼吁解放被奴役的劳工，以拯救他们的灵魂。1836 年，他们为国会准备了数千份请愿书，作为大请愿运动的一部分。

In the six years from 1831 to 1837, abolitionist activities reached dizzying heights.

从1831年到1837年的六年里，废奴主义活动达到了令人目眩的高度。

28

28

However, such efforts encountered fierce opposition, as most Americans did not share abolitionists’ particular brand of nationalism.

然而，此类努力遭到了强烈反对，因为大多数美国人并不认同废奴主义者特有的民族主义风格。

In fact, abolitionists remained a small, marginalized group detested by most white Americans in both the North and the South.

事实上，废奴主义者仍然是一个小而边缘化的群体，受到南北大多数美国白人的憎恶。

Immediatists were attacked as the harbingers of disunion, rabble-rousers who would stir up sectional tensions and thereby imperil the American experiment of self-government.

立即派被攻击为分裂的先兆、煽动者，他们会煽动地区紧张局势，从而危及美国的自治实验。

Particularly troubling to some observers was the public engagement of women as abolitionist speakers and activists.

让一些观察家尤其不安的是女性作为废奴主义发言人和活动家的公开参与。

Fearful of disunion and outraged by the interracial nature of abolitionism, northern mobs smashed abolitionist printing presses and even killed a prominent antislavery newspaper editor named Elijah Lovejoy.

由于担心分裂，并对废奴主义的跨种族性质感到愤怒，北方暴民砸毁了废奴主义印刷机，甚至杀害了一位名叫伊利亚·洛夫乔伊的著名反奴隶制报纸编辑。

White southerners, believing that abolitionists had incited Nat Turner’s rebellion in 1831, aggressively purged antislavery dissent from the region.

南方白人认为 1831 年纳特·特纳的叛乱是废奴主义者煽动的，因此积极清除该地区的反奴隶制异议人士。

Violent harassment threatened abolitionists’ personal safety.

暴力骚扰威胁废奴主义者的人身安全。

In Congress, Whigs and Democrats joined forces in 1836 to pass an unprecedented restriction on freedom of political expression known as the gag rule, prohibiting all discussion of abolitionist petitions in the House of Representatives.

1836 年，辉格党和民主党在国会联手通过了一项史无前例的对政治言论自由的限制，即“禁言规则”，禁止众议院讨论废奴主义请愿书。

Two years later, mobs attacked the Anti-Slavery Convention of American Women, throwing rocks through the windows and burning the newly constructed Pennsylvania Hall to the ground.

两年后，暴民袭击了美国妇女反奴隶制公约，向窗户投掷石块，并将新建的宾夕法尼亚大厅夷为平地。

29

29

In the face of such substantial external opposition, the abolitionist movement began to splinter.

面对如此强烈的外部反对，废奴运动开始分裂。

In 1839, an ideological schism shook the foundations of organized antislavery.

1839 年，一场意识形态分裂动摇了有组织的反奴隶制的基础。

Moral suasionists, led most prominently by William Lloyd Garrison, felt that the U.S. Constitution was a fundamentally pro-slavery document, and that the present political system was irredeemable.

以威廉·劳埃德·加里森（William Lloyd Garrison）为首的道德劝说主义者认为，美国宪法从根本上来说是支持奴隶制的文件，现行的政治制度是不可挽回的。

They dedicated their efforts exclusively toward persuading the public to redeem the nation by reestablishing it on antislavery grounds.

他们致力于说服公众通过反奴隶制重建国家来拯救国家。

However, many abolitionists, reeling from the level of entrenched opposition met in the 1830s, began to feel that moral suasion was no longer realistic.

然而，许多废奴主义者因 1830 年代遇到的根深蒂固的反对而感到震惊，开始感到道德劝说不再现实。

Instead, they believed, abolition would have to be effected through existing political processes.

相反，他们认为废除死刑必须通过现有的政治进程来实现。

So, in 1839, political abolitionists formed the Liberty Party under the leadership of James G.

因此，1839年，政治废奴主义者在詹姆斯·G·肯尼迪的领导下成立了自由党。

Birney.

伯尼。

This new abolitionist society was predicated on the belief that the U.S. Constitution was actually an antislavery document that could be used to abolish the stain of slavery through the national political system.

这个新废奴主义社会的基础是这样的信念：美国宪法实际上是一份反奴隶制文件，可以用来通过国家政治制度废除奴隶制的污点。

30

30

Women’s rights, too, divided abolitionists.

废奴主义者在妇女权利问题上也存在分歧。

Many abolitionists who believed full-heartedly in moral suasion nonetheless felt compelled to leave the American Anti-Slavery Society because, in part, it elevated women to leadership positions and endorsed women’s suffrage.

尽管如此，许多全心全意相信道德说服的废奴主义者仍然感到被迫离开美国反奴隶制协会，部分原因是该协会将女性提升到领导地位并支持女性的选举权。

This question came to a head when, in 1840, Abby Kelly was elected to the business committee of the society.

1840 年，当艾比·凯利 (Abby Kelly) 当选为该协会的商业委员会成员时，这个问题达到了紧要关头。

The elevation of women to full leadership roles was too much for some conservative members who saw this as evidence that the society had lost sight of its most important goal.

对于一些保守派成员来说，将女性提升为全面领导角色的难度太大，他们认为这证明社会已经忽视了其最重要的目标。

Under the leadership of Arthur Tappan, they left to form the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society.

在阿瑟·塔潘的领导下，他们离开并成立了美国和外国反奴隶制协会。

These disputes became so bitter and acrimonious that former friends cut social ties and traded public insults.

这些争论变得如此激烈和激烈，以至于以前的朋友断绝了社会联系并公开互相辱骂。

Another significant shift stemmed from the disappointments of the 1830s.

另一个重大转变源于 1830 年代的失望。

Abolitionists in the 1840s increasingly moved from agendas based on reform to agendas based on resistance.

1840 年代的废奴主义者越来越多地从基于改革的议程转向基于抵抗的议程。

Moral suasionists continued to appeal to hearts and minds, and political abolitionists launched sustained campaigns to bring abolitionist agendas to the ballot box.

道德劝说主义者继续吸引人心，政治废奴主义者发起持续的运动，将废奴主义议程带入投票箱。

Meanwhile the entrenched and violent opposition of both enslavers and the northern public encouraged abolitionists to find other avenues of fighting the slave power.

与此同时，奴隶主和北方公众根深蒂固的暴力反对鼓励废奴主义者寻找其他途径来对抗奴隶制。

Increasingly, for example, abolitionists aided runaway enslaved people and established international antislavery networks to pressure the United States to abolish slavery.

例如，废奴主义者越来越多地援助逃跑的奴隶，并建立国际反奴隶制网络，向美国施压废除奴隶制。

Frederick Douglass represented the intersection of these two trends.

弗雷德里克·道格拉斯代表了这两种趋势的交集。

After escaping from slavery, Douglass came to the fore of the abolitionist movement as a naturally gifted orator and a powerful narrator of his experiences in slavery.

逃离奴隶制后，道格拉斯成为废奴运动的主角，他是一位天生的演说家，也是他奴隶制经历的有力叙述者。

His first autobiography, published in 1845, was so widely read that it was reprinted in nine editions and translated into several languages.

他的第一本自传于 1845 年出版，受到广泛阅读，重印了九个版本，并被翻译成多种语言。

31 Douglass traveled to Great Britain in 1845 and met with famous British abolitionists like Thomas Clarkson, drumming up moral and financial support from British and Irish antislavery societies.

31 道格拉斯于 1845 年前往英国，会见了托马斯·克拉克森 (Thomas Clarkson) 等英国著名废奴主义者，争取英国和爱尔兰反奴隶制社团的道义和财政支持。

His great success abroad contributed significantly to rousing morale among weary abolitionists at home.

他在国外的巨大成功极大地鼓舞了国内疲倦的废奴主义者的士气。

Frederick Douglass was perhaps the most famous African American abolitionist, fighting tirelessly not only for the end of slavery but for equal rights of all American citizens.

弗雷德里克·道格拉斯也许是最著名的非裔美国废奴主义者，他不仅为废除奴隶制，而且为所有美国公民的平等权利不懈奋斗。

This copy of a daguerreotype shows him as a young man, around the age of 29 and soon after his self-emancipation.

这张银版照片显示了他年轻时的样子，大约 29 岁，刚刚获得自我解放不久。

Print, c.

印刷，c。

1850 after c.

1850年后c。

1847 daguerreotype.

1847 年银版照相法。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

The model of resistance to the slave power only became more pronounced after 1850, when a long-standing Fugitive Slave Act was given new teeth.

1850 年之后，长期存在的《逃亡奴隶法》被赋予了新的效力，抵抗奴隶权力的模式才变得更加明显。

Though a legal mandate to return runaway enslaved people had existed in U.S. federal law since 1793, the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 upped the ante by harshly penalizing officials who failed to arrest runaways and private citizens who tried to help them.

尽管自 1793 年以来，美国联邦法律中就存在遣返逃亡奴隶的法律授权，但 1850 年的《逃亡奴隶法》加大了赌注，严厉惩罚未能逮捕逃亡奴隶的官员和试图帮助他们的普通公民。

This law, coupled with growing concern over the possibility that slavery would be allowed in Kansas when it was admitted as a state, made the 1850s a highly volatile and violent period of American antislavery.

这项法律，加上人们越来越担心堪萨斯州被承认为一个州后可能会允许奴隶制，使得 1850 年代成为美国反奴隶制的一个高度动荡和暴力的时期。

Reform took a backseat as armed mobs protected freedom-seeking enslaved people in the North and fortified abolitionists engaged in bloody skirmishes in the West.

当武装暴徒保护北方寻求自由的奴隶以及在西方参与血腥冲突的废奴主义者时，改革退居二线。

Culminating in John Brown’s raid on Harper’s Ferry, the violence of the 1850s convinced many Americans that the issue of slavery was pushing the nation to the brink of sectional cataclysm.

1850 年代的暴力事件以约翰·布朗 (John Brown) 对哈珀渡口 (Harper’s Ferry) 的突袭告终，使许多美国人相信奴隶制问题正在将国家推向局部灾难的边缘。

After two decades of immediatist agitation, the idealism of revivalist perfectionism had given way to a protracted battle for the moral soul of the country.

经过二十年的即时主义鼓动，复兴主义完美主义的理想主义已经让位于为国家道德灵魂而进行的持久战。

For all of the problems that abolitionism faced, the movement was far from a failure.

尽管废奴主义面临着所有问题，但这场运动远未失败。

The prominence of African Americans in abolitionist organizations offered a powerful, if imperfect, model of interracial coexistence.

非裔美国人在废奴主义组织中的突出地位提供了一种强大但不完美的跨种族共存模式。

While immediatists always remained a minority, their efforts paved the way for the moderately antislavery Republican Party to gain traction in the years preceding the Civil War.

虽然直接主义者始终是少数，但他们的努力为温和反奴隶制的共和党在内战前几年获得支持铺平了道路。

It is hard to imagine that Abraham Lincoln could have become president in 1860 without the ground prepared by antislavery advocates and without the presence of radical abolitionists against whom he could be cast as a moderate alternative.

如果没有反奴隶制倡导者准备好的基础，如果没有激进废奴主义者的存在，亚伯拉罕·林肯可能会成为 1860 年的总统，而他可以被视为温和的替代者，这是很难想象的。

Though it ultimately took a civil war to break the bonds of slavery in the United States, the evangelical moral compass of revivalist Protestantism provided motivation for the embattled abolitionists.

尽管美国最终通过内战打破了奴隶制的束缚，但复兴主义新教的福音派道德指南针为陷入困境的废奴主义者提供了动力。

In the era of revivalism and reform, Americans understood the family and home as the hearthstones of civic virtue and moral influence.

在复兴主义和改革时代，美国人将家庭和家庭视为公民美德和道德影响力的基石。

This increasingly confined middle-class white women to the domestic sphere, where they were responsible for educating children and maintaining household virtue.

这越来越将中产阶级白人妇女限制在家庭领域，她们负责教育孩子和维护家庭美德。

Yet women took the very ideology that defined their place in the home and managed to use it to fashion a public role for themselves.

然而，女性采用了定义她们在家庭中的地位的意识形态，并设法用它来塑造自己的公共角色。

As a result, women actually became more visible and active in the public sphere than ever before.

结果，女性实际上在公共领域变得比以往任何时候都更加引人注目和活跃。

The influence of the Second Great Awakening, coupled with new educational opportunities available to girls and young women, enabled white middle-class women to leave their homes en masse, joining and forming societies dedicated to everything from literary interests to the antislavery movement.

第二次大觉醒的影响，加上女孩和年轻女性获得的新的教育机会，使得白人中产阶级女性大批离开家园，加入并组建了致力于从文学兴趣到反奴隶制运动等各个领域的社团。

In the early nineteenth century, the dominant understanding of gender claimed that women were the guardians of virtue and the spiritual heads of the home.

十九世纪初，对性别的主流理解认为，女性是美德的守护者和家庭的精神领袖。

Women were expected to be pious, pure, submissive, and domestic, and to pass these virtues on to their children.

人们期望妇女虔诚、纯洁、顺从、顾家，并将这些美德传给她们的孩子。

Historians have described these expectations as the “Cult of Domesticity,” or the “Cult of True Womanhood,” and they developed in tandem with industrialization, the market revolution, and the Second Great Awakening.

历史学家将这些期望描述为“家庭生活崇拜”或“真正女性崇拜”，它们与工业化、市场革命和第二次大觉醒同步发展。

32 These economic and religious transformations increasingly seemed to divide the world into the public space of work and politics and the domestic space of leisure and morality.

32 这些经济和宗教变革似乎日益将世界划分为工作和政治的公共空间以及休闲和道德的家庭空间。

Voluntary work related to labor laws, prison reform, and antislavery applied women’s roles as guardians of moral virtue to address all forms of social issues that they felt contributed to the moral decline of society.

与劳动法、监狱改革和反奴隶制相关的志愿工作利用妇女作为道德美德守护者的角色来解决她们认为导致社会道德滑坡的各种形式的社会问题。

In spite of this apparent valuation of women’s position in society, there were clear limitations.

尽管人们对妇女的社会地位有如此明显的评价，但仍然存在明显的局限性。

Under the terms of coverture, men gained legal control over their wives’ property, and women with children had no legal rights over their offspring.

根据秘密条款，男性对其妻子的财产拥有合法控制权，而有孩子的女性则对其后代没有合法权利。

Additionally, women could not initiate divorce, make wills, sign contracts, or vote.

此外，妇女不能提出离婚、立遗嘱、签署合同或投票。

Female education provides an example of the great strides made by and for women during the antebellum period.

女性教育提供了战前时期女性所取得的巨大进步的典范。

As part of a larger education reform movement in the early republic, several female reformers worked tirelessly to increase women’s access to education.

作为共和国早期更大规模的教育改革运动的一部分，几位女性改革者不知疲倦地努力增加妇女接受教育的机会。

They argued that if women were to take charge of the education of their children, they needed to be well educated themselves.

她们认为，如果女性要负责孩子的教育，她们自己就需要接受良好的教育。

While the women’s education movement did not generally push for women’s political or social equality, it did assert women’s intellectual equality with men, an idea that would eventually have important effects.

虽然女性教育运动总体上并没有推动女性的政治或社会平等，但它确实主张女性在智力上与男性平等，这一想法最终将产生重要影响。

Educators such as Emma Willard, Catharine Beecher, and Mary Lyon (founders of the Troy Female Seminary, Hartford Female Seminary, and Mount Holyoke Seminary, respectively) adopted the same rigorous curriculum that was used for boys.

艾玛·威拉德、凯瑟琳·比彻和玛丽·里昂（分别是特洛伊女子神学院、哈特福德女子神学院和曼荷莲神学院的创始人）等教育家采用了与男孩相同的严格课程。

Many of these schools had the particular goal of training women to be teachers.

其中许多学校都有培训女性成为教师的特定目标。

Many graduates of these prominent seminaries would found their own schools, spreading women’s education across the country, and with it ideas about women’s potential to take part in public life.

这些著名神学院的许多毕业生建立了自己的学校，在全国范围内传播妇女教育，并随之传播关于妇女参与公共生活的潜力的想法。

The abolitionist movement was another important school for women’s public engagement.

废奴运动是妇女参与公共事务的另一所重要学校。

Many of the earliest women’s rights advocates began their activism by fighting the injustices of slavery, including Angelina and Sarah Grimké, Lucretia Mott, Sojourner Truth, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and Susan B.

许多最早的女权倡导者都是通过反对奴隶制的不公正现象开始他们的活动的，其中包括安吉丽娜·格里姆克和莎拉·格里姆克、卢克丽霞·莫特、索杰纳·特鲁斯、伊丽莎白·卡迪·斯坦顿和苏珊·B·格里姆克。

Anthony.

安东尼.

In the 1830s, women in cities such as Boston, New York, and Philadelphia established female societies dedicated to the antislavery cause.

1830 年代，波士顿、纽约和费城等城市的妇女成立了致力于反奴隶制事业的女性协会。

Initially, these societies were similar to the prayer and fund-raising-based projects of other reform societies.

最初，这些社团与其他改革社团的祈祷和筹款项目类似。

As such societies proliferated, however, their strategies changed.

然而，随着此类社会的激增，他们的策略发生了变化。

Women could not vote, for example, but they increasingly used their right to petition to express their antislavery grievances to the government.

例如，妇女无法投票，但她们越来越多地利用请愿权向政府表达反奴隶制的不满。

Impassioned women like the Grimké sisters even began to travel on lecture circuits.

像格里姆克姐妹这样充满热情的女性甚至开始巡回演讲。

This latter strategy, born of fervent antislavery advocacy, ultimately tethered the cause of women’s rights to abolitionism.

后一种策略源于热烈的反奴隶制倡导，最终将妇女权利的事业与废奴主义联系在一起。

Sarah Moore Grimké and Angelina Emily Grimké were born to a wealthy family in Charleston, South Carolina, where they witnessed the horrors of slavery firsthand.

莎拉·摩尔·格里姆凯和安吉丽娜·艾米丽·格里姆凯出生于南卡罗来纳州查尔斯顿的一个富裕家庭，在那里她们亲眼目睹了奴隶制的恐怖。

Repulsed by the treatment of the enslaved laborers on the Grimké plantation, they decided to support the antislavery movement by sharing their experiences on northern lecture tours.

由于对格里姆克种植园奴隶劳工的待遇感到厌恶，他们决定通过在北方巡回演讲中分享自己的经验来支持反奴隶制运动。

At first speaking to female audiences, they soon attracted “promiscuous” crowds of both men and women.

起初，他们的演讲对象是女性观众，很快就吸引了“混杂”的男女人群。

They were among the earliest and most famous American women to take such a public role in the name of reform.

她们是最早、最著名的以改革名义担任公共角色的美国女性之一。

When the Grimké sisters met substantial harassment and opposition to their public speaking on antislavery, they were inspired to speak out against more than the slave system.

当格里姆克姐妹公开谈论反奴隶制时遭到大量骚扰和反对时，她们受到启发，公开反对的不仅仅是奴隶制度。

They began to see that they would need to fight for women’s rights in order to fight for the rights of enslaved people.

他们开始意识到，他们需要为妇女权利而战，才能为被奴役者的权利而战。

33 Other female abolitionists soon joined them in linking the issues of women’s rights and abolitionism by drawing direct comparisons between the condition of free women in the United States and the condition of the slave.

33 其他女性废奴主义者很快就加入了她们的行列，通过直接比较美国自由妇女的状况和奴隶的状况，将妇女权利和废奴主义问题联系起来。

As the antislavery movement gained momentum in northern states in the 1830s and 1840s, so too did efforts for women’s rights.

1830 年代和 1840 年代，随着反奴隶制运动在北部各州势头强劲，争取妇女权利的努力也随之增强。

These efforts came to a head at an event that took place in London in 1840.

这些努力在 1840 年伦敦举行的一次活动中达到了顶峰。

That year, Lucretia Mott was among the American delegates attending the World Anti-Slavery Convention in London.

那一年，卢克丽霞·莫特是出席在伦敦举行的世界反奴隶制大会的美国代表之一。

Because of ideological disagreements between some of the abolitionists, the convention’s organizers refused to seat the female delegates or allow them to vote during the proceedings.

由于一些废奴主义者之间存在意识形态分歧，大会组织者拒绝让女代表就座或允许她们在会议期间投票。

Angered by such treatment, Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, whose husband was also a delegate, returned to the United States with a renewed interest in pursuing women’s rights.

莫特和伊丽莎白·卡迪·斯坦顿（Elizabeth Cady Stanton）对这种待遇感到愤怒，他们的丈夫也是代表，带着新的兴趣回到了美国，追求妇女权利。

In 1848, they organized the Seneca Falls Convention, a two-day summit in New York state in which women’s rights advocates came together to discuss the problems facing women.

1848 年，她们在纽约州组织了塞内卡福尔斯大会，这是一场为期两天的峰会，女权倡导者齐聚一堂，讨论妇女面临的问题。

Lucretia Mott campaigned for women’s rights, abolition, and equality in the United States.

卢克丽霞·莫特 (Lucretia Mott) 在美国为妇女权利、废奴和平等而奋斗。

Joseph Kyle (artist), Lucretia Mott, 1842.

约瑟夫·凯尔（艺术家），卢克丽霞·莫特，1842 年。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

Stanton wrote the Declaration of Sentiments for the Seneca Falls Convention to capture the wide range of issues embraced by the early women’s rights movement.

斯坦顿为塞内卡福尔斯公约撰写了《情感宣言》，以涵盖早期妇女权利运动所涉及的广泛问题。

She modeled the document on the Declaration of Independence to make explicit the connection between women’s liberty and the rhetoric of America’s founding.

她以《独立宣言》为蓝本编写了这份文件，明确了妇女自由与美国建国言论之间的联系。

The Declaration of Sentiments outlined fifteen grievances and eleven resolutions.

情感宣言概述了十五项不满和十一项决议。

They championed property rights, access to the professions, and, most controversially, the right to vote.

他们拥护财产权、从事职业的机会，以及最具争议性的投票权。

Sixty-eight women and thirty-two men, all of whom were already involved in some aspect of reform, signed the Declaration of Sentiments.

六十八名女性和三十二名男性，他们都已经参与了某些方面的改革，签署了《情感宣言》。

34

34

Antebellum women’s rights fought what they perceived as senseless gender discrimination, such as the barring of women from college and inferior pay for female teachers.

战前的妇女权利组织反对她们认为毫无意义的性别歧视，例如禁止女性上大学和女教师的低薪。

They also argued that men and women should be held to the same moral standards.

他们还认为，男性和女性应该遵守相同的道德标准。

The Seneca Falls Convention was the first of many such gatherings promoting women’s rights, held almost exclusively in the northern states.

塞内卡福尔斯大会是许多此类促进妇女权利的集会中的第一个，几乎全部在北部各州举行。

Yet the women’s rights movement grew slowly and experienced few victories.

然而，女权运动发展缓慢，几乎没有取得什么胜利。

Few states reformed married women’s property laws before the Civil War, and no state was prepared to offer women the right to vote during the antebellum period.

内战之前很少有州改革已婚妇女的财产法，也没有一个州准备在内战前为妇女提供投票权。

At the onset of the Civil War, women’s rights advocates temporarily threw the bulk of their support behind abolition, allowing the cause of racial equality to temporarily trump that of gender equality.

内战爆发时，女权倡导者暂时将大部分支持投向废除死刑，让种族平等事业暂时凌驾于性别平等之上。

But the words of the Seneca Falls convention continued to inspire generations of activists.

但塞内卡福尔斯大会的话语继续激励着一代又一代的活动人士。

By the time civil war erupted in 1861, the revival and reform movements of the antebellum period had made an indelible mark on the American landscape.

到 1861 年内战爆发时，内战前的复兴和改革运动已在美国景观上留下了不可磨灭的印记。

The Second Great Awakening ignited Protestant spirits by connecting evangelical Christians in national networks of faith.

第二次大觉醒通过将福音派基督徒与全国信仰网络联系起来，点燃了新教精神。

Social reform spurred members of the middle class to promote national morality and the public good.

社会改革激励中产阶级成员提升国家道德和公共利益。

Not all reform projects were equally successful, however.

然而，并非所有改革项目都同样成功。

While the temperance movement made substantial inroads against the excesses of alcohol consumption, the abolitionist movement proved so divisive that it paved the way for sectional crisis.

虽然禁酒运动在反对过度饮酒方面取得了重大进展，但废奴运动却造成了严重的分裂，以至于为局部危机铺平了道路。

Yet participation in reform movements, regardless of their ultimate success, encouraged many Americans to see themselves in new ways.

然而，无论最终成功与否，参与改革运动都鼓励许多美国人以新的方式看待自己。

Black activists became a powerful voice in antislavery societies, for example, developing domestic and transnational connections to pursue the cause of liberty.

例如，黑人活动家在反奴隶制社会中发出了强有力的声音，发展国内和跨国联系以追求自由事业。

Middle-class women’s dominant presence in the benevolent empire encouraged them to pursue a full-fledged women’s right movement that has lasted in various forms up through the present day.

中产阶级妇女在仁慈的帝国中占主导地位，鼓励她们追求成熟的女权运动，这种运动以各种形式持续至今。

In their efforts to make the United States a more virtuous and moral nation, nineteenth-century reform activists developed cultural and institutional foundations for social change that have continued to reverberate through the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.

十九世纪的改革活动家努力使美国成为一个更加善良和道德的国家，他们为社会变革奠定了文化和制度基础，这些基础在整个二十世纪和二十一世纪持续产生影响。

1.

1.

Revivalist Charles G.

复兴主义者查尔斯·G.

Finney emphasizes human choice in salvation, 1836

芬尼强调人类在救赎中的选择，1836

Charles Grandison Finney left a successful law practice when he believed God called him to become a preacher.

当查尔斯·格兰迪森·芬尼相信上帝呼召他成为一名传教士时，他离开了成功的律师事务所。

He enjoyed great success, particularly in Upstate New York, a region that Finney called “the burned over district.” Finney’s revivals emphasized human action, and he encouraged his converts to join various reform organizations, including avoiding alcohol and eventually opposing slavery.

他取得了巨大的成功，尤其是在纽约州北部，芬尼称之为“被烧毁的地区”。芬尼的复兴强调人类行动，他鼓励他的皈依者加入各种改革组织，包括避免饮酒并最终反对奴隶制。

Dorothea Dix worked as an educator and author until she took up the campaign for improving the treatment for the mentally ill.

多萝西娅·迪克斯 (Dorothea Dix) 曾担任教育​​家和作家，直到她参与改善精神病患者治疗的运动。

Struggling with depression and other mental illnesses herself, Dix presented this petition to the Massachusetts state legislature after visiting a number of jails to chronicle abuses.

迪克斯本人也与抑郁症和其他精神疾病作斗争，她在参观了一些监狱记录虐待事件后，向马萨诸塞州立法机构提交了这份请愿书。

3.

3.

David Walker’s Appeal to the Colored Citizens of the World, 1829

大卫·沃克 (David Walker) 对世界有色公民的呼吁，1829 年

David Walker was the son of an enslaved man and a free Black woman.

大卫·沃克是一名被奴役的男子和一名自由的黑人妇女的儿子。

He traveled widely before settling in Boston where he worked in and owned clothing stores and involved himself in various reform causes.

在定居波士顿之前，他游历广泛，在波士顿工作并拥有服装店，并参与了各种改革事业。

In 1829, he wrote the remarkable Appeal to the Colored Citizens of the World.

1829 年，他撰写了引人注目的《致世界有色公民呼吁书》。

In it, he exposed the hypocrisies of American claims of freedom and Christianity, attacked the plan to colonize Black Americans in Africa, and predicted that God’s justice promised violence for the slaveholding United States.

在其中，他揭露了美国所声称的自由和基督教的虚伪性，攻击了在非洲殖民美国黑人的计划，并预言上帝的正义承诺对奴隶制美国采取暴力。

William Lloyd Garrison participated in reform causes in Massachusetts from a young age.

威廉·劳埃德·加里森从小就参与马萨诸塞州的改革事业。

In the 1820s he advocated Black colonization in Africa and the gradual abolition of slavery.

1820年代，他主张黑人在非洲殖民并逐步废除奴隶制。

Reading the work of Black northerners like David Walker changed his mind.

阅读大卫·沃克等北方黑人的作品改变了他的想法。

In 1831, he created a newspaper, called The Liberator .

1831年，他创办了一份报纸，名为《解放者》。

The following is the opening essay that Garrison used to explain the purpose of his paper.

以下是加里森用来解释论文目的的开篇文章。

5.

5.

Angelina Grimké, Appeal to Christian Women of the South , 1836

安吉丽娜·格里姆克 (Angelina Grimké)，《对南方基督教妇女的呼吁》，1836 年

Women were active participants in every aspect of the abolitionist movement.

妇女是废奴运动各个方面的积极参与者。

In this document, Angelina Grimké, a former Southerner herself, attempts to persuade Southern women of the immorality of slavery.

在这份文件中，前南方人安吉丽娜·格里姆克（Angelina Grimké）试图说服南方妇女奴隶制是不道德的。

This tactic, called moral suasion, directed the efforts of abolitionists, especially in the 1830s and 1840s.

这种被称为道德劝说的策略指导了废奴主义者的努力，特别是在 1830 年代和 1840 年代。

Antebellum Americans increasingly confined middle-class white women to the home, where they were responsible for educating children and maintaining household virtue.

内战前的美国人越来越多地将中产阶级白人女性限制在家里，她们负责教育孩子和维护家庭美德。

Yet women used these ideas to become more active in the public sphere than ever before, taking prominent roles in all the major reform causes of the era.

然而，女性利用这些想法在公共领域变得比以往任何时候都更加活跃，在这个时代的所有重大改革事业中发挥了突出作用。

Women’s participation in the antislavery crusade most directly inspired specific women’s rights campaigns.

妇女参与反奴隶制运动最直接地激发了具体的妇女权利运动。

In this document, Sarah Moore Grimké calls for equality between men and women.

在这份文件中，莎拉·摩尔·格里姆克 (Sarah Moore Grimké) 呼吁男女平等。

The Transcendentalist movement began in Cambridge, Massachusetts in 1836, when a group of Unitarian clergymen formed what later became known as the Transcendental Club.

超验主义运动于 1836 年在马萨诸塞州剑桥开始，当时一群一神论牧师成立了后来被称为超验俱乐部的组织。

The club met for four years and quickly expanded to include numerous literary intellectuals.

该俱乐部成立了四年，并迅速扩大，吸纳了众多文学知识分子。

Among these were the author Henry David Thoreau.

其中包括作家亨利·大卫·梭罗。

In 1845, Thoreau took up residence at Walden Pond and began to write.

1845年，梭罗在瓦尔登湖定居并开始写作。

The result was Walden, which touted simple living, communion with nature, and self-sufficiency.

结果就是《瓦尔登湖》，它宣扬简单的生活、与自然的交流和自给自足。

This pair of lithographs, created by Nathaniel Currier (later of Currier & Ives fame), contrasts the “fruits” of abstaining from alcohol to those of indulging in strong drink.

这对石版画由纳撒尼尔·柯里尔（Nathaniel Currier，后来成为 Currier & Ives）创作，将戒酒的“果实”与沉迷于烈酒的“果实”进行了对比。

It leaves little to the imagination.

它几乎没有留下想象的空间。

Intemperance is symbolized by a diseased tree, surrounded by drunks outside of a pawn shop and a woman and her children being thrown out of their home.

不节制的象征是一棵病树，周围是当铺外的醉汉，以及一名妇女和她的孩子被赶出家门。

The lush foliage of temperance, on the other hand, is surrounded by prosperous church-going farm families.

另一方面，节制的郁郁葱葱的树叶被富裕的去教堂的农场家庭所包围。

The Second Great Awakening moved American evangelicals to proselytize at home and abroad.

第二次大觉醒促使美国福音派在国内外传教。

The image on this lifetime membership certificate to a missionary society shows how the new member’s money will be used.

传教士协会终身会员证书上的图像显示了新会员的资金将如何使用。

The guiding hand of Providence and an angel bearing a book (presumably a Bible) hover at the top of the image.

普罗维登斯的引导之手和一位拿着一本书（大概是一本圣经）的天使盘旋在图像的顶部。

In the background, a mosque topples over.

背景中，一座清真寺倒塌。

An African family kneels and reaches towards the heavens on the left side, while a minister preaches to Native Americans gathered before him on the right.

左边是一个非洲家庭跪下并向天伸手，右边是一位牧师向聚集在他面前的美洲原住民布道。

This chapter was edited by Emily Conroy-Krutz, with content contributions by Elena Abbott, Cameron Blevins, Frank Cirillo, Justin Clark, Emily Conroy-Krutz, Nicolas Hoffmann, Christopher C.

本章由 Emily Conroy-Krutz 编辑，内容贡献者包括 Elena Abbott、Cameron Blevins、Frank Cirillo、Justin Clark、Emily Conroy-Krutz、Nicolas Hoffmann、Christopher C.

Jones, Jonathan Koefoed, Charles McCrary, William E.

琼斯、乔纳森·科福德、查尔斯·麦克拉里、威廉·E·琼斯

Skidmore, Megan Stanton, Kelly Weber, and Ben Wright.

斯基德莫尔、梅根·斯坦顿、凯利·韦伯和本·赖特。

Recommended citation: Elena Abbott et al., “Religion and Reform,” Emily Conroy-Krutz, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.

推荐引用：Elena Abbott 等人，“宗教与改革”，Emily Conroy-Krutz 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。

Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).

约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。