The American Yawp
George Caleb Bingham, The County Election .
乔治·卡莱布·宾厄姆，《县选举》。
Reynolda House Museum of American Art .
雷诺达故居美国艺术博物馆。
* NOTE: You are viewing a chapter from the archived, “First Edition” version of the American Yawp, which stopped receiving updates in spring 2026.
* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。
Click here to access the current, updated edition *
单击此处访问当前的更新版本*
On May 30, 1806, Andrew Jackson, a thirty-nine-year-old Tennessee lawyer, came within inches of death.
1806 年 5 月 30 日，39 岁的田纳西州律师安德鲁·杰克逊 (Andrew Jackson) 离死亡只有几英寸之遥。
A duelist’s bullet struck him in the chest, just shy of his heart (the man who fired the gun was purportedly the best shot in Tennessee).
一名决斗者的子弹击中了他的胸部，距离他的心脏不远（开枪的人据说是田纳西州最好的枪手）。
But the wounded Jackson remained standing.
但受伤的杰克逊仍然站着。
Bleeding, he slowly steadied his aim and returned fire.
他流着血，慢慢地稳定了目标，并开枪还击。
The other man dropped to the ground, mortally wounded.
另一名男子倒在地上，受了致命伤。
Jackson—still carrying the bullet in his chest—later boasted, “I should have hit him, if he had shot me through the brain.” 1
杰克逊胸口还带着子弹，后来夸口说：“如果他射穿了我的大脑，我就应该打中他。” 1
The duel in Logan County, Kentucky, was one of many that Jackson fought during the course of his long and highly controversial career.
肯塔基州洛根县的决斗是杰克逊在其漫长而备受争议的职业生涯中进行的众多决斗之一。
The tenacity, toughness, and vengefulness that carried Jackson alive out of that duel, and the mythology and symbolism that would be attached to it, would also characterize many of his later dealings on the battlefield and in politics.
杰克逊在那场决斗中幸存下来的坚韧、坚韧和复仇心，以及随之而来的神话和象征意义，也成为了他后来在战场和政治上的许多表现的特征。
By the time of his death almost forty years later, Andrew Jackson would become an enduring and controversial symbol, a kind of cipher to gauge the ways that various Americans thought about their country.
大约四十年后，安德鲁·杰克逊去世时，他已成为一个持久而有争议的象征，一种衡量不同美国人对自己国家的看法的密码。
Today, most Americans think democracy is a good thing.
今天，大多数美国人认为民主是一件好事。
We tend to assume the nation’s early political leaders believed the same.
我们倾向于假设该国早期的政治领导人也这么认为。
Wasn’t the American Revolution a victory for democratic principles?
美国革命难道不是民主原则的胜利吗？
For many of the founders, however, the answer was no.
然而，对于许多创始人来说，答案是否定的。
A wide variety of people participated in early U.S. politics, especially at the local level.
各种各样的人参与了美国早期的政治，特别是在地方层面。
But ordinary citizens’ growing direct influence on government frightened the founding elites.
但普通公民对政府日益增长的直接影响令建国精英们感到恐惧。
At the Constitutional Convention in 1787, Alexander Hamilton warned of the “vices of democracy” and said he considered the British government—with its powerful king and parliament—“the best in the world.” 2 Another convention delegate, Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, who eventually refused to sign the finished Constitution, agreed.
在 1787 年制宪会议上，亚历山大·汉密尔顿 (Alexander Hamilton) 对“民主的弊端”发出警告，并表示他认为拥有强大国王和议会的英国政府是“世界上最好的政府”。 2 另一位大会代表、马萨诸塞州的埃尔布里奇·格里 (Elbridge Gerry) 最终拒绝签署完成的宪法，但他表示同意。
“The evils we experience flow from an excess of democracy,” he proclaimed.
“我们所经历的罪恶源于过度的民主，”他宣称。
3
3
Too much participation by the multitudes, the elite believed, would undermine good order.
精英们认为，过多的民众参与会破坏良好的秩序。
It would prevent the creation of a secure and united republican society.
它将阻碍建立一个安全、统一的共和社会。
The Philadelphia physician and politician Benjamin Rush, for example, sensed that the Revolution had launched a wave of popular rebelliousness that could lead to a dangerous new type of despotism.
例如，费城医生兼政治家本杰明·拉什（Benjamin Rush）意识到，革命引发了一股民众叛逆浪潮，可能导致危险的新型专制主义。
“In our opposition to monarchy,” he wrote, “we forgot that the temple of tyranny has two doors.
“在我们反对君主制的过程中，”他写道，“我们忘记了暴政的殿堂有两扇门。
We bolted one of them by proper restraints; but we left the other open, by neglecting to guard against the effects of our own ignorance and licentiousness.” 4
我们通过适当的约束将其中一个固定住；但我们却忽视了我们自己的无知和放荡所带来的影响，从而让另一个问题敞开了。” 4
Such warnings did nothing to quell Americans’ democratic impulses in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
这些警告并没有平息十八世纪末十九世纪初美国人的民主冲动。
Americans who were allowed to vote (and sometimes those who weren’t) went to the polls in impressive numbers.
被允许投票的美国人（有时是那些不允许投票的美国人）参加投票的人数令人印象深刻。
Citizens also made public demonstrations.
民众也进行了公开示威。
They delivered partisan speeches at patriotic holiday and anniversary celebrations.
他们在爱国节日和周年庆典上发表党派演讲。
They petitioned Congress, openly criticized the president, and insisted that a free people should not defer even to elected leaders.
他们向国会请愿，公开批评总统，并坚持认为自由的人民甚至不应该服从民选领导人。
In many people’s eyes, the American republic was a democratic republic: the people were sovereign all the time, not only on election day.
在许多人眼中，美利坚共和国是一个民主共和国：人民始终拥有主权，而不仅仅是在选举日。
The elite leaders of political parties could not afford to overlook “the cultivation of popular favour,” as Alexander Hamilton put it.
正如亚历山大·汉密尔顿所说，政党的精英领导人不能忽视“民众支持的培养”。
5 Between the 1790s and 1830s, the elite of every state and party learned to listen—or pretend to listen—to the voices of the multitudes.
5 从 1790 年代到 1830 年代，每个国家和政党的精英都学会了倾听（或假装倾听）大众的声音。
And ironically, an American president, holding the office that most resembles a king’s, would come to symbolize the democratizing spirit of American politics.
具有讽刺意味的是，一位担任最类似于国王职位的美国总统将成为美国政治民主化精神的象征。
A more troubling pattern was also emerging in national politics and culture.
国家政治和文化中也出现了一种更令人不安的模式。
During the first decades of the nineteenth century, American politics shifted toward “sectional” conflict among the states of the North, South, and West.
在十九世纪的头几十年里，美国政治转向北方、南方和西方各州之间的“局部”冲突。
Since the ratification of the Constitution in 1789, the state of Virginia had wielded more influence on the federal government than any other state.
自 1789 年宪法批准以来，弗吉尼亚州对联邦政府的影响力比任何其他州都大。
Four of the first five presidents, for example, were from Virginia.
例如，前五位总统中有四位来自弗吉尼亚州。
Immigration caused by the market revolution, however, caused the country’s population to grow fastest in northern states like New York.
然而，市场革命引起的移民导致纽约等北部各州的人口增长最快。
Northern political leaders were becoming wary of what they perceived to be a disproportionate influence in federal politics by Virginia and other southern states.
北方政治领导人对弗吉尼亚州和其他南方州对联邦政治的过度影响力感到警惕。
Furthermore, many northerners feared that the southern states’ common interest in protecting slavery was creating a congressional voting bloc that would be difficult for “free states” to overcome.
此外，许多北方人担心南方各州保护奴隶制的共同利益正在形成一个“自由州”难以克服的国会投票集团。
The North and South began to clash over federal policy as northern states gradually ended slavery but southern states came to depend even more on enslaved labor.
随着北方各州逐渐结束奴隶制，北方和南方开始在联邦政策上发生冲突，但南方各州却开始更加依赖奴隶制劳工。
The most important instance of these rising tensions erupted in the Missouri Crisis.
这些紧张局势升级的最重要例子是密苏里危机的爆发。
When white settlers in Missouri, a new territory carved out of the Louisiana Purchase, applied for statehood in 1819, the balance of political power between northern and southern states became the focus of public debate.
1819 年，密苏里州（路易斯安那购地案中划出的新领土）的白人定居者申请建州，南北各州之间的政治权力平衡成为公众辩论的焦点。
Missouri already had more than ten thousand enslaved labors and was poised to join the southern slave states in Congress.
密苏里州已经有一万多名奴隶劳工，并准备加入南方蓄奴州的国会。
6
6
Accordingly, Congressman James Tallmadge of New York proposed an amendment to Missouri’s application for statehood.
据此，纽约众议员詹姆斯·塔尔米奇对密苏里州的建州申请提出了修正案。
Tallmadge claimed that the institution of slavery mocked the Declaration of Independence and the liberty it promised to “all men.” He proposed that Congress should admit Missouri as a state only if bringing more enslaved people to Missouri were prohibited and children born to those enslaved there were freed at age twenty-five.
塔尔米奇声称，奴隶制嘲笑了《独立宣言》及其向“所有人”承诺的自由。他提议国会只有在禁止将更多的奴隶带到密苏里州并且那里的奴隶所生的孩子在二十五岁时获得自由的情况下才应承认密苏里州为一个州。
Congressmen like Tallmadge opposed slavery for moral reasons, but they also wanted to maintain a sectional balance of power.
像塔尔米奇这样的国会议员出于道德原因反对奴隶制，但他们也希望维持部门权力平衡。
Unsurprisingly, the Tallmadge Amendment met with firm resistance from southern politicians.
毫不奇怪，塔尔米奇修正案遭到了南方政界人士的坚决抵制。
It passed in the House of Representatives because of the support of nearly all the northern congressmen, who had a majority there, but it was quickly defeated in the Senate.
由于几乎所有北方国会议员的支持，该法案在众议院获得通过，而北方国会议员在众议院占多数，但该法案很快在参议院被否决。
When Congress reconvened in 1820, a senator from Illinois, another new western state, proposed a compromise.
1820 年国会重新召开时，来自西部另一个新州伊利诺伊州的一位参议员提出了一项妥协方案。
Jesse Thomas hoped his offer would not only end the Missouri Crisis but also prevent any future sectional disputes over slavery and statehood.
杰西·托马斯希望他的提议不仅能结束密苏里州危机，还能防止未来任何有关奴隶制和建州问题的局部争端。
Henry Clay of Kentucky joined in promoting the deal, earning himself the nickname “the Great Compromiser.”
肯塔基州的亨利·克莱参与了这项交易的推广，为自己赢得了“伟大妥协者”的绰号。
Their bargain, the Missouri Compromise of 1820, contained three parts.
他们的交易，即 1820 年的密苏里妥协案，包含三个部分。
7 First, Congress would admit Missouri as a slave state.
7 首先，国会将承认密苏里州为蓄奴州。
Second, Congress would admit Maine (which until now had been a territory of Massachusetts) as a free state, maintaining the balance between the number of free and slave states.
其次，国会将承认缅因州（迄今为止一直是马萨诸塞州的领土）为自由州，以维持自由州和蓄奴州数量之间的平衡。
Third, the rest of the Louisiana Purchase territory would be divided along the 36°30’ line of latitude—or in other words, along the southern border of Missouri.
第三，路易斯安那购买领土的其余部分将沿 36°30' 纬度线划分，换句话说，沿密苏里州南部边界划分。
Slavery would be prohibited in other new states north of this line, but it would be permitted in new states to the south.
这条线以北的其他新州将禁止奴隶制，但以南的新州将允许奴隶制。
The compromise passed both houses of Congress, and the Missouri Crisis ended peacefully.
妥协方案在国会参众两院获得通过，密苏里危机和平结束。
Not everyone, however, felt relieved.
然而，并非所有人都感到松了口气。
The Missouri Crisis made the sectional nature of American politics impossible to ignore.
密苏里危机使美国政治的分裂性质不容忽视。
The Missouri Crisis split the Democratic-Republican party entirely along sectional lines, suggesting trouble to come.
密苏里危机使民主共和党完全分裂，这表明麻烦即将到来。
Worse, the Missouri Crisis demonstrated the volatility of the slavery debate.
更糟糕的是，密苏里危机表明奴隶制辩论的波动性。
Many Americans, including seventy-seven-year-old Thomas Jefferson, were alarmed at how readily some Americans spoke of disunion and even civil war over the issue.
许多美国人，包括七十七岁的托马斯·杰斐逊，对一些美国人如此轻易地谈论在这个问题上的不团结甚至内战感到震惊。
“This momentous question, like a fire bell in the night, awakened and filled me with terror,” Jefferson wrote.
杰斐逊写道：“这个重大问题，就像夜里的火警钟一样，唤醒了我，让我充满恐惧。”
“I considered it at once as the [death] knell of the Union.” 8
“我立即认为这是联邦的[死亡]丧钟。” 8
For now, the Missouri Crisis did not result in disunion and civil war as Jefferson and others feared.
目前，密苏里危机并没有像杰斐逊和其他人担心的那样导致分裂和内战。
But it also failed to settle the issue of slavery’s expansion into new western territories.
但它也未能解决奴隶制向新的西部领土扩张的问题。
The issue would cause worse trouble in years ahead.
这个问题将在未来几年造成更严重的麻烦。
The career of Andrew Jackson (1767–1845), the survivor of that backcountry Kentucky duel in 1806, exemplified both the opportunities and the dangers of political life in the early republic.
安德鲁·杰克逊（Andrew Jackson，1767-1845 年）是 1806 年肯塔基州偏远地区决斗的幸存者，他的职业生涯体现了早期共和国政治生活的机遇和危险。
A lawyer, enslaver, and general—and eventually the seventh president of the United States—he rose from humble frontier beginnings to become one of the most powerful Americans of the nineteenth century.
作为一名律师、奴隶主和将军，并最终成为美国第七任总统，他从卑微的边疆出身，成长为 19 世纪最有权势的美国人之一。
Andrew Jackson was born on March 15, 1767, on the border between North and South Carolina, to two immigrants from northern Ireland.
安德鲁·杰克逊 (Andrew Jackson) 于 1767 年 3 月 15 日出生于北卡罗来纳州和南卡罗来纳州交界处，父亲是两名来自北爱尔兰的移民。
He grew up during dangerous times.
他是在危险的时期长大的。
At age thirteen, he joined an American militia unit in the Revolutionary War.
十三岁时，他在独立战争中加入了美国民兵部队。
He was soon captured, and a British officer slashed at his head with a sword after he refused to shine the officer’s shoes.
他很快就被抓获，一名英国军官在他拒绝擦鞋时用剑砍了他的头。
Disease during the war had claimed the lives of his two brothers and his mother, leaving him an orphan.
战争期间的疾病夺去了他的两个兄弟和母亲的生命，使他成为孤儿。
Their deaths and his wounds had left Jackson with a deep and abiding hatred of Great Britain.
他们的死亡和他的受伤使杰克逊对英国产生了深深而持久的仇恨。
After the war, Jackson moved west to frontier Tennessee, where despite his poor education, he prospered, working as a lawyer and acquiring land and enslaved laborers.
战后，杰克逊向西搬到田纳西州边境，尽管他受的教育很差，但他在那里发了财，当了律师，获得了土地和奴役劳工。
(He would eventually come to keep 150 enslaved laborers at the Hermitage, his plantation near Nashville.) In 1796, Jackson was elected as a U.S. representative, and a year later he won a seat in the Senate, although he resigned within a year, citing financial difficulties.
（他最终将 150 名奴隶劳工留在他位于纳什维尔附近的种植园艾尔米塔日。） 1796 年，杰克逊当选为美国众议员，一年后他赢得了参议院席位，但他在一年内就以经济困难为由辞职。
Thanks to his political connections, Jackson obtained a general’s commission at the outbreak of the War of 1812.
由于他的政治关系，杰克逊在 1812 年战争爆发时获得了将军的任命。
Despite having no combat experience, General Jackson quickly impressed his troops, who nicknamed him “Old Hickory” after a particularly tough kind of tree.
尽管没有任何战斗经验，杰克逊将军很快就给他的部队留下了深刻的印象，他们以一种特别坚韧的树给他起了“老山核桃”的绰号。
Jackson led his militiamen into battle in the Southeast, first during the Creek War, a side conflict that started between different factions of Muskogee (Creek) fighters in present-day Alabama.
杰克逊带领他的民兵参加了东南部的战斗，首先是在克里克战争期间，这是一场在当今阿拉巴马州马斯科吉（克里克）战士不同派别之间爆发的边际冲突。
In that war, he won a decisive victory at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend in 1814.
在那场战争中，他在1814年的马蹄湾战役中取得了决定性的胜利。
A year later, he also defeated a large British invasion force at the Battle of New Orleans.
一年后，他还在新奥尔良战役中击败了一支庞大的英国入侵部队。
There, Jackson’s troops—including backwoods militiamen, free African Americans, Native Americans, and a company of slave-trading pirates—successfully defended the city and inflicted more than two thousand casualties against the British, sustaining barely three hundred casualties of their own.
在那里，杰克逊的军队——包括边远地区的民兵、自由非裔美国人、美洲原住民和一群奴隶贸易海盗——成功保卫了这座城市，并对英国人造成了两千多人伤亡，而英国人的伤亡却只有三百人。
9 The Battle of New Orleans was a thrilling victory for the United States, but it actually happened several days after a peace treaty was signed in Europe to end the war.
9 新奥尔良战役对美国来说是一场激动人心的胜利，但实际上它发生在欧洲签署结束战争的和平条约几天后。
News of the treaty had not yet reached New Orleans.
该条约的消息尚未传到新奥尔良。
The end of the War of 1812 did not end Jackson’s military career.
1812 年战争的结束并没有结束杰克逊的军事生涯。
In 1818, as commander of the U.S. southern military district, Jackson also launched an invasion of Spanish-owned Florida.
1818年，作为美国南部军区司令的杰克逊还发动了对西班牙属佛罗里达州的入侵。
He was acting on vague orders from the War Department to break the resistance of the region’s Seminole people, who protected runaway enslaved people and attacked American settlers across the border.
他是根据陆军部的模糊命令采取行动，瓦解该地区塞米诺尔人的抵抗，这些人保护逃亡的奴隶并袭击边境另一边的美国定居者。
On Jackson’s orders in 1816, U.S. soldiers and their Creek allies had already destroyed the “Negro Fort,” a British-built fortress on Spanish soil, killing 270 formerly enslaved people and executing some survivors.
1816 年，根据杰克逊的命令，美国士兵和他们的克里克盟友已经摧毁了英国在西班牙领土上建造的堡垒“黑人堡垒”，杀死了 270 名前奴隶并处决了一些幸存者。
10 In 1818, Jackson’s troops crossed the border again.
10 1818年，杰克逊的军队再次越过边境。
They occupied Pensacola, the main Spanish town in the region, and arrested two British subjects, whom Jackson executed for helping the Seminoles.
他们占领了该地区主要的西班牙城镇彭萨科拉，并逮捕了两名英国臣民，杰克逊因帮助塞米诺尔人而处决了他们。
The execution of these two Britons created an international diplomatic crisis.
这两名英国人的处决引发了一场国际外交危机。
Most officials in President James Monroe’s administration called for Jackson’s censure.
詹姆斯·门罗总统政府的大多数官员都呼吁谴责杰克逊。
But Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, the son of former president John Adams, found Jackson’s behavior useful.
但前总统约翰·亚当斯的儿子、国务卿约翰·昆西·亚当斯发现杰克逊的行为很有用。
He defended the impulsive general, arguing that he had been forced to act.
他为这位冲动的将军辩护，认为他是被迫采取行动的。
Adams used Jackson’s military successes in this First Seminole War to persuade Spain to accept the Adams-Onís Treaty of 1819, which gave Florida to the United States.
亚当斯利用杰克逊在第一次塞米诺尔战争中取得的军事胜利说服西班牙接受 1819 年《亚当斯-奥尼斯条约》，该条约将佛罗里达州交给美国。
Images like this—showing a young Jackson defending his family from a British officer—established Jackson’s legend.
像这样的照片——展示了年轻的杰克逊从英国军官手中保护他的家人——奠定了杰克逊的传奇。
Currier & Ives, The Brave Boy of the Waxhaws, 1876.
柯里尔和艾夫斯，蜡霍勇敢的男孩，1876 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Any friendliness between John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson, however, did not survive long.
然而，约翰·昆西·亚当斯和安德鲁·杰克逊之间的友谊并没有维持多久。
In 1824, four nominees competed for the presidency in one of the closest elections in American history.
1824 年，四名候选人角逐总统职位，这是美国历史上最接近的选举之一。
Each came from a different part of the country—Adams from Massachusetts, Jackson from Tennessee, William H.
每个人都来自美国的不同地区——亚当斯来自马萨诸塞州，杰克逊来自田纳西州，威廉姆·H·肯尼迪来自马萨诸塞州。
Crawford from Georgia, and Henry Clay from Kentucky.
来自佐治亚州的克劳福德和来自肯塔基州的亨利·克莱。
Jackson won more popular votes than anyone else.
杰克逊比其他任何人都赢得了更多的民众选票。
But with no majority winner in the Electoral College, the election was thrown into the House of Representatives.
但由于选举团中没有多数获胜者，选举被提交给众议院。
There, Adams used his political clout to claim the presidency, persuading Clay to support him.
在那里，亚当斯利用他的政治影响力赢得了总统职位，说服克莱支持他。
After his election, Adams then named Henry Clay the Secretary of State, a position that had often been held by politicians before winning the presidency.
当选后，亚当斯任命亨利·克莱为国务卿，这一职位在赢得总统职位之前通常由政客担任。
Jackson would never forgive Adams, whom his supporters accused of engineering a “corrupt bargain” with Clay to circumvent the popular will.
杰克逊永远不会原谅亚当斯，他的支持者指责亚当斯与克莱策划“腐败交易”以规避民意。
Four years later, in 1828, Adams and Jackson squared off in one of the dirtiest presidential elections to date.
四年后，也就是 1828 年，亚当斯和杰克逊在迄今为止最肮脏的总统选举之一中展开了角逐。
11 Pro-Jackson partisans accused Adams of elitism and claimed that while serving in Russia as a diplomat he had offered the Russian emperor an American prostitute.
11 亲杰克逊的支持者指责亚当斯是精英主义，并声称他在俄罗斯担任外交官期间向俄罗斯皇帝提供了一名美国妓女。
Adams’s supporters, on the other hand, accused Jackson of murder and attacked the morality of his marriage, pointing out that Jackson had unwittingly married his wife Rachel before the divorce on her prior marriage was complete.
另一方面，亚当斯的支持者指责杰克逊谋杀，并攻击他婚姻的道德，指出杰克逊在与妻子雷切尔离婚之前无意中与她结婚。
This time, Andrew Jackson won the election easily, but Rachel Jackson died suddenly before his inauguration.
这一次，安德鲁·杰克逊轻松赢得大选，而雷切尔·杰克逊却在就职前突然去世。
Jackson would never forgive the people who attacked his wife’s character during the campaign.
杰克逊永远不会原谅那些在竞选期间攻击他妻子品格的人。
In 1828, Jackson’s broad appeal as a military hero won him the presidency.
1828 年，杰克逊作为军事英雄的广泛号召力为他赢得了总统职位。
He was “Old Hickory,” the “Hero of New Orleans,” a leader of plain frontier folk.
他是“老山核桃”、“新奥尔良英雄”、一位朴素边疆人民的领袖。
His wartime accomplishments appealed to many voters’ pride.
他在战时的成就让许多选民感到自豪。
Over the next eight years, he would claim to represent the interests of ordinary white Americans, especially from the South and West, against the country’s wealthy and powerful elite.
在接下来的八年里，他声称代表美国普通白人的利益，特别是来自南部和西部的白人，反对该国富有和有权势的精英。
This attitude would lead him and his allies into a series of bitter political struggles.
这种态度将导致他和他的盟友陷入一系列激烈的政治斗争。
Nearly every American had an opinion about President Jackson.
几乎每个美国人都对杰克逊总统有自己的看法。
To some, he epitomized democratic government and popular rule.
对一些人来说，他是民主政府和人民统治的缩影。
To others, he represented the worst in a powerful and unaccountable executive, acting as president with the same arrogance he had shown as a general in Florida.
对其他人来说，他代表了一位权力强大且不负责任的高管中最糟糕的一面，他作为总统的态度与他在佛罗里达州担任将军时所表现出的傲慢态度相同。
One of the key issues dividing Americans during his presidency was a sectional dispute over national tax policy that would come to define Jackson’s no-holds-barred approach to government.
在他担任总统期间，造成美国人分歧的关键问题之一是关于国家税收政策的局部争议，这最终决定了杰克逊对政府的无拘无束的态度。
Once Andrew Jackson moved into the White House, most southerners expected him to do away with the hated Tariff of 1828, the so-called Tariff of Abominations.
安德鲁·杰克逊 (Andrew Jackson) 入主白宫后，大多数南方人希望他废除 1828 年令人憎恶的关税，即所谓的“令人憎恶的关税”(Tariff of Abominations)。
This import tax provided protection for northern manufacturing interests by raising the prices of European products in America.
这种进口税通过提高欧洲产品在美国的价格来保护北方制造业的利益。
Southerners, however, blamed the tariff for a massive transfer of wealth.
然而，南方人将大规模财富转移归咎于关税。
It forced them to purchase goods from the North’s manufacturers at higher prices, and it provoked European countries to retaliate with high tariffs of their own, reducing foreign purchases of the South’s raw materials.
它迫使他们以更高的价格从朝鲜制造商那里购买商品，并激怒欧洲国家以高关税进行报复，减少了外国对韩国原材料的购买。
Only in South Carolina, though, did the discomfort turn into organized action.
然而，只有在南卡罗来纳州，这种不适才转变为有组织的行动。
The state was still trying to shrug off the economic problems of the Panic of 1819, but it had also recently endured the Denmark Vesey slave conspiracy, which convinced white South Carolinians that antislavery ideas put them in danger of a massive uprising.
该州仍在努力摆脱 1819 年恐慌带来的经济问题，但最近也经历了丹麦维西奴隶阴谋，该阴谋让南卡罗来纳州白人相信反奴隶制思想使他们面临大规模起义的危险。
Elite South Carolinians were especially worried that the tariff was merely an entering wedge for federal legislation that would limit slavery.
南卡罗来纳州的精英人士尤其担心关税只是限制奴隶制的联邦立法的楔子。
Andrew Jackson’s own vice president, John C.
安德鲁·杰克逊的副总统约翰·C.
Calhoun, who was from South Carolina, asserted that the tariff was “the occasion, rather than the real cause of the present unhappy state of things.” The real fear was that the federal government might attack “the peculiar domestick institution of the Southern States”—meaning slavery.
来自南卡罗来纳州的卡尔霍恩声称，关税只是“一个契机，而不是目前不愉快事态的真正原因”。真正担心的是联邦政府可能会攻击“南方各州特有的国内制度”——即奴隶制。
12 When Jackson failed to act against the tariff, Vice President Calhoun was caught in a tight position.
12 当杰克逊未能采取行动反对关税时，副总统卡尔霍恩陷入了困境。
In 1828, Calhoun secretly drafted the “South Carolina Exposition and Protest,” an essay and set of resolutions that laid out the doctrine of nullification.” 13 Drawing from the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1798 and 1799, Calhoun argued that the United States was a compact among the states rather than among the whole American people.
1828 年，卡尔霍恩秘密起草了《南卡罗来纳博览会和抗议》，这是一篇文章和一系列决议，阐述了无效原则。 13 卡尔霍恩借鉴 1798 年和 1799 年弗吉尼亚州和肯塔基州决议，认为美国是各州之间的契约，而不是全体美国人民之间的契约。
Since the states had created the Union, he reasoned, they were still sovereign, so a state could nullify a federal statute it considered unconstitutional.
他推断，既然各州创建了联邦，它们仍然拥有主权，因此各州可以废除它认为违宪的联邦法规。
Other states would then have to concede the right of nullification or agree to amend the Constitution.
其他州则必须承认废除宪法的权利或同意修改宪法。
If necessary, a nullifying state could leave the Union.
如有必要，无效州可以退出联邦。
When Calhoun’s authorship of the essay became public, Jackson was furious, interpreting it both as a personal betrayal and as a challenge to his authority as president.
当卡尔霍恩这篇文章的作者身份被公开时，杰克逊勃然大怒，认为这既是个人背叛，也是对他作为总统权威的挑战。
His most dramatic confrontation with Calhoun came in 1832 during a commemoration for Thomas Jefferson.
他与卡尔霍恩最戏剧性的对抗发生在 1832 年托马斯·杰斐逊纪念活动期间。
At dinner, the president rose and toasted, “Our Federal Union: it must be preserved.” Calhoun responded with a toast of his own: “The Union: next to our Liberty the most dear.” 14 Their divorce was not pretty.
晚餐时，总统起身举杯，“我们的联邦：必须保存下来。”卡尔霍恩也举杯回应：“联邦：仅次于我们的自由。” 14 他们的离婚并不顺利。
Martin Van Buren, a New York political leader whose skill in making deals had earned him the nickname “the Little Magician,” replaced Calhoun as vice president when Jackson ran for reelection in 1832.
纽约政治领袖马丁·范布伦 (Martin Van Buren) 的交易技巧为他赢得了“小魔术师”的绰号，1832 年杰克逊竞选连任时，他取代卡尔霍恩成为副总统。
Calhoun returned to South Carolina, where a special state convention nullified the federal tariffs of 1828 and 1832.
卡尔霍恩回到南卡罗来纳州，在那里召开了一次特别州会议，废除了 1828 年和 1832 年的联邦关税。
It declared them unconstitutional and therefore “null, void, and no law” within South Carolina.
它宣布它们违宪，因此在南卡罗来纳州“无效、无效、没有法律”。
15 The convention ordered South Carolina customs officers not to collect tariff revenue and declared that any federal attempt to enforce the tariffs would cause the state to secede from the Union.
15 大会命令南卡罗来纳州海关官员不得收取关税收入，并宣布任何联邦试图执行关税的行为都将导致该州脱离联邦。
President Jackson responded dramatically.
杰克逊总统做出了戏剧性的回应。
He denounced the ordinance of nullification and declared that “disunion, by armed force, is TREASON.” 16 Vowing to hang Calhoun and any other nullifier who defied federal power, he persuaded Congress to pass a Force Bill that authorized him to send the military to enforce the tariffs.
他谴责废除法令，并宣称“通过武力分裂是叛国行为”。 16 他发誓要绞死卡尔霍恩和任何其他藐视联邦权力的废除者，并说服国会通过一项武力法案，授权他派遣军队执行关税。
Faced with such threats, other southern states declined to join South Carolina.
面对这样的威胁，其他南部各州拒绝加入南卡罗来纳州。
Privately, however, Jackson supported the idea of compromise and allowed his political enemy Henry Clay to broker a solution with Calhoun.
然而私下里，杰克逊支持妥协的想法，并允许他的政敌亨利·克莱与卡尔霍恩斡旋解决方案。
Congress passed a compromise bill that slowly lowered federal tariff rates.
国会通过了一项妥协法案，缓慢降低联邦关税税率。
South Carolina rescinded nullification for the tariffs but nullified the Force Bill.
南卡罗来纳州取消了关税无效化，但取消了强制法案。
The legacy of the Nullification Crisis is difficult to sort out.
废止危机的遗留问题很难清理。
Jackson’s decisive action seemed to have forced South Carolina to back down.
杰克逊的果断行动似乎迫使南卡罗来纳州做出了让步。
But the crisis also united the ideas of secession and states’ rights, two concepts that had not necessarily been linked before.
但这场危机也将分裂国家和国家权利的观念结合在一起，这两个概念以前不一定有联系。
Perhaps most clearly, nullification showed that the immense political power of enslavers was matched only by their immense anxiety about the future of slavery.
也许最清楚的是，废除表明奴隶制拥有巨大的政治权力，与之相匹配的是他们对奴隶制未来的巨大焦虑。
During later debates in the 1840s and 1850s, they would raise the ideas of the Nullification Crisis again.
在后来1840年代和1850年代的辩论中，他们再次提出了“废止危机”的想法。
Meanwhile, a more personal crisis during Jackson’s first term also drove a wedge between him and Vice President Calhoun.
与此同时，杰克逊第一个任期内的一场更为个人化的危机也导致了他和副总统卡尔霍恩之间的隔阂。
The Eaton Affair, sometimes insultingly called the “Petticoat Affair,” began as a disagreement among elite women in Washington, D.C., but it eventually led to the disbanding of Jackson’s cabinet.
伊顿事件有时被侮辱性地称为“衬裙事件”，最初是华盛顿特区精英女性之间的分歧，但最终导致杰克逊内阁的解散。
True to his backwoods reputation, when he took office in 1829, President Jackson chose mostly provincial politicians, not Washington veterans, to serve in his administration.
正如杰克逊总统在 1829 年就职时所享有的偏僻名声一样，他选择的大多数是省级政客，而不是华盛顿退伍军人，在他的政府中任职。
One of them was his friend John Henry Eaton, a senator from Tennessee, whom Jackson nominated to be his secretary of war.
其中之一是他的朋友约翰·亨利·伊顿，一位来自田纳西州的参议员，杰克逊提名他为战争部长。
A few months earlier, Eaton had married Margaret O’Neale Timberlake, the recent widow of a navy officer.
几个月前，伊顿与玛格丽特·奥尼尔·汀布莱克结婚，她是一位海军军官的新遗孀。
She was the daughter of Washington boardinghouse proprietors, and her humble origins and combination of beauty, outspokenness, and familiarity with so many men in the boardinghouse had led to gossip.
她是华盛顿寄宿公寓业主的女儿，她出身卑微，集美丽、直率和与寄宿公寓中众多男人的熟悉于一身，引发了流言蜚语。
During her first marriage, rumors had circulated that she and John Eaton were having an affair while her husband was at sea.
在她第一次婚姻期间，有传言称她和约翰·伊顿在她丈夫出海时有外遇。
When her first husband’s death was originally (but incorrectly) labeled a suicide, and she married Eaton just nine months later, the society women of Washington had been scandalized.
当她第一任丈夫的死最初（但错误地）被标记为自杀，而她在九个月后与伊顿结婚时，华盛顿的上流社会妇女感到震惊。
One wrote that Margaret Eaton’s reputation had been “totally destroyed.” 17
其中一位写道，玛格丽特·伊顿的声誉已“彻底被摧毁”。 17 号
This photograph shows Eaton at a much older age.
这张照片显示伊顿的年龄要大得多。
“Eaton, Mrs. Margaret (Peggy O’Neill), old lady,” c.
“伊顿，玛格丽特夫人（佩吉·奥尼尔），老太太，”c。
1870-1880.
1870-1880。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
John Eaton was now secretary of war, but other cabinet members’ wives refused have anything to do with his wife.
约翰·伊顿现在担任战争部长，但其他内阁成员的妻子拒绝与他的妻子有任何关系。
No respectable lady who wanted to protect her own reputation could exchange visits with her, invite her to social events, or be seen chatting with her.
任何想要保护自己声誉的受人尊敬的女士都不能与她互访、邀请她参加社交活动或被人看到与她聊天。
Most importantly, the vice president’s wife, Floride Calhoun, shunned Margaret Eaton, spending most of her time in South Carolina to avoid her.
最重要的是，副总统的妻子弗洛里德·卡尔霍恩（Floride Calhoun）回避了玛格丽特·伊顿（Margaret Eaton），她大部分时间都在南卡罗来纳州度过，以避免她。
Even Jackson’s own niece, Emily Donelson, visited Eaton once and then refused to have anything more to do with her.
就连杰克逊自己的侄女艾米丽·多纳尔森（Emily Donelson）也曾来过伊顿公学一次，然后就拒绝与她有任何关系。
Although women could not vote or hold office, they played an important role in politics as people who controlled influence.
尽管妇女不能投票或担任公职，但她们作为控制影响力的人在政治中发挥着重要作用。
18 They helped hold official Washington together.
18 他们帮助华盛顿官方团结起来。
And according to one local society woman, “the ladies” had “as much rivalship and party spirit, desire of precedence and authority” as male politicians had.
据当地社会的一位女性称，“女士们”与男性政治家一样“具有竞争性和党派精神，对优先权和权威的渴望”。
19 These women upheld a strict code of femininity and sexual morality.
19 这些妇女恪守严格的女性气质和性道德准则。
They paid careful attention to the rules that governed personal interactions and official relationships.
他们非常注意管理个人交往和官方关系的规则。
Margaret Eaton’s social exclusion thus greatly affected Jackson, his cabinet, and the rest of Washington society.
玛格丽特·伊顿的社会排斥极大地影响了杰克逊、他的内阁以及华盛顿社会的其他人。
At first, President Jackson blamed his rival Henry Clay for the attacks on the Eatons.
起初，杰克逊总统指责他的竞争对手亨利·克莱对伊顿夫妇的袭击负责。
But he soon perceived that Washington women and his new cabinet had initiated the gossip.
但他很快就意识到，是华盛顿的女性和他的新内阁发起了这些八卦。
Jackson scoffed, “I did not come here to make a cabinet for the ladies of this place,” and claimed that he “had rather have live vermin on my back than the tongue of one of these Washington women on my reputation.” 20 He began to blame the ambition of Vice President Calhoun for Floride Calhoun’s actions, deciding “it was necessary to put him out of the cabinet and destroy him.” 21
杰克逊嘲笑道，“我来这里不是为了给这个地方的女士们做内阁”，并声称他“宁愿我背上有活害虫，也不愿被这些华盛顿女人的舌头损害我的名誉。” 20 他开始将弗洛里德·卡尔霍恩的行为归咎于副总统卡尔霍恩的野心，认为“有必要将他赶出内阁并摧毁他”。 21
Jackson was so indignant because he had recently been through a similar scandal with his late wife, Rachel.
杰克逊非常愤怒，因为他最近与已故妻子雷切尔经历了类似的丑闻。
Her character, too, had been insulted by leading politicians’ wives because of the circumstances of her marriage.
由于她的婚姻状况，她的品格也受到了政要妻子们的侮辱。
Jackson believed that Rachel’s death had been caused by those slanderous attacks.
杰克逊认为，雷切尔的死是由这些诽谤性攻击造成的。
Furthermore, he saw the assaults on the Eatons as attacks on his authority.
此外，他认为对伊顿家族的攻击是对他权威的攻击。
In one of the most famous presidential meetings in American history, Jackson called together his cabinet members to discuss what they saw as the bedrock of society: women’s position as protectors of the nation’s values.
在美国历史上最著名的总统会议之一中，杰克逊召集了内阁成员，讨论他们所认为的社会基石：女性作为国家价值观保护者的地位。
There, the men of the cabinet debated Margaret Eaton’s character.
在那里，内阁成员就玛格丽特·伊顿的性格展开了辩论。
Jackson delivered a long defense, methodically presenting evidence against her attackers.
杰克逊进行了长时间的辩护，有条不紊地提供了针对攻击者的证据。
But the men attending the meeting—and their wives—were not swayed.
但参加会议的男士和他们的妻子并没有动摇。
They continued to shun Margaret Eaton, and the scandal was resolved only with the resignation of four members of the cabinet, including Eaton’s husband.
他们继续回避玛格丽特·伊顿，直到包括伊顿的丈夫在内的四名内阁成员辞职后，丑闻才得以解决。
Andrew Jackson’s first term was full of controversy.
安德鲁·杰克逊的第一个任期充满争议。
For all of his reputation as a military and political warrior, however, the most characteristic struggle of his presidency was financial.
然而，尽管他享有军事和政治斗士的声誉，但他总统任期内最具特色的斗争是财务问题。
As president, he waged a “war” against the Bank of the United States.
作为总统，他对美国银行发动了一场“战争”。
The charter of the controversial national bank that Congress established under Alexander Hamilton’s financial plan had expired in 1811.
国会根据亚历山大·汉密尔顿的财务计划设立的备受争议的国家银行的章程已于 1811 年到期。
But five years later, Congress had given a new charter to the Second Bank of the United States.
但五年后，国会向美国第二银行颁发了新章程。
Headquartered in Philadelphia, the bank was designed to stabilize the growing American economy.
该银行总部位于费城，旨在稳定不断增长的美国经济。
By requiring other banks to pay their debts promptly in gold, it was supposed to prevent them from issuing too many paper banknotes that could drop suddenly in value.
通过要求其他银行及时用黄金偿还债务，此举本应防止它们发行过多可能突然贬值的纸币。
Of course, the Bank of the United States was also supposed to reap a healthy profit for its private stockholders, like the Philadelphia banker Stephen Girard and the New York merchant John Jacob Astor.
当然，美国银行也应该为其私人股东获得可观的利润，例如费城银行家斯蒂芬·吉拉德和纽约商人约翰·雅各布·阿斯特。
Though many Democratic-Republicans had supported the new bank, some never gave up their Jeffersonian suspicion that such a powerful institution was dangerous to the republic.
尽管许多民主共和党人支持这家新银行，但有些人从未放弃杰斐逊式的怀疑，即这样一个强大的机构对共和国来说是危险的。
Andrew Jackson was one of the skeptics.
安德鲁·杰克逊是怀疑者之一。
He and many of his supporters blamed the bank for the Panic of 1819, which had become a severe economic depression.
他和他的许多支持者将 1819 年的恐慌归咎于银行，这场恐慌后来演变为严重的经济萧条。
The national bank had made that crisis worse, first by lending irresponsibly and then, when the panic hit, by hoarding gold currency to save itself at the expense of smaller banks and their customers.
国家银行首先通过不负责任的放贷，然后在恐慌袭来时，以牺牲小银行及其客户的利益为代价，囤积黄金来自救，从而使这场危机变得更加严重。
Jackson’s supporters also believed the bank had corrupted many politicians by giving them financial favors.
杰克逊的支持者还认为，该银行向许多政客提供经济优惠，从而腐蚀了他们。
In 1829, after a few months in office, Jackson set his sights on the bank and its director, Nicholas Biddle.
1829 年，上任几个月后，杰克逊将目光投向了银行及其董事尼古拉斯·比德尔 (Nicholas Biddle)。
Jackson became more and more insistent over the next three years as Biddle and the bank’s supporters fought to save it.
在接下来的三年里，随着比德尔和银行的支持者为拯救银行而奋斗，杰克逊变得越来越坚持。
A visiting Frenchman observed that Jackson had “declared a war to the death against the Bank,” attacking it “in the same cut-and-thrust style” with which he had once fought Native Americans and the British.
一位来访的法国人观察到，杰克逊“向银行宣战至死”，以“与他曾经与美洲原住民和英国人作战时同样的刀锋相向的方式”攻击银行。
For Jackson, the struggle was a personal crisis.
对于杰克逊来说，这场斗争是一场个人危机。
“The Bank is trying to kill me,” he told Martin Van Buren, “but I will kill it!” 22
“银行想杀了我，”他告诉马丁·范布伦，“但我会杀了它！” 22
The bank’s charter was not due for renewal for several years, but in 1832, while Jackson was running for reelection, Congress held an early vote to reauthorize the Bank of the United States.
该银行的章程多年来一直没有更新，但在 1832 年，当杰克逊竞选连任时，国会提前投票决定重新授权美国银行。
The president vetoed the bill.
总统否决了该法案。
“The bank,” Andrew Jackson told Martin Van Buren, “is trying to kill me, but I will kill it!” That is just the unwavering force that Edward Clay depicted in this lithograph, which praised Jackson for terminating the Second Bank of the United States.
“银行，”安德鲁·杰克逊告诉马丁·范布伦，“试图杀死我，但我会杀死它！”这正是爱德华·克莱在这幅石版画中所描绘的坚定不移的力量，它赞扬了杰克逊终止美国第二银行的行为。
Clay shows Nicholas Biddle as the Devil running away from Jackson as the bank collapses around him, his hirelings, and speculators.
克莱将尼古拉斯·比德尔描绘成一个逃离杰克逊的魔鬼，因为他、他的雇工和投机者周围的银行崩溃了。
Edward W.
爱德华·W.
Clay, c.
克莱，c。
1832.
1832.
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
In his veto message, Jackson called the bank unconstitutional and “dangerous to the liberties of the people.” The charter, he explained, didn’t do enough to protect the bank from its British stockholders, who might not have Americans’ interests at heart.
杰克逊在否决信息中称该银行违宪，并且“对人民的自由构成危险”。他解释说，该章程不足以保护该银行免受英国股东的侵害，因为英国股东可能并不关心美国人的利益。
In addition, Jackson wrote, the Bank of the United States was virtually a federal agency, but it had powers that were not granted anywhere in the Constitution.
此外，杰克逊写道，美国银行实际上是一个联邦机构，但它拥有宪法中没有授予的权力。
Worst of all, the bank was a way for well-connected people to get richer at everyone else’s expense.
最糟糕的是，银行是人脉广泛的人以牺牲其他人为代价致富的一种方式。
“The rich and powerful,” the president declared, “too often bend the acts of government to their selfish purposes.” 23 Only a strictly limited government, Jackson believed, would treat people equally.
总统宣称，“富人和有权势的人常常让政府行为服务于他们的自私目的。” 23 杰克逊认为，只有严格限制的政府才能平等对待人民。
Although its charter would not be renewed, the Bank of the United States could still operate for several more years.
尽管其牌照不会更新，但美国银行仍可以再运营几年。
So in 1833, to diminish its power, Jackson also directed his cabinet to stop depositing federal funds in it.
因此，为了削弱其权力，杰克逊在 1833 年还指示内阁停止向其存入联邦资金。
From now on, the government would do business with selected state banks instead.
从现在开始，政府将与选定的国有银行开展业务。
Critics called them Jackson’s “pet banks.”
批评者称它们为杰克逊的“宠物银行”。
Jackson’s bank veto set off fierce controversy.
杰克逊的银行否决引发了激烈的争议。
Opponents in Philadelphia held a meeting and declared that the president’s ideas were dangerous to private property.
费城的反对者召开会议，宣称总统的想法对私有财产构成危险。
Jackson, they said, intended to “place the honest earnings of the industrious citizen at the disposal of the idle”—in other words, redistribute wealth to lazy people—and become a “dictator.” 24 A newspaper editor said that Jackson was trying to set “the poor against the rich,” perhaps in order to take over as a military tyrant.
他们说，杰克逊打算“将勤劳公民的诚实收入交给闲人支配”——换句话说，将财富重新分配给懒人——并成为“独裁者”。 24 一位报纸编辑说，杰克逊试图让“穷人对抗富人”，也许是为了以军事暴君的身份掌权。
25 But Jackson’s supporters praised him.
25 但杰克逊的支持者赞扬了他。
Pro-Jackson newspaper editors wrote that he had kept a “monied aristocracy” from conquering the people.
支持杰克逊的报纸编辑写道，他阻止了“有钱贵族”征服人民。
26
26
By giving President Jackson a vivid way to defy the rich and powerful, or at least appear to do so, the Bank War gave his supporters a specific “democratic” idea to rally around.
银行战争为杰克逊总统提供了一种反抗富人和有权势的生动方式，或者至少看起来是这样做的，银行战争为他的支持者提供了一个具体的“民主”理念来团结起来。
More than any other issue, opposition to the national bank came to define their beliefs.
对国家银行的反对比任何其他问题都更能定义他们的信念。
And by leading Jackson to exert executive power so dramatically against Congress, the Bank War also helped his political enemies organize.
通过引导杰克逊如此戏剧性地对国会施加行政权力，银行战争也帮助他的政敌组织起来。
Increasingly, supporters of Andrew Jackson referred to themselves as Democrats.
安德鲁·杰克逊的支持者越来越多地称自己为民主党人。
Under the strategic leadership of Martin Van Buren, they built a highly organized national political party, the first modern party in the United States.
在马丁·范布伦的战略领导下，他们建立了一个组织严密的全国性政党，这是美国第一个现代政党。
Much more than earlier political parties, this Democratic Party had a centralized leadership structure and a consistent ideological program for all levels of government.
与早期的政党相比，这个民主党拥有集中的领导结构和各级政府一致的意识形态纲领。
Meanwhile, Jackson’s enemies, mocking him as “King Andrew the First,” named themselves after the patriots of the American Revolution, the Whigs.
与此同时，杰克逊的敌人嘲笑他为“安德鲁一世”，并以美国革命的爱国者辉格党的名字命名。
Unfortunately for Jackson’s Democrats (and most other Americans), their victory over the Bank of the United States worsened rather than solved the country’s economic problems.
不幸的是，对于杰克逊领导的民主党（以及大多数其他美国人）来说，他们对美国银行的胜利不但没有解决国家的经济问题，反而恶化了问题。
Things looked good initially.
起初情况看起来不错。
Between 1834 and 1836, a combination of high cotton prices, freely available foreign and domestic credit, and an infusion of specie (“hard” currency in the form of gold and silver) from Europe spurred a sustained boom in the American economy.
1834 年至 1836 年间，高棉花价格、可自由获得的国内外信贷以及来自欧洲的硬币（以黄金和白银形式存在的“硬”货币）的注入刺激了美国经济的持续繁荣。
At the same time, sales of western land by the federal government promoted speculation and poorly regulated lending practices, creating a vast real estate bubble.
与此同时，联邦政府出售西部土地促进了投机和监管不力的贷款行为，造成了巨大的房地产泡沫。
Meanwhile, the number of state-chartered banks grew from 329 in 1830 to 713 just six years later.
与此同时，国家特许银行的数量从 1830 年的 329 家增加到六年后的 713 家。
As a result, the volume of paper banknotes per capita in circulation in the United States increased by 40 percent between 1834 and 1836.
结果，1834 年至 1836 年间，美国人均纸币流通量增加了 40%。
Low interest rates in Great Britain also encouraged British capitalists to make risky investments in America.
英国的低利率也鼓励英国资本家在美国进行高风险投资。
British lending across the Atlantic surged, raising American foreign indebtedness from $110 million to $220 million over the same two years.
大西洋彼岸的英国贷款激增，导致美国外债在两年内从 1.1 亿美元增至 2.2 亿美元。
27
27
As the boom accelerated, banks became more careless about the amount of hard currency they kept on hand to redeem their banknotes.
随着繁荣的加速，银行对他们手头用来兑换纸币的硬通货数量变得更加不在乎。
And although Jackson had hoped his bank veto would reduce bankers’ and speculators’ power over the economy, it actually made the problems worse.
尽管杰克逊希望他的银行否决权能够削弱银行家和投机者对经济的影响力，但这实际上让问题变得更糟。
Two further federal actions late in the Jackson administration also worsened the situation.
杰克逊政府后期的两项联邦行动也使情况变得更加恶化。
In June 1836, Congress decided to increase the number of banks receiving federal deposits.
1836 年 6 月，国会决定增加接受联邦存款的银行数量。
This plan undermined the banks that were already receiving federal money, since they saw their funds distributed to other banks.
该计划损害了已经接受联邦资金的银行，因为它们的资金被分配给其他银行。
Next, seeking to reduce speculation on credit, the Treasury Department issued an order called the Specie Circular in July 1836, requiring payment in hard currency for all federal land purchases.
接下来，为了减少信贷投机，财政部于 1836 年 7 月发布了一项名为《硬币通知》的命令，要求以硬通货支付所有联邦土地购买费用。
As a result, land buyers drained eastern banks of even more gold and silver.
结果，土地买家耗尽了东部银行更多的黄金和白银。
By late fall in 1836, America’s economic bubbles began to burst.
1836 年深秋，美国的经济泡沫开始破裂。
Federal land sales plummeted.
联邦土地销售大幅下降。
The New York Herald reported that “lands in Illinois and Indiana that were cracked up to $10 an acre last year, are now to be got at $3, and even less.” The newspaper warned darkly, “The reaction has begun, and nothing can stop it.” 28
《纽约先驱报》报道称，“伊利诺伊州和印第安纳州的土地去年的价格为每英亩 10 美元，现在的价格为 3 美元，甚至更低。”报纸阴沉地警告道：“反应已经开始，没有什么可以阻止的。” 28
Runs on banks began in New York on May 4, 1837, as panicked customers scrambled to exchange their banknotes for hard currency.
1837 年 5 月 4 日，纽约爆发了银行挤兑，惊慌失措的顾客争先恐后地将纸币兑换成硬通货。
By May 10, the New York banks, running out of gold and silver, stopped redeeming their notes.
到 5 月 10 日，纽约银行的黄金和白银已经耗尽，停止赎回纸币。
As news spread, banks around the nation did the same.
随着消息传开，全国各地的银行也纷纷效仿。
By May 15, the largest crowd in Pennsylvania history had amassed outside Independence Hall in Philadelphia, denouncing banking as a “system of fraud and oppression.” 29
5 月 15 日，宾夕法尼亚州历史上规模最大的人群聚集在费城独立厅外，谴责银行业是一个“欺诈和压迫的体系”。 29
The Panic of 1837 led to a general economic depression.
1837 年的恐慌导致了普遍的经济萧条。
Between 1839 and 1843, the total capital held by American banks dropped by 40 percent as prices fell and economic activity around the nation slowed to a crawl.
1839 年至 1843 年间，随着物价下跌和全国经济活动放缓，美国银行持有的总资本下降了 40%。
The price of cotton in New Orleans, for instance, dropped 50 percent.
例如，新奥尔良的棉花价格下跌了 50%。
30
30
Traveling through New Orleans in January 1842, a British diplomat reported that the country “presents a lamentable appearance of exhaustion and demoralization.” 31 Over the previous decade, the American economy had soared to fantastic new heights and plunged to dramatic new depths.
1842 年 1 月，一位英国外交官在途经新奥尔良时报告说，这个国家“呈现出令人悲哀的疲惫和士气低落的景象”。 31 在过去的十年中，美国经济飙升至惊人的新高度，也跌入戏剧性的新深度。
Many Americans blamed the Panic of 1837 on the economic policies of Andrew Jackson, who is sarcastically represented in the lithograph as the sun with top hat, spectacle, and a banner of “Glory” around him.
许多美国人将 1837 年的恐慌归咎于安德鲁·杰克逊的经济政策，在石版画中，安德鲁·杰克逊讽刺地被描绘成戴着高礼帽的太阳，周围环绕着“荣耀”的旗帜。
The destitute people in the foreground (representing the common man) are suffering while a prosperous attorney rides in an elegant carriage in the background (right side of frame).
前景中的穷人（代表普通人）正在受苦受难，而背景中一位富裕的律师乘坐着优雅的马车（画面右侧）。
Edward W.
爱德华·W.
Clay, “The Times,” 1837.
克莱，《泰晤士报》，1837 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Normal banking activity did not resume around the nation until late 1842.
直到 1842 年末，全国范围内的银行活动才恢复正常。
Meanwhile, two hundred banks closed, cash and credit became scarce, prices declined, and trade slowed.
与此同时，200 家银行倒闭，现金和信贷变得稀缺，价格下跌，贸易放缓。
During this downturn, eight states and a territorial government defaulted on loans made by British banks to finance internal improvements.
在这次经济衰退期间，八个州和一个领土政府拖欠了英国银行为内部改善融资提供的贷款。
32
32
The disaster of the Panic of 1837 created an opportunity for the Whig Party, which had grown partly out of the political coalition of John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay and opposed Andrew Jackson and the Democratic Party.
1837 年恐慌的灾难为辉格党创造了机会，辉格党部分是由约翰·昆西·亚当斯和亨利·克莱的政治联盟发展而来，反对安德鲁·杰克逊和民主党。
The National Republicans, a loose alliance concentrated in the Northeast, had become the core of a new anti-Jackson movement.
全国共和党是一个集中在东北部的松散联盟，已成为新的反杰克逊运动的核心。
But Jackson’s enemies were a varied group; they included pro-slavery southerners angry about Jackson’s behavior during the Nullification Crisis as well as antislavery Yankees.
但杰克逊的敌人是各种各样的。他们包括对杰克逊在废止危机期间的行为感到愤怒的支持奴隶制的南方人以及反奴隶制的北方佬。
After they failed to prevent Andrew Jackson’s reelection, this fragile coalition formally organized as a new party in 1834 “to rescue the Government and public liberty.” 33 Henry Clay, who had run against Jackson for president and was now serving again as a senator from Kentucky, held private meetings to persuade anti-Jackson leaders from different backgrounds to unite.
在他们未能阻止安德鲁·杰克逊连任后，这个脆弱的联盟于 1834 年正式组建为一个新政党，“以拯救政府和公共自由”。 33 曾与杰克逊竞选总统、现在再次担任肯塔基州参议员的亨利·克莱举行了私人会议，说服来自不同背景的反杰克逊领导人团结起来。
He also gave the new Whig Party its anti-monarchical name.
他还给新的辉格党起了一个反君主制的名字。
At first, the Whigs focused mainly on winning seats in Congress, opposing “King Andrew” from outside the presidency.
起初，辉格党主要致力于赢得国会席位，反对总统之外的“安德鲁国王”。
They remained divided by regional and ideological differences.
他们仍然因地区和意识形态差异而分裂。
The Democratic presidential candidate, Vice President Martin Van Buren, easily won election as Jackson’s successor in 1836.
1836 年，民主党总统候选人、副总统马丁·范布伦轻松当选，成为杰克逊的继任者。
But the Whigs gained significant public support after the Panic of 1837, and they became increasingly well organized.
但辉格党在 1837 年恐慌之后获得了巨大的公众支持，并且组织日益完善。
In late 1839, they held their first national convention in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.
1839 年末，他们在宾夕法尼亚州哈里斯堡举行了第一次全国代表大会。
Andrew Jackson portrayed himself as the defender of the common man, and in many ways he democratized American politics.
安德鲁·杰克逊将自己描绘成普通人的捍卫者，并在许多方面实现了美国政治的民主化。
His opponents, however, zeroed in on Jackson’s willingness to utilize the powers of the executive office.
然而，他的对手将目标瞄准了杰克逊利用行政办公室权力的意愿。
Unwilling to defer to Congress and absolutely willing to use his veto power, Jackson came to be regarded by his adversaries as a tyrant (or, in this case, “King Andrew I”.) Anonymous, c.
由于不愿意服从国会并且绝对愿意使用他的否决权，杰克逊被他的对手视为暴君（或者，在这种情况下，“安德鲁一世国王”）。
1832.
1832.
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
To Henry Clay’s disappointment, the convention voted to nominate not him but General William Henry Harrison of Ohio as the Whig candidate for president in 1840.
令亨利·克莱失望的是，大会投票没有提名他，而是提名俄亥俄州的威廉·亨利·哈里森将军作为 1840 年辉格党总统候选人。
Harrison was known primarily for defeating Shawnee warriors led by Tecumseh before and during the War of 1812, most famously at the Battle of Tippecanoe in present-day Indiana.
哈里森主要因在 1812 年战争之前和战争期间击败特库姆塞领导的肖尼族战士而闻名，其中最著名的是在现今印第安纳州的蒂珀卡努战役。
Whig leaders viewed him as a candidate with broad patriotic appeal.
辉格党领导人认为他是一位具有广泛爱国号召力的候选人。
They portrayed him as the “log cabin and hard cider” candidate, a plain man of the country, unlike the easterner Martin Van Buren.
他们把他描绘成“小木屋和烈性苹果酒”的候选人，一个普通的乡下人，与东方人马丁·范布伦不同。
To balance the ticket with a southerner, the Whigs nominated a slave-owning Virginia senator, John Tyler, for vice president.
为了平衡与南方人的选票，辉格党提名拥有奴隶的弗吉尼亚州参议员约翰·泰勒担任副总统。
Tyler had been a Jackson supporter but had broken with him over states’ rights during the Nullification Crisis.
泰勒曾是杰克逊的支持者，但在废止危机期间因各州权利问题与杰克逊决裂。
The popular slogan “Tippecanoe and Tyler Too” helped the Whigs and William Henry Harrison (with John Tyler) win the presidential election in 1840.
“蒂皮卡努和泰勒也是”的流行口号帮助辉格党和威廉·亨利·哈里森（与约翰·泰勒）赢得了 1840 年的总统选举。
Pictured here is a campaign banner with shortened “Tip and Ty,” one of the many ways that Whigs waged the “log cabin campaign,” Wikimedia .
图中是一个竞选横幅，上面写着缩写的“Tip and Ty”，这是辉格党发起“小木屋竞选”的多种方式之一，维基媒体。
Although “Tippecanoe and Tyler Too” easily won the presidential election of 1840, this choice of ticket turned out to be disastrous for the Whigs.
尽管“蒂皮卡诺和泰勒”轻松赢得了 1840 年的总统选举，但这种选票结果对辉格党来说却是灾难性的。
Harrison became ill (for unclear reasons, though tradition claims he contracted pneumonia after delivering a nearly two-hour inaugural address without an overcoat or hat) and died after just thirty-one days in office.
哈里森生病了（原因不明，但传统说法是，他在没有穿大衣、没有戴帽子、发表了近两个小时的就职演说后感染了肺炎），并在上任仅三十一天后就去世了。
Harrison thus holds the ironic honor of having the longest inaugural address and the shortest term in office of any American president.
哈里森因此获得了具有讽刺意味的荣誉，他是美国总统中就职演说最长、任期最短的。
34 Vice President Tyler became president and soon adopted policies that looked far more like Andrew Jackson’s than like a Whig’s.
34 副总统泰勒就任总统，并很快采取了看起来更像安德鲁·杰克逊的政策，而不是辉格党的政策。
After Tyler twice vetoed charters for another Bank of the United States, nearly his entire cabinet resigned, and the Whigs in Congress expelled “His Accidency” from the party.
在泰勒两次否决另一家美国银行的章程后，几乎他的整个内阁都辞职了，国会中的辉格党将“他的意外”开除出党。
The crisis of Tyler’s administration was just one sign of the Whig Party’s difficulty uniting around issues besides opposition to Democrats.
泰勒政府的危机只是辉格党在反对民主党之外的问题上难以团结的迹象之一。
The Whig Party succeeded in electing one more president but remained deeply divided.
辉格党成功地又选举了一位总统，但仍然存在严重分歧。
Its problems grew as the issue of slavery strained the Union in the 1850s.
1850 年代，随着奴隶制问题给联邦带来压力，它的问题也日益严重。
Unable to agree on a consistent national position on slavery, and unable to find another national issue to rally around, the Whigs broke apart by 1856.
由于无法就奴隶制问题达成一致的全国立场，也无法找到另一个可以团结的全国性问题，辉格党于 1856 年分裂。
The Whig coalition drew strength from several earlier political movements, including two that harnessed American political paranoia.
辉格党联盟从早期的几次政治运动中汲取了力量，其中包括两次利用美国政治偏执的运动。
The Anti-Masonic Party formed in the 1820s for the purpose of destroying the Freemasons.
反共济会党于 1820 年代成立，旨在摧毁共济会。
Later, anti-immigrant sentiment formed the American Party, also called the Know-Nothings.
后来，反移民情绪形成了美国党，也被称为无知党。
The American Party sought and won office across the country in the 1850s, but nativism had already been an influential force, particularly in the Whig Party, whose members could not fail to notice that urban Irish Catholics strongly tended to support Democrats.
美国党在 1850 年代在全国范围内寻求并赢得了职位，但本土主义已经成为一股有影响力的力量，尤其是在辉格党中，其成员不可能没有注意到爱尔兰城市天主教徒强烈倾向于支持民主党。
Freemasonry, an international network of social clubs with arcane traditions and rituals, seems to have originated in medieval Europe as a trade organization for stonemasons.
共济会是一个由具有神秘传统和仪式的社交俱乐部组成的国际网络，似乎起源于中世纪的欧洲，是石匠的贸易组织。
By the eighteenth century, however, it had outgrown its relationship with the masons’ craft and had become a general secular fraternal order that proclaimed adherence to the ideals of the Enlightenment.
然而，到了十八世纪，它已经不再与泥瓦匠手艺有任何关系，而是成为一个普遍的世俗兄弟会，宣称坚持启蒙运动的理想。
Freemasonry was an important part of the social life of men in the new republic’s elite.
共济会是新共和国精英社会生活的重要组成部分。
George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Andrew Jackson, and Henry Clay all claimed membership.
乔治·华盛顿、本杰明·富兰克林、安德鲁·杰克逊和亨利·克莱都声称是会员。
Prince Hall, a free leather worker in Boston, founded a separate branch of the order for African American men.
霍尔王子 (Prince Hall) 是波士顿的一名自由皮革工人，他为非洲裔美国男性创立了该组织的一个独立分支。
However, the Masonic brotherhood’s secrecy, elitism, rituals, and secular ideals generated a deep suspicion of the organization among many Americans.
然而，共济会兄弟会的保密性、精英主义、仪式和世俗理想引起了许多美国人对该组织的深深怀疑。
In 1820s upstate New York, which was fertile soil for new religious and social reform movements, anti-Masonic suspicion would emerge for the first time as an organized political force.
1820年代的纽约州北部是新的宗教和社会改革运动的沃土，反共济会的怀疑首次作为有组织的政治力量出现。
The trigger for this was the strange disappearance and probable murder of William Morgan.
引发这一事件的是威廉·摩根的奇怪失踪和可能的谋杀。
Morgan announced plans to publish an exposé called Illustrations of Masonry .
摩根宣布计划出版一本名为《砖石插图》的揭露书。
35 This book purported to reveal the order’s secret rites, and it outraged other local Freemasons.
35 这本书旨在揭示该组织的秘密仪式，并激怒了当地其他共济会成员。
They launched a series of attempts to prevent the book from being published, including an attempt to burn the press and a conspiracy to have Morgan jailed for alleged debts.
他们发起了一系列阻止该书出版的尝试，包括试图烧毁报纸以及密谋让摩根因涉嫌债务入狱。
In September, Morgan disappeared.
9月，摩根失踪了。
He was last seen being forced into a carriage by four men later identified as Masons.
他最后一次被看到是被四名后来被确认为共济会成员的男子强行带上马车。
When a corpse washed up on the shore of Lake Ontario, Morgan’s wife and friends claimed at first that it was his.
当一具尸体被冲上安大略湖岸时，摩根的妻子和朋友起初声称这是他的。
The Morgan story convinced many people that Masonry was a dangerous influence in the republic.
摩根的故事让许多人相信共济会在共和国中具有危险的影响力。
The publicity surrounding the trials transformed local outrage into a political movement that, though small, had significant power in New York and parts of New England.
围绕审判的宣传将当地的愤怒转化为一场政治运动，虽然规模较小，但在纽约和新英格兰部分地区具有重要影响力。
This movement addressed Americans’ widespread dissatisfaction about economic and political change by giving them a handy explanation: the republic was controlled by a secret society.
这场运动通过给美国人一个方便的解释来解决美国人对经济和政治变革的普遍不满：共和国是由一个秘密社团控制的。
In 1827, local anti-Masonic committees began meeting across the state of New York, committing not to vote for any political candidate who belonged to the Freemasons.
1827 年，地方反共济会委员会开始在纽约州各地召开会议，承诺不投票给任何属于共济会的政治候选人。
This boycott grew, and in 1828, a convention in the town of LeRoy produced an “Anti-Masonic Declaration of Independence,” the basis for an Anti-Masonic Party.
这种抵制活动愈演愈烈，1828 年，勒罗伊镇举行的一次大会产生了《反共济会独立宣言》，这是反共济会政党的基础。
In 1828, Anti-Masonic politicians ran for state offices in New York, winning 12 percent of the vote for governor.
1828 年，反共济会政客竞选纽约州政府职位，赢得了 12% 的州长选票。
36
36
In 1830, the Anti-Masons held a national convention in Philadelphia.
1830年，反共济会在费城召开了全国代表大会。
But after a dismal showing in the 1832 presidential elections, the leaders of the Anti-Masonic Party folded their movement into the new Whig Party.
但在 1832 年总统选举中表现惨淡后，反共济会党的领导人将他们的运动纳入了新的辉格党。
The Anti-Masonic Party’s absorption into the Whig coalition demonstrated the importance of conspiracy theories in American politics.
反共济会党并入辉格党联盟表明了阴谋论在美国政治中的重要性。
Just as Andrew Jackson’s followers detected a vast foreign plot in the form of the Bank of the United States, some of his enemies could detect it in the form of the Freemasons.
正如安德鲁·杰克逊的追随者发现了美国银行形式的巨大外国阴谋一样，他的一些敌人也能以共济会的形式发现了这一阴谋。
Others, called nativists, blamed immigrants.
其他被称为本土主义者的人则指责移民。
Nativists detected many foreign threats, but Catholicism may have been the most important.
本土主义者发现了许多外国威胁，但天主教可能是最重要的。
Nativists watched with horror as more and more Catholic immigrants (especially from Ireland and Germany) arrived in American cities.
本土主义者惊恐地看着越来越多的天主教移民（特别是来自爱尔兰和德国）抵达美国城市。
The immigrants professed different beliefs, often spoke unfamiliar languages, and participated in alien cultural traditions.
这些移民拥有不同的信仰，经常说陌生的语言，并参与外来的文化传统。
Just as importantly, nativists remembered Europe’s history of warfare between Catholics and Protestants.
同样重要的是，本土主义者记得欧洲天主教徒和新教徒之间的战争历史。
They feared that Catholics would bring religious violence with them to the United States.
他们担心天主教徒会将宗教暴力带到美国。
In the summer of 1834, a mob of Protestants attacked a Catholic convent near Boston.
1834 年夏天，一群新教徒袭击了波士顿附近的一座天主教修道院。
The rioters had read newspaper rumors that a woman was being held against her will by the nuns.
骚乱者在报纸上看到了谣言，称一名妇女被修女们强行扣留。
Angry men broke into the convent and burned it to the ground.
愤怒的人们闯入修道院并将其烧毁。
Later, a young woman named Rebecca Reed, who had spent time in the convent, published a memoir describing abuses she claimed the nuns had directed toward novices and students.
后来，一位名叫丽贝卡·里德（Rebecca Reed）的年轻女子曾在修道院待过一段时间，她出版了一本回忆录，描述了修女们对新手和学生的虐待行为。
37 The convent attack was among many eruptions of nativism, especially in New England and other parts of the Northeast, during the early nineteenth century.
37 修道院袭击事件是 19 世纪初许多本土主义爆发的其中之一，特别是在新英格兰和东北部其他地区。
Many Protestants saw the Catholic faith as a superstition that deprived individuals of the right to think for themselves and enslaved them to a dictator, the pope, in Rome.
许多新教徒认为天主教信仰是一种迷信，剥夺了个人独立思考的权利，并将他们奴役于罗马独裁者教皇。
They accused Catholic priests of controlling their parishioners and preying sexually on young women.
他们指责天主教神父控制教区居民并对年轻女性进行性侵犯。
They feared that Catholicism would overrun and conquer the American political system, just as their ancestors had feared it would conquer England.
他们担心天主教会超越并征服美国的政治体系，就像他们的祖先担心天主教会征服英国一样。
The painter and inventor Samuel F.
画家兼发明家塞缪尔·F.
B.
B.
Morse, for example, warned in 1834 that European tyrants were conspiring together to “carry Popery through all our borders” by sending Catholic immigrants to the United States.
例如，莫尔斯在 1834 年警告说，欧洲暴君正合谋通过向美国派遣天主教移民来“将天主教带入我们所有的边界”。
If they succeeded, he predicted, Catholic dominance in America would mean “the certain destruction of our free institutions .” 38 Around the same time, the Protestant minister Lyman Beecher lectured in various cities, delivering a similar warning.
他预测，如果他们成功了，天主教在美国的统治地位将意味着“我们的自由制度必然遭到破坏”。 38 大约在同一时间，新教牧师莱曼·比彻在多个城市发表演讲，发出了类似的警告。
“If the potentates of Europe have no design upon our liberties,” Beecher demanded, then why were they sending over “such floods of pauper emigrants—the contents of the poorhouse and the sweepings of the streets—multiplying tumults and violence, filling our prisons, and crowding our poorhouses, and quadrupling our taxation”—not to mention voting in American elections?
比彻问道：“如果欧洲当权者对我们的自由没有任何打算，”那么他们为什么要派遣“如此大量的贫困移民——济贫院的物品和街道的清扫——增加骚乱和暴力，填满我们的监狱，挤满我们的济贫院，并使我们的税收增加四倍”——更不用说在美国选举中投票了？
39
39
More than anything else, however, it was racial inequality that exposed American democracy’s limits.
然而，最重要的是，种族不平等暴露了美国民主的局限性。
The most deadly racist policy of the era is discussed in chapter twelve–Jackson’s seizure of Native American lands culminating in the Trail of Tears.
第十二章讨论了那个时代最致命的种族主义政策——杰克逊对美洲原住民土地的掠夺，最终在《泪痕》中达到顶峰。
But other racist policies also attacked the purported ideas of American democracy, eroding freedom for Black Americans even as it expanded them for poor white people.
但其他种族主义政策也攻击了所谓的美国民主理念，侵蚀了美国黑人的自由，尽管它扩大了贫穷白人的自由。
Over several decades, state governments had lowered their property requirements so poorer men could vote.
几十年来，州政府降低了财产要求，以便较贫穷的人能够投票。
But as northern states ended slavery, whites worried that free Black men could also go to the polls in large numbers.
但随着北部各州结束奴隶制，白人担心自由黑人也可能大量参加投票。
In response, they adopted new laws that made racial discrimination the basis of American democracy.
作为回应，他们通过了新的法律，使种族歧视成为美国民主的基础。
At the time of the Revolution, only two states explicitly limited Black voting rights.
在革命时期，只有两个州明确限制黑人投票权。
By 1839, almost all states did.
到 1839 年，几乎所有州都这样做了。
(The four exceptions were all in New England, where the Democratic Party was weakest.) For example, New York’s 1821 state constitution enfranchised nearly all white male taxpayers but only the richest Black men.
（这四个例外都在民主党最弱的新英格兰。）例如，纽约 1821 年的州宪法赋予了几乎所有白人男性纳税人公民权，但只赋予了最富有的黑人男性。
In 1838, a similar constitution in Pennsylvania prohibited Black voting completely.
1838年，宾夕法尼亚州制定了类似宪法，完全禁止黑人投票。
The new Pennsylvania constitution disenfranchised even one of the richest people in Philadelphia.
宾夕法尼亚州的新宪法甚至剥夺了费城最富有的人之一的公民权。
James Forten, a free-born sailmaker who had served in the American Revolution, had become a wealthy merchant and landowner.
詹姆斯·福滕 (James Forten) 是一位生来自由的帆船制造商，曾参加过美国独立战争，现已成为一名富有的商人和地主。
He used his wealth and influence to promote the abolition of slavery, and after the 1838 constitution, he undertook a lawsuit to protect his right to vote.
他利用自己的财富和影响力推动废除奴隶制，并在1838年宪法颁布后，发起诉讼以保护自己的投票权。
But he lost, and his voting rights were terminated.
但他输了，他的投票权被终止。
An English observer commented sarcastically that Forten wasn’t “white enough” to vote, but “he has always been considered quite white enough to be taxed .” 40
一位英国观察家讽刺地评论说，福滕“不够白”，无法投票，但“他一直被认为足够白，可以被征税”。 40
During the 1830s, furthermore, the social tensions that had promoted Andrew Jackson’s rise also worsened race relations.
此外，在 1830 年代，促进安德鲁·杰克逊崛起的社会紧张局势也加剧了种族关系。
Almost four hundred thousand free Black people lived in America by the end of the decade.
到本世纪末，近四十万自由黑人生活在美国。
41 In the South and West, Native Americans stood in the way of white expansion.
41 在南部和西部，美洲原住民阻碍了白人的扩张。
And the new Irish Catholic immigrants, along with native working-class whites, often despised nonwhites as competitors for scarce work, housing, and status.
新的爱尔兰天主教移民以及本土工人阶级白人常常鄙视非白人，将其视为稀缺工作、住房和地位的竞争者。
Racial and ethnic resentment thus contributed to a wave of riots in American cities during the 1830s.
因此，种族和族裔怨恨导致了 1830 年代美国城市的骚乱浪潮。
In Philadelphia, thousands of white rioters torched an antislavery meeting house and attacked Black churches and homes.
在费城，数千名白人骚乱者纵火焚烧了一座反奴隶制会议室，并袭击了黑人教堂和住宅。
Near St. Louis, abolitionist newspaper editor Elijah Lovejoy was murdered as he defended his printing press.
在圣路易斯附近，废奴主义报纸编辑伊利亚·洛夫乔伊在捍卫自己的印刷机时被谋杀。
Contemplating the violence, another journalist wondered, “Does it not appear that the character of our people has suffered a considerable change for the worse?” 42
另一位记者想到暴力事件，问道：“难道我们人民的性格没有发生很大的变化吗？” 42
Racial tensions also influenced popular culture.
种族紧张局势也影响了流行文化。
The white actor Thomas Dartmouth Rice appeared on stage in Blackface, singing and dancing as a clownish enslaved man named “Jim Crow.” Many other white entertainers copied him.
白人演员托马斯·达特茅斯·赖斯 (Thomas Dartmouth Rice) 以黑脸出现在舞台上，边唱边跳，扮演一个名叫“吉姆·克劳”的小丑奴隶。许多其他白人艺人效仿他。
Borrowing from the work of real Black performers but pandering to white audiences’ prejudices, they turned cruel stereotypes into one of antebellum America’s favorite forms of entertainment.
他们借用真正的黑人表演者的作品，但迎合白人观众的偏见，将残酷的刻板印象变成了内战前美国最受欢迎的娱乐形式之一。
Some whites in the 1830s, however, joined free Black activists in protesting racial inequality.
然而，1830 年代的一些白人加入了自由黑人活动家的行列，抗议种族不平等。
Usually, they lived in northern cities and came from the class of skilled laborers, or in other words, the lower middle class.
他们通常生活在北方城市，来自熟练工人阶层，或者说是中下阶层。
Most of them were not rich, but they expected to rise in the world.
他们中的大多数人并不富有，但他们期望在世界上崛起。
In Boston, for example, the Female Anti-Slavery Society included women whose husbands sold coal, mended clothes, and baked bread, as well as women from wealthy families.
例如，在波士顿，女性反奴隶制协会的成员包括丈夫卖煤、补衣服和烤面包的妇女，以及来自富裕家庭的妇女。
In the nearby village of Lynn, many abolitionists were shoemakers.
在附近的林恩村，许多废奴主义者都是鞋匠。
They organized boycotts of consumer products like sugar that came from slave labor, and they sold their own handmade goods at antislavery fund-raising fairs.
他们组织抵制来自奴隶劳动的糖等消费品，并在反奴隶制筹款集市上出售自己的手工制品。
For many of them, the antislavery movement was a way to participate in “respectable” middle-class culture, a way for both men and women to have a say in American life.
对于他们中的许多人来说，反奴隶制运动是参与“受人尊敬的”中产阶级文化的一种方式，是男性和女性在美国生活中拥有发言权的一种方式。
Debates about slavery, therefore, reflected wider tensions in a changing society.
因此，关于奴隶制的争论反映了不断变化的社会中更广泛的紧张局势。
The ultimate question was whether American democracy had room for people of different races as well as religions and classes.
最终的问题是美国民主是否能够容纳不同种族、宗教和阶层的人。
Some people said yes and struggled to make American society more welcoming.
有些人答应了，并努力让美国社会变得更加热情。
But the vast majority, whether Democrats or Whigs, said no.
但绝大多数人，无论是民主党人还是辉格党人，都表示不。
Southerners dominated the highest federal offices for the first decades of the United States, as Virginians held the Presidency for nation’s first thirty-two of the first thirty-six years.
在美国成立的最初几十年里，南方人主导了联邦最高职位，而弗吉尼亚人在美国成立后三十六年中的前三十二年中担任总统。
Northerners resented this dominance and sectional tensions simmered until they threatened to boil over in 1820 when James Tallmadge included the below amendment to Missouri’s application for statehood.
北方人对这种统治地位感到不满，地区间的紧张局势不断发酵，直到 1820 年詹姆斯·塔尔梅奇 (James Tallmadge) 对密苏里州的建州申请提出了以下修正案，局势一度面临爆发的危险。
Included below is Tallmadge’s amendment; the final act which settled the crisis, at least temporarily; and a private letter from Thomas Jefferson illustrating his reaction to the crisis.
以下是塔尔米奇的修正案；至少暂时解决危机的最后行动；托马斯·杰斐逊的一封私人信件阐述了他对危机的反应。
2.
2.
Rhode Islanders protest property restrictions on voting, 1834
罗德岛民抗议投票时的财产限制，1834 年
Many poor white men gained voting rights, also known as suffrage, for the first time in the 1830s.
许多贫穷的白人在 1830 年代首次获得了投票权，也称为选举权。
These changes in American democracy did not take place without conflict.
美国民主的这些变化并不是在没有冲突的情况下发生的。
Voting rights in Rhode Island only changed after poor Rhode Islanders raised a militia and threatened violence.
在贫穷的罗德岛民组建民兵并威胁使用暴力后，罗德岛的投票权才发生了变化。
Below is the proposal of many of the men who seven years later took up arms to right for voting rights.
以下是七年后拿起武器争取投票权的许多人的提案。
The expansion of voting rights to poor white men brought a loss of voting rights for Black men.
将投票权扩大到贫穷的白人男性导致了黑人投票权的丧失。
Race, rather than class, quickly became the most important social distinction in the United States.
种族，而不是阶级，很快成为美国最重要的社会区别。
Some wealthy Black men, like James Forten and Robert Purvis of Pennsylvania, lost voting rights that they previously enjoyed.
一些富有的黑人，如宾夕法尼亚州的詹姆斯·福滕和罗伯特·珀维斯，失去了他们以前享有的投票权。
In this document, Philadelphians protest the loss of their voting rights.
在这份文件中，费城人抗议失去投票权。
4.
4.
Andrew Jackson’s veto message against re-chartering the Bank of the United States, 1832
安德鲁·杰克逊反对重新授予美国银行牌照的否决信息，1832 年
President Andrew Jackson, like Thomas Jefferson before him, was highly suspicious of the Bank of the United States.
安德鲁·杰克逊总统和他之前的托马斯·杰斐逊一样，对美国银行高度怀疑。
He blamed the bank for the Panic of 1819 and for corrupting politics with too much money.
他指责银行造成了 1819 年的恐慌，并指责银行用太多的钱腐蚀了政治。
After Congress renewed the bank charter, Jackson vetoed the bill.
国会更新银行章程后，杰克逊否决了该法案。
The following was the message he gave to Congress after issuing his veto.
以下是他在发出否决权后向国会传达的信息。
Jackson’s decision was controversial.
杰克逊的决定引起了争议。
Some Americans accused him of acting like a dictator to redistribute wealth.
一些美国人指责他像独裁者一样重新分配财富。
Others saw the act as an attack on a corrupt system that only favored the rich.
其他人则认为这一行为是对只惠及富人的腐败制度的攻击。
5.
5.
Frederick Douglass, “What to the Slave is the Fourth of July,” 1852
弗雷德里克·道格拉斯，《七月四日对奴隶来说是什么》，1852 年
Frederick Douglass was born into slavery in Talbot County, Maryland in 1818.
弗雷德里克·道格拉斯 (Frederick Douglass) 1818 年出生于马里兰州塔尔伯特县的奴隶家庭。
He was separated from his mother in infancy and lived with his grandmother until he was separated from her as well at age seven.
他在婴儿时期就与母亲失散，并与祖母住在一起，直到七岁时也与她失散。
After several attempts, he finally successfully escape slavery in 1838.
经过多次尝试，他终于于1838年成功逃脱奴隶制。
He became one of the most influential abolitionist speakers and before a crowd of white abolitionists in 1852, he delivered this, one of the greatest abolitionist speeches.
他成为最有影响力的废奴主义者演讲者之一，1852 年，他在一群白人废奴主义者面前发表了最伟大的废奴主义者演讲之一。
In 1834 anti-Catholic rioters burned the Ursuline Convent in Charestown, Massachusetts.
1834 年，反天主教骚乱者烧毁了马萨诸塞州查尔斯敦的乌尔苏拉修道院。
In 1835, Rebecca Reed published a memoir about her time staying at the convent.
1835 年，丽贝卡·里德出版了一本回忆录，讲述她在修道院的时光。
Prior to its publication, rumors existed about Reed’s experience that may have motivated the arsonists.
在该书出版之前，关于里德的经历的谣言就已存在，这可能是纵火犯的动机。
In these documents, we read excerpts from Reed’s account and the response from the convent’s Mother Superior Mary St. George.
在这些文件中，我们阅读了里德的叙述的摘录以及修道院院长玛丽·圣乔治的回应。
Irish immigrants in the early nineteenth century filled jobs created by the Market Revolution.
十九世纪初的爱尔兰移民填补了市场革命创造的就业机会。
Their arrival provided an important source of labor for a growing economy, but many Americans worried about the influence of these arrivals.
他们的到来为不断增长的经济提供了重要的劳动力来源，但许多美国人担心这些移民的影响。
Samuel Morse, an inventor who contributed to the development of the telegraph and Morse Code, feared that Irish immigrants represented the front line of a Catholic conspiracy to destroy the United States.
塞缪尔·莫尔斯（Samuel Morse）是一位为电报和莫尔斯电码的发展做出贡献的发明家，他担心爱尔兰移民代表了天主教阴谋摧毁美国的前线。
Beginning in the late 1840s, George Caleb Bingham created a series of paintings illustrating American democracy.
从 1840 年代末开始，乔治·卡勒布·宾厄姆 (George Caleb Bingham) 创作了一系列描绘美国民主的画作。
He was drawn to the energy and near-chaos of speeches, rallies, election days, public announcements of voting results and more.
他被演讲、集会、选举日、投票结果公布等的活力和近乎混乱所吸引。
Prior to painting this work, Bingham himself ran for state office in Missouri as a Whig.
在画这幅作品之前，宾汉姆本人曾作为辉格党竞选密苏里州的州政府官员。
Here he shows the tumult of a county election day.
在这里，他展示了县选举日的喧嚣。
Children play games, drunkards raise their glass (while political operatives drag inebriated men to the poll), citizens carefully debate the issues, while others study the newspaper.
孩子们玩游戏，醉汉举起酒杯（政治人员拖着喝醉的人去投票站），公民仔细辩论问题，而其他人则研究报纸。
Art historians argue whether Bingham is celebrating or mocking American democracy.
艺术史学家争论宾厄姆是在庆祝还是嘲笑美国民主。
This caricature of President Martin Van Buren cloaked in worthless bank notes was created during the Panic of 1837.
这幅漫画描绘的是总统马丁·范布伦 (Martin Van Buren) 身披一文不值的钞票，创作于 1837 年的恐慌期间。
The artist mocks Van Buren and the policies of his predecessor, Andrew Jackson.
这位艺术家嘲笑范布伦和他的前任安德鲁·杰克逊的政策。
The cartoon includes mentions to Jackson’s “Specie Circular,” an order that government officials only accept gold or silver as payment for land and Van Buren’s “Safety Fund,” a program designed to offset the damage of bank failures.
漫画中提到了杰克逊的“硬币通函”，该命令要求政府官员只接受黄金或白银作为土地付款，以及范布伦的“安全基金”，这是一项旨在抵消银行倒闭造成的损害的计划。
A document labeled “Indian claims” also refers to Jackson’s policy of Indian Removal.
一份标有“印第安人主张”的文件也提到了杰克逊的印第安人迁移政策。
These and other subtle details reveal the anxieties of economic collapse and the policy differences between Democrats and Whigs.
这些和其他微妙的细节揭示了经济崩溃的焦虑以及民主党和辉格党之间的政策差异。
This chapter was edited by Jonathan Wilfred Wilson, with content contributions by Myles Beaupre, Christopher Childers, William Cossen, Adam Costanzo, Nathaniel C.
本章由 Jonathan Wilfred Wilson 编辑，内容贡献者包括 Myles Beaupre、Christopher Childers、William Cossen、Adam Costanzo、Nathaniel C.
Green, Robert Gudmestad, Spencer McBride, Kevin Waite, and Jonathan Wilfred Wilson.
格林、罗伯特·古德梅斯塔德、斯宾塞·麦克布莱德、凯文·韦特和乔纳森·威尔弗雷德·威尔逊。
Recommended citation: Myles Beupre et al., “Democracy in America,” Jonathan Wilfred Wilson, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.
推荐引用：Myles Beupre 等人，“美国的民主”，Jonathan Wilfred Wilson 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。
Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).
约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。