The American Yawp
William James Bennett, View of South Street, from Maiden Lane, New York City , c.
威廉·詹姆斯·贝内特 (William James Bennett)，《南街景观》，来自纽约市梅登巷 (Maiden Lane)，c.
1827, via Metropolitan Museum of New York
1827 年，来自纽约大都会博物馆
* NOTE: You are viewing a chapter from the archived, “First Edition” version of the American Yawp, which stopped receiving updates in spring 2026.
* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。
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单击此处访问当前的更新版本*
In the early years of the nineteenth century, Americans’ endless commercial ambition—what one Baltimore paper in 1815 called an “almost universal ambition to get forward ”—remade the nation.
19 世纪初，美国人无尽的商业野心——1815 年巴尔的摩的一篇报纸称之为“几乎普遍的前进野心”——重塑了这个国家。
1 Between the Revolution and the Civil War, an old subsistence world died and a new more-commercial nation was born.
1 在革命和内战之间，一个古老的生存世界消亡了，一个新的更加商业化的国家诞生了。
Americans integrated the technologies of the Industrial Revolution into a new commercial economy.
美国人将工业革命的技术融入新的商业经济。
Steam power, the technology that moved steamboats and railroads, fueled the rise of American industry by powering mills and sparking new national transportation networks.
蒸汽动力是推动汽船和铁路运输的技术，通过为工厂提供动力并催生新的国家运输网络，推动了美国工业的崛起。
A “market revolution” remade the nation.
一场“市场革命”重塑了这个国家。
The revolution reverberated across the country.
这场革命在全国范围内引起了强烈反响。
More and more farmers grew crops for profit, not self-sufficiency.
越来越多的农民种植农作物是为了盈利，而不是自给自足。
Vast factories and cities arose in the North.
北方兴起了巨大的工厂和城市。
Enormous fortunes materialized.
巨大的财富实现了。
A new middle class ballooned.
新的中产阶级迅速壮大。
And as more men and women worked in the cash economy, they were freed from the bound dependence of servitude.
随着越来越多的男人和女人在现金经济中工作，他们摆脱了奴役的束缚。
But there were costs to this revolution.
但这场革命是有代价的。
As northern textile factories boomed, the demand for southern cotton swelled, and American slavery accelerated.
随着北方纺织工厂的蓬勃发展，对南方棉花的需求激增，美国奴隶制加速发展。
Northern subsistence farmers became laborers bound to the whims of markets and bosses.
北方自给自足的农民成为了受市场和老板的一时兴起所束缚的劳动者。
The market revolution sparked explosive economic growth and new personal wealth, but it also created a growing lower class of property-less workers and a series of devastating depressions, called “panics.” Many Americans labored for low wages and became trapped in endless cycles of poverty.
市场革命引发了爆炸性的经济增长和新的个人财富，但它也造成了越来越多的下层无财产工人和一系列被称为“恐慌”的毁灭性萧条。许多美国人为低工资而劳动，陷入了无尽的贫困循环。
Some workers, often immigrant women, worked thirteen hours a day, six days a week.
一些工人（通常是移民妇女）每天工作十三小时，每周工作六天。
Others labored in slavery.
其他人则从事奴隶制。
Massive northern textile mills turned southern cotton into cheap cloth.
北方的大型纺织厂将南方的棉花变成了廉价的布料。
And although northern states washed their hands of slavery, their factories fueled the demand for slave-grown southern cotton and their banks provided the financing that ensured the profitability and continued existence of the American slave system.
尽管北方各州摆脱了奴隶制，但它们的工厂刺激了对南方奴隶种植的棉花的需求，它们的银行提供了融资，确保了美国奴隶制度的盈利和继续存在。
And so, as the economy advanced, the market revolution wrenched the United States in new directions as it became a nation of free labor and slavery, of wealth and inequality, and of endless promise and untold perils.
因此，随着经济的进步，市场革命将美国推向新的方向，让美国成为一个自由劳动力和奴隶制、财富和不平等、无限希望和难以言喻的危险的国家。
The growth of the American economy reshaped American life in the decades before the Civil War.
美国经济的增长在内战前的几十年里重塑了美国人的生活。
Americans increasingly produced goods for sale, not for consumption.
美国人越来越多地生产用于销售的商品，而不是用于消费的商品。
Improved transportation enabled a larger exchange network.
交通运输的改善使得交换网络规模更大。
Labor-saving technology improved efficiency and enabled the separation of the public and domestic spheres.
节省劳动力的技术提高了效率，并实现了公共领域和家庭领域的分离。
The market revolution fulfilled the revolutionary generation’s expectations of progress but introduced troubling new trends.
市场革命满足了革命一代对进步的期望，但也带来了令人不安的新趋势。
Class conflict, child labor, accelerated immigration, and the expansion of slavery followed.
随之而来的是阶级冲突、童工、移民加速和奴隶制扩张。
These strains required new family arrangements and transformed American cities.
这些压力需要新的家庭安排并改变美国城市。
American commerce had proceeded haltingly during the eighteenth century.
十八世纪期间，美国商业进展缓慢。
American farmers increasingly exported foodstuffs to Europe as the French Revolutionary Wars devastated the continent between 1793 and 1815.
1793 年至 1815 年间，法国大革命战争对欧洲大陆造成了严重破坏，美国农民越来越多地向欧洲出口食品。
America’s exports rose in value from $20.2 million in 1790 to $108.3 million by 1807.
美国的出口额从 1790 年的 2020 万美元增加到 1807 年的 1.083 亿美元。
2 But while exports rose, exorbitant internal transportation costs hindered substantial economic development within the United States.
2 但在出口增长的同时，过高的国内运输成本阻碍了美国国内经济的实质性发展。
In 1816, for instance, $9 could move one ton of goods across the Atlantic Ocean, but only thirty miles across land.
例如，在 1816 年，9 美元可以将一吨货物运过大西洋，但在陆地上只能运 30 英里。
An 1816 Senate Committee Report lamented that “the price of land carriage is too great” to allow the profitable production of American manufactures.
1816 年参议院委员会的一份报告哀叹道，“陆路运输的价格太高”，无法让美国制造业实现盈利。
But in the wake of the War of 1812, Americans rushed to build a new national infrastructure, new networks of roads, canals, and railroads.
但 1812 年战争结束后，美国人急于建设新的国家基础设施、新的公路、运河和铁路网络。
In his 1815 annual message to Congress, President James Madison stressed “the great importance of establishing throughout our country the roads and canals which can best be executed under national authority.” 3 State governments continued to sponsor the greatest improvements in American transportation, but the federal government’s annual expenditures on internal improvements climbed to a yearly average of $1,323,000 by Andrew Jackson’s presidency.
詹姆斯·麦迪逊总统在 1815 年向国会发表的年度致辞中强调“在全国范围内建立道路和运河的重要性，这些道路和运河最好在国家权力下实施”。 3 州政府继续资助美国交通运输的最大改善，但在安德鲁·杰克逊 (Andrew Jackson) 总统任期内，联邦政府用于内部改善的年均支出攀升至年均 1,323,000 美元。
4 .
4.
Clyde Osmer DeLand, “The First Locomotive.
克莱德·奥斯默·德兰，《第一台机车》。
Aug.
八月
8th, 1829.
1829 年 8 日。
Trial Trip of the “Stourbridge Lion,” 1916.
“斯托布里奇雄狮”试航，1916 年。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
State legislatures meanwhile pumped capital into the economy by chartering banks.
与此同时，州立法机构通过特许银行向经济注入资本。
The number of state-chartered banks skyrocketed from 1 in 1783, 266 in 1820, and 702 in 1840 to 1,371 in 1860.
国家特许银行的数量从 1783 年的 1 家、1820 年的 266 家、1840 年的 702 家猛增到 1860 年的 1,371 家。
5 European capital also helped build American infrastructure.
5 欧洲资本还帮助建设了美国的基础设施。
By 1844, one British traveler declared that “the prosperity of America, her railroads, canals, steam navigation, and banks, are the fruit of English capital.” 6
1844 年，一位英国旅行家宣称“美国的繁荣、她的铁路、运河、蒸汽航运和银行，都是英国资本的成果”。 6
Economic growth, however, proceeded unevenly.
然而，经济增长并不均衡。
Depressions devastated the economy in 1819, 1837, and 1857.
1819 年、1837 年和 1857 年的大萧条摧毁了经济。
Each followed rampant speculation in various commodities: land in 1819, land and enslaved laborers in 1837, and railroad bonds in 1857.
每一次都发生在各种商品的猖獗投机之后：1819 年的土地、1837 年的土地和奴役劳工以及 1857 年的铁路债券。
Eventually the bubbles all burst.
最终，泡沫全部破灭。
The spread of paper currency untethered the economy from the physical signifiers of wealth familiar to the colonial generation, namely land.
纸币的普及使经济摆脱了殖民一代所熟悉的财富的物理象征，即土地。
Counterfeit bills were endemic during this early period of banking.
在银行业的早期阶段，假钞十分猖獗。
With so many fake bills circulating, Americans were constantly on the lookout for the “confidence man” and other deceptive characters in the urban landscape.
由于假钞数量如此之多，美国人一直在城市中寻找“骗子”和其他欺骗性人物。
Con men and women could look like regular honest Americans.
骗子和骗子可能看起来像普通诚实的美国人。
Advice literature offered young men and women strategies for avoiding hypocrisy in an attempt to restore the social fiber.
建议文献为年轻男女提供了避免虚伪的策略，以试图恢复社会纤维。
Intimacy in the domestic sphere became more important as duplicity proliferated in the public sphere.
随着公共领域口是心非的泛滥，家庭领域的亲密关系变得更加重要。
Fear of the confidence man, counterfeit bills, and a pending bust created anxiety in the new capitalist economy.
对信心人、假钞和即将发生的萧条的恐惧在新的资本主义经济中造成了焦虑。
But Americans refused to blame the logic of their new commercial system for these depressions.
但美国人拒绝将这些萧条归咎于他们的新商业体系的逻辑。
Instead, they kept pushing “ to get forward .”
相反，他们不断推动“前进”。
The so-called Transportation Revolution opened the vast lands west of the Appalachian Mountains.
所谓的交通革命开辟了阿巴拉契亚山脉以西的广阔土地。
In 1810, before the rapid explosion of American infrastructure, Margaret Dwight left New Haven, Connecticut, in a wagon headed for Ohio Territory.
1810 年，在美国基础设施迅速爆炸之前，玛格丽特·德怀特 (Margaret Dwight) 乘坐马车离开康涅狄格州纽黑文，前往俄亥俄领地。
Her trip was less than five hundred miles but took six weeks to complete.
她的行程不到五百英里，但花了六周的时间才完成。
The journey was a terrible ordeal, she said.
她说，这段旅程是一次可怕的磨难。
The roads were “so rocky & so gullied as to be almost impassable.” 7 Ten days into the journey, at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, Dwight said “it appeared to me that we had come to the end of the habitable part of the globe.” She finally concluded that “the reason so few are willing to return from the Western country, is not that the country is so good, but because the journey is so bad.” 8 Nineteen years later, in 1829, English traveler Frances Trollope made the reverse journey across the Allegheny Mountains from Cincinnati to the East Coast.
道路“崎岖不平，沟壑纵横，几乎无法通行”。 7 旅程十天后，在宾夕法尼亚州的伯利恒，德怀特说：“在我看来，我们已经来到了地球可居住地区的尽头。”她最后总结道，“之所以很少有人愿意从西方国家回来，并不是因为这个国家有多好，而是因为旅程太糟糕了。” 8 十九年后，即 1829 年，英国旅行家弗朗西斯·特罗洛普 (Frances Trollope) 进行了相反的旅程，从辛辛那提穿越阿勒格尼山脉到达东海岸。
At Wheeling, Virginia, her coach encountered the National Road, the first federally funded interstate infrastructure project.
在弗吉尼亚州惠灵，她的教练遇到了国道，这是第一个联邦政府资助的州际基础设施项目。
The road was smooth and her journey across the Alleghenies was a scenic delight.
道路平坦，穿越阿勒格尼山脉的旅程风景如画。
“I really can hardly conceive a higher enjoyment than a botanical tour among the Alleghany Mountains,” she declared.
“我真的很难想象比在阿勒格尼山脉的植物之旅更享受的享受了，”她宣称。
The ninety miles of the National Road was to her “a garden.” 9
九十英里的国道对她来说就是一个“花园”。 9
Engraving based on W.H.
基于 W.H. 的雕刻
Bartlett, “Lockport, Erie Canal,” 1839.
巴特利特，《伊利运河洛克波特》，1839 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
If the two decades between Margaret Dwight’s and Frances Trollope’s journeys transformed the young nation, the pace of change only accelerated in the following years.
如果说玛格丽特·德怀特和弗朗西斯·特罗洛普之间的二十年旅程改变了这个年轻的国家，那么在接下来的几年里，变化的步伐只会加快。
If a transportation revolution began with improved road networks, it soon incorporated even greater improvements in the ways people and goods moved across the landscape.
如果说交通革命是从改善道路网络开始的，那么它很快就会对人员和货物在景观中的移动方式进行更大的改进。
New York State completed the Erie Canal in 1825.
纽约州于 1825 年竣工伊利运河。
The 350-mile-long human-made waterway linked the Great Lakes with the Hudson River and the Atlantic Ocean.
这条 350 英里长的人造水道将五大湖与哈德逊河和大西洋连接起来。
Soon crops grown in the Great Lakes region were carried by water to eastern cities, and goods from emerging eastern factories made the reverse journey to midwestern farmers.
很快，五大湖地区种植的农作物就被水运到东部城市，而来自东部新兴工厂的货物则逆向运往中西部农民。
The success of New York’s “artificial river” launched a canal-building boom.
纽约“人工河”的成功掀起了修建运河的热潮。
By 1840 Ohio created two navigable, all-water links from Lake Erie to the Ohio River.
到 1840 年，俄亥俄州修建了两条从伊利湖到俄亥俄河的全水路通航线路。
Robert Fulton established the first commercial steamboat service up and down the Hudson River in New York in 1807.
1807 年，罗伯特·富尔顿 (Robert Fulton) 在纽约哈德逊河上建立了第一条商业汽船服务。
Soon thereafter steamboats filled the waters of the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers.
此后不久，汽船就充满了密西西比河和俄亥俄河的水域。
Downstream-only routes became watery two-way highways.
仅限下游的路线变成了水上双向高速公路。
By 1830, more than two hundred steamboats moved up and down western rivers.
到 1830 年，已有两百多艘汽船在西部河流中往返。
The United States’ first long-distance rail line launched from Maryland in 1827.
美国第一条长途铁路线于 1827 年从马里兰州开通。
Baltimore’s city government and the state government of Maryland provided half the start-up funds for the new Baltimore & Ohio (B&O) Rail Road Company.
巴尔的摩市政府和马里兰州政府为新的巴尔的摩和俄亥俄州 (B&O) 铁路公司提供了一半的启动资金。
The B&O’s founders imagined the line as a means to funnel the agricultural products of the trans-Appalachian West to an outlet on the Chesapeake Bay.
B&O 的创始人设想这条生产线是一种将跨阿巴拉契亚西部的农产品输送到切萨皮克湾的出口的一种方式。
Similar motivations led citizens in Philadelphia, Boston, New York City, and Charleston, South Carolina to launch their own rail lines.
类似的动机促使费城、波士顿、纽约市和南卡罗来纳州查尔斯顿的公民开通了自己的铁路线。
State and local governments provided the means for the bulk of this initial wave of railroad construction, but economic collapse following the Panic of 1837 made governments wary of such investments.
州和地方政府为最初的铁路建设浪潮提供了大部分资金，但 1837 年恐慌之后的经济崩溃使政府对此类投资持谨慎态度。
Government supports continued throughout the century, but decades later the public origins of railroads were all but forgotten, and the railroad corporation became the most visible embodiment of corporate capitalism.
政府的支持持续了整个世纪，但几十年后，铁路的公共起源几乎被遗忘，铁路公司成为企业资本主义最明显的体现。
By 1860 Americans had laid more than thirty thousand miles of railroads.
到 1860 年，美国人已经铺设了超过三万英里的铁路。
10 The ensuing web of rail, roads, and canals meant that few farmers in the Northeast or Midwest had trouble getting goods to urban markets.
10随之而来的铁路、公路和运河网意味着东北部或中西部的农民很少有困难将货物运往城市市场。
Railroad development was slower in the South, but there a combination of rail lines and navigable rivers meant that few cotton planters struggled to transport their products to textile mills in the Northeast and in England.
南方的铁路发展较慢，但铁路线和通航河流的结合意味着很少有棉花种植园主难以将其产品运输到东北部和英格兰的纺织厂。
Such internal improvements not only spread goods, they spread information.
这种内部改进不仅传播商品，还传播信息。
The transportation revolution was followed by a communications revolution.
交通革命之后是通信革命。
The telegraph redefined the limits of human communication.
电报重新定义了人类通信的极限。
By 1843 Samuel Morse had persuaded Congress to fund a forty-mile telegraph line stretching from Washington, D.C., to Baltimore.
1843 年，塞缪尔·莫尔斯 (Samuel Morse) 说服国会资助一条从华盛顿特区延伸至巴尔的摩的 40 英里电报线。
Within a few short years, during the Mexican-American War, telegraph lines carried news of battlefield events to eastern newspapers within days.
短短几年内，在美墨战争期间，电报线路在几天之内就将战场事件的消息传送到东部报纸。
This contrasts starkly with the War of 1812, when the Battle of New Orleans took place nearly two full weeks after Britain and the United States had signed a peace treaty.
这与 1812 年战争形成鲜明对比，当时新奥尔良战役是在英国和美国签署和平条约近两周后发生的。
The consequences of the transportation and communication revolutions reshaped the lives of Americans.
交通和通讯革命的后果重塑了美国人的生活。
Farmers who previously produced crops mostly for their own family now turned to the market.
以前主要为自己家庭生产农作物的农民现在转向市场。
They earned cash for what they had previously consumed; they purchased the goods they had previously made or gone without.
他们为之前消费的东西赚取现金；他们购买了以前制造或没有的商品。
Market-based farmers soon accessed credit through eastern banks, which provided them with the opportunity to expand their enterprise but left also them prone before the risk of catastrophic failure wrought by distant market forces.
以市场为基础的农民很快就通过东部银行获得信贷，这为他们提供了扩大企业的机会，但也使他们容易面临遥远的市场力量造成灾难性失败的风险。
In the Northeast and Midwest, where farm labor was ever in short supply, ambitious farmers invested in new technologies that promised to increase the productivity of the limited labor supply.
在农业劳动力一直短缺的东北部和中西部，雄心勃勃的农民投资于新技术，这些技术有望提高有限劳动力供应的生产率。
The years between 1815 and 1850 witnessed an explosion of patents on agricultural technologies.
1815 年至 1850 年间，农业技术专利激增。
The most famous of these, perhaps, was Cyrus McCormick’s horse-drawn mechanical reaper, which partially mechanized wheat harvesting, and John Deere’s steel-bladed plow, which more easily allowed for the conversion of unbroken ground into fertile farmland.
其中最著名的也许是赛勒斯·麦考密克的马拉机械收割机，它可以部分机械化小麦收割，以及约翰迪尔的钢刃犁，可以更容易地将未开垦的土地变成肥沃的农田。
A.
A.
Janicke & Co., “Our City, (St. Louis, Mo.),” 1859.
Janicke & Co.，“我们的城市，（密苏里州圣路易斯）”，1859 年。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
Most visibly, the market revolution encouraged the growth of cities and reshaped the lives of urban workers.
最明显的是，市场革命促进了城市的发展并重塑了城市工人的生活。
In 1820, only New York had over one hundred thousand inhabitants.
1820年，仅纽约就有超过十万居民。
By 1850, six American cities met that threshold, including Chicago, which had been founded fewer than two decades earlier.
到 1850 年，美国有六个城市达到了这一门槛，其中包括成立不到二十年的芝加哥。
11 New technology and infrastructure paved the way for such growth.
11 新技术和基础设施为这种增长铺平了道路。
The Erie Canal captured the bulk of the trade emerging from the Great Lakes region, securing New York City’s position as the nation’s largest and most economically important city.
伊利运河占据了五大湖地区的大部分贸易，确保了纽约市作为美国最大和最重要的经济城市的地位。
The steamboat turned St. Louis and Cincinnati into centers of trade, and Chicago rose as it became the railroad hub of the western Great Lakes and Great Plains regions.
汽船使圣路易斯和辛辛那提成为贸易中心，芝加哥则因成为西部五大湖和大平原地区的铁路枢纽而崛起。
The geographic center of the nation shifted westward.
国家地理中心西移。
The development of steam power and the exploitation of Pennsylvania coalfields shifted the locus of American manufacturing.
蒸汽动力的发展和宾夕法尼亚州煤田的开发改变了美国制造业的轨迹。
By the 1830s, for instance, New England was losing its competitive advantage to the West.
例如，到了 1830 年代，新英格兰正在失去对西方的竞争优势。
Meanwhile, the cash economy eclipsed the old, local, informal systems of barter and trade.
与此同时，现金经济使旧的、本地的、非正式的易货和贸易体系黯然失色。
Income became the measure of economic worth.
收入成为经济价值的衡量标准。
Productivity and efficiencies paled before the measure of income.
在收入衡量标准面前，生产率和效率相形见绌。
Cash facilitated new impersonal economic relationships and formalized new means of production.
现金促进了新的非个人经济关系并使新的生产方式正规化。
Young workers might simply earn wages, for instance, rather than receiving room and board and training as part of apprenticeships.
例如，年轻工人可能只是赚取工资，而不是在学徒期间获得食宿和培训。
Moreover, a new form of economic organization appeared: the business corporation.
此外，出现了一种新的经济组织形式：商业公司。
States offered the privileges of incorporation to protect the fortunes and liabilities of entrepreneurs who invested in early industrial endeavors.
各州提供注册特权，以保护投资于早期工业事业的企业家的财富和责任。
A corporate charter allowed investors and directors to avoid personal liability for company debts.
公司章程允许投资者和董事避免对公司债务承担个人责任。
The legal status of incorporation had been designed to confer privileges to organizations embarking on expensive projects explicitly designed for the public good, such as universities, municipalities, and major public works projects.
公司的法律地位旨在赋予从事专门为公共利益而设计的昂贵项目的组织特权，例如大学、市政当局和重大公共工程项目。
The business corporation was something new.
商业公司是一种新事物。
Many Americans distrusted these new, impersonal business organizations whose officers lacked personal responsibility while nevertheless carrying legal rights.
许多美国人不信任这些新的、非人性化的商业组织，这些组织的官员缺乏个人责任，但却拥有合法权利。
Many wanted limits.
许多人想要限制。
Thomas Jefferson himself wrote in 1816 that “I hope we shall crush in its birth the aristocracy of our monied corporations which dare already to challenge our government to a trial of strength, and bid defiance to the laws of our country.” 12 But in Dartmouth v.
托马斯·杰斐逊 (Thomas Jefferson) 本人在 1816 年写道：“我希望我们能够在其诞生之初就粉碎我们财团的贵族，他们已经敢于挑战我们的政府，进行实力较量，并公然蔑视我们国家的法律。” 12 但在达特茅斯诉。
Woodward (1819) the Supreme Court upheld the rights of private corporations when it denied the attempt of the government of New Hampshire to reorganize Dartmouth College on behalf of the common good.
Woodward (1819) 最高法院在驳回新罕布什尔州政府代表公共利益重组达特茅斯学院的尝试时维护了私营公司的权利。
Still, suspicions remained.
尽管如此，怀疑依然存在。
A group of journeymen cordwainers in New Jersey publically declared in 1835 that they “entirely disapprov[ed] of the incorporation of Companies, for carrying on manual mechanical business, inasmuch as we believe their tendency is to eventuate and produce monopolies, thereby crippling the energies of individual enterprise.” 13
新泽西州的一群熟练工人于 1835 年公开宣称，他们“完全不赞成成立公司来从事手动机械业务，因为我们认为他们的倾向是最终导致和产生垄断，从而削弱个体企业的活力。” 13
Slave labor helped fuel the market revolution.
奴隶劳动推动了市场革命。
By 1832, textile companies made up 88 out of 106 American corporations valued at over $100,000.
到 1832 年，美国 106 家价值超过 10 万美元的公司中有 88 家是纺织公司。
14 These textile mills, worked by free labor, nevertheless depended on southern cotton, and the vast new market economy spurred the expansion of the plantation South.
14 这些纺织厂由自由劳动力经营，但仍然依赖南方棉花，而广阔的新市场经济刺激了南方种植园的扩张。
By the early nineteenth century, states north of the Mason-Dixon Line had taken steps to abolish slavery.
到十九世纪初，梅森-迪克森线以北的各州已采取措施废除奴隶制。
Vermont included abolition as a provision of its 1777 state constitution.
佛蒙特州将废除死刑作为其 1777 年州宪法的一项条款。
Pennsylvania’s emancipation act of 1780 stipulated that freed children must serve an indenture term of twenty-eight years.
宾夕法尼亚州 1780 年的解放法案规定，获得自由的儿童必须服刑二十八年。
Gradualism brought emancipation while also defending the interests of northern enslavers and controlling still another generation of Black Americans.
渐进主义带来了解放，同时也捍卫了北方奴隶主的利益并控制了另一代美国黑人。
In 1804 New Jersey became the last of the northern states to adopt gradual emancipation plans.
1804 年，新泽西州成为北方各州中最后一个采取渐进解放计划的州。
There was no immediate moment of jubilee, as many northern states only promised to liberate future children born to enslaved mothers.
没有立即举行禧年，因为许多北方州只承诺解放被奴役母亲所生的未来孩子。
Such laws also stipulated that such children remain in indentured servitude to their mother’s enslaver in order to compensate the enslaver’s loss.
这些法律还规定，这些儿童仍对其母亲的奴隶主实行契约奴役，以补偿奴隶主的损失。
James Mars, a young man indentured under this system in Connecticut, risked being thrown in jail when he protested the arrangement that kept him bound to his mother’s enslaver until age twenty-five.
康涅狄格州的年轻人詹姆斯·马尔斯 (James Mars) 在这种制度下签订了契约，他抗议将他与母亲的奴隶捆绑在一起直到二十五岁的安排，他冒着被投入监狱的危险。
15
15
Quicker routes to freedom included escape or direct emancipation by enslavers.
通往自由的更快途径包括逃跑或被奴隶主直接解放。
But escape was dangerous and voluntary manumission rare.
但逃跑是危险的，自愿释放的情况很少见。
Congress, for instance, made the harboring of a freedom-seeking enslaved person a federal crime as early as 1793.
例如，国会早在 1793 年就将窝藏寻求自由的奴隶定为联邦犯罪。
Hopes for manumission were even slimmer, as few northern enslavers emancipated their own enslaved laborers.
解放的希望更加渺茫，因为很少有北方奴隶主解放自己的奴隶。
Roughly one fifth of the white families in New York City owned enslaved laborers, and fewer than eighty enslavers in the city voluntarily manumitted their enslaved laborers between 1783 and 1800.
纽约市大约五分之一的白人家庭拥有被奴役的劳工，1783 年至 1800 年间，该市只有不到 80 个奴隶主自愿释放他们的被奴役劳工。
By 1830, census data suggests that at least 3,500 people were still enslaved in the North.
到 1830 年，人口普查数据显示，北方至少有 3,500 人仍处于奴役状态。
Elderly enslaved people in Connecticut remained in bondage as late as 1848, and in New Jersey slavery endured until after the Civil War.
康涅狄格州的老年奴隶直到 1848 年仍处于奴役状态，而新泽西州的奴隶制一直持续到内战结束后。
16
16
Emancipation proceeded slowly, but proceeded nonetheless.
解放虽然进展缓慢，但仍然在进行。
A free Black population of fewer than 60,000 in 1790 increased to more than 186,000 by 1810.
1790 年，自由黑人人口不足 60,000 人，到 1810 年增加到 186,000 多人。
Growing free Black communities fought for their civil rights.
越来越多的自由黑人社区为自己的公民权利而奋斗。
In a number of New England locales, free African Americans could vote and send their children to public schools.
在新英格兰的许多地区，自由的非裔美国人可以投票并将他们的孩子送到公立学校。
Most northern states granted Black citizens property rights and trial by jury.
大多数北方州授予黑人公民财产权和陪审团审判权。
African Americans owned land and businesses, founded mutual aid societies, established churches, promoted education, developed print culture, and voted.
非裔美国人拥有土地和企业，成立互助协会，建立教堂，促进教育，发展印刷文化并投票。
Nationally, however, the enslaved population continued to grow, from less than 700,000 in 1790 to more than 1.5 million by 1820.
然而，在全国范围内，奴隶人口持续增长，从 1790 年的不到 70 万增加到 1820 年的超过 150 万。
17 The growth of abolition in the North and the acceleration of slavery in the South created growing divisions.
17 北方废奴运动的发展和南方奴隶制的加速造成了日益严重的分歧。
Cotton drove the process more than any other crop.
棉花比任何其他作物都更能推动这一过程。
Eli Whitney’s cotton gin, a simple hand-cranked device designed to mechanically remove sticky green seeds from short staple cotton, allowed southern planters to dramatically expand cotton production for the national and international markets.
伊莱·惠特尼 (Eli Whitney) 的轧棉机是一种简单的手摇设备，旨在以机械方式从短绒棉中去除粘性的绿色种子，使南方种植园主能够大幅扩大面向国内和国际市场的棉花产量。
Water-powered textile factories in England and the American Northeast rapidly turned raw cotton into cloth.
英国和美国东北部的水力纺织厂迅速将原棉变成了布料。
Technology increased both the supply of and demand for cotton.
技术增加了棉花的供应和需求。
White southerners responded by expanding cultivation farther west, to the Mississippi River and beyond.
南方白人的反应是将耕种范围扩大到更西边的密西西比河及其他地区。
Slavery had been growing less profitable in tobacco-planting regions like Virginia, but the growth of cotton farther south and west increased the demand for human bondage.
在弗吉尼亚州等烟草种植地区，奴隶制的利润越来越低，但南部和西部棉花的种植增加了对人类奴役的需求。
Eager cotton planters invested their new profits in more enslaved laborers.
热心的棉花种植园主将新利润投资于更多被奴役的劳工身上。
The cotton boom fueled speculation in slavery.
棉花繁荣助长了对奴隶制的猜测。
Many enslavers leveraged potential profits into loans used to purchase ever increasing numbers of enslaved laborers.
许多奴隶主将潜在利润转化为贷款，用于购买越来越多的被奴役劳工。
For example, one 1840 Louisiana Courier ad warned, “it is very difficult now to find persons willing to buy slaves from Mississippi or Alabama on account of the fears entertained that such property may be already mortgaged to the banks of the above named states.” 18
例如，1840 年路易斯安那信使报的一则广告警告说：“现在很难找到愿意从密西西比州或阿拉巴马州购买奴隶的人，因为人们担心这些财产可能已经抵押给上述州的银行。” 18
Sidney & Neff, Detail from Plan of the City of Lowell, Massachusetts , 1850.
Sidney 和 Neff，马萨诸塞州洛厄尔市规划细节，1850 年。
Wikimedia Commons .
维基共享资源。
New national and international markets fueled the plantation boom.
新的国内和国际市场推动了种植园的繁荣。
American cotton exports rose from 150,000 bales in 1815 to 4,541,000 bales in 1859.
美国棉花出口量从 1815 年的 150,000 包增加到 1859 年的 4,541,000 包。
The Census Bureau’s 1860 Census of Manufactures stated that “the manufacture of cotton constitutes the most striking feature of the industrial history of the last fifty years.” 19 Enslavers shipped their cotton north to textile manufacturers and to northern financers for overseas shipments.
人口普查局 1860 年制造业普查指出，“棉花制造构成了过去 50 年工业史上最显着的特征。” 19 奴隶主将他们的棉花运往北方，运往纺织品制造商和北方金融机构，然后运往海外。
Northern insurance brokers and exporters in the Northeast profited greatly.
北方保险经纪商和东北出口商获利颇丰。
While the United States ended its legal participation in the global slave trade in 1808, slave traders moved one million enslaved people from the tobacco-producing Upper South to cotton fields in the Lower South between 1790 and 1860.
虽然美国于 1808 年结束了对全球奴隶贸易的合法参与，但奴隶贩子在 1790 年至 1860 年间将 100 万奴隶从产烟的上南方转移到了下南方的棉田。
20 This harrowing trade in human flesh supported middle-class occupations in the North and South: bankers, doctors, lawyers, insurance brokers, and shipping agents all profited.
20这种令人痛苦的人肉贸易支撑了南北双方的中产阶级职业：银行家、医生、律师、保险经纪人和航运代理人都从中获利。
And of course it facilitated the expansion of northeastern textile mills.
当然，它也促进了东北纺织厂的扩张。
While industrialization bypassed most of the American South, southern cotton production nevertheless nurtured industrialization in the Northeast and Midwest.
虽然工业化绕过了美国南部的大部分地区，但南部的棉花生产却培育了东北部和中西部的工业化。
The drive to produce cloth transformed the American system of labor.
生产布料的动力改变了美国的劳动制度。
In the early republic, laborers in manufacturing might typically have been expected to work at every stage of production.
在共和国早期，制造业的劳动者通常被期望在生产的每个阶段工作。
But a new system, piecework, divided much of production into discrete steps performed by different workers.
但计件工作制这一新系统将大部分生产划分为由不同工人执行的离散步骤。
In this new system, merchants or investors sent or “put out” materials to individuals and families to complete at home.
在这个新系统中，商人或投资者将材料发送或“分发”给个人和家庭在家完成。
These independent laborers then turned over the partially finished goods to the owner to be given to another laborer to finish.
然后，这些独立劳动者将部分完成的货物交给所有者，然后再交给另一个劳动者来完成。
As early as the 1790s, however, merchants in New England began experimenting with machines to replace the putting-out system.
然而，早在 1790 年代，新英格兰的商人就开始尝试用机器来取代出库系统。
To effect this transition, merchants and factory owners relied on the theft of British technological knowledge to build the machines they needed.
为了实现这一转变，商人和工厂主依靠窃取英国技术知识来制造他们所需的机器。
In 1789, for instance, a textile mill in Pawtucket, Rhode Island, contracted twenty-one-year-old British immigrant Samuel Slater to build a yarn-spinning machine and then a carding machine.
例如，1789 年，罗德岛州波塔基特的一家纺织厂与 21 岁的英国移民塞缪尔·斯莱特 (Samuel Slater) 签订合同，建造一台纺纱机，然后建造一台梳理机。
Slater had apprenticed in an English mill and succeeded in mimicking the English machinery.
斯莱特曾在英国一家工厂当学徒，并成功地模仿了英国的机器。
The fruits of American industrial espionage peaked in 1813 when Francis Cabot Lowell and Paul Moody re-created the powered loom used in the mills of Manchester, England.
1813 年，弗朗西斯·卡伯特·洛厄尔 (Francis Cabot Lowell) 和保罗·穆迪 (Paul Moody) 重新发明了英国曼彻斯特工厂使用的动力织机，美国工业间谍活动的成果达到顶峰。
Lowell had spent two years in Britain observing and touring mills in England.
洛厄尔在英国呆了两年，观察并参观了英国的工厂。
He committed the design of the powered loom to memory so that, no matter how many times British customs officials searched his luggage, he could smuggle England’s industrial know-how into New England.
他将动力织机的设计牢记在心，这样，无论英国海关官员搜查他的行李多少次，他都可以将英国的工业技术偷运到新英格兰。
Lowell’s contribution to American industrialism was not only technological, it was organizational.
洛厄尔对美国工业主义的贡献不仅是技术上的，而且是组织上的。
He helped reorganize and centralize the American manufacturing process.
他帮助重组和集中了美国的制造流程。
A new approach, the Waltham-Lowell System, created the textile mill that defined antebellum New England and American industrialism before the Civil War.
沃尔瑟姆-洛厄尔系统这一新方法创建了纺织厂，定义了战前的新英格兰和内战前的美国工业主义。
The modern American textile mill was fully realized in the planned mill town of Lowell in 1821, four years after Lowell himself died.
1821 年，即洛厄尔本人去世四年后，现代美国纺织厂在规划中的洛厄尔工厂小镇全面建成。
Powered by the Merrimack River in northern Massachusetts and operated by local farm girls, the mills of Lowell centralized the process of textile manufacturing under one roof.
洛厄尔的工厂由马萨诸塞州北部的梅里马克河提供动力，由当地农场女孩经营，将纺织品制造过程集中在一个屋檐下。
The modern American factory was born.
现代美国工厂诞生了。
Soon ten thousand workers labored in Lowell alone.
很快，仅洛厄尔一地就有一万名工人在劳动。
Sarah Rice, who worked at the nearby Millbury factory, found it “a noisy place” that was “more confined than I like to be.” 21 Working conditions were harsh for the many desperate “mill girls” who operated the factories relentlessly from sunup to sundown.
在附近米尔伯里工厂工作的莎拉·赖斯 (Sarah Rice) 发现这里是“一个吵闹的地方”，“比我喜欢的更加封闭”。 21 对于许多绝望的“工厂女孩”来说，工作条件十分艰苦，她们日出而作、日落而息地经营着工厂。
One worker complained that “a large class of females are, and have been, destined to a state of servitude.” 22 Female workers went on strike.
一名工人抱怨说，“一大群女性注定要处于奴役状态。” 22名女工罢工。
They lobbied for better working hours.
他们游说改善工作时间。
But the lure of wages was too much.
但工资的诱惑太大了。
As another worker noted, “very many Ladies .
正如另一位工人指出的那样，“很多女士......
.
。
.
。
have given up millinery, dressmaking & school keeping for work in the mill.” 23 With a large supply of eager workers, Lowell’s vision brought a rush of capital and entrepreneurs into New England.
放弃了女帽、裁缝和学校管理，转而在工厂工作。” 23 洛厄尔的愿景为新英格兰带来了大量热切的工人，带来了大量资本和企业家。
The first American manufacturing boom was under way.
美国第一次制造业繁荣正在进行。
Winslow Homer, “Bell-Time,” Harper’s Weekly vol. 12 (July 1868): 472.
温斯洛·霍默，《钟声》，《哈珀周刊》卷。 12（1868 年 7 月）：472。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
The market revolution shook other industries as well.
市场革命也震动了其他行业。
Craftsmen began to understand that new markets increased the demand for their products.
工匠们开始认识到新市场增加了对其产品的需求。
Some shoemakers, for instance, abandoned the traditional method of producing custom-built shoes at their home workshops and instead began producing larger quantities of shoes in ready-made sizes to be shipped to urban centers.
例如，一些鞋匠放弃了在家庭作坊生产定制鞋子的传统方法，而是开始生产大量现成尺寸的鞋子，然后运往城市中心。
Manufacturers wanting increased production abandoned the old personal approach of relying on a single live-in apprentice for labor and instead hired unskilled wage laborers who did not have to be trained in all aspects of making shoes but could simply be assigned a single repeatable aspect of the task.
希望增加产量的制造商放弃了依靠单一住家学徒进行劳动力的旧个人方法，而是雇用了非熟练工资工人，这些工人不必接受制鞋各个方面的培训，而只需分配任务的一个可重复方面。
Factories slowly replaced shops.
工厂慢慢取代了商店。
The old paternalistic apprentice system, which involved long-term obligations between apprentice and master, gave way to a more impersonal and more flexible labor system in which unskilled laborers could be hired and fired as the market dictated.
旧的家长式学徒制度，涉及学徒和师傅之间的长期义务，被一种更加客观、更加灵活的劳动制度所取代，在这种制度下，非熟练工人可以根据市场的需要雇用和解雇。
A writer in the New York Observer in 1826 complained, “The master no longer lives among his apprentices [and] watches over their moral as well as mechanical improvement.” 24 Masters-turned-employers now not only had fewer obligations to their workers, they had a lesser attachment.
1826 年《纽约观察家报》的一位作家抱怨道：“大师不再与学徒生活在一起，并关注他们的道德和机械进步。” 24 船长出身的雇主现在不仅对工人的义务减少了，而且对工人的依恋也减少了。
They no longer shared the bonds of their trade but were subsumed under new class-based relationships: employers and employees, bosses and workers, capitalists and laborers.
他们不再分享行业的纽带，而是被纳入新的阶级关系之中：雇主和雇员、老板和工人、资本家和劳动者。
On the other hand, workers were freed from the long-term, paternalistic obligations of apprenticeship or the legal subjugation of indentured servitude.
另一方面，工人摆脱了长期的、家长式的学徒义务或契约奴役的法律约束。
They could theoretically work when and where they wanted.
理论上，他们可以随时随地工作。
When men or women made an agreement with an employer to work for wages, they were “left free to apportion among themselves their respective shares, untrammeled .
当男性或女性与雇主达成协议，为工资而工作时，他们“可以不受限制地自由分配各自的份额……”。
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by unwise laws,” as Reverend Alonzo Potter rosily proclaimed in 1840.
正如阿朗佐·波特牧师在 1840 年乐观地宣称的那样。
25 But while the new labor system was celebrated throughout the northern United States as “free labor,” it was simultaneously lamented by a growing powerless class of laborers.
25 但是，尽管新的劳工制度在整个美国北部被称为“自由劳工”，但与此同时，越来越多的无权劳工阶级却对它感到哀叹。
As the northern United States rushed headlong toward commercialization and an early capitalist economy, many Americans grew uneasy with the growing gap between wealthy businessmen and impoverished wage laborers.
当美国北部急速走向商业化和早期资本主义经济时，许多美国人对富有的商人和贫困的雇佣工人之间日益扩大的差距感到不安。
Elites like Daniel Webster might defend their wealth and privilege by insisting that all workers could achieve “a career of usefulness and enterprise” if they were “industrious and sober,” but labor activist Seth Luther countered that capitalism created “a cruel system of extraction on the bodies and minds of the producing classes .
像丹尼尔·韦伯斯特这样的精英可能会坚持认为，如果所有工人“勤奋而清醒”，他们就可以实现“有用和进取的职业”，从而捍卫自己的财富和特权，但劳工活动家塞斯·路德反驳说，资本主义创造了“对生产阶级的身体和思想的残酷榨取制度……”。
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for no other object than to enable the ‘rich’ to ‘take care of themselves’ while the poor must work or starve.” 26
没有其他目的，只是让‘富人’能够‘照顾自己’，而穷人则必须工作或挨饿。” 26
Americans embarked on their Industrial Revolution with the expectation that all men could start their careers as humble wage workers but later achieve positions of ownership and stability with hard work.
美国人开始工业革命时，期望所有男人都能以卑微的工资工人开始自己的职业生涯，但后来通过努力工作获得所有权和稳定的职位。
Wage work had traditionally been looked down on as a state of dependence, suitable only as a temporary waypoint for young men without resources on their path toward the middle class and the economic success necessary to support a wife and children ensconced within the domestic sphere.
传统上，工资工作被视为一种依赖状态，只适合作为年轻人的临时途径，因为他们在走向中产阶级的道路上没有资源，也没有经济上的成功来养活在家庭范围内的妻子和孩子。
Children’s magazines—such as Juvenile Miscellany and Parley’s Magazine —glorified the prospect of moving up the economic ladder.
儿童杂志——例如《少年杂记》和《Parley’s Magazine》——颂扬了在经济阶梯上攀登的前景。
This “free labor ideology” provided many northerners with a keen sense of superiority over the slave economy of the southern states.
这种“自由劳动意识形态”让许多北方人对南方各州的奴隶经济产生了强烈的优越感。
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But the commercial economy often failed in its promise of social mobility.
但商业经济常常未能兑现其社会流动性的承诺。
Depressions and downturns might destroy businesses and reduce owners to wage work.
萧条和衰退可能会摧毁企业并减少业主的工资工作。
Even in times of prosperity unskilled workers might perpetually lack good wages and economic security and therefore had to forever depend on supplemental income from their wives and young children.
即使在繁荣时期，非技术工人也可能永远缺乏良好的工资和经济保障，因此不得不永远依赖妻子和孩子的补充收入。
Wage workers—a population disproportionately composed of immigrants and poorer Americans—faced low wages, long hours, and dangerous working conditions.
工资工人——主要由移民和较贫穷的美国人组成——面临着低工资、长时间工作和危险的工作条件。
Class conflict developed.
阶级矛盾发展了。
Instead of the formal inequality of a master-servant contract, employer and employee entered a contract presumably as equals.
雇主和雇员签订的合同并非是形式上的不平等的主仆合同，而是假定是平等的。
But hierarchy was evident: employers had financial security and political power; employees faced uncertainty and powerlessness in the workplace.
但等级制度很明显：雇主有财务保障和政治权力；雇主有权力。员工在工作场所面临不确定性和无力感。
Dependent on the whims of their employers, some workers turned to strikes and unions to pool their resources.
一些工人根据雇主的想法转向罢工和工会来集中资源。
In 1825 a group of journeymen in Boston formed a Carpenters’ Union to protest their inability “to maintain a family at the present time, with the wages which are now usually given.” 28 Working men organized unions to assert themselves and win both the respect and the resources due to a breadwinner and a citizen.
1825 年，波士顿的一群熟练工人成立了木匠联盟，以抗议他们“目前无法以现在通常发放的工资维持家庭”。 28 工人组织工会来维护自己的权利，并赢得养家糊口者和公民应有的尊重和资源。
For the middle-class managers and civic leaders caught between workers and owners, unions enflamed a dangerous antagonism between employers and employees.
对于夹在工人和业主之间的中产阶级管理者和公民领袖来说，工会激起了雇主和雇员之间危险的对立。
They countered any claims of inherent class conflict with the ideology of social mobility.
他们反驳了任何与社会流动意识形态存在固有阶级冲突的说法。
Middle-class owners and managers justified their economic privilege as the natural product of superior character traits, including decision making and hard work.
中产阶级的所有者和管理者将他们的经济特权视为优越性格特征（包括决策和努力工作）的自然产物。
One group of master carpenters denounced their striking journeymen in 1825 with the claim that workers of “industrious and temperate habits, have, in their turn, become thriving and respectable Masters, and the great body of our Mechanics have been enabled to acquire property and respectability, with a just weight and influence in society.” 29 In an 1856 speech in Kalamazoo, Michigan, Abraham Lincoln had to assure his audience that the country’s commercial transformation had not reduced American laborers to slavery.
1825 年，一群木匠大师谴责了他们罢工的熟练工，声称“勤劳、有节制习惯的工人反过来也成为了欣欣向荣、受人尊敬的大师，我们的机械师队伍也因此获得了财产和尊严，在社会上具有了公正的分量和影响力。” 29 1856 年，在密歇根州卡拉马祖的一次演讲中，亚伯拉罕·林肯必须向听众保证，国家的商业转型并未使美国劳工沦为奴隶。
Southerners, he said, “insist that their slaves are far better off than Northern freemen.
他说，南方人“坚持认为他们的奴隶比北方自由民的生活要好得多。
What a mistaken view do these men have of Northern labourers!
这些人对北方劳工的看法是多么错误啊！
They think that men are always to remain labourers here—but there is no such class.
他们认为男人永远是这里的劳动者——但不存在这样的阶级。
The man who laboured for another last year, this year labours for himself.
去年为别人劳作的人，今年为自己劳作。
And next year he will hire others to labour for him.” 30 This essential belief undergirded the northern commitment to “free labor” and won the market revolution much widespread acceptance.
明年他将雇用其他人为他工作。” 30这一基本信念巩固了北方对“自由劳动力”的承诺，并为市场革命赢得了广泛的接受。
In the first half of the nineteenth century, families in the northern United States increasingly participated in the cash economy created by the market revolution.
十九世纪上半叶，美国北部的家庭越来越多地参与市场革命创造的现金经济。
The first stirrings of industrialization shifted work away from the home.
工业化的第一次兴起使工作远离了家庭。
These changes transformed Americans’ notions of what constituted work and therefore shifted what it meant to be an American woman and an American man.
这些变化改变了美国人对工作的定义，也改变了美国女性和美国男性的含义。
As Americans encountered more goods in stores and produced fewer at home, the ability to remove women and children from work determined a family’s class status.
由于美国人在商店里遇到的商品越来越多，而在家中生产的商品却越来越少，因此，让妇女和儿童摆脱工作的能力决定了一个家庭的阶级地位。
This ideal, of course, ignored the reality of women’s work at home and was possible for only the wealthy.
当然，这种理想忽视了女性在家工作的现实，并且只有富人才有可能实现。
The market revolution therefore not only transformed the economy, it changed the nature of the American family.
因此，市场革命不仅改变了经济，也改变了美国家庭的性质。
As the market revolution thrust workers into new systems of production, it redefined gender roles.
随着市场革命将工人推入新的生产体系，它重新定义了性别角色。
The market integrated families into a new cash economy.
市场将家庭融入到新的现金经济中。
As Americans purchased more goods in stores and produced fewer at home, the purity of the domestic sphere—the idealized realm of women and children—increasingly signified a family’s class status.
随着美国人在商店购买的商品越来越多，而在家生产的商品越来越少，家庭领域的纯洁性——妇女和儿童的理想领域——越来越象征着一个家庭的阶级地位。
Women and children worked to supplement the low wages of many male workers.
妇女和儿童的工作是为了补充许多男性工人的低工资。
Around age eleven or twelve, boys could take jobs as office runners or waiters, earning perhaps a dollar a week to support their parents’ incomes.
十一岁或十二岁左右，男孩可以从事办公室事务员或服务员的工作，每周可能赚一美元来维持父母的收入。
The ideal of an innocent and protected childhood was a privilege for middle- and upper-class families, who might look down upon poor families.
对于中上层阶级家庭来说，拥有一个天真无邪且受保护的童年是一种特权，他们可能会看不起贫困家庭。
Joseph Tuckerman, a Unitarian minister who served poor Bostonians, lamented the lack of discipline and regularity among poor children: “At one hour they are kept at work to procure fuel, or perform some other service; in the next are allowed to go where they will, and to do what they will.” 31 Prevented from attending school, poor children served instead as economic assets for their destitute families.
约瑟夫·塔克曼 (Joseph Tuckerman) 是一位为波士顿贫困人口服务的一神派牧师，他对贫困儿童缺乏纪律和规律性表示遗憾：“在一个小时内，他们还得工作去采购燃料，或提供其他服务；在接下来的时间里，他们就可以去他们想去的地方，做他们想做的事。” 31 贫困儿童无法上学，反而成为贫困家庭的经济资产。
Meanwhile, the education received by middle-class children provided a foundation for future economic privilege.
同时，中产阶级子女所接受的教育为未来的经济特权奠定了基础。
As artisans lost control over their trades, young men had a greater incentive to invest time in education to find skilled positions later in life.
由于工匠失去了对自己行业的控制，年轻人更有动力投入时间接受教育，以便在以后的生活中找到熟练的职位。
Formal schooling was especially important for young men who desired apprenticeships in retail or commercial work.
对于希望在零售或商业工作中成为学徒的年轻人来说，正规教育尤其重要。
Enterprising instructors established schools to assist “young gentlemen preparing for mercantile and other pursuits, who may wish for an education superior to that usually obtained in the common schools, but different from a college education, and better adapted to their particular business,” such as that organized in 1820 by Warren Colburn of Boston.
富有进取心的教师建立学校是为了帮助“为商业和其他追求做准备的年轻绅士，他们可能希望获得优于普通学校通常获得的教育，但不同于大学教育，并且更好地适应他们的特定业务”，例如波士顿的沃伦·科尔伯恩于 1820 年组织的学校。
32 In response to this need, the Boston School Committee created the English High School (as opposed to the Latin School) that could “give a child an education that shall fit him for active life, and shall serve as a foundation for eminence in his profession, whether Mercantile or Mechanical” beyond that “which our public schools can now furnish.” 33
32为了满足这一需求，波士顿学校委员会创建了英语高中（而不是拉丁学校），它可以“为孩子提供适合他积极生活的教育，并为他在商业或机械领域的职业生涯中取得杰出成就奠定基础”，超越“我们的公立学校现在可以提供的”。 33
“The Sphere of Woman,” Godey’s Lady’s Book vol. 40 (March 1850): 209.
“女人的领域”，戈迪的女士书卷。 40（1850 年 3 月）：209。
University of Virginia .
弗吉尼亚大学。
Education equipped young women with the tools to live sophisticated, genteel lives.
教育为年轻女性提供了过上精致、优雅生活的工具。
After sixteen-year-old Elizabeth Davis left home in 1816 to attend school, her father explained that the experience would “lay a foundation for your future character & respectability.” 34 After touring the United States in the 1830s, Alexis de Tocqueville praised the independence granted to the young American woman, who had “the great scene of the world .
1816 年，16 岁的伊丽莎白·戴维斯 (Elizabeth Davis) 离家去上学，她的父亲解释说，这段经历将“为你未来的品格和受人尊敬奠定基础”。 34 亚历克西斯·德·托克维尔 (Alexis de Tocqueville) 在 1830 年代游览美国后，赞扬了这位年轻美国女性的独立性，她拥有“世界的伟大风光……”。
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open to her” and whose education prepared her to exercise both reason and moral sense.
对她开放”，她所受的教育使她能够运用理性和道德感。
35 Middling young women also used their education to take positions as schoolteachers in the expanding common school system.
35 中年年轻女性还利用她们的教育在不断扩大的普通学校系统中担任教师。
Bristol Academy in Taunton, Massachusetts, for instance, advertised “instruction .
例如，马萨诸塞州汤顿市的布里斯托尔学院就在广告中宣传“教学……”。
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in the art of teaching” for female pupils.
女学生的“教学艺术”。
36 In 1825, Nancy Denison left Concord Academy with references indicating that she was “qualified to teach with success and profit” and “very cheerfully recommend[ed]” for “that very responsible employment.” 37
36 1825 年，南希·丹尼森 (Nancy Denison) 离开康科德学院 (Concord Academy)，她的推荐信表明她“有资格从事教学并取得成功并获利”，并且“非常高兴地推荐”从事“非常负责任的工作”。 37
Middle-class youths found opportunities for respectable employment through formal education, but poor youths remained in marginalized positions.
中产阶级青年通过正规教育找到了体面的就业机会，但贫困青年仍处于边缘化地位。
Their families’ desperate financial state kept them from enjoying the fruits of education.
他们的家庭贫困的经济状况使他们无法享受教育的成果。
When pauper children did receive teaching through institutions such as the House of Refuge in New York City, they were often simultaneously indentured to successful families to serve as field hands or domestic laborers.
当贫困儿童确实通过纽约市避难所等机构接受教育时，他们往往同时与成功家庭签订契约，担任田间工人或家政工人。
The Society for the Reformation of Juvenile Delinquents in New York City sent its wards to places like Sylvester Lusk’s farm in Enfield, Connecticut.
纽约市少年犯改革协会将其监护人送往康涅狄格州恩菲尔德西尔维斯特·拉斯克农场等地。
Lusk took boys to learn “the trade and mystery of farming” and girls to learn “the trade and mystery of housewifery.” In exchange for “sufficient Meat, Drink, Apparel, Lodging, and Washing, fitting for an Apprentice,” and a rudimentary education, the apprentices promised obedience, morality, and loyalty.
拉斯克带男孩学习“农业的贸易和神秘”，女孩学习“家庭主妇的贸易和神秘”。为了换取“足够的肉、饮料、衣服、住宿和洗涤，适合学徒”和基础教育，学徒们承诺服从、道德和忠诚。
38 Poor children also found work in factories such as Samuel Slater’s textile mills in southern New England.
38 贫困儿童还在新英格兰南部的塞缪尔·斯莱特 (Samuel Slater) 纺织厂等工厂找到了工作。
Slater published a newspaper advertisement for “four or five active Lads, about 15 Years of Age to serve as Apprentices in the Cotton Factory.” 39
斯莱特在报纸上刊登了一则广告，招募“四五个年龄在 15 岁左右、活跃的小伙子到棉花厂当学徒”。 39
And so, during the early nineteenth century, opportunities for education and employment often depended on a given family’s class.
因此，在十九世纪初，教育和就业机会往往取决于特定家庭的阶层。
In colonial America, nearly all children worked within their parent’s chosen profession, whether it be agricultural or artisanal.
在殖民地美国，几乎所有孩子都在父母选择的职业中工作，无论是农业还是手工业。
During the market revolution, however, more children were able to postpone employment.
然而，在市场革命期间，更多的儿童能够推迟就业。
Americans aspired to provide a “Romantic Childhood”—a period in which boys and girls were sheltered within the home and nurtured through primary schooling.
美国人渴望提供一个“浪漫的童年”——男孩和女孩在家里受到庇护并接受小学教育的时期。
40 This ideal was available to families that could survive without their children’s labor.
40 这种理想适用于那些无需子女劳动即可生存的家庭。
As these children matured, their early experiences often determined whether they entered respectable, well-paying positions or became dependent workers with little prospects for social mobility.
随着这些孩子的成熟，他们的早期经历往往决定了他们是进入受人尊敬、高薪职位，还是成为几乎没有社会流动前景的依赖工人。
Just as children were expected to be sheltered from the adult world of work, American culture expected men and women to assume distinct gender roles as they prepared for marriage and family life.
正如人们期望儿童远离成人的工作世界一样，美国文化也期望男性和女性在为婚姻和家庭生活做准备时承担不同的性别角色。
An ideology of “separate spheres” set the public realm—the world of economic production and political life—apart as a male domain, and the world of consumers and domestic life as a female one.
“分离领域”的意识形态将公共领域——经济生产和政治生活的世界——划分为男性领域，将消费者和家庭生活的世界划分为女性领域。
(Even nonworking women labored by shopping for the household, producing food and clothing, cleaning, educating children, and performing similar activities.
（即使是没有工作的妇女也需要为家庭购物、生产食物和衣服、打扫卫生、教育孩子以及从事类似的活动。
But these were considered “domestic” because they did not bring money into the household, although they too were essential to the household’s economic viability.) While reality muddied the ideal, the divide between a private, female world of home and a public, male world of business defined American gender hierarchy.
但这些被认为是“家庭的”，因为它们不会给家庭带来金钱，尽管它们对家庭的经济生存也至关重要。）虽然现实使理想变得混乱，但私人的女性家庭世界和公共的男性商业世界之间的鸿沟定义了美国的性别等级。
The idea of separate spheres also displayed a distinct class bias.
不同领域的想法也表现出明显的阶级偏见。
Middle and upper classes reinforced their status by shielding “their” women from the harsh realities of wage labor.
中上层阶级通过保护“他们的”女性免受工资劳动的严酷现实来巩固自己的地位。
Women were to be mothers and educators, not partners in production.
妇女应该成为母亲和教育者，而不是生产伙伴。
But lower-class women continued to contribute directly to the household economy.
但下层妇女继续为家庭经济做出直接贡献。
The middle- and upper-class ideal was feasible only in households where women did not need to engage in paid labor.
中上层阶级的理想只有在妇女不需要从事有偿劳动的家庭中才可行。
In poorer households, women engaged in wage labor as factory workers, pieceworkers producing items for market consumption, tavern- and innkeepers, and domestic servants.
在较贫困的家庭中，妇女从事工资劳动，如工厂工人、生产市场消费物品的计件工人、酒馆和旅店老板以及家庭佣人。
While many of the fundamental tasks women performed remained the same—producing clothing, cultivating vegetables, overseeing dairy production, and performing any number of other domestic labors—the key difference was whether and when they performed these tasks for cash in a market economy.
虽然妇女执行的许多基本任务仍然相同——生产衣服、种植蔬菜、监督乳制品生产以及从事许多其他家务劳动——但关键的区别在于她们在市场经济中是否以及何时执行这些任务以获取现金。
Domestic expectations constantly changed and the market revolution transformed many women’s traditional domestic tasks.
家庭期望不断变化，市场革命改变了许多妇女的传统家务劳动。
Cloth production, for instance, advanced throughout the market revolution as new mechanized production increased the volume and variety of fabrics available to ordinary people.
例如，随着新的机械化生产增加了普通人可获得的织物的数量和种类，布料生产在整个市场革命中取得了进步。
This relieved many better-off women of a traditional labor obligation.
这减轻了许多富裕妇女的传统劳动义务。
As cloth production became commercialized, women’s home-based cloth production became less important to household economies.
随着布料生产商业化，女性家庭布料生产对家庭经济的重要性逐渐降低。
Purchasing cloth and, later, ready-made clothes began to transform women from producers to consumers.
购买布料以及后来的成衣开始将女性从生产者转变为消费者。
One woman from Maine, Martha Ballard, regularly referenced spinning, weaving, and knitting in the diary she kept from 1785 to 1812.
缅因州的一位女士玛莎·巴拉德 (Martha Ballard) 在 1785 年至 1812 年间的日记中经常提到纺纱、编织和针织。
41 Martha, her daughters, and her female neighbors spun and plied linen and woolen yarns and used them to produce a variety of fabrics to make clothing for her family.
41 玛莎、她的女儿们和她的女性邻居纺纱和合股亚麻和羊毛纱线，并用它们生产各种织物，为她的家人制作衣服。
The production of cloth and clothing was a year-round, labor-intensive process, but it was for home consumption, not commercial markets.
布料和服装的生产是一个全年进行的劳动密集型过程，但用于家庭消费，而不是商业市场。
In cities, where women could buy cheap imported cloth to turn into clothing, they became skilled consumers.
在城市，女性可以购买廉价的进口布料来制作服装，她们成为熟练的消费者。
They stewarded money earned by their husbands by comparing values and haggling over prices.
她们通过比较价值和讨价还价来管理丈夫赚来的钱。
In one typical experience, Mrs. Peter Simon, a captain’s wife, inspected twenty-six yards of Holland cloth to ensure that it was worth the £130 price.
在一次典型的经历中，船长的妻子彼得·西蒙夫人检查了 26 码的荷兰布料，以确保它值 130 英镑的价格。
42 Even wealthy women shopped for high-value goods.
42 即使富有的女性也会购买高价值的商品。
While servants or enslaved people routinely made low-value purchases, the mistress of the household trusted her discriminating eye alone for expensive or specific purchases.
虽然仆人或奴隶经常购买低价值的物品，但女主人却只相信她的辨别力来购买昂贵的或特定的物品。
Women might also parlay their skills into businesses.
女性也可以将她们的技能运用到企业中。
In addition to working as seamstresses, milliners, or laundresses, women might undertake paid work for neighbors or acquaintances or combine clothing production with management of a boardinghouse.
除了担任裁缝、女帽匠或洗衣女工之外，妇女还可以为邻居或熟人从事有偿工作，或者将服装生产与寄宿公寓的管理结合起来。
Even enslaved laborers with particular skill at producing clothing could be hired out for a higher price or might even negotiate to work part-time for themselves.
即使是具有生产服装特殊技能的奴隶劳工也可能以更高的价格被雇用，甚至可能通过谈判为自己做兼职。
Most enslaved people, however, continued to produce domestic items, including simpler cloths and clothing, for home consumption.
然而，大多数被奴役的人继续生产家庭用品，包括更简单的布料和服装，供家庭消费。
Thomas Horner, “Broadway, New York,” 1836.
托马斯·霍纳，《纽约百老汇》，1836 年。
Smithsonian American Art Museum .
史密森尼美国艺术博物馆。
Similar domestic expectations played out in the slave states.
类似的国内期望也在蓄奴州上演。
Enslaved women labored in the fields.
被奴役的妇女在田里劳作。
Whites argued that African American women were less delicate and womanly than white women and therefore perfectly suited for agricultural labor.
白人认为，非洲裔美国女性不像白人女性那样娇弱和女性化，因此非常适合农业劳动。
The southern ideal meanwhile established that white plantation mistresses were shielded from manual labor because of their very whiteness.
与此同时，南方的理想认为，白人种植园女主人因其肤色而免受体力劳动。
Throughout the slave states, however, aside from the minority of plantations with dozens of enslaved laborers, most white women by necessity continued to assist with planting, harvesting, and processing agricultural projects despite the cultural stigma attached to it.
然而，在整个蓄奴州，除了少数拥有数十名奴隶劳工的种植园外，大多数白人妇女仍不得不继续协助种植、收割和加工农业项目，尽管这存在文化耻辱。
White southerners continued to produce large portions of their food and clothing at home.
南方白人继续在家里生产大部分食物和衣服。
Even when they were market-oriented producers of cash crops, white southerners still insisted that their adherence to plantation slavery and racial hierarchy made them morally superior to greedy northerners and their callous, cutthroat commerce.
即使南方白人是以市场为导向的经济作物生产者，他们仍然坚持认为，他们对种植园奴隶制和种族等级制度的坚持使他们在道德上优于贪婪的北方人及其冷酷无情的商业。
Southerners and northerners increasingly saw their ways of life as incompatible.
南方人和北方人越来越认为他们的生活方式是不相容的。
While the market revolution remade many women’s economic roles, their legal status remained essentially unchanged.
尽管市场革命重塑了许多女性的经济角色，但她们的法律地位基本没有改变。
Upon marriage, women were rendered legally dead by the notion of coverture, the custom that counted married couples as a single unit represented by the husband.
结婚后，妇女因“遮掩”的概念而被视为合法死亡，这种习俗将已婚夫妇视为以丈夫为代表的一个整体。
Without special precautions or interventions, women could not earn their own money, own their own property, sue, or be sued.
如果没有特殊的预防措施或干预措施，妇女就无法赚钱、拥有自己的财产、起诉或被起诉。
Any money earned or spent belonged by law to their husbands.
根据法律，赚到或花的任何钱都属于她们的丈夫。
Women shopped on their husbands’ credit and at any time husbands could terminate their wives’ access to their credit.
妇女依靠丈夫的信用购物，丈夫可以随时终止妻子获得信用的权利。
Although a handful of states made divorce available—divorce had before only been legal in Congregationalist states such as Massachusetts and Connecticut, where marriage was strictly a civil contract rather than a religious one—it remained extremely expensive, difficult, and rare.
尽管少数几个州允许离婚——离婚之前只在马萨诸塞州和康涅狄格州等公理会州合法，这些州的婚姻严格来说是民事合同，而不是宗教合同——但离婚仍然极其昂贵、困难和罕见。
Marriage was typically a permanently binding legal contract.
婚姻通常是一份具有永久约束力的法律合同。
Ideas of marriage, if not the legal realities, began to change.
即使法律现实没有改变，婚姻观念也开始发生变化。
The late eighteenth and early nineteenth century marked the beginning of the shift from “institutional” to “companionate” marriage.
十八世纪末十九世纪初标志着从“制度”婚姻向“伴侣”婚姻转变的开始。
43 Institutional marriages were primarily labor arrangements that maximized the couple’s and their children’s chances of surviving and thriving.
43 制度婚姻主要是一种劳动安排，旨在最大限度地提高夫妻及其子女的生存和发展机会。
Men and women assessed each other’s skills as they related to household production, although looks and personality certainly entered into the equation.
男性和女性会评估彼此与家庭生产相关的技能，尽管外表和个性肯定会受到影响。
But in the late eighteenth century, under the influence of Enlightenment thought, young people began to privilege character and compatibility in their potential partners.
但到了十八世纪末，在启蒙思想的影响下，年轻人开始看重潜在伴侣的品格和兼容性。
Money was still essential: marriages prompted the largest redistributions of property prior to the settling of estates at death.
金钱仍然是必不可少的：婚姻促使在死者遗产分配之前进行最大规模的财产重新分配。
But the means of this redistribution was changing.
但这种再分配的方式正在发生变化。
Especially in the North, land became a less important foundation for matchmaking as wealthy young men became not only farmers and merchants but bankers, clerks, or professionals.
尤其是在北方，随着富有的年轻人不仅成为农民和商人，而且成为银行家、职员或专业人士，土地对于媒人的重要性不再那么重要。
The increased emphasis on affection and attraction that young people embraced was facilitated by an increasingly complex economy that offered new ways to store, move, and create wealth, which liberalized the criteria by which families evaluated potential in-laws.
日益复杂的经济促进了年轻人对感情和吸引力的日益重视，经济提供了存储、转移和创造财富的新方式，放宽了家庭评估潜在姻亲的标准。
To be considered a success in family life, a middle-class American man typically aspired to own a comfortable home and to marry a woman of strong morals and religious conviction who would take responsibility for raising virtuous, well-behaved children.
为了在家庭生活中获得成功，美国中产阶级男性通常渴望拥有一个舒适的家庭，并娶一位道德高尚、有宗教信仰的女性为妻，并承担起养育善良、乖巧的孩子的责任。
The duties of the middle-class husband and wife would be clearly delineated into separate spheres.
中产阶级丈夫和妻子的职责将被明确划分为不同的领域。
The husband alone was responsible for creating wealth and engaging in the commerce and politics—the public sphere.
丈夫独自负责创造财富并参与商业和政治——公共领域。
The wife was responsible for the private—keeping a good home, being careful with household expenses, and raising children, inculcating them with the middle-class virtues that would ensure their future success.
妻子负责私人事务——维持一个美好的家庭，精打细算家庭开支，抚养孩子，向他们灌输中产阶级的美德，以确保他们未来的成功。
But for poor families, sacrificing the potential economic contributions of wives and children was an impossibility.
但对于贫困家庭来说，牺牲妻子和孩子的潜在经济贡献是不可能的。
More than five million immigrants arrived in the United States between 1820 and 1860.
1820 年至 1860 年间，超过 500 万移民抵达美国。
Irish, German, and Jewish immigrants sought new lives and economic opportunities.
爱尔兰、德国和犹太移民寻求新的生活和经济机会。
By the Civil War, nearly one out of every eight Americans had been born outside the United States.
到内战时期，近八分之一的美国人出生在美国境外。
A series of push and pull factors drew immigrants to the United States.
一系列的推拉因素吸引了移民来到美国。
In England, an economic slump prompted Parliament to modernize British agriculture by revoking common land rights for Irish farmers.
在英格兰，经济衰退促使议会通过撤销爱尔兰农民的共同土地权来实现英国农业现代化。
These policies generally targeted Catholics in the southern counties of Ireland and motivated many to seek greater opportunity elsewhere.
这些政策通常针对爱尔兰南部各县的天主教徒，并促使许多人到其他地方寻求更大的机会。
The booming American economy pulled Irish immigrants toward ports along the eastern United States.
蓬勃发展的美国经济将爱尔兰移民吸引到美国东部的港口。
Between 1820 and 1840, over 250,000 Irish immigrants arrived in the United States.
1820 年至 1840 年间，超过 25 万爱尔兰移民抵达美国。
44 Without the capital and skills required to purchase and operate farms, Irish immigrants settled primarily in northeastern cities and towns and performed unskilled work.
44 由于没有购买和经营农场所需的资本和技能，爱尔兰移民主要定居在东北部城镇并从事非技术性工作。
Irish men usually emigrated alone and, when possible, practiced what became known as chain migration.
爱尔兰男性通常单独移民，并在可能的情况下进行所谓的连锁移民。
Chain migration allowed Irish men to send portions of their wages home, which would then be used either to support their families in Ireland or to purchase tickets for relatives to come to the United States.
连锁移民允许爱尔兰男性将部分工资寄回家，然后用这些钱养活在爱尔兰的家人或为亲戚购买来美国的机票。
Irish immigration followed this pattern into the 1840s and 1850s, when the infamous Irish Famine sparked a massive exodus out of Ireland.
爱尔兰移民在 1840 年代和 1850 年代都遵循这种模式，当时臭名昭著的爱尔兰饥荒引发了大批人离开爱尔兰。
Between 1840 and 1860, 1.7 million Irish fled starvation and the oppressive English policies that accompanied it.
1840 年至 1860 年间，170 万爱尔兰人逃离饥饿和随之而来的英国压迫政策。
45 As they entered manual, unskilled labor positions in urban America’s dirtiest and most dangerous occupations, Irish workers in northern cities were compared to African Americans, and anti-immigrant newspapers portrayed them with apelike features.
45 当北部城市的爱尔兰工人进入美国城市最肮脏、最危险的职业中从事体力、非熟练劳动岗位时，人们将他们与非裔美国人进行比较，反移民报纸将他们描绘成猿猴般的特征。
Despite hostility, Irish immigrants retained their social, cultural, and religious beliefs and left an indelible mark on American culture.
尽管存在敌意，爱尔兰移民保留了他们的社会、文化和宗教信仰，并在美国文化中留下了不可磨灭的印记。
While the Irish settled mostly in coastal cities, most German immigrants used American ports and cities as temporary waypoints before settling in the rural countryside.
虽然爱尔兰人主要定居在沿海城市，但大多数德国移民在定居乡村之前都使用美国港口和城市作为临时中转站。
Over 1.5 million immigrants from the various German states arrived in the United States during the antebellum era.
内战前有超过 150 万来自德国各州的移民抵达美国。
Although some southern Germans fled declining agricultural conditions and repercussions of the failed revolutions of 1848, many Germans simply sought steadier economic opportunity.
尽管一些德国南部人逃离了日益恶化的农业条件和 1848 年革命失败的影响，但许多德国人只是寻求更稳定的经济机会。
German immigrants tended to travel as families and carried with them skills and capital that enabled them to enter middle-class trades.
德国移民倾向于与家人一起旅行，并携带使他们能够进入中产阶级行业的技能和资本。
Germans migrated to the Old Northwest to farm in rural areas and practiced trades in growing communities such as St. Louis, Cincinnati, and Milwaukee, three cities that formed what came to be called the German Triangle.
德国人迁移到老西北地区的农村地区务农，并在圣路易斯、辛辛那提和密尔沃基等不断发展的社区从事贸易，这三个城市后来形成了所谓的“德国三角”。
Catholic and Jewish Germans transformed regions of the republic.
天主教和犹太教德国人改变了共和国的地区。
Although records are sparse, New York’s Jewish population rose from approximately five hundred in 1825 to forty thousand in 1860.
尽管记录很少，但纽约的犹太人口从 1825 年的约 500 人增加到 1860 年的 4 万人。
46 Similar gains were seen in other American cities.
46 美国其他城市也出现了类似的增长。
Jewish immigrants hailing from southwestern Germany and parts of occupied Poland moved to the United States through chain migration and as family units.
来自德国西南部和被占领波兰部分地区的犹太移民通过连锁移民和以家庭为单位移居美国。
Unlike other Germans, Jewish immigrants rarely settled in rural areas.
与其他德国人不同，犹太移民很少在农村地区定居。
Once established, Jewish immigrants found work in retail, commerce, and artisanal occupations such as tailoring.
一旦建立起来，犹太移民就在零售、商业和裁缝等手工职业中找到了工作。
They quickly found their footing and established themselves as an intrinsic part of the American market economy.
他们很快就站稳了脚跟，并将自己确立为美国市场经济的固有组成部分。
Just as Irish immigrants shaped the urban landscape through the construction of churches and Catholic schools, Jewish immigrants erected synagogues and made their mark on American culture.
正如爱尔兰移民通过建造教堂和天主教学校塑造城市景观一样，犹太移民也建造了犹太教堂并在美国文化中留下了自己的印记。
The sudden influx of immigration triggered a backlash among many native-born Anglo-Protestant Americans.
移民的突然涌入引发了许多土生土长的英裔新教徒美国人的强烈反对。
This nativist movement, especially fearful of the growing Catholic presence, sought to limit European immigration and prevent Catholics from establishing churches and other institutions.
这场本土主义运动尤其担心天主教徒人数的增加，试图限制欧洲移民并阻止天主教徒建立教堂和其他机构。
Popular in northern cities such as Boston, Chicago, Philadelphia, and other cities with large Catholic populations, nativism even spawned its own political party in the 1850s.
本土主义在波士顿、芝加哥、费城等北方城市以及其他拥有大量天主教人口的城市中很受欢迎，甚至在 1850 年代催生了自己的政党。
The American Party, more commonly known as the Know-Nothing Party, found success in local and state elections throughout the North.
美国党，通常被称为“一无所知党”，在整个北方的地方和州选举中取得了成功。
The party even nominated candidates for president in 1852 and 1856.
该党甚至于 1852 年和 1856 年提名总统候选人。
The rapid rise of the Know-Nothings, reflecting widespread anti-Catholic and anti-immigrant sentiment, slowed European immigration.
无知者的迅速崛起反映了广泛的反天主教和反移民情绪，减缓了欧洲移民的速度。
Immigration declined precipitously after 1855 as nativism, the Crimean War, and improving economic conditions in Europe discouraged potential migrants from traveling to the United States.
1855 年之后，由于本土主义、克里米亚战争和欧洲经济状况的改善，阻碍了潜在移民前往美国，移民数量急剧下降。
Only after the American Civil War would immigration levels match and eventually surpass the levels seen in the 1840s and 1850s.
只有在美国内战之后，移民水平才会达到并最终超过 1840 年代和 1850 年代的水平。
In industrial northern cities, Irish immigrants swelled the ranks of the working class and quickly encountered the politics of industrial labor.
在北方工业城市，爱尔兰移民壮大了工人阶级的队伍，并很快遭遇了工业劳工的政治。
Many workers formed trade unions during the early republic.
共和国初期，许多工人成立了工会。
Organizations such as Philadelphia’s Federal Society of Journeymen Cordwainers or the Carpenters’ Union of Boston operated within specific industries in major American cities.
费城的联邦工工协会或波士顿木匠联盟等组织在美国主要城市的特定行业内运作。
These unions worked to protect the economic power of their members by creating closed shops—workplaces wherein employers could only hire union members—and striking to improve working conditions.
这些工会通过创建封闭的商店（雇主只能雇用工会成员的工作场所）以及罢工以改善工作条件来保护其成员的经济实力。
Political leaders denounced these organizations as unlawful combinations and conspiracies to promote the narrow self-interest of workers above the rights of property holders and the interests of the common good.
政治领导人谴责这些组织是非法联合和阴谋，目的是将工人的狭隘私利置于财产所有者的权利和公共利益之上。
Unions did not become legally acceptable until 1842 when the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court ruled in favor of a union organized among Boston bootmakers, arguing that the workers were capable of acting “in such a manner as best to subserve their own interests.” 47 Even after the case, unions remained in a precarious legal position.
直到 1842 年，马萨诸塞州最高法院裁定支持波士顿制鞋商组织工会，工会才在法律上得到接受，认为工人们有能力“以最好的方式维护自己的利益”。 47 即使在该案发生后，工会的法律地位仍然岌岌可危。
This anti-Catholic print depicts Catholic priests arriving by boat and then threatening Uncle Sam and a young Protestant boy who holds out a Bible in resistance.
这幅反天主教版画描绘了天主教神父乘船抵达，然后威胁山姆大叔和一名拿着圣经进行抵抗的年轻新教男孩。
An anti-Catholic cartoon, reflecting the nativist perception of the threat posed by the Roman Church’s influence in the United States through Irish immigration and Catholic education.
一部反天主教漫画，反映了本土主义者对罗马教会通过爱尔兰移民和天主教教育对美国的影响力所构成的威胁的看法。
N.
N。
Currier, “The Propagation Society, More Free than Welcome,” 1855.
柯里尔，《传播社会，更自由而不是受欢迎》，1855 年。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
Women, a dominant labor source for factories since the early 1800s, launched some of the earliest strikes for better conditions.
自 1800 年代初以来，妇女一直是工厂的主要劳动力来源，她们发起了一些最早的罢工，要求改善工作条件。
Textile operatives in Lowell, Massachusetts, “turned out” (walked off) their jobs in 1834 and 1836.
马萨诸塞州洛厄尔的纺织工人于 1834 年和 1836 年“辞掉”了工作。
During the Ten-Hour Movement of the 1840s, female operatives provided crucial support.
在1840年代的十小时运动中，女性特工提供了至关重要的支持。
Under the leadership of Sarah Bagley, the Lowell Female Labor Reform Association organized petition drives that drew thousands of signatures from “mill girls.” Like male activists, Bagley and her associates used the desire for mental improvement as a central argument for reform.
在莎拉·巴格利的领导下，洛厄尔女性劳工改革协会组织了请愿活动，吸引了数千名“工厂女孩”的签名。与男性活动家一样，巴格利和她的同事也将改善精神的愿望作为改革的核心论据。
An 1847 editorial in the Voice of Industry , a labor newspaper published by Bagley, asked, “who, after thirteen hours of steady application to monotonous work, can sit down and apply her mind to deep and long continued thought?” 50 Despite the widespread support for a ten-hour day, the movement achieved only partial success.
巴格利出版的一份劳工报纸《工业之声》1847 年的一篇社论问道：“谁在连续 13 个小时从事单调的工作之后，能够坐下来将注意力集中在深入而持久的思考上？” 50 尽管工作十小时得到了广泛支持，但该运动只取得了部分成功。
President Martin Van Buren established a ten-hour-day policy for laborers on federal public works projects.
马丁·范布伦总统为联邦公共工程项目的工人制定了每日工作十小时的政策。
New Hampshire passed a statewide law in 1847, and Pennsylvania followed a year later.
新罕布什尔州于 1847 年通过了一项全州范围的法律，一年后宾夕法尼亚州也紧随其后。
Both states, however, allowed workers to voluntarily consent to work more than ten hours per day.
然而，这两个州都允许工人自愿同意每天工作十个小时以上。
In 1842, child labor became a dominant issue in the American labor movement.
1842年，童工成为美国劳工运动的一个主要问题。
The protection of child laborers gained more middle-class support than the protection of adult workers.
对童工的保护比对成年工人的保护获得了更多中产阶级的支持。
A petition from parents in Fall River, a southern Massachusetts mill town that employed a high portion of child workers, asked the legislature for a law “prohibiting the employment of children in manufacturing establishments at an age and for a number of hours which must be permanently injurious to their health and inconsistent with the education which is essential to their welfare.” 51 Massachusetts quickly passed a law prohibiting children under age twelve from working more than ten hours a day.
马萨诸塞州南部工厂小镇福尔里弗雇佣了大量童工，他们的家长们提交了一份请愿书，要求立法机关制定一项法律，“禁止在制造企业中雇佣童工，其年龄和工作时间必须对他们的健康造成永久性损害，并且与对他们的福利至关重要的教育不符。” 51 马萨诸塞州很快就通过了一项法律，禁止 12 岁以下儿童每天工作超过 10 小时。
By the midnineteenth century, every state in New England had followed Massachusetts’s lead.
到十九世纪中叶，新英格兰的每个州都效仿了马萨诸塞州的做法。
Between the 1840s and 1860s, these statutes slowly extended the age of protection of labor and the assurance of schooling.
1840年代至1860年代，这些法规慢慢延长了劳动保护的年龄和学校教育的保障。
Throughout the region, public officials agreed that young children (between ages nine and twelve) should be prevented from working in dangerous occupations, and older children (between ages twelve and fifteen) should balance their labor with education and time for leisure.
在整个地区，政府官员一致认为，应防止幼儿（九岁至十二岁）从事危险职业，年龄较大的儿童（十二岁至十五岁）应平衡劳动、教育和休闲时间。
52
52
Male workers sought to improve their income and working conditions to create a household that kept women and children protected within the domestic sphere.
男性工人寻求改善收入和工作条件，以创建一个在家庭范围内保护妇女和儿童的家庭。
But labor gains were limited, and the movement remained moderate.
但劳动力涨幅有限，且运动依然温和。
Despite its challenge to industrial working conditions, labor activism in antebellum America remained largely wedded to the free labor ideal.
尽管工业工作条件面临挑战，但内战前美国的劳工激进主义在很大程度上仍然坚持自由劳工的理想。
The labor movement later supported the northern free soil movement, which challenged the spread of slavery in the 1840s, simultaneously promoting the superiority of the northern system of commerce over the southern institution of slavery while trying, much less successfully, to reform capitalism.
劳工运动后来支持了北方自由土地运动，该运动挑战了 1840 年代奴隶制的蔓延，同时促进了北方商业体系相对于南方奴隶制制度的优越性，同时尝试改革资本主义，但不太成功。
During the early nineteenth century, southern agriculture produced by enslaved labor fueled northern industry produced by wage workers and managed by the new middle class.
十九世纪初，南方由奴隶劳动生产的农业推动了北方由雇佣工人生产并由新中产阶级管理的工业的发展。
New transportation, new machinery, and new organizations of labor integrated the previously isolated pockets of the colonial economy into a national industrial operation.
新的交通、新的机械和新的劳工组织将以前孤立的殖民地经济部分整合为全国性的工业运作。
Industrialization and the cash economy tied diverse regions together at the same time that ideology drove Americans apart.
工业化和现金经济将不同地区联系在一起，同时意识形态又使美国人彼此分离。
By celebrating the freedom of contract that distinguished the wage worker from the indentured servant of previous generations or the enslaved laborer in the southern cotton field, political leaders claimed the American Revolution’s legacy for the North.
通过庆祝契约自由，将工资工人与前几代的契约仆人或南方棉田的奴隶劳工区分开来，政治领导人声称美国革命为北方留下了遗产。
But the rise of industrial child labor, the demands of workers to unionize, the economic vulnerability of women, and the influx of non-Anglo immigrants left many Americans questioning the meaning of liberty after the market revolution.
但工业童工的兴起、工人成立工会的要求、妇女的经济脆弱性以及非盎格鲁移民的涌入，让许多美国人质疑市场革命后自由的意义。
1.
1.
James Madison asks Congress to support internal improvements, 1815
詹姆斯·麦迪逊请求国会支持内部改进，1815 年
After the War of 1812, Americans looked to strengthen their nation through government spending on infrastructure, or what were then called internal improvements.
1812 年战争结束后，美国人希望通过政府在基础设施方面的支出，或者当时所谓的内部改进来增强国家实力。
In his seventh annual address to congress, Madison called for public investment to create national roads, canals, and even a national seminary.
麦迪逊在国会第七次年度演讲中呼吁公共投资修建国家公路、运河，甚至国家神学院。
He also called for a tariff, or tax on certain imports, designed to make foreign goods more expensive, giving American producers an advantage in domestic markets.
他还呼吁对某些进口商品征收关税，旨在使外国商品更加昂贵，从而使美国生产商在国内市场上获得优势。
Basil Hall, a British visitor traveled along the Erie Canal and took careful notes on what he found.
英国游客巴兹尔·霍尔沿着伊利运河旅行，并仔细记录了他的发现。
In this excerpt, he described life in Rochester, New York.
在这段摘录中，他描述了纽约罗切斯特的生活。
Rochester, and other small towns in upstate New York, grew rapidly as a result of the Erie Canal.
罗切斯特和纽约州北部的其他小镇因伊利运河而迅速发展。
The factories and production of the Market Revolution eroded the wealth and power of skilled small business owners called artisans.
市场革命的工厂和生产侵蚀了被称为工匠的熟练小企业主的财富和权力。
This indenture contract illustrated the former way of doing things, where a young person would agree to serve for a number of years as an apprentice to a skilled artisan before venturing out on his own.
这份契约合同体现了以前的做事方式，即年轻人同意在熟练工匠手下当学徒几年，然后再独自冒险。
Maria Stewart electrified audiences in Boston with a number of powerful speeches.
玛丽亚·斯图尔特 (Maria Stewart) 的一系列强有力的演讲让波士顿的听众激动不已。
Her most common theme was the evil of slavery.
她最常见的主题是奴隶制的罪恶。
However, here she attacks the soul-crushing consequences of racism in American capitalism, claiming that the lack of social and economic equality doomed Black Americans to a life of suffering and spiritual death .
然而，她在这里攻击了美国资本主义中种族主义造成的令人心碎的后果，声称缺乏社会和经济平等注定了美国黑人的生活是痛苦的，精神上是死亡的。
5.
5.
Rebecca Burlend recalls her emigration from England to Illinois, 1848
丽贝卡·伯伦德 (Rebecca Burlend) 回忆起 1848 年她从英国移民到伊利诺伊州的经历
Rebecca Burlend, her husband, and children emigrated to Illinois from England in 1831.
1831 年，丽贝卡·伯伦德 (Rebecca Burlend) 与她的丈夫和孩子们从英国移民到伊利诺伊州。
These reflections describe her reaction to landing in New Orleans, sailing up the Mississippi to St. Louis, and finally arriving at her new home in Illinois.
这些反思描述了她在新奥尔良着陆、沿密西西比河航行至圣路易斯、最后抵达伊利诺伊州新家时的反应。
This was her first experience encountering American slavery, the American landscape, and the rugged living conditions of her new home.
这是她第一次接触美国奴隶制、美国风景以及新家恶劣的生活条件。
6.
6.
Harriet H.
哈里特·H.
Robinson remembers a mill workers’ strike, 1836
罗宾逊记得 1836 年工厂工人的罢工
The social upheavals of the Market Revolution created new tensions between rich and poor, particularly between the new class of workers and the new class of managers.
市场革命的社会剧变在富人和穷人之间，特别是新的工人阶级和新的管理者阶级之间造成了新的紧张关系。
Lowell, Massachusetts was the location of the first American factory.
马萨诸塞州洛厄尔是美国第一家工厂的所在地。
In this document, a woman reminisces about a strike that she participated in at a Lowell textile mill.
在这份文件中，一名妇女回忆了她在洛厄尔纺织厂参加的一次罢工。
7.
7.
Alexis de Toqueville, “How Americans Understand the Equality of the Sexes,” 1840
亚历克西斯·德·托克维尔，《美国人如何理解性别平等》，1840 年
The French political thinker Alexis de Toqueville travelled extensively through the United States in gathering research for his book Democracy In America .
法国政治思想家亚历克西斯·德·托克维尔游历美国各地，为他的著作《美国的民主》收集研究成果。
In this excerpt, he described the belief that American men and women lived in “separate spheres:” men in public, women in the home.
在这段摘录中，他描述了一种信念，即美国男人和女人生活在“不同的领域”：男人在公共场合，女人在家里。
This expectation justified the denial of rights to women.
这种期望证明了剥夺妇女权利的合理性。
All women were denied political rights in nineteenth century America, but only a small number of wealthy families could afford to remove women from economic production, like de Toqueville claimed.
在十九世纪的美国，所有女性都被剥夺了政治权利，但正如德托克维尔声称的那样，只有少数富裕家庭有能力将女性从经济生产中剔除。
The “transportation revolution” shaped economic change in the early 1800s, but the massive construction of railroads also had a profound impact on American politics and culture.
“交通革命”塑造了1800年代初期的经济变革，但大规模的铁路建设也对美国的政治和文化产生了深远的影响。
This sheet music title page shows how abolitionists used railroad imagery to advocate for the immediate emancipation of enslaved people and to promote their political platform before the 1844 presidential election.
这张乐谱标题页展示了废奴主义者如何利用铁路图像来倡导立即解放被奴役的人民，并在 1844 年总统选举之前宣传他们的政治纲领。
Irish immigration transformed American cities.
爱尔兰移民改变了美国城市。
Yet many Americans greeted the new arrivals with suspicion or hostility.
然而，许多美国人对新来者表示怀疑或敌意。
Nathanial Currier’s anti-Catholic cartoon reflected the popular American perception that Irish Catholic immigrants posed a threat to the United States.
纳撒尼尔·柯里尔的反天主教漫画反映了美国人普遍认为爱尔兰天主教移民对美国构成威胁的看法。
This chapter was edited by Jane Fiegen Green, with content contributions by Kelly Arehart, Myles Beaurpre, Kristin Condotta, Jane Fiegen Green, Nathan Jeremie-Brink, Lindsay Keiter, Brenden Kennedy, William Kerrigan, Christopher Sawula, David Schley, and Evgenia Shayder Shoop.
本章由 Jane Fiegen Green 编辑，内容贡献者包括 Kelly Arehart、Myles Beaurpre、Kristin Condotta、Jane Fiegen Green、Nathan Jeremie-Brink、Lindsay Keiter、Brenden Kennedy、William Kerrigan、Christopher Sawula、David Schley 和 Evgenia Shayder Shoop。
Recommended citation: Kelly Arehart et al., “Market Revolution,” Jane Fiegen Green, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.
推荐引用：Kelly Arehart 等人，“市场革命”，Jane Fiegen Green 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。
Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).
约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。