The American Yawp
“America guided by wisdom An allegorical representation of the United States depicting their independence and prosperity,” 1815.
“以智慧为指导的美国，以寓言的方式描绘了美国的独立和繁荣”，1815 年。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
* NOTE: You are viewing a chapter from the archived, “First Edition” version of the American Yawp, which stopped receiving updates in spring 2026.
* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。
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单击此处访问当前的更新版本*
Thomas Jefferson’s electoral victory over John Adams—and the larger victory of the Democratic-Republicans over the Federalists—was but one of many changes in the early republic.
托马斯·杰斐逊在选举中战胜约翰·亚当斯，以及民主共和党对联邦党的更大胜利，只是早期共和国的众多变化之一。
Some, like Jefferson’s victory, were accomplished peacefully, and others violently.
有些胜利，比如杰斐逊的胜利，是和平完成的，而另一些则是暴力胜利。
The wealthy and the powerful, middling and poor whites, Native Americans, free and enslaved African Americans, influential and poor women: all demanded a voice in the new nation that Thomas Paine called an “asylum” for liberty.
富人和有权势的人、中等和贫穷的白人、美洲原住民、自由和被奴役的非裔美国人、有影响力和贫穷的妇女：所有人都要求在托马斯·潘恩称之为自由“庇护所”的新国家中发出自己的声音。
1 All would, in their own way, lay claim to the freedom and equality promised, if not fully realized, by the Revolution.
1所有人都会以自己的方式要求革命所承诺的自由和平等，即使没有完全实现。
Led by the enslaved man Gabriel, close to one thousand enslaved men planned to end slavery in Virginia by attacking Richmond in late August 1800.
在奴隶加布里埃尔的带领下，近千名奴隶计划于 1800 年 8 月下旬袭击里士满，以结束弗吉尼亚州的奴隶制。
Some of the conspirators would set diversionary fires in the city’s warehouse district.
一些阴谋者会在该市的仓库区纵火以转移注意力。
Others would attack Richmond’s white residents, seize weapons, and capture Virginia governor James Monroe.
其他人会袭击里士满的白人居民，夺取武器，并俘虏弗吉尼亚州州长詹姆斯·门罗。
On August 30, two enslaved men revealed the plot to their enslaver, who notified authorities.
8 月 30 日，两名被奴役者向他们的奴隶主透露了这一阴谋，后者通知了当局。
Faced with bad weather, Gabriel and other leaders postponed the attack until the next night, giving Governor Monroe and the militia time to capture the conspirators.
面对恶劣的天气，加布里埃尔和其他领导人将袭击推迟到第二天晚上，以便门罗州长和民兵有时间抓获共谋者。
After briefly escaping, Gabriel was seized, tried, and hanged along with twenty-five others.
加布里埃尔短暂逃脱后被抓获、审判，并与其他二十五人一起被绞死。
Their executions sent the message that others would be punished if they challenged slavery.
他们的处决传达了这样的信息：如果他们挑战奴隶制，其他人将受到惩罚。
Subsequently, the Virginia government increased restrictions on free people of color.
随后，弗吉尼亚州政府加大了对自由有色人种的限制。
Gabriel’s Rebellion, as the plot came to be known, taught Virginia’s white residents several lessons.
加布里埃尔叛乱（后来被称为“加布里埃尔叛乱”）给弗吉尼亚的白人居民上了一些教训。
First, it suggested that enslaved Black Virginians were capable of preparing and carrying out a sophisticated and violent revolution—undermining white supremacist assumptions about the inherent intellectual inferiority of Black people.
首先，它表明被奴役的弗吉尼亚黑人有能力准备和实施一场复杂而暴力的革命——破坏白人至上主义关于黑人固有的智力劣势的假设。
Furthermore, it demonstrated that white efforts to suppress news of other slave revolts—especially the 1791 slave rebellion in Haiti—had failed.
此外，它还表明，白人镇压其他奴隶起义——尤其是 1791 年海地奴隶起义——新闻的努力已经失败。
Not only did some literate enslaved people read accounts of the successful attack in Virginia’s newspapers, but others also heard about the rebellion firsthand when slaveholding refugees from Haiti arrived in Virginia with their enslaved laborers after July 1793.
不仅一些受过教育的奴隶在弗吉尼亚报纸上读到了这次成功袭击的报道，而且当 1793 年 7 月后来自海地的奴隶制难民带着他们的奴隶劳工抵达弗吉尼亚时，其他人也亲耳听说了这场叛乱。
The Haitian Revolution (1791–1804) inspired free and enslaved Black Americans, and terrified white Americans.
海地革命（1791-1804）激励了自由和被奴役的美国黑人，也让美国白人感到恐惧。
Port cities in the United States were flooded with news and refugees.
美国的港口城市充斥着新闻和难民。
Free people of color embraced the revolution, understanding it as a call for full abolition and the rights of citizenship denied in the United States.
自由的有色人种拥护这场革命，将其理解为呼吁全面废除美国剥夺的公民权利。
Over the next several decades, Black Americans continually looked to Haiti as an inspiration in their struggle for freedom.
在接下来的几十年里，美国黑人不断地将海地视为他们争取自由斗争的灵感。
For example, in 1829 David Walker, a Black abolitionist in Boston, wrote an Appeal that called for resistance to slavery and racism.
例如，1829 年，波士顿黑人废奴主义者大卫·沃克 (David Walker) 撰写了一份呼吁书，呼吁抵制奴隶制和种族主义。
Walker called Haiti the “glory of the blacks and terror of the tyrants” and said that Haitians, “according to their word, are bound to protect and comfort us.” Haiti also proved that, given equal opportunities, people of color could achieve as much as white people.
沃克称海地为“黑人的荣耀和暴君的恐怖”，并表示海地人“按照他们的话，有义务保护和安慰我们”。海地还证明，如果机会平等，有色人种可以取得与白人一样多的成就。
2 In 1826 the third college graduate of color in the United States, John Russwurm, gave a commencement address at Bowdoin College, noting that, “Haytiens have adopted the republican form of government .
2 1826 年，美国第三位有色人种大学毕业生约翰·鲁斯沃姆 (John Russwurm) 在鲍登学院 (Bowdoin College) 的毕业典礼上发表讲话，指出：“海地人采用了共和政体……。
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[and] in no country are the rights and privileges of citizens and foreigners more respected, and crimes less frequent.” 3 In 1838 the Colored American , an early Black newspaper, professed that “no one who reads, with an unprejudiced mind, the history of Hayti .
[并且]没有哪个国家的公民和外国人的权利和特权受到如此多的尊重，犯罪也没有如此频繁。” 3 1838 年，一份早期黑人报纸《美国有色人种》宣称，“没有人以不带偏见的心态阅读海地的历史……”
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can doubt the capacity of colored men, nor the propriety of removing all their disabilities.” 4 Haiti, and the activism it inspired, sent the message that enslaved and free Black people could not be omitted from conversations about the meaning of liberty and equality.
不能怀疑有色人种的能力，也不能怀疑消除他们所有残疾的适当性。” 4 海地及其激发的激进主义传达了这样的信息：在关于自由和平等意义的对话中不能忽视被奴役和自由的黑人。
Their words and actions—on plantations, streets, and the printed page—left an indelible mark on early national political culture.
他们在种植园、街道和印刷品上的言行在早期国家政治文化中留下了不可磨灭的印记。
The Black activism inspired by Haiti’s revolution was so powerful that anxious white leaders scrambled to use the violence of the Haitian revolt to reinforce white supremacy and pro-slavery views by limiting the social and political lives of people of color.
海地革命激发的黑人激进主义如此强大，以至于焦虑的白人领导人争先恐后地利用海地起义的暴力，通过限制有色人种的社会和政治生活来强化白人至上和支持奴隶制的观点。
White publications mocked Black Americans as buffoons, ridiculing calls for abolition and equal rights.
白人出版物嘲笑美国黑人是小丑，嘲笑废奴和平等权利的呼吁。
The most (in)famous of these, the “Bobalition” broadsides, published in Boston in the 1810s, crudely caricatured African Americans.
其中最著名的是 1810 年代在波士顿出版的《Bobalition》猛烈抨击，粗暴地讽刺了非裔美国人。
Widely distributed materials like these became the basis for racist ideas that thrived in the nineteenth century.
此类广泛传播的材料成为十九世纪盛行的种族主义思想的基础。
But such ridicule also implied that Black Americans’ presence in the political conversation was significant enough to require it.
但这种嘲笑也暗示美国黑人在政治对话中的存在足以需要它。
The need to reinforce such an obvious difference between whiteness and blackness implied that the differences might not be so obvious after all.
需要强调白色和黑色之间如此明显的差异，这意味着差异可能根本不那么明显。
The idea and image of Black Haitian revolutionaries sent shock waves throughout white America.
黑人海地革命者的思想和形象在整个美国白人中引起了震动。
That Black people, enslaved and free, might turn violent against white people, so obvious in this image where a Black soldier holds up the head of a white soldier, remained a serious fear in the hearts and minds of white Southerners throughout the antebellum period.
被奴役和自由的黑人可能会对白人采取暴力行动，这一点在这张黑人士兵举起白人士兵头的图像中非常明显，在整个内战前时期，这仍然是南方白人心中的严重恐惧。
January Suchodolski, Battle at San Domingo, 1845.
一月·苏霍多尔斯基 (January Suchodolski)，圣多明各之战，1845 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Henry Moss, an enslaved man in Virginia, became arguably the most famous Black man of the day when white spots appeared on his body in 1792, turning him visibly white within three years.
1792 年，弗吉尼亚州的一名奴隶亨利·莫斯 (Henry Moss) 可以说成为了当时最著名的黑人，因为他的身上出现了白斑，三年内他就变得明显变白了。
As his skin changed, Moss marketed himself as “a great curiosity” in Philadelphia and soon earned enough money to buy his freedom.
随着他的皮肤发生变化，莫斯在费城将自己标榜为“一个伟大的好奇心”，并很快赚到了足够的钱来赎回他的自由。
He met the great scientists of the era—including Samuel Stanhope Smith and Dr. Benjamin Rush—who joyously deemed Moss to be living proof of their theory that “the Black Color (as it is called) of the Negroes is derived from the leprosy.” 5 Something, somehow, was “curing” Moss of his blackness.
他会见了那个时代的伟大科学家，包括塞缪尔·斯坦霍普·史密斯和本杰明·拉什博士，他们欣喜地认为莫斯是他们的理论的活生生的证明，即“黑人的黑色（如其名称）源自麻风病”。 5 不知何故，有某种东西正在“治愈”莫斯的黑人肤色。
In the whitening body of slave-turned-patriot-turned-curiosity, many Americans fostered ideas of race that would cause major problems in the years ahead.
在奴隶变爱国者变好奇心的白人群体中，许多美国人培育了种族观念，这将在未来几年引发重大问题。
The first decades of the new American republic coincided with a radical shift in understandings of race.
新美利坚共和国成立的头几十年恰逢人们对种族的理解发生彻底转变。
Politically and culturally, Enlightenment thinking fostered beliefs in common humanity, the possibility of societal progress, the remaking of oneself, and the importance of one’s social and ecological environment—a four-pronged revolt against the hierarchies of the Old World.
在政治和文化上，启蒙思想培育了对共同人性、社会进步的可能性、自我改造以及社会和生态环境重要性的信念——这是对旧世界等级制度的四管齐下的反抗。
Yet a tension arose due to Enlightenment thinkers’ desire to classify and order the natural world.
然而，由于启蒙思想家渴望对自然世界进行分类和排序，因此出现了紧张局势。
Carolus Linnaeus, Comte de Buffon, Johann Friedrich Blumenbach, and others created connections between race and place as they divided the racial “types” of the world according to skin color, cranial measurements, and hair.
卡洛勒斯·林奈、布冯伯爵、约翰·弗里德里希·布卢门巴赫等人根据肤色、颅骨尺寸和头发划分世界上的种族“类型”，从而在种族和地点之间建立了联系。
They claimed that years under the hot sun and tropical climate of Africa darkened the skin and reconfigured the skulls of the African race, whereas the cold northern latitudes of Europe molded and sustained the “Caucasian” race.
他们声称，长年在非洲的烈日和热带气候下使非洲人种的皮肤变黑，并重新构造了头骨，而欧洲寒冷的北纬地区塑造并维持了“高加索”人种。
The environments endowed both races with respective characteristics, which accounted for differences in humankind tracing back to a common ancestry.
环境赋予了两个种族各自的特征，这也是人类同根同源的差异所在。
A universal human nature, therefore, housed not fundamental differences but rather the “civilized” and the “primitive”—two poles on a scale of social progress.
因此，普遍的人性并不是根本性的差异，而是“文明”和“原始”——社会进步尺度上的两个极点。
Informed by European anthropology and republican optimism, Americans confronted their own uniquely problematic racial landscape.
受欧洲人类学和共和乐观主义的影响，美国人面临着自己独特的种族问题。
In 1787, Samuel Stanhope Smith published his treatise Essay on the Causes of the Variety of Complexion and Figure in the Human Species , which further articulated the theory of racial change and suggested that improving the social environment would tap into the innate equality of humankind and dramatically uplift nonwhite races.
1787年，塞缪尔·斯坦霍普·史密斯发表了他的论文《论人类肤色和身材多样性的原因》，进一步阐述了种族变迁理论，并提出改善社会环境将挖掘人类与生俱来的平等性，并极大地提高非白人种族的水平。
The proper society, he and others believed, could gradually “whiten” men the way nature spontaneously chose to whiten Henry Moss.
他和其他人相信，适当的社会可以逐渐“美白”人类，就像大自然自发地选择让亨利·莫斯变白一样。
Thomas Jefferson disagreed.
托马斯·杰斐逊不同意。
While Jefferson thought Native Americans could improve and become “civilized,” he declared in his Notes on the State of Virginia (1784) that Black people were incapable of mental improvement and that they might even have a separate ancestry—a theory known as polygenesis, or multiple creations.
虽然杰斐逊认为美洲原住民可以进步并变得“文明”，但他在《弗吉尼亚州笔记》（1784年）中宣称，黑人无法在精神上进步，他们甚至可能有一个单独的祖先——一种被称为多源论或多重创造的理论。
His belief in polygenesis was less to justify slavery—enslavers universally rejected the theory as antibiblical and thus a threat to their primary instrument of justification, the Bible—and more to justify schemes for a white America, such as the plan to gradually send freed Black people to Africa.
他对多源论的信仰并不是为了证明奴隶制的合理性——奴隶制普遍拒绝接受这一理论，认为该理论是反圣经的，因此对他们的主要辩护工具——《圣经》构成了威胁——更多的是为了证明美国白人计划的合理性，例如逐步将获得自由的黑人送往非洲的计划。
Many Americans believed nature had made the white and Black races too different to peacefully coexist, and they viewed African colonization as the solution to America’s racial problem.
许多美国人认为，大自然使白人和黑人种族差异太大，无法和平共处，他们认为非洲殖民化是解决美国种族问题的解决方案。
Jefferson’s Notes on the State of Virginia sparked considerable backlash from antislavery and Black communities.
杰斐逊关于弗吉尼亚州的笔记引起了反奴隶制和黑人社区的强烈反对。
The celebrated Black surveyor Benjamin Banneker, for example, immediately wrote to Jefferson and demanded he “eradicate that train of absurd and false ideas” and instead embrace the belief that we are “all of one flesh” and with “all the same sensations and endowed .
例如，著名的黑人测量师本杰明·班纳克（Benjamin Banneker）立即写信给杰斐逊，要求他“消除那一系列荒谬和错误的想法”，转而相信我们“都是一体的”，具有“所有相同的感觉和天赋……”。
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with the same faculties.” 6 Many years later, in his Appeal to the Colored Citizens of the World (1829), David Walker channeled decades of Black protest, simultaneously denouncing the moral rot of slavery and racism while praising the inner strength of the race.
具有相同的能力。” 6 许多年后，大卫·沃克在《向世界有色公民发出的呼吁》（1829 年）中提出了数十年的黑人抗议活动，同时谴责奴隶制和种族主义的道德败坏，同时赞扬种族的内在力量。
Jefferson had his defenders.
杰斐逊有他的捍卫者。
White men such as Charles Caldwell and Samuel George Morton hardened Jefferson’s skepticism, offering a “biological” case for Black and white people not only having separate creations but actually being different species, a position increasingly articulated throughout the antebellum period.
查尔斯·考德威尔和塞缪尔·乔治·莫顿等白人强化了杰斐逊的怀疑论，他们为黑人和白人提供了一个“生物学”案例，证明黑人和白人不仅拥有不同的创造物，而且实际上是不同的物种，这一立场在整个内战前时期越来越明确。
Few Americans subscribed wholesale to such theories, but many shared beliefs in white supremacy.
很少有美国人完全相信这些理论，但许多人都相信白人至上。
As the decades passed, White Americans were forced to acknowledge that if the Black population was indeed whitening, it resulted from sexual violence and not the environment.
几十年过去了，美国白人被迫承认，如果黑人确实在变白，那也是性暴力造成的，而不是环境造成的。
The sense of inspiration and wonder that followed Henry Moss in the 1790s would have been impossible just a generation later.
1790 年代亨利·莫斯 (Henry Moss) 所带来的灵感和惊奇感在一代人之后是不可能的。
Free and enslaved Black Americans were not alone in pushing against political hierarchies.
自由和被奴役的美国黑人并不是唯一反对政治等级制度的人。
Jefferson’s election to the presidency in 1800 represented a victory for non-elite white Americans in their bid to assume more direct control over the government.
1800 年，杰斐逊当选总统，代表着美国非精英白人在对政府进行更直接控制的努力中取得了胜利。
Elites had made no secret of their hostility toward the direct control of government by the people.
精英们毫不掩饰他们对人民直接控制政府的敌意。
In both private correspondence and published works, many of the nation’s founders argued that pure democracy would lead to anarchy.
在私人信件和出版著作中，许多国家的创始人都认为纯粹的民主会导致无政府状态。
Massachusetts Federalist Fisher Ames spoke for many of his colleagues when he lamented the dangers that democracy posed because it depended on public opinion, which “shifts with every current of caprice.” Jefferson’s election, for Federalists like Ames, heralded a slide “down into the mire of a democracy.” 7
马萨诸塞州联邦党人费舍尔·艾姆斯（Fisher Ames）代表他的许多同事哀叹民主所带来的危险，因为民主取决于公众舆论，而公众舆论“随着每一次反复无常的变化而变化”。杰斐逊的当选，对于像艾姆斯这样的联邦党人来说，预示着“滑入民主的泥沼”。 7
Indeed, many political leaders and non-elite citizens believed Jefferson embraced the politics of the masses.
事实上，许多政治领袖和非精英公民相信杰斐逊拥护大众政治。
“In a government like ours it is the duty of the Chief-magistrate .
“在像我们这样的政府中，这是首席法官的职责。
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to unite in himself the confidence of the whole people,” Jefferson wrote in 1810.
团结全体人民的信心”，杰斐逊在 1810 年写道。
8 Nine years later, looking back on his monumental election, Jefferson again linked his triumph to the political engagement of ordinary citizens: “The revolution of 1800 .
8 九年后，回顾他具有里程碑意义的选举，杰斐逊再次将他的胜利与普通公民的政治参与联系起来：“1800 年的革命……
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was as real a revolution in the principles of our government as that of 76 was in it’s form,” he wrote, “not effected indeed by the sword .
正如76年的革命一样，它对我们政府的原则来说是一场真正的革命，”他写道，“实际上不是通过刀剑实现的。
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but by the rational and peaceable instrument of reform, the suffrage [voting] of the people.” 9 Jefferson desired to convince Americans, and the world, that a government that answered directly to the people would lead to lasting national union, not anarchic division.
而是通过理性、和平的改革手段，即人民的选举权。” 9 杰斐逊希望让美国人和全世界相信，一个直接对人民负责的政府将带来持久的国家联盟，而不是无政府主义的分裂。
He wanted to prove that free people could govern themselves democratically.
他想证明自由的人民可以民主地管理自己。
Jefferson set out to differentiate his administration from the Federalists.
杰斐逊着手将他的政府与联邦党人区分开来。
He defined American union by the voluntary bonds of fellow citizens toward one another and toward the government.
他将美国联邦定义为公民彼此之间以及政府之间的自愿纽带。
In contrast, the Federalists supposedly imagined a union defined by expansive state power and public submission to the rule of aristocratic elites.
相比之下，联邦党人想象中的联盟是由扩大的国家权力和公众服从贵族精英统治所定义的。
For Jefferson, the American nation drew its “energy” and its strength from the “confidence” of a “reasonable” and “rational” people.
对于杰斐逊来说，美国民族的“能量”和力量来自“通情达理”和“理性”人民的“信心”。
Democratic-Republican celebrations often credited Jefferson with saving the nation’s republican principles.
民主共和党的庆祝活动经常称赞杰斐逊拯救了国家的共和原则。
In a move that enraged Federalists, they used the image of George Washington, who had passed away in 1799, linking the republican virtue Washington epitomized to the democratic liberty Jefferson championed.
他们使用了 1799 年去世的乔治·华盛顿的形象，将华盛顿所体现的共和美德与杰斐逊所倡导的民主自由联系起来，此举激怒了联邦党人。
Leaving behind the military pomp of power-obsessed Federalists, Democratic-Republicans had peacefully elected the scribe of national independence, the philosopher-patriot who had battled tyranny with his pen, not with a sword or a gun.
民主共和党人抛弃了痴迷于权力的联邦党人的军事盛况，和平地选出了民族独立的抄写员，这位用笔而不是用剑或枪与暴政作斗争的哲学家爱国者。
The celebrations of Jefferson’s presidency and the defeat of the Federalists expressed many citizens’ willingness to assert greater direct control over the government as citizens.
对杰斐逊就任总统的庆祝活动和联邦党人的失败表明许多公民愿意作为公民对政府进行更直接的控制。
The definition of citizenship was changing.
公民身份的定义正在发生变化。
Early American national identity was coded masculine, just as it was coded white and wealthy; yet, since the Revolution, women had repeatedly called for a place in the conversation.
早期的美国民族身份被编码为男性，就像它被编码为白人和富有一样。然而，自革命以来，女性一再呼吁在对话中占有一席之地。
Mercy Otis Warren was one of the most noteworthy female contributors to the public ratification debate over the Constitution of 1787 and 1788, but women all over the country were urged to participate in the discussion over the Constitution.
梅西·奥蒂斯·沃伦 (Mercy Otis Warren) 是 1787 年和 1788 年宪法公开批准辩论中最值得关注的女性贡献者之一，但全国各地的妇女都被敦促参与宪法讨论。
“It is the duty of the American ladies, in a particular manner, to interest themselves in the success of the measures that are now pursuing by the Federal Convention for the happiness of America,” a Philadelphia essayist announced.
费城的一位散文家宣称：“美国女士们有责任，以一种特殊的方式，对联邦公约现在为美国幸福而推行的措施的成功感兴趣。”
“They can retain their rank as rational beings only in a free government.
“只有在自由政府中，他们才能保持理性人的地位。
In a monarchy .
在君主制国家。
.
。
.
。
they will be considered as valuable members of a society, only in proportion as they are capable of being mothers for soldiers, who are the pillars of crowned heads.” 10 American women were more than mothers to soldiers; they were mothers to liberty.
只有当她们有能力成为士兵的母亲时，她们才会被视为社会的有价值的成员，而士兵是国王的支柱。” 10 名美国女性不仅仅是士兵的母亲；他们是自由之母。
The artist James Peale painted this portrait of his wife Mary and five of their eventual six children.
艺术家詹姆斯·皮尔为他的妻子玛丽和他们最终的六个孩子中的五个画了这幅肖像。
Peale and others represented women as responsible for the health of the republic through their roles as wives as mothers.
皮尔和其他人认为，妇女通过她们作为妻子和母亲的角色对共和国的健康负责。
Historians call this view of women Republican Motherhood.
历史学家将这种女性观点称为“共和母性”。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Historians have used the term Republican Motherhood to describe the early American belief that women were essential in nurturing the principles of liberty in the citizenry.
历史学家使用“共和母性”一词来描述美国早期的信念，即妇女对于培养公民的自由原则至关重要。
Women would pass along important values of independence and virtue to their children, ensuring that each generation cherished the same values of the American Revolution.
妇女会将独立和美德的重要价值观传递给她们的孩子，确保每一代人都珍视美国革命的相同价值观。
Because of these ideas, women’s actions became politicized.
由于这些想法，女性的行为变得政治化。
Some even described women’s choice of sexual partner as crucial to the health and well-being of both the party and the nation.
有些人甚至认为，女性选择性伴侣关系到党和国家的健康和福祉。
“The fair Daughters of America” should “never disgrace themselves by giving their hands in marriage to any but real republicans,” a group of New Jersey Democratic-Republicans asserted.
一群新泽西州民主共和党人断言，“美丽的美国女儿们”应该“永远不要因为与真正的共和党人结婚而让自己蒙羞”。
A Philadelphia paper toasted “The fair Daughters of Columbia.
费城的一份报纸赞扬了“哥伦比亚美丽的女儿们”。
May their smiles be the reward of Republicans only.” 11 Though unmistakably steeped in the gendered assumptions about female sexuality and domesticity that denied women an equal share of the political rights men enjoyed, these statements also conceded the pivotal role women played as active participants in partisan politics.
愿他们的微笑只是共和党人的回报。” 11 尽管这些声明毫无疑问地植根于关于女性性行为和家庭生活的性别假设，否认女性享有与男性平等的政治权利，但这些声明也承认女性作为党派政治的积极参与者所发挥的关键作用。
12
12
Thomas Jefferson’s victory over John Adams in the election of 1800 was celebrated through everyday Americans’ material culture, including this victory banner.
托马斯·杰斐逊 (Thomas Jefferson) 在 1800 年大选中战胜约翰·亚当斯 (John Adams) 通过美国人日常的物质文化来庆祝，包括这面胜利旗帜。
Smithsonian Institute, National Museum of American History .
史密森学会、美国国家历史博物馆。
Buttressed by robust public support, Jefferson sought to implement policies that reflected his own political ideology.
在强大的公众支持的支持下，杰斐逊寻求实施反映他自己政治意识形态的政策。
He worked to reduce taxes and cut the government’s budget, believing that this would expand the economic opportunities of free Americans.
他致力于减税并削减政府预算，相信这将扩大自由美国人的经济机会。
His cuts included national defense, and Jefferson restricted the regular army to three thousand men.
他的削减包括国防，杰斐逊将正规军限制在三千人。
England may have needed taxes and debt to support its military empire, but Jefferson was determined to live in peace—and that belief led him to reduce America’s national debt while getting rid of all internal taxes during his first term.
英国可能需要税收和债务来支持其军事帝国，但杰斐逊决心和平相处，这一信念促使他在第一个任期内减少了美国的国债，同时免除了所有国内税收。
In a move that became the crowning achievement of his presidency, Jefferson authorized the acquisition of Louisiana from France in 1803 in what is considered the largest real estate deal in American history.
杰斐逊于 1803 年授权从法国手中收购路易斯安那州，这被认为是美国历史上最大的房地产交易，此举成为其总统任期的最高成就。
France had ceded Louisiana to Spain in exchange for West Florida after the Seven Years’ War decades earlier.
几十年前的七年战争后，法国将路易斯安那割让给西班牙，以换取西佛罗里达。
Jefferson was concerned about American access to New Orleans, which served as an important port for western farmers.
杰斐逊担心美国进入新奥尔良，因为新奥尔良是西方农民的重要港口。
His worries multiplied when the French secretly reacquired Louisiana in 1800.
1800 年，法国人秘密重新夺回路易斯安那州后，他的忧虑倍增。
Spain remained in Louisiana for two more years while the U.S. minister to France, Robert R.
西班牙在路易斯安那州又停留了两年，而美国驻法国部长罗伯特·R·
Livingston, tried to strike a compromise.
利文斯顿试图达成妥协。
Fortunately for the United States, the pressures of war in Europe and the slave insurrection in Haiti forced Napoleon to rethink his vast North American holdings.
对美国来说幸运的是，欧洲战争的压力和海地的奴隶起义迫使拿破仑重新考虑他在北美的庞大领土。
Rebellious enslaved people coupled with a yellow fever outbreak in Haiti defeated French forces, stripping Napoleon of his ability to control Haiti (the home of profitable sugar plantations).
反叛的奴隶加上海地爆发的黄热病击败了法国军队，剥夺了拿破仑控制海地（有利可图的甘蔗种植园所在地）的能力。
Deciding to cut his losses, Napoleon offered to sell the entire Louisiana Territory for $15 million—roughly equivalent to $250 million today.
为了减少损失，拿破仑提出以 1500 万美元的价格出售整个路易斯安那领地——大约相当于今天的 2.5 亿美元。
Negotiations between Livingston and Napoleon’s foreign minister, Talleyrand, succeeded more spectacularly than either Jefferson or Livingston could have imagined.
利文斯顿和拿破仑外交部长塔列朗之间的谈判取得了比杰斐逊或利文斯顿想象的更为惊人的成功。
Jefferson made an inquiry to his cabinet regarding the constitutionality of the Louisiana Purchase, but he believed he was obliged to operate outside the strict limitations of the Constitution if the good of the nation was at stake, as his ultimate responsibility was to the American people.
杰斐逊向内阁询问了路易斯安那购买案的合宪性，但他认为，如果国家利益受到威胁，他就有义务在宪法的严格限制之外行事，因为他的最终责任是对美国人民负责。
Jefferson felt he should be able to “throw himself on the justice of his country” when he facilitated the interests of the very people he served.
杰斐逊认为，当他促进他所服务的人民的利益时，他应该能够“致力于国家的正义”。
13
13
Jefferson’s foreign policy, particularly the Embargo Act of 1807, elicited the most outrage from his Federalist critics.
杰斐逊的外交政策，尤其是 1807 年的禁运法案，引起了联邦党批评者的极大愤慨。
As Napoleon Bonaparte’s armies moved across Europe, Jefferson wrote to a European friend that he was glad that God had “divided the dry lands of your hemisphere from the dry lands of ours, and said ‘here, at least, be there peace.’” 14 Unfortunately, the Atlantic Ocean soon became the site of Jefferson’s greatest foreign policy test, as England, France, and Spain refused to respect American ships’ neutrality.
当拿破仑·波拿巴的军队横扫欧洲时，杰斐逊写信给一位欧洲朋友说，他很高兴上帝“将你们半球的旱地与我们的旱地分开，并说‘这里，至少，那里要有和平’。”14不幸的是，大西洋很快成为杰斐逊外交政策最大的考验地，因为英国、法国和西班牙拒绝尊重美国船只的中立性。
The greatest offenses came from the British, who resumed the policy of impressment, seizing thousands of American sailors and forcing them to fight for the British navy.
最严重的罪行来自英国，他们恢复了压制政策，扣押了数千名美国水手，强迫他们为英国海军作战。
Many Americans called for war when the British attacked the USS Chesapeake in 1807.
1807 年英国袭击切萨皮克号航空母舰时，许多美国人呼吁发动战争。
The president, however, decided on a policy of “peaceable coercion” and Congress agreed.
然而，总统决定采取“和平胁迫”政策，国会也同意了。
Under the Embargo Act of 1807, American ports were closed to all foreign trade in hopes of avoiding war.
根据 1807 年的禁运法，美国港口禁止所有对外贸易，以避免战争。
Jefferson hoped that an embargo would force European nations to respect American neutrality.
杰斐逊希望禁运能够迫使欧洲国家尊重美国的中立性。
Historians disagree over the wisdom of peaceable coercion.
历史学家对于和平强制是否明智存在分歧。
At first, withholding commerce rather than declaring war appeared to be the ultimate means of nonviolent conflict resolution.
起初，停止贸易而不是宣战似乎是非暴力解决冲突的最终手段。
In practice, the embargo hurt the U.S. economy.
实际上，禁运损害了美国经济。
Even Jefferson’s personal finances suffered.
甚至杰斐逊的个人财务状况也受到了影响。
When Americans resorted to smuggling their goods out of the country, Jefferson expanded governmental powers to try to enforce their compliance, leading some to label him a “tyrant.”
当美国人诉诸将货物走私出境时，杰斐逊扩大了政府权力，试图强制他们遵守规定，导致一些人给他贴上“暴君”的标签。
The attack of the Chesapeake caused such furor in the hearts of Americans that even eighty years after the incident, an artist sketched this drawing of the event.
切萨皮克号的袭击事件在美国人心中引起了极大的愤怒，以至于即使在事件发生八十年后，一位艺术家仍描绘了这幅事件的图画。
Fred S.
弗雷德·S。
Cozzens, The incident between HMS “Leopard” and USS “Chesapeake” that sparked the Chesapeake-Leopard Affair, 1897.
Cozzens，英国皇家海军“豹”号和美国海军“切萨皮克”号之间引发切萨皮克-豹事件的事件，1897 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Criticism of Jefferson’s policies reflected the same rhetoric his supporters had used earlier against Adams and the Federalists.
对杰斐逊政策的批评反映了他的支持者早些时候用来反对亚当斯和联邦党人的同样言论。
Federalists attacked the American Philosophical Society and the study of natural history, believing both to be too saturated with Democratic-Republicans.
联邦党人攻击美国哲学会和自然历史研究，认为两者都充斥着民主共和党人。
Some Federalists lamented the alleged decline of educational standards for children.
一些联邦党人对所谓的儿童教育标准下降表示遗憾。
Moreover, James Callender published accusations (that were later proven credible by DNA evidence) that Jefferson was involved in a sexual relationship with Sally Hemings, one of his enslaved laborers.
此外，詹姆斯·卡伦德 (James Callender) 还发表了指控（后来通过 DNA 证据证明其可信），称杰斐逊与他的一名奴隶劳工莎莉·海明斯 (Sally Hemings) 发生了性关系。
15 Callender referred to Jefferson as “our little mulatto president,” suggesting that sex with an enslaved person had somehow compromised Jefferson’s racial integrity.
15 卡伦德称杰斐逊为“我们的黑白混血小总统”，暗示与奴隶发生性关系在某种程度上损害了杰斐逊的种族完整性。
16 Callender’s accusation joined previous Federalist attacks on Jefferson’s racial politics, including a scathing pamphlet written by South Carolinian William Loughton Smith in 1796 that described the principles of Jeffersonian democracy as the beginning of a slippery slope to dangerous racial equality.
16 卡伦德的指控与此前联邦党人对杰斐逊种族政治的攻击相结合，其中包括南卡罗来纳州威廉·劳顿·史密斯 (William Loughton Smith) 于 1796 年撰写的一本措辞严厉的小册子，该小册子将杰斐逊民主原则描述为走向危险种族平等的滑坡的开始。
17
17 号
Arguments lamenting the democratization of America were far less effective than those that borrowed from democratic language and alleged that Jefferson’s actions undermined the sovereignty of the people.
哀叹美国民主化的论点远不如那些借用民主语言并声称杰斐逊的行为损害了人民主权的论点有效。
When Federalists attacked Jefferson, they often accused him of acting against the interests of the very public he claimed to serve.
当联邦党人攻击杰斐逊时，他们经常指责他的行为违背了他声称服务的公众的利益。
This tactic represented a pivotal development.
这一策略代表了一个关键的发展。
As the Federalists scrambled to stay politically relevant, it became apparent that their ideology—rooted in eighteenth-century notions of virtue, paternalistic rule by wealthy elite, and the deference of ordinary citizens to an aristocracy of merit—was no longer tenable.
随着联邦党人争先恐后地保持政治影响力，他们的意识形态——植根于十八世纪的美德观念、富有精英的家长式统治以及普通公民对有功绩的贵族的尊重——显然不再站得住脚。
The Federalists’ adoption of republican political rhetoric signaled a new political landscape in which both parties embraced the direct involvement of the citizenry.
联邦党对共和政治言论的采用标志着一种新的政治格局，双方都接受公民的直接参与。
The Democratic-Republican Party rose to power on the promise to expand voting and promote a more direct link between political leaders and the electorate.
民主共和党因承诺扩大投票范围和促进政治领导人与选民之间更直接的联系而上台。
The American populace continued to demand more direct access to political power.
美国民众继续要求更直接地获得政治权力。
Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe sought to expand voting through policies that made it easier for Americans to purchase land.
杰斐逊、詹姆斯·麦迪逊和詹姆斯·门罗试图通过让美国人更容易购买土地的政策来扩大投票范围。
Under their leadership, seven new states entered the Union.
在他们的领导下，七个新州加入了联邦。
By 1824, only three states still had rules about how much property someone had to own before he could vote.
到 1824 年，只有三个州仍然规定某人必须拥有多少财产才能投票。
Never again would the Federalists regain dominance over either Congress or the presidency; the last Federalist to run for president, Rufus King, lost to Monroe in 1816.
联邦党人再也没有重新获得对国会或总统职位的主导地位。最后一位竞选总统的联邦党人鲁弗斯·金 (Rufus King) 于 1816 年输给了门罗 (Monroe)。
The Jeffersonian rhetoric of equality contrasted harshly with the reality of a nation stratified along the lines of gender, class, race, and ethnicity.
杰斐逊主义的平等言论与一个按照性别、阶级、种族和族裔划分的国家的现实形成了鲜明的对比。
Diplomatic relations between Native Americans and local, state, and national governments offer a dramatic example of the dangers of those inequalities.
美洲原住民与地方、州和国家政府之间的外交关系为这些不平等的危险提供了一个生动的例子。
Prior to the Revolution, many Native American nations had balanced a delicate diplomacy between European empires, which scholars have called the Play-off System.
在革命之前，许多美洲原住民国家在欧洲帝国之间进行了微妙的外交平衡，学者们将其称为附加赛制度。
18 Moreover, in many parts of North America, Indigenous peoples dominated social relations.
18 此外，在北美许多地区，土著人民主导着社会关系。
Americans pushed for more land in all their interactions with Native diplomats and leaders.
美国人在与原住民外交官和领导人的所有互动中都在争取更多的土地。
But boundaries were only one source of tension.
但边界只是紧张的根源之一。
Trade, criminal jurisdiction, roads, the sale of liquor, and alliances were also key negotiating points.
贸易、刑事管辖、道路、酒类销售和联盟也是关键谈判点。
Despite their role in fighting on both sides, Native American negotiators were not included in the diplomatic negotiations that ended the Revolutionary War.
尽管美洲原住民谈判代表在双方的战斗中都发挥了作用，但他们并未参与结束独立战争的外交谈判。
Unsurprisingly, the final document omitted concessions for Native allies.
不出所料，最终文件省略了对原住民盟友的让步。
Even as Native peoples proved vital trading partners, scouts, and allies against hostile nations, they were often condemned by white settlers and government officials as “savages.” White ridicule of Indigenous practices and disregard for Indigenous nations’ property rights and sovereignty prompted some Indigenous peoples to turn away from white practices.
尽管土著人民被证明是重要的贸易伙伴、侦察员和对抗敌对国家的盟友，但他们经常被白人定居者和政府官员谴责为“野蛮人”。白人对土著习俗的嘲笑以及对土著民族财产权和主权的漠视促使一些土著人民放弃了白人的习俗。
In the wake of the American Revolution, Native American diplomats developed relationships with the United States, maintained or ceased relations with the British Empire (or with Spain in the South), and negotiated their relationship with other Native nations.
美国革命之后，美洲原住民外交官发展了与美国的关系，维持或终止了与大英帝国（或南部的西班牙）的关系，并与其他原住民民族谈判了关系。
Formal diplomatic negotiations included Native rituals to reestablish relationships and open communication.
正式的外交谈判包括重建关系和开放沟通的土著仪式。
Treaty conferences took place in Native towns, at neutral sites in borderlands, and in state and federal capitals.
条约会议在原住民城镇、边境地区的中立地点以及州和联邦首府举行。
While chiefs were politically important, skilled orators, such as Red Jacket, as well as intermediaries, and interpreters also played key roles in negotiations.
虽然酋长在政治上很重要，但像红夹克这样熟练的演说家以及中间人和口译员也在谈判中发挥着关键作用。
Native American orators were known for metaphorical language, command of an audience, and compelling voice and gestures.
美洲原住民演说家以隐喻性语言、对观众的控制以及引人注目的声音和手势而闻名。
Shown in this portrait as a refined gentleman, Red Jacket proved to be one of the most effective middlemen between Native Americans and U.S. officials.
在这幅肖像中，红夹克被证明是一位优雅的绅士，他是美洲原住民和美国官员之间最有效的中间人之一。
The medal worn around his neck, apparently given to him by George Washington, reflects his position as an intermediary.
他脖子上佩戴的这枚勋章显然是乔治·华盛顿送给他的，反映了他作为中间人的地位。
Campbell & Burns, Red Jacket.
坎贝尔和伯恩斯，《红夹克》。
Seneca war chief, Philadelphia: C.
费城塞内卡战争酋长：C.
Hullmandel, 1838.
赫尔曼德尔，1838 年。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
Throughout the early republic, diplomacy was preferred to war.
在整个共和国早期，外交比战争更受青睐。
Violence and warfare carried enormous costs for all parties—in lives, money, trade disruptions, and reputation.
暴力和战争给各方带来了巨大的代价——生命、金钱、贸易中断和声誉。
Diplomacy allowed parties to air their grievances, negotiate their relationships, and minimize violence.
外交使各方能够表达不满、协商关系并最大限度地减少暴力。
Violent conflicts arose when diplomacy failed.
当外交失败时，就会出现暴力冲突。
Native diplomacy testified to the complexity of Indigenous cultures and their role in shaping the politics and policy of American communities, states, and the federal government.
土著外交证明了土著文化的复杂性及其在塑造美国社区、州和联邦政府的政治和政策中的作用。
Yet white attitudes, words, and policies frequently relegated Native peoples to the literal and figurative margins as “ignorant savages.” Poor treatment like this inspired hostility and calls for alliances from leaders of distinct Native nations, including the Shawnee leader Tecumseh.
然而，白人的态度、言语和政策经常将原住民贬为“无知的野蛮人”。像这样的恶劣待遇激起了敌意，并呼吁包括肖尼族领导人特库姆塞在内的不同土著民族领导人结盟。
Tecumseh and his brother, Tenskwatawa, the Prophet, helped envision an alliance of North America’s Indigenous populations to halt the encroachments of the United States.
特库姆塞和他的兄弟先知坦斯克瓦塔瓦帮助构想了北美原住民联盟的构想，以阻止美国的侵犯。
They created towns in present-day Indiana, first at Greenville, then at Prophetstown, in defiance of the Treaty of Greenville (1795).
他们无视《格林维尔条约》（1795 年），在今天的印第安纳州建立了城镇，首先在格林维尔，然后在先知镇。
Tecumseh traveled to many diverse Native nations from Canada to Georgia, calling for unification, resistance, and the restoration of sacred power.
特库姆塞前往从加拿大到乔治亚州的许多不同的原住民国家，呼吁统一、抵抗和恢复神圣权力。
Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa’s confederacy was the culmination of many movements that swept through Indigenous North America during the eighteenth century.
特库姆塞和滕斯克瓦塔瓦的联盟是 18 世纪席卷北美原住民的许多运动的顶峰。
An earlier coalition fought in Pontiac’s War.
早期的联军参加了庞蒂亚克战争。
Neolin, the Delaware prophet, influenced Pontiac, an Ottawa (Odawa) war chief, with his vision of Native independence, cultural renewal, and religious revitalization.
特拉华州先知尼奥林以原住民独立、文化复兴和宗教复兴的愿景影响了渥太华战争首领庞蒂亚克。
Through Neolin, the Master of Life—the Great Spirit—urged Native peoples to shrug off their dependency on European goods and technologies, reassert their faith in Native spirituality and rituals, and cooperate with one another against the “White people’s ways and nature.” 19 Additionally, Neolin advocated violence against British encroachments on Native American lands, which escalated after the Seven Years’ War.
通过尼奥林，生命之主——伟大的精神——敦促土著人民摆脱对欧洲商品和技术的依赖，重申他们对土著精神和仪式的信仰，并相互合作反对“白人的方式和本性”。 19 此外，尼奥林主张对英国对美洲原住民土地的侵犯采取暴力行为，这种行为在七年战争后升级。
His message was particularly effective in the Ohio and Upper Susquehanna Valleys, where polyglot communities of Indigenous refugees and migrants from across eastern North America lived together.
他的信息在俄亥俄州和上萨斯奎哈纳山谷特别有效，那里居住着来自北美东部的土著难民和移民的多语言社区。
When combined with the militant leadership of Pontiac, who took up Neolin’s message, the many Native peoples of the region united in attacks against British forts and people.
当庞蒂亚克的激进领导层接受了尼奥林的信息时，该地区的许多原住民联合起来攻击英国的堡垒和人民。
From 1763 until 1765, the Great Lakes, Ohio Valley, and Upper Susquehanna Valley areas were embroiled in a war between Pontiac’s confederacy and the British Empire, a war that ultimately forced the English to restructure how they managed Native-British relations and trade.
从 1763 年到 1765 年，五大湖区、俄亥俄河谷和上萨斯奎哈纳河谷地区卷入了庞蒂亚克邦联与大英帝国之间的战争，这场战争最终迫使英国人重组他们管理本土与英国关系和贸易的方式。
In the interim between 1765 and 1811, other Native prophets kept Neolin’s message alive while encouraging Indigenous peoples to resist Euro-American encroachments.
1765 年至 1811 年间，其他原住民先知保留了尼奥林的信息，同时鼓励原住民抵抗欧美的侵犯。
These individuals included the Ottawa leader “the Trout,” also called Maya-Ga-Wy; Joseph Brant of the Iroquois (Haudenosaunee); the Creek headman Mad Dog; Painted Pole of the Shawnee; a Mohawk woman named Coocoochee; Main Poc of the Potawatomi; and the Seneca prophet Handsome Lake.
这些人包括渥太华领导人“鳟鱼”，也称为 Maya-Ga-Wy；易洛魁人约瑟夫·布兰特 (Haudenosaunee)；溪头人疯狗；肖尼族彩绘杆；一个名叫 Coocoochee 的莫霍克族女人； Potawatomi 的主要 Poc；和塞内卡先知英俊的湖。
Once again, the epicenter of this resistance and revitalization originated in the Ohio Valley and Great Lakes regions, where from 1791 to 1795 a joint force of Shawnee, Delaware, Miami, Iroquois, Ojibwe, Ottawa, Huron, Potawatomi, Mingo, Chickamauga, and other Indigenous peoples waged war against the American republic.
这次抵抗和复兴的中心再次起源于俄亥俄河谷和五大湖地区，从 1791 年到 1795 年，肖尼人、特拉华人、迈阿密人、易洛魁人、奥及布威人、渥太华人、休伦人、波塔瓦托米人、明戈人、奇克莫加人和其他土著人民联合起来，对美利坚共和国发动了战争。
Although this “Western Confederacy” ultimately suffered defeat at the Battle of Fallen Timbers in 1794, this Native coalition achieved a number of military victories against the republic, including the destruction of two American armies, forcing President Washington to reformulate federal policy.
尽管这个“西部邦联”最终在 1794 年的倒木之战中惨败，但这个原住民联盟对共和国取得了许多军事胜利，包括摧毁了两支美国军队，迫使华盛顿总统重新制定联邦政策。
Tecumseh’s experiences as a warrior against the American military in this conflict probably influenced his later efforts to generate solidarity among North American Indigenous communities.
特库姆塞在这场冲突中作为一名对抗美国军队的战士的经历可能影响了他后来在北美原住民社区之间建立团结的努力。
Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa articulated ideas and beliefs similar to their eighteenth-century predecessors.
特库姆塞和滕斯克瓦塔瓦阐述了与十八世纪前辈相似的思想和信仰。
In particular, Tenskwatawa pronounced that the Master of Life entrusted him and Tecumseh with the responsibility for returning Native peoples to the one true path and to rid Native communities of the dangerous and corrupting influences of Euro-American trade and culture.
坦斯克瓦塔瓦特别宣称，生命之主委托他和特库姆塞负责让原住民回归正道，并使原住民社区摆脱欧美贸易和文化的危险和腐败影响。
Tenskwatawa stressed the need for cultural and religious renewal, which coincided with his blending of the tenets, traditions, and rituals of Indigenous religions and Christianity.
Tenskwatawa 强调文化和宗教复兴的必要性，这与他融合土著宗教和基督教的教义、传统和仪式相一致。
In particular, Tenskwatawa emphasized apocalyptic visions that he and his followers would usher in a new world and restore Native power to the continent.
Tenskwatawa 特别强调了世界末日的愿景，即他和他的追随者将迎来一个新世界并恢复这片大陆的原住民力量。
For Native peoples who gravitated to the Shawnee brothers, this emphasis on cultural and religious revitalization was empowering and spiritually liberating, especially given the continuous American assaults on Native land and power in the early nineteenth century.
对于那些被肖尼兄弟所吸引的原住民来说，这种对文化和宗教复兴的重视是一种赋权和精神解放，特别是考虑到美国在十九世纪初对原住民土地和权力的持续攻击。
Tenskwatawa as painted by George Catlin, in 1831.
乔治·卡特林 (George Catlin) 于 1831 年绘制的 Tenskwatawa。
Caitlin acknowledged the prophet’s spiritual power and painted him with a medicine stick.
凯特琳承认先知的精神力量，并给他画了一根药棒。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Tecumseh’s confederacy drew heavily from Indigenous communities in the Old Northwest and the festering hatred for land-hungry Americans.
特库姆塞的联盟在很大程度上吸引了老西北地区的原住民社区以及对渴望土地的美国人日益加深的仇恨。
Tecumseh attracted a wealth of allies in his adamant refusal to concede any more land.
特库姆塞坚决拒绝割让更多土地，因此吸引了众多盟友。
Tecumseh proclaimed that the Master of Life tasked him with the responsibility of returning Native lands to their rightful owners.
特库姆塞宣称生命之主赋予他将原住民土地归还给其合法所有者的责任。
In his efforts to promote unity among Native peoples, Tecumseh also offered these communities a distinctly Native American identity that brought disparate Native peoples together under the banner of a common spirituality, together resisting an oppressive force.
在努力促进原住民团结的过程中，特库姆塞还为这些社区提供了独特的美国原住民身份，将不同的原住民聚集在共同精神的旗帜下，共同抵抗压迫力量。
In short, spirituality tied together the resistance movement.
简而言之，灵性与抵抗运动联系在一起。
Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa were not above using this unifying rhetoric to legitimate their own authority within Indigenous communities at the expense of other Native leaders.
特库姆塞和滕斯克瓦塔瓦不惜利用这种统一的言论，以牺牲其他土著领导人的利益为代价，在土著社区内使自己的权威合法化。
This manifested most visibly during Tenskwatawa’s witch hunts of the 1800s.
这在 1800 年代 Tenskwatawa 的政治迫害中表现得最为明显。
Those who opposed Tenskwatawa or sought to accommodate Americans were labeled witches.
那些反对 Tenskwatawa 或试图容纳美国人的人被贴上女巫的标签。
While Tecumseh attracted Native peoples from around the Northwest, the Red Stick Creeks brought these ideas to the Southeast.
特库姆塞吸引了西北地区的原住民，而红棍溪则将这些想法带到了东南部。
Led by the Creek prophet Hillis Hadjo, who accompanied Tecumseh when he toured throughout the Southeast in 1811, the Red Sticks integrated certain religious tenets from the north and invented new religious practices specific to the Creeks, all the while communicating and coordinating with Tecumseh after he left Creek Country.
在1811年陪同特库姆塞巡游东南部的克里克先知希利斯·哈乔（Hillis Hadjo）的领导下，红棍融合了北方的某些宗教信条，发明了克里克特有的新宗教习俗，并在特库姆塞离开克里克国家后一直与特库姆塞进行沟通和协调。
In doing so, the Red Sticks joined Tecumseh in his resistance movement while seeking to purge Creek society of its Euro-American dependencies.
在此过程中，红棍加入了特库姆塞的抵抗运动，同时寻求清除克里克社会对欧美的依赖。
Creek leaders who maintained relationships with the United States, in contrast, believed that accommodation and diplomacy might stave off American encroachments better than violence.
相比之下，与美国保持关系的克里克领导人认为，和解和外交可能比暴力更好地抵御美国的侵犯。
Additionally, the Red Sticks discovered that most southeastern Indigenous leaders cared little for Tecumseh’s confederacy.
此外，红棒发现大多数东南部原住民领导人并不关心特库姆塞的联盟。
This lack of allies hindered the spread of a movement in the southeast, and the Red Sticks soon found themselves in a civil war against other Creeks.
缺乏盟友阻碍了东南部运动的蔓延，红棍很快发现自己陷入了与其他克里克人的内战之中。
Tecumseh thus found little support in the Southeast beyond the Red Sticks, who by 1813 were cut off from the North by Andrew Jackson.
因此，特库姆塞在东南部除了红棒党之外几乎找不到什么支持，到 1813 年，安德鲁·杰克逊切断了红棒党与北方的联系。
Shortly thereafter, Jackson’s forces were joined by Lower Creek and Cherokee forces that helped defeat the Red Sticks, culminating in Jackson’s victory at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend.
此后不久，杰克逊的军队与下溪和切罗基军队会合，帮助击败了红棍，最终杰克逊在马蹄湾战役中取得了胜利。
Following their defeat, the Red Sticks were forced to cede an unprecedented fourteen million acres of land in the Treaty of Fort Jackson.
战败后，红棍被迫在杰克逊堡条约中割让了史无前例的一千四百万英亩土地。
As historian Adam Rothman argues, the defeat of the Red Sticks allowed the United States to expand west of the Mississippi, guaranteeing the continued existence and profitability of slavery.
正如历史学家亚当·罗斯曼（Adam Rothman）所说，红棍的失败使美国得以向密西西比河以西扩张，保证了奴隶制的继续存在和盈利能力。
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Many Native leaders refused to join Tecumseh and instead maintained their loyalties to the American republic.
许多原住民领导人拒绝加入特库姆塞，而是保持对美利坚共和国的忠诚。
After the failures of Native American unity and loss at the Battle of Tippecanoe in 1811, Tecumseh’s confederation floundered.
美洲原住民团结失败并在 1811 年蒂珀卡努战役中失败后，特库姆塞的联盟陷入困境。
The War of 1812 between the United States and Britain offered new opportunities for Tecumseh and his followers.
1812 年美国和英国之间的战争为特库姆塞及其追随者提供了新的机会。
21 With the United States distracted, Tecumseh and his confederated army seized several American forts on their own initiative.
21 由于美国的注意力分散，特库姆塞和他的同盟军主动占领了美国的几个堡垒。
Eventually Tecumseh solicited British aid after sustaining heavy losses from American fighters at Fort Wayne and Fort Harrison.
最终，特库姆塞在韦恩堡和哈里森堡遭受美国战士的惨重损失后，向英国寻求援助。
Even then, the confederacy faced an uphill battle, particularly after American naval forces secured control of the Great Lakes in September 1813, forcing British ships and reinforcements to retreat.
即便如此，联邦仍面临着一场艰苦的战斗，特别是在美国海军于 1813 年 9 月控制了五大湖之后，迫使英国船只和增援部队撤退。
Yet Tecumseh and his Native allies fought on despite being surrounded by American forces.
然而，尽管被美军包围，特库姆塞和他的原住民盟友仍然坚持战斗。
Tecumseh told the British commander Henry Proctor, “Our lives are in the hands of the Great Spirit.
特库姆塞告诉英国指挥官亨利·普罗克特：“我们的生命掌握在伟大精神的手中。
We are determined to defend our lands, and if it is his will, we wish to leave our bones upon them.” 22 Soon thereafter, Tecumseh fell on the battlefields of Moraviantown, Ontario, in October 1813.
我们决心保卫我们的土地，如果这是他的意愿，我们希望把我们的骨头留在他们身上。” 22 此后不久，特库姆塞于 1813 年 10 月倒在安大略省摩拉维镇的战场上。
His death dealt a severe blow to Native American resistance against the United States.
他的死对美国原住民的反抗造成了沉重打击。
Men like Tecumseh and Pontiac, however, left behind a legacy of Native American unity that was not soon forgotten.
然而，像特库姆塞和庞蒂亚克这样的人留下了美洲原住民团结的遗产，这一遗产并没有很快被遗忘。
Soon after Jefferson retired from the presidency in 1808, Congress ended the embargo and the British relaxed their policies toward American ships.
1808 年杰斐逊从总统职位上退休后不久，国会结束了禁运，英国放松了对美国船只的政策。
Despite the embargo’s unpopularity, Jefferson still believed that more time would have proven that peaceable coercion worked.
尽管禁运不受欢迎，杰斐逊仍然相信，更多的时间会证明和平强制是有效的。
Yet war with Britain loomed—a war that would galvanize the young American nation.
然而，与英国的战争迫在眉睫——这场战争将激励这个年轻的美国国家。
The War of 1812 stemmed from American entanglement in two distinct sets of international issues.
1812 年战争源于美国卷入两类截然不同的国际问题。
The first had to do with the nation’s desire to maintain its position as a neutral trading nation during the series of Anglo-French wars, which began in the aftermath of the French Revolution in 1793.
第一个原因与该国希望在 1793 年法国大革命后爆发的一系列英法战争期间保持其作为中立贸易国家的地位有关。
The second had older roots in the colonial and Revolutionary era.
第二个起源于殖民和革命时代。
In both cases, American interests conflicted with those of the British Empire.
在这两种情况下，美国的利益都与大英帝国的利益发生冲突。
British leaders showed little interest in accommodating the Americans.
英国领导人对迁就美国人没有兴趣。
Impressments, the practice of forcing American sailors to join the British Navy, was among the most important sources of conflict between the two nations.
印象，即强迫美国水手加入英国海军的做法，是两国之间冲突的最重要根源之一。
Driven in part by trade with Europe, the American economy grew quickly during the first decade of the nineteenth century, creating a labor shortage in the American shipping industry.
在与欧洲贸易的推动下，美国经济在十九世纪头十年迅速增长，导致美国航运业出现劳动力短缺。
In response, pay rates for sailors increased and American captains recruited heavily from the ranks of British sailors.
作为回应，水手的工资上涨，美国船长从英国水手队伍中大量招募。
As a result, around 30 percent of sailors employed on American merchant ships were British.
因此，美国商船上大约 30% 的水手是英国人。
As a republic, the Americans advanced the notion that people could become citizens by renouncing their allegiance to their home nation.
作为一个共和国，美国人提出了这样的观念：人们可以通过放弃对祖国的效忠而成为公民。
To the British, a person born in the British Empire was a subject of that empire for life, a status they could not change.
对于英国人来说，出生在大英帝国的人终生是该帝国的臣民，这是他们无法改变的地位。
The British Navy was embroiled in a difficult war and was unwilling to lose any of its labor force.
英国海军卷入一场艰难的战争，不愿失去任何劳动力。
In order to regain lost crewmen, the British often boarded American ships to reclaim their sailors.
为了找回失踪的船员，英国人经常登上美国船只来接回他们的水手。
Of course, many American sailors found themselves caught up in these sweeps and “impressed” into the service of the British Navy.
当然，许多美国水手发现自己陷入了这些扫荡之中，并“印象深刻”地加入了英国海军。
Between 1803 and 1812, some six thousand Americans suffered this fate.
1803 年至 1812 年间，大约六千名美国人遭受了这种命运。
The British would release Americans who could prove their identity, but this process could take years while the sailor endured harsh conditions and the dangers of the Royal Navy.
英国将释放能够证明其身份的美国人，但这一过程可能需要数年时间，而这名水手还要忍受恶劣的条件和皇家海军的危险。
In 1806, responding to a French declaration of a complete naval blockade of Great Britain, the British demanded that neutral ships first carry their goods to Britain to pay a transit duty before they could proceed to France.
1806年，为了回应法国宣布对英国进行全面海上封锁，英国要求中立国船只首先将货物运往英国并缴纳过境税，然后才能前往法国。
Despite loopholes in these policies between 1807 and 1812, Britain, France, and their allies seized about nine hundred American ships, prompting a swift and angry American response.
尽管这些政策在 1807 年至 1812 年间存在漏洞，英国、法国及其盟友还是扣押了约 900 艘美国船只，引发了美国迅速而愤怒的反应。
Jefferson’s embargo sent the nation into a deep depression and drove exports down from $108 million in 1807 to $22 million in 1808, all while having little effect on Europeans.
杰斐逊的禁运使国家陷入严重萧条，出口额从 1807 年的 1.08 亿美元下降到 1808 年的 2,200 万美元，但对欧洲人影响甚微。
23 Within fifteen months Congress repealed the Embargo Act, replacing it with smaller restrictions on trade with Britain and France.
23 十五个月内，国会废除了《禁运法》，代之以对英国和法国贸易的较小限制。
Although efforts to stand against Great Britain had failed, resentment of British trade policy remained widespread.
尽管反对英国的努力失败了，但对英国贸易政策的不满仍然普遍存在。
Far from the Atlantic Ocean on the American frontier, Americans were also at odds with the British Empire.
远离大西洋的美国边境，美国人也与大英帝国不和。
From their position in Canada, the British maintained relations with Native Americans in the Old Northwest, supplying them with goods and weapons in attempts to maintain ties in case of another war with the United States.
从他们在加拿大的位置来看，英国人与旧西北地区的美洲原住民保持着关系，向他们提供货物和武器，试图在与美国再次发生战争的情况下保持联系。
The threat of a Native uprising increased after 1805 when Tenskwatawa and Tecumseh built their alliance.
1805 年 Tenskwatawa 和 Tecumseh 结盟后，原住民起义的威胁有所增加。
The territorial governor of Indiana, William Henry Harrison, eventually convinced the Madison administration to allow for military action against the Native Americans in the Ohio Valley.
印第安纳州州长威廉·亨利·哈里森最终说服麦迪逊政府允许对俄亥俄河谷的美洲原住民采取军事行动。
The resulting Battle of Tippecanoe drove the followers of the Prophet from their gathering place but did little to change the dynamics of the region.
由此引发的蒂珀卡诺之战将先知的追随者赶出了他们的聚集地，但对该地区的动态并没有带来什么改变。
British efforts to arm and supply Native Americans, however, angered Americans and strengthened anti-British sentiments.
然而，英国为美洲原住民提供武器和物资的努力激怒了美国人，并强化了反英情绪。
Republicans began to talk of war as a solution to these problems, arguing that it was necessary to complete the War for Independence by preventing British efforts to keep America subjugated at sea and on land.
共和党人开始谈论战争作为这些问题的解决方案，认为有必要通过阻止英国在海上和陆地上征服美国的努力来完成独立战争。
The war would also represent another battle against the Loyalists, some thirty-eight thousand of whom had populated Upper Canada after the Revolution and sought to establish a counter to the radical experiment of the United States.
这场战争也代表着另一场针对保皇派的战斗，革命后约有三万八千人居住在上加拿大，并试图建立对抗美国激进实验的手段。
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In 1812, the Democratic-Republicans held 75 percent of the seats in the House and 82 percent of the Senate, giving them a free hand to set national policy.
1812年，民主共和党占据众议院75%的席位和参议院82%的席位，让他们可以自由地制定国家政策。
Among them were the “War Hawks,” whom one historian describes as “too young to remember the horrors of the American Revolution” and thus “willing to risk another British war to vindicate the nation’s rights and independence.” 25 This group included men who would remain influential long after the War of 1812, such as Henry Clay of Kentucky and John C.
其中包括“战争鹰派”，一位历史学家形容他们“太年轻，不记得美国革命的恐怖”，因此“愿意冒另一场英国战争的风险来维护国家的权利和独立”。 25 这一群体包括在 1812 年战争结束后很长一段时间内仍然具有影响力的人物，例如肯塔基州的亨利·克莱 (Henry Clay) 和约翰·C·肯尼迪 (John C.
Calhoun of South Carolina.
南卡罗来纳州的卡尔霍恩。
Convinced by the War Hawks in his party, Madison drafted a statement of the nation’s disputes with the British and asked Congress for a war declaration on June 1, 1812.
麦迪逊受到党内战争鹰派的说服，起草了一份关于国家与英国争端的声明，并要求国会于 1812 年 6 月 1 日宣战。
The Democratic-Republicans hoped that an invasion of Canada might remove the British from their backyard and force the empire to change their naval policies.
民主共和党人希望入侵加拿大可以将英国赶出他们的后院，并迫使帝国改变其海军政策。
After much negotiation in Congress over the details of the bill, Madison signed a declaration of war on June 18, 1812.
经过国会就该法案的细节进行多次谈判后，麦迪逊于 1812 年 6 月 18 日签署了宣战书。
For the second time, the United States was at war with Great Britain.
美国第二次与英国交战。
While the War of 1812 contained two key players—the United States and Great Britain—it also drew in other groups, such as Tecumseh and his Confederacy.
虽然 1812 年的战争有两个主要参与者——美国和英国——但它也吸引了其他团体，例如特库姆塞和他的邦联。
The war can be organized into three stages or theaters.
战争可以分为三个阶段或战区。
The first, the Atlantic Theater, lasted until the spring of 1813.
第一个是大西洋剧院，一直持续到 1813 年春天。
During this time, Great Britain was chiefly occupied in Europe against Napoleon, and the United States invaded Canada and sent their fledgling navy against British ships.
在此期间，英国主要在欧洲对抗拿破仑，而美国则入侵加拿大并派出新兴海军对抗英国船只。
During the second stage, from early 1813 to 1814, the United States launched their second offensive against Canada and the Great Lakes.
第二阶段，从1813年初到1814年，美国对加拿大和五大湖地区发动了第二次攻势。
In this period, the Americans won their first successes.
在此期间，美国人取得了第一次胜利。
The third stage, the Southern Theater, concluded with Andrew Jackson’s January 1815 victory outside New Orleans, Louisiana.
第三阶段，即南部战区，以安德鲁·杰克逊 1815 年 1 月在路易斯安那州新奥尔良郊外的胜利而告终。
During the war, the Americans were greatly interested in Canada and the Great Lakes borderlands.
战争期间，美国人对加拿大和五大湖边境地区非常感兴趣。
In July 1812, the United States launched their first offensive against Canada.
1812年7月，美国对加拿大发动第一次攻势。
By August, however, the British and their allies rebuffed the Americans, costing the United States control over Detroit and parts of the Michigan Territory.
然而，到了八月，英国及其盟友拒绝了美国的要求，导致美国失去了对底特律和密歇根州部分地区的控制。
By the close of 1813, the Americans recaptured Detroit, shattered the Confederacy, killed Tecumseh, and eliminated the British threat in that theater.
1813 年底，美国人重新夺回了底特律，粉碎了南部邦联，杀死了特库姆塞，并消除了英国对该战区的威胁。
Despite these accomplishments, the American land forces proved outmatched by their adversaries.
尽管取得了这些成就，美国陆军还是被对手击败了。
As pictured in this 1812 political cartoon published in Philadelphia, Americans lambasted the British and their native allies for what they considered “savage” offenses during war, though Americans too were engaging in similar acts.
正如这幅 1812 年在费城出版的政治漫画中所描绘的，美国人痛斥英国及其本土盟友在战争期间的“野蛮”罪行，尽管美国人也有类似的行为。
William Charles, A scene on the frontiers as practiced by the “humane” British and their “worthy” allies, Philadelphia, 1812.
威廉·查尔斯，“仁慈的”英国人及其“值得尊敬的”盟友在边境上的一幕，费城，1812 年。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
After the land campaign of 1812 failed to secure America’s war aims, Americans turned to the infant navy in 1813.
1812 年的陆地战役未能实现美国的战争目标后，美国人于 1813 年转向新生海军。
Privateers and the U.S. Navy rallied behind the slogan “Free Trade and Sailors’ Rights!” Although the British possessed the most powerful navy in the world, surprisingly the young American navy extracted early victories with larger, more heavily armed ships.
私掠船和美国海军在“自由贸易和海员权利！”的口号下团结起来。尽管英国拥有世界上最强大的海军，但令人惊讶的是，年轻的美国海军凭借更大、装备更齐全的舰艇取得了早期胜利。
By 1814, however, the major naval battles had been fought with little effect on the war’s outcome.
然而，到 1814 年，主要海战的发生对战争结果影响甚微。
With Britain’s main naval fleet fighting in the Napoleonic Wars, smaller ships and armaments stationed in North America were generally no match for their American counterparts.
由于英国的主要海军舰队参加了拿破仑战争，驻扎在北美的小型舰艇和武器装备通常无法与美国同行相比。
Early on, Americans humiliated the British in single ship battles.
早期，美国人在单船战斗中羞辱了英国人。
In retaliation, Captain Philip Broke of the HMS Shannon attacked the USS Chesapeake , captained by James Lawrence, on June 1, 1813.
作为报复，英国皇家海军香农号的菲利普·布罗克船长于 1813 年 6 月 1 日袭击了由詹姆斯·劳伦斯指挥的切萨皮克号航空母舰。
Within six minutes, the Chesapeake was destroyed and Lawrence mortally wounded.
六分钟内，切萨皮克号被摧毁，劳伦斯受重伤。
Yet the Americans did not give up.
然而美国人并没有放弃。
Lawrence commanded them, “Tell the men to fire faster!
劳伦斯命令他们：“告诉大家开火更快！
Don’t give up the ship!” 26 Lawrence died of his wounds three days later, and although the Shannon defeated the Chesapeake , Lawrence’s words became a rallying cry for the Americans.
不要放弃这艘船！” 26 三天后，劳伦斯因伤去世，虽然香农号击败了切萨皮克号，但劳伦斯的话成为美国人的战斗口号。
Two and a half months later the USS Constitution squared off with the HMS Guerriere .
两个半月后，宪法号与英国皇家海军游击队展开对决。
As the Guerriere tried to outmaneuver the Americans, the Constitution pulled along broadside and began hammering the British frigate.
当游击队试图智取美国人时，宪法号猛烈攻击英国护卫舰。
The Guerriere returned fire, but as one sailor observed, the cannonballs simply bounced off the Constitution ’s thick hull.
游击队进行了还击，但正如一名水手所观察到的那样，炮弹只是从宪法号厚重的船体上弹了回来。
“Huzzah!
“哈扎！
Her sides are made of iron!” shouted the sailor, and henceforth, the Constitution became known as “Old Ironsides.” In less than thirty-five minutes, the Guerriere was so badly damaged that it was set aflame rather than taken as a prize.
她的身体是铁做的！”水手喊道，从此以后，这部宪法就被称为“老铁皮”。在不到三十五分钟的时间里，“战士”号遭到严重损坏，以至于它没有被当作战利品而被焚烧。
In 1814, Americans gained naval victories on Lake Champlain near Plattsburgh, preventing a British land invasion of the United States and on the Chesapeake Bay at Fort McHenry in Baltimore.
1814 年，美国在普拉茨堡附近的尚普兰湖和巴尔的摩麦克亨利堡的切萨皮克湾取得了海上胜利，阻止了英国对美国的陆地入侵。
Fort McHenry repelled the nineteen-ship British fleet, enduring twenty-seven hours of bombardment virtually unscathed.
麦克亨利堡击退了由 19 艘船组成的英国舰队，在长达 27 小时的炮击中几乎毫发无伤。
Watching from aboard a British ship, American poet Francis Scott Key penned the stanzas of the poem that would later become the national anthem, “The Star Spangled Banner.”
美国诗人弗朗西斯·斯科特·基 (Francis Scott Key) 在一艘英国船上观看了这一切，写下了这首诗的诗节，这首诗后来成为国歌《星条旗永不落》。
Impressive though these accomplishments were, they belied what was actually a poorly executed military campaign against the British.
尽管这些成就令人印象深刻，但它们掩盖了实际上针对英国的军事行动执行不力。
The U.S. Navy won their most significant victories in the Atlantic Ocean in 1813.
1813 年，美国海军在大西洋赢得了最重大的胜利。
Napoleon’s defeat in early 1814, however, allowed the British to focus on North America and blockade American ports.
然而，拿破仑在 1814 年初战败，英国人得以将注意力集中在北美并封锁了美国港口。
Thanks to the blockade, the British were able to burn Washington, D.C., on August 24, 1814 and open a new theater of operations in the South.
由于封锁，英国人得以于 1814 年 8 月 24 日烧毁华盛顿特区，并在南方开辟了一个新的战区。
The British sailed for New Orleans, where they achieved a naval victory at Lake Borgne before losing the land invasion to Major General Andrew Jackson’s troops in January 1815.
英国航行至新奥尔良，在博涅湖取得海上胜利，但在 1815 年 1 月陆地入侵中输给了安德鲁·杰克逊少将的部队。
This American victory actually came after the United States and the United Kingdom signed the Treaty of Ghent on December 24, 1814, but the Battle of New Orleans proved to be a psychological victory that boosted American morale and affected how the war has been remembered.
美国的这场胜利实际上是在美国和英国于 1814 年 12 月 24 日签署《根特条约》之后取得的，但新奥尔良战役被证明是一场心理上的胜利，提高了美国的士气，并影响了人们对这场战争的记忆。
The artist shows Washington D.C. engulfed in flames as the British troops set fire to the city in 1813.
艺术家描绘了 1813 年英国军队纵火焚烧的华盛顿特区。
“Capture of the City of Washington,” August 1814.
《占领华盛顿城》，1814 年 8 月。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
But not all Americans supported the war.
但并非所有美国人都支持这场战争。
In 1814, New England Federalists met in Hartford, Connecticut, to try to end the war and curb the power of the Democratic-Republican Party.
1814年，新英格兰联邦党人在康涅狄格州哈特福德举行会议，试图结束战争并遏制民主共和党的权力。
They produced a document that proposed abolishing the three-fifths rule that afforded southern enslavers disproportionate representation in Congress, limiting the president to a single term in office, and most importantly, demanding a two-thirds congressional majority, rather than a simple majority, for legislation that declared war, admitted new states into the Union, or regulated commerce.
他们制定了一份文件，提议废除五分之三规则，该规则使南方奴隶主在国会中拥有不成比例的代表权，限制总统只能任职一个任期，最重要的是，要求国会三分之二的多数，而不是简单的多数，来制定宣战、允许新州加入联邦或监管商业的立法。
With the two-thirds majority, New England’s Federalist politicians believed they could limit the power of their political foes.
新英格兰联邦党政客拥有三分之二多数票，相信他们可以限制政治敌人的权力。
Contemplating the possibility of secession over the War of 1812 (fueled in large part by the economic interests of New England merchants), the Hartford Convention posed the possibility of disaster for the still-young United States.
考虑到 1812 年战争分裂国家的可能性（很大程度上是新英格兰商人的经济利益推动的），《哈特福德公约》给仍然年轻的美国带来了灾难的可能性。
England, represented by the figure John Bull on the right side, is shown in this political cartoon with arms open to accept New England back into its empire.
在这幅政治漫画中，右侧约翰牛代表的英格兰张开双臂接受新英格兰回归其帝国。
William Charles Jr., The Hartford Convention or Leap No Leap.
小威廉·查尔斯，《哈特福德公约》或《飞跃不飞跃》。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
These proposals were sent to Washington, but unfortunately for the Federalists, the victory at New Orleans buoyed popular support for the Madison administration.
这些提案被发送到华盛顿，但对联邦党人来说不幸的是，新奥尔良的胜利增强了民众对麦迪逊政府的支持。
With little evidence, newspapers accused the Hartford Convention’s delegates of plotting secession.
在几乎没有证据的情况下，报纸指责哈特福德会议的代表密谋分裂国家。
The episode demonstrated the waning power of Federalism and the need for the region’s politicians to shed their aristocratic and Anglophile image.
这一事件表明联邦制力量的衰落以及该地区政客摆脱贵族和亲英形象的必要性。
The next New England politician to assume the presidency, John Quincy Adams, would, in 1824, emerge not from within the Federalist fold but having served as secretary of state under President James Monroe, the leader of the Virginia Democratic-Republicans.
1824 年，下一位担任总统的新英格兰政治家约翰·昆西·亚当斯 (John Quincy Adams) 并非来自联邦党，而是在弗吉尼亚民主共和党领袖詹姆斯·门罗 (James Monroe) 总统手下担任国务卿。
The Treaty of Ghent essentially returned relations between the United States and Britain to their prewar status.
《根特条约》基本上使美国和英国之间的关系恢复到战前状态。
The war, however, mattered politically and strengthened American nationalism.
然而，这场战争具有重要的政治意义，并强化了美国的民族主义。
During the war, Americans read patriotic newspaper stories, sang patriotic songs, and bought consumer goods decorated with national emblems.
战争期间，美国人阅读爱国报纸故事，唱爱国歌曲，购买饰有国徽的消费品。
They also heard stories about how the British and their Native allies threatened to bring violence into American homes.
他们还听到了有关英国人和他们的原住民盟友如何威胁将暴力带入美国家庭的故事。
For examples, rumors spread that British officers promised rewards of “beauty and booty” for their soldiers when they attacked New Orleans.
例如，有传言称，英国军官承诺在士兵袭击新奥尔良时给予他们“美丽和战利品”的奖励。
27 In the Great Lakes borderlands, wartime propaganda fueled Americans’ fear of Britain’s Native American allies, whom they believed would slaughter men, women, and children indiscriminately.
27 在五大湖边境地区，战时宣传加剧了美国人对英国美洲原住民盟友的恐惧，他们相信他们会不分青红皂白地屠杀男人、女人和儿童。
Terror and love worked together to make American citizens feel a stronger bond with their country.
恐怖和爱共同作用，让美国公民感受到与国家的联系更加牢固。
Because the war mostly cut off America’s trade with Europe, it also encouraged Americans to see themselves as different and separate; it fostered a sense that the country had been reborn.
由于战争主要切断了美国与欧洲的贸易，它也鼓励美国人将自己视为与众不同和独立的。它培养了一种国家已经重生的感觉。
Former treasury secretary Albert Gallatin claimed that the War of 1812 revived “national feelings” that had dwindled after the Revolution.
前财政部长阿尔伯特·加勒廷 (Albert Gallatin) 声称，1812 年战争恢复了革命后减弱的“民族感情”。
“The people,” he wrote, were now “more American; they feel and act more like a nation.” 28 Politicians proposed measures to reinforce the fragile Union through capitalism and built on these sentiments of nationalism.
他写道：“人们现在变得更加美国人化；他们的感觉和行为更像一个国家。” 28 政客们提出了通过资本主义加强脆弱联盟的措施，并建立在这些民族主义情绪的基础上。
The United States continued to expand into Native American territories with westward settlement in far-flung new states like Tennessee, Ohio, Mississippi, and Illinois.
美国继续向美洲原住民领土扩张，向西在田纳西州、俄亥俄州、密西西比州和伊利诺伊州等遥远的新州定居。
Between 1810 and 1830, the country added more than six thousand new post offices.
1810 年至 1830 年间，该国新增了 6000 多个邮局。
In 1817, South Carolina congressman John C.
1817 年，南卡罗来纳州国会议员 John C.
Calhoun called for building projects to “bind the republic together with a perfect system of roads and canals.” 29 He joined with other politicians, such as Kentucky’s powerful Henry Clay, to promote what came to be called an American System.
卡尔霍恩呼吁开展建设项目，“通过完善的道路和运河系统将共和国联系在一起”。 29 他与其他政客（例如肯塔基州有权有势的亨利·克莱）一起推动所谓的美国体系。
They aimed to make America economically independent and encouraged commerce between the states over trade with Europe and the West Indies.
他们的目标是使美国经济独立，并鼓励各州之间与欧洲和西印度群岛的贸易。
The American System would include a new Bank of the United States to provide capital; a high protective tariff, which would raise the prices of imported goods and help American-made products compete; and a network of “internal improvements,” roads and canals to let people take American goods to market.
美国体系将包括一个新的美国银行来提供资本；高保护性关税，这将提高进口商品的价格并帮助美国制造的产品竞争；以及“内部改善”网络、道路和运河，让人们可以将美国商品推向市场。
These projects were controversial.
这些项目引起了争议。
Many people believed that they were unconstitutional or would increase the federal government’s power at the expense of the states.
许多人认为它们违宪，或者会以牺牲各州利益为代价来增强联邦政府的权力。
Even Calhoun later changed his mind and joined the opposition.
就连卡尔霍恩后来也改变了主意，加入了反对派。
The War of 1812, however, had reinforced Americans’ sense of the nation’s importance in their political and economic life.
然而，1812 年的战争增强了美国人对国家在其政治和经济生活中重要性的认识。
Even when the federal government did not act, states created banks, roads, and canals of their own.
即使联邦政府没有采取行动，各州也会创建自己的银行、道路和运河。
What may have been the boldest declaration of America’s postwar pride came in 1823.
1823 年，美国做出了战后自豪感最大胆的宣言。
President James Monroe issued an ultimatum to the empires of Europe in order to support several wars of independence in Latin America.
詹姆斯·门罗总统向欧洲帝国发出最后通牒，以支持拉丁美洲的几次独立战争。
The Monroe Doctrine declared that the United States considered its entire hemisphere, both North and South America, off-limits to new European colonization.
门罗主义宣称，美国认为其整个半球，包括北美和南美，都禁止新的欧洲殖民。
Although Monroe was a Jeffersonian, some of his principles echoed Federalist policies.
尽管门罗是杰斐逊主义者，但他的一些原则呼应了联邦党的政策。
Whereas Jefferson cut the size of the military and ended all internal taxes in his first term, Monroe advocated the need for a strong military and an aggressive foreign policy.
杰斐逊在第一个任期内削减了军队规模并取消了所有国内税收，而门罗则主张需要强大的军队和积极的外交政策。
Since Americans were spreading out over the continent, Monroe authorized the federal government to invest in canals and roads, which he said would “shorten distances and, by making each part more accessible to and dependent on the other .
由于美国人分布在整个非洲大陆，门罗授权联邦政府投资运河和道路，他说这将“缩短距离，并使每个部分更容易到达并相互依赖......”
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shall bind the Union more closely together.” 30 As Federalists had attempted two decades earlier, Democratic-Republican leaders after the War of 1812 advocated strengthening the government to strengthen the nation.
将使欧盟更加紧密地结合在一起。” 30 正如联邦党人二十年前所尝试的那样，1812 年战争后的民主共和党领导人主张加强政府以增强国家实力。
Monroe’s election after the conclusion of the War of 1812 signaled the death knell of the Federalists.
1812 年战争结束后，门罗的当选标志着联邦党的丧钟。
Some predicted an “era of good feelings” and an end to party divisions.
一些人预测“感情良好的时代”和党派分歧的结束。
The War had cultivated a profound sense of union among a diverse and divided people.
战争在多元化和分裂的人民之间培养了一种深刻的团结意识。
Yet that “era of good feelings” would never really come.
然而那个“美好感情的时代”永远不会真正到来。
Political division continued.
政治分裂仍在继续。
Though the dying Federalists would fade from political relevance, a schism within the Democratic-Republican Party would give rise to Jacksonian Democrats.
尽管垂死的联邦党人将从政治意义中消失，但民主共和党内部的分裂将导致杰克逊派民主党的崛起。
Political limits continued along class, gender, and racial and ethnic lines.
阶级、性别、种族和民族方面的政治限制依然存在。
At the same time, industrialization and the development of American capitalism required new justifications of inequality.
与此同时，工业化和美国资本主义的发展需要新的不平等理由。
Social change and increased immigration prompted nativist reactions that would divide “true” Americans from dangerous or undeserving “others.” Still, a cacophony of voices clamored to be heard and struggled to realize a social order compatible with the ideals of equality and individual liberty.
社会变革和移民增加引发了本土主义反应，将“真正的”美国人与危险或不值得的“其他人”区分开来。尽管如此，仍有一些声音吵闹着要求被听到，并努力实现与平等和个人自由理想相容的社会秩序。
As always, the meaning of democracy was in flux.
一如既往，民主的含义不断变化。
1.
1.
Letter of Cato and petition by “the negroes who obtained freedom by the late act,” in Postscript to the Freeman’s Journal , September 21, 1781
卡托的信和“通过最新法案获得自由的黑人”的请愿书，载于《自由人杂志》的后记，1781 年 9 月 21 日
The elimination of slavery in northern states like Pennsylvania was slow and hard-fought.
在宾夕法尼亚州等北部各州，废除奴隶制的进程缓慢而艰难。
A bill passed in 1780 began the slow process of eroding slavery in the state, but a proposal just one year later would have erased that bill and furthered the distance between slavery and freedom.
1780 年通过的一项法案开始了削弱该州奴隶制的缓慢进程，但仅仅一年后的一项提案就消除了该法案，并拉大了奴隶制与自由之间的距离。
The action of Black Philadelphians and others succeeded in defeating this measure.
费城黑人和其他人的行动成功地击败了这项措施。
In this letter to the Black newspaper, Philadelphia Freedom’s Journal , a formerly enslaved man uses the rhetoric of the American Revolution to attack American slavery.
在这封写给黑人报纸《费城自由日报》的信中，一名前奴隶利用美国革命的言论来攻击美国奴隶制。
American racism spread during the first decades after the American Revolution.
美国种族主义在美国革命后的最初几十年蔓延。
Racial prejudice existed for centuries, but the belief that African-descended peoples were inherently and permanently inferior to Anglo-descended peoples developed sometime around the late eighteenth century.
种族偏见已经存在了几个世纪，但“非洲人后裔天生就永远不如盎格鲁人后裔”这一信念在十八世纪末左右形成。
Writings such as this piece from Thomas Jefferson fostered faulty scientific reasoning to justify laws that protected slavery and white supremacy.
托马斯·杰斐逊的这篇文章等著作助长了错误的科学推理，以证明保护奴隶制和白人至上的法律是合理的。
3.
3.
Black scientist Benjamin Banneker demonstrates Black intelligence to Thomas Jefferson, 1791
黑人科学家本杰明·班纳克 (Benjamin Banneker) 向托马斯·杰斐逊 (Thomas Jefferson) 展示黑人智力，1791 年
Benjamin Banneker, a free Black American and largely self-taught astronomer and mathematician, wrote Thomas Jefferson, then Secretary of State, on August 19, 1791.
本杰明·班纳克 (Benjamin Banneker) 是一位自由的美国黑人，主要是自学成才的天文学家和数学家，他于 1791 年 8 月 19 日写信给时任国务卿托马斯·杰斐逊 (Thomas Jefferson)。
Banneker included this letter, as well as Jefferson’s short reply, in several of the first editions of his almanacs in part because he hoped it would dispel the widespread assumption that Jefferson perpetuated in his Notes on the State of Virginia that Black people were incapable of intellectual achievement.
班纳克将这封信以及杰斐逊的简短回复纳入了他的几本年鉴的初版中，部分原因是他希望这封信能够消除杰斐逊在他的《弗吉尼亚州笔记》中延续的一种普遍假设，即黑人没有能力取得智力成就。
4.
4.
Creek headman Alexander McGillivray (Hoboi-Hili-Miko) seeks to build an alliance with Spain, 1785
克里克首领亚历山大·麦吉利夫雷 (Alexander McGillivray)（霍博伊-希利-米科）寻求与西班牙结盟，1785 年
Native peoples had long employed strategies of playing Europeans off against each other to maintain their independence and neutrality.
土著人民长期以来一直采用与欧洲人相互对抗的策略来维持他们的独立和中立。
As early as 1785, the Creek headman Alexander McGillivray (Hoboi-Hili-Miko) saw the threat the expansionist Americans placed on Native peoples and the inability of a weak United States government to restrain their citizens from encroaching on Native lands.
早在 1785 年，克里克首领亚历山大·麦吉利夫雷 (Alexander McGillivray)（霍博伊-希利-米科）就看到了美国扩张主义对原住民的威胁，以及软弱的美国政府无力阻止其公民侵犯原住民土地。
McGillivray sought the aid and protection of the Spanish in order to maintain the supply of trade goods into Creek country and counter the Americans.
麦吉利夫雷寻求西班牙人的援助和保护，以维持克里克地区的贸易货物供应并对抗美国人。
Like Pontiac before him, Tecumseh articulated a spiritual message of Native American unity and resistance.
就像他之前的庞蒂亚克一样，特库姆塞阐明了美洲原住民团结和抵抗的精神信息。
In this document, he acknowledges his Shawnee heritage, but appeals to a larger community of “red men,” who he describes as “once a happy race, since made miserable by the white people.” This document reveals not only Tecumseh’s message of resistance, but it also shows that Anglo-American understandings of race had spread to Native Americans as well.
在这份文件中，他承认自己的肖尼族血统，但呼吁更大的“红人”社区，他将他们描述为“曾经是一个幸福的种族，但后来却被白人弄得悲惨”。这份文件不仅揭示了特库姆塞的抵抗信息，而且还表明英美人对种族的理解也传播到了美洲原住民。
Americans were not united in their support for the War of 1812.
美国人并没有一致支持 1812 年战争。
In these two documents we hear from members of congress as they debate whether or not America should go to war against Great Britain.
在这两份文件中，我们听到国会议员辩论美国是否应该对英国开战。
Women in early America suffered from a lack of rights or means of defending themselves against domestic abuse.
美国早期的妇女缺乏保护自己免受家庭虐待的权利或手段。
The case of Abigail Bailey is remarkable because she was able to successfully free herself and her children from an abusive husband and father.
阿比盖尔·贝利的案例非常引人注目，因为她成功地将自己和孩子从虐待丈夫和父亲的手中解救出来。
Despite the restrictions imposed on their American citizenship, white women worked to expand their rights to education in the new nation using literature and the arts.
尽管美国公民身份受到限制，白人妇女仍努力利用文学和艺术在新国家扩大受教育的权利。
The first journal for women in the United States, The Lady’s Magazine, and repository of entertaining knowledge , introduced their initial volume with an engraving celebrating the transatlantic exchange between women’s rights advocates.
美国第一本女性杂志《女士杂志》是娱乐知识的宝库，在介绍其第一卷时，刻有庆祝女权倡导者之间跨大西洋交流的版画。
In the engraving, English writer Mary Wollstonecraft presents her work, “A Vindication of the Rights of Woman,” to Liberty who has the tools of the arts at her feet.
在版画中，英国作家玛丽·沃斯通克拉夫特向脚下拥有艺术工具的自由女神展示了她的作品《女权辩护》。
This engraving reflects the sense of triumph many white Americans felt following the War of 1812.
这幅版画反映了 1812 年战争后许多美国白人的胜利感。
Drawing from the visual language of Jeffersonian Republicans, we see America—represented as a woman in classical dress—surrounded by gods of wisdom, commerce, and agriculture on one side and a statue of George Washington emblazoned with the recent war’s victories on the other.
借鉴杰斐逊共和党人的视觉语言，我们看到美国——被描绘成一位身着古典服饰的女性——一侧被智慧、商业和农业之神包围，另一侧则有一座乔治·华盛顿的雕像，上面装饰着最近战争的胜利。
The romantic sense of the United States as the heir to the ancient Roman republic, pride in military victory, and the glorification of domestic production contributed to the idea the young nation was about to enter an “era of good feelings.”
美国作为古罗马共和国继承人的浪漫意识、对军事胜利的自豪感以及对国内生产的赞美，促使人们认为这个年轻的国家即将进入一个“美好感情的时代”。
This chapter was edited by Nathaniel C.
本章由 Nathaniel C. 编辑。
Green, with content contributions by Justin Clark, Adam Costanzo, Stephanie Gamble, Dale Kretz, Julie Richter, Bryan Rindfleisch, Angela Riotto, James Risk, Cara Rogers, Jonathan Wilfred Wilson, and Charlton Yingling.
Green，内容贡献者包括 Justin Clark、Adam Costanzo、Stephanie Gamble、Dale Kretz、Julie Richter、Bryan Rindfleisch、Angela Riotto、James Risk、Cara Rogers、Jonathan Wilfred Wilson 和 Charlton Yingling。
Recommended citation: Justin Clark et al., “The Early Republic,” Nathaniel C.
推荐引用：Justin Clark 等人，“早期共和国”，Nathaniel C.
Green, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.
格林编辑，载于《美国雅普》编辑。
Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).
约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。