The American Yawp
“The Federal Pillars,” from The Massachusetts Centinel, August 2, 1789.
《联邦支柱》，来自《马萨诸塞州 Centinel》，1789 年 8 月 2 日。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
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* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。
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On July 4, 1788, Philadelphians turned out for a “grand federal procession” in honor of the new national constitution.
1788 年 7 月 4 日，费城人参加了一场“盛大的联邦游行”，以纪念新的国家宪法。
Workers in various trades and professions demonstrated.
各行各业的工人纷纷示威。
Blacksmiths carted around a working forge, on which they symbolically beat swords into farm tools.
铁匠们推着马车绕着工作的铁匠铺转悠，象征性地将剑打成农具。
Potters proudly carried a sign paraphrasing from the Bible, “The potter hath power over his clay,” linking God’s power with an artisan’s work and a citizen’s control over the country.
陶工们自豪地举着一个源自圣经的牌子，“陶工对他的粘土拥有权力”，将上帝的力量与工匠的工作和公民对国家的控制联系起来。
Christian clergymen meanwhile marched arm-in-arm with Jewish leaders.
与此同时，基督教神职人员与犹太领袖手挽着手游行。
The grand procession represented what many Americans hoped the United States would become: a diverse but cohesive, prosperous nation.
盛大的游行代表了许多美国人希望美国成为一个多元化但有凝聚力、繁荣的国家。
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Over the next few years, Americans would celebrate more of these patriotic holidays.
在接下来的几年里，美国人将庆祝更多这样的爱国节日。
In April 1789, for example, thousands gathered in New York to see George Washington take the presidential oath of office.
例如，1789 年 4 月，数千人聚集在纽约，观看乔治·华盛顿宣誓就职。
That November, Washington called his fellow citizens to celebrate with a day of thanksgiving, particularly for “the peaceable and rational manner” in which the government had been established.
那年 11 月，华盛顿号召他的同胞们庆祝感恩节，特别是感谢政府以“和平和理性的方式”成立。
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But the new nation was never as cohesive as its champions had hoped.
但这个新国家从来没有像它的拥护者所希望的那样有凝聚力。
Although the officials of the new federal government—and the people who supported it—placed great emphasis on unity and cooperation, the country was often anything but unified.
尽管新联邦政府的官员以及支持它的人民非常强调团结与合作，但这个国家往往并不统一。
The Constitution itself had been a controversial document adopted to strengthen the government so that it could withstand internal conflicts.
宪法本身是一份有争议的文件，其通过是为了加强政府，使其能够抵御内部冲突。
Whatever the later celebrations, the new nation had looked to the future with uncertainty.
无论后来的庆祝活动如何，这个新国家都对未来充满不确定性。
Less than two years before the national celebrations of 1788 and 1789, the United States had faced the threat of collapse.
距离 1788 年和 1789 年全国庆祝活动不到两年，美国面临着崩溃的威胁。
Daniel Shays became a divisive figure, to some a violent rebel seeking to upend the new American government, to others an upholder of the true revolutionary virtues Shays and others fought for.
丹尼尔谢斯成为了一个分裂的人物，对一些人来说，他是一个试图颠覆美国新政府的暴力叛乱者，对另一些人来说，他是谢斯和其他人为之奋斗的真正革命美德的维护者。
This contemporary depiction of Shays and his accomplice Job Shattuck portrays them in the latter light as rising “illustrious from the Jail.” Unidentified artist, Daniel Shays and Job Shattuck, 1787.
这幅对谢斯和他的同伙乔布·沙特克的当代描写将他们描绘成“从监狱中崛起的杰出人物”。身份不明的艺术家，丹尼尔·谢斯和乔布·沙特克，1787 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
In 1786 and 1787, a few years after the Revolution ended, thousands of farmers in western Massachusetts were struggling under a heavy burden of debt.
1786 年和 1787 年，即革命结束几年后，马萨诸塞州西部成千上万的农民在沉重的债务负担下挣扎。
Their problems were made worse by weak local and national economies.
地方和国家经济疲软使他们的问题变得更加严重。
Many political leaders saw both the debt and the struggling economy as a consequence of the Articles of Confederation, which provided the federal government with no way to raise revenue and did little to create a cohesive nation out of the various states.
许多政治领导人将债务和陷入困境的经济视为《邦联条例》的结果，该条例使联邦政府无法增加收入，也没有帮助建立一个由各州组成的有凝聚力的国家。
The farmers wanted the Massachusetts government to protect them from their creditors, but the state supported the lenders instead.
农民希望马萨诸塞州政府保护他们免受债权人的侵害，但该州却支持贷款人。
As creditors threatened to foreclose on their property, many of these farmers, including Revolutionary War veterans, took up arms.
由于债权人威胁要取消其财产的赎回权，许多农民，包括革命战争退伍军人，拿起了武器。
Led by a fellow veteran named Daniel Shays, these armed men, the “Shaysites,” resorted to tactics like the patriots had used before the Revolution, forming blockades around courthouses to keep judges from issuing foreclosure orders.
在一位名叫丹尼尔谢斯的退伍军人战友的带领下，这些被称为“谢伊派”的武装人员采取了革命前爱国者所使用的策略，在法院周围形成封锁，以阻止法官发布取消抵押品赎回权的命令。
These protesters saw their cause and their methods as an extension of the “Spirit of 1776”; they were protecting their rights and demanding redress for the people’s grievances.
这些抗议者将他们的事业和方法视为“1776 年精神”的延伸；他们维护自己的权利，要求平息人民的不满。
Governor James Bowdoin, however, saw the Shaysites as rebels who wanted to rule the government through mob violence.
然而，詹姆斯·鲍登州长将谢伊派视为叛乱分子，他们想通过暴民暴力来统治政府。
He called up thousands of militiamen to disperse them.
他召集了数千名民兵驱散他们。
A former Revolutionary general, Benjamin Lincoln, led the state force, insisting that Massachusetts must prevent “a state of anarchy, confusion and slavery.” 3 In January 1787, Lincoln’s militia arrested more than one thousand Shaysites and reopened the courts.
前革命将军本杰明·林肯领导了国家军队，坚持认为马萨诸塞州必须防止“无政府状态、混乱和奴役状态”。 3 1787 年 1 月，林肯的民兵逮捕了 1000 多名谢伊派分子，并重新开放了法庭。
Daniel Shays and other leaders were indicted for treason, and several were sentenced to death, but eventually Shays and most of his followers received pardons.
丹尼尔谢斯和其他领导人被指控犯有叛国罪，其中一些人被判处死刑，但最终谢斯和他的大多数追随者获得了赦免。
Their protest, which became known as Shays’s Rebellion, generated intense national debate.
他们的抗议被称为谢斯叛乱，引发了激烈的全国性辩论。
While some Americans, like Thomas Jefferson, thought “a little rebellion now and then” helped keep the country free, others feared the nation was sliding toward anarchy and complained that the states could not maintain control.
虽然托马斯·杰斐逊等一些美国人认为“时不时的一点叛乱”有助于保持国家的自由，但其他人则担心国家正在滑向无政府状态，并抱怨各州无法维持控制。
For nationalists like James Madison of Virginia, Shays’s Rebellion was a prime example of why the country needed a strong central government.
对于弗吉尼亚州的詹姆斯·麦迪逊这样的民族主义者来说，谢斯叛乱是这个国家需要一个强大的中央政府的一个典型例子。
“Liberty,” Madison warned, “may be endangered by the abuses of liberty as well as the abuses of power.” 4
麦迪逊警告说：“自由可能会因滥用自由和滥用权力而受到威胁。” 4
The uprising in Massachusetts convinced leaders around the country to act.
马萨诸塞州的起义说服了全国各地的领导人采取行动。
After years of goading by James Madison and other nationalists, delegates from twelve of the thirteen states met at the Pennsylvania state house in Philadelphia in the summer of 1787.
经过詹姆斯·麦迪逊和其他民族主义者多年的刺激，来自 13 个州中 12 个州的代表于 1787 年夏天在费城的宾夕法尼亚州议会大厦举行会议。
Only Rhode Island declined to send a representative.
只有罗德岛州拒绝派出代表。
The delegates arrived at the convention with instructions to revise the Articles of Confederation.
代表们带着修改邦联条款的指示抵达会议。
The biggest problem the convention needed to solve was the federal government’s inability to levy taxes.
大会需要解决的最大问题是联邦政府无力征税。
That weakness meant that the burden of paying back debt from the Revolutionary War fell on the states.
这种疲软意味着偿还独立战争债务的负担落在了各州身上。
The states, in turn, found themselves beholden to the lenders who had bought up their war bonds.
反过来，各州发现自己对购买战争债券的贷款人负有义务。
That was part of why Massachusetts had chosen to side with its wealthy bondholders over poor western farmers.
这就是马萨诸塞州选择支持富有的债券持有人而不是贫穷的西部农民的部分原因。
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James Madison, however, had no intention of simply revising the Articles of Confederation.
然而，詹姆斯·麦迪逊无意简单地修改《邦联条例》。
He intended to produce a completely new national constitution.
他打算制定一部全新的国家宪法。
In the preceding year, he had completed two extensive research projects—one on the history of government in the United States, the other on the history of republics around the world.
去年，他完成了两项广泛的研究项目——一个是关于美国政府的历史，另一个是关于世界各地共和国的历史。
He used this research as the basis for a proposal he brought with him to Philadelphia.
他将这项研究作为他带到费城的一项提案的基础。
It came to be called the Virginia Plan, named after Madison’s home state.
它后来被称为“弗吉尼亚计划”，以麦迪逊的家乡命名。
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James Madison was a central figure in the reconfiguration of the national government.
詹姆斯·麦迪逊是国家政府重组的核心人物。
Madison’s Virginia Plan was a guiding document in the formation of a new government under the Constitution.
麦迪逊的弗吉尼亚计划是根据宪法组建新政府的指导性文件。
John Vanderlyn, Portrait of James Madison, 1816.
约翰·范德林，詹姆斯·麦迪逊肖像，1816 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
The Virginia Plan was daring.
弗吉尼亚计划是大胆的。
Classical learning said that a republican form of government required a small and homogenous state: the Roman republic, or a small country like Denmark, for example.
古典学说，共和政体需要一个小而同质的国家：例如罗马共和国，或者像丹麦这样的小国。
Citizens who were too far apart or too different could not govern themselves successfully.
距离太远或差异太大的公民无法成功地进行自我管理。
Conventional wisdom said the United States needed to have a very weak central government, which should simply represent the states on certain matters they had in common.
传统观点认为，美国需要有一个非常软弱的中央政府，它应该在某些共同问题上代表各州。
Otherwise, power should stay at the state or local level.
否则，权力应保留在州或地方一级。
But Madison’s research had led him in a different direction.
但麦迪逊的研究把他引向了不同的方向。
He believed it was possible to create “an extended republic” encompassing a diversity of people, climates, and customs.
他相信建立一个包含多样化的人民、气候和习俗的“扩展的共和国”是可能的。
The Virginia Plan, therefore, proposed that the United States should have a strong federal government.
因此，《弗吉尼亚计划》提出美国应该有一个强大的联邦政府。
It was to have three branches—legislative, executive, and judicial—with power to act on any issues of national concern.
它拥有三个部门——立法、行政和司法——有权就任何国家关心的问题采取行动。
The legislature, or Congress, would have two houses, in which every state would be represented according to its population size or tax base.
立法机关或国会将有两院，每个州将根据其人口规模或税基拥有代表权。
The national legislature would have veto power over state laws.
国家立法机关对州法律拥有否决权。
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Other delegates to the convention generally agreed with Madison that the Articles of Confederation had failed.
与会的其他代表普遍同意麦迪逊的观点，即《邦联条例》失败了。
But they did not agree on what kind of government should replace them.
但他们对于什么样的政府应该取代他们没有达成一致。
In particular, they disagreed about the best method of representation in the new Congress.
特别是，他们对新国会的最佳代表方式存在分歧。
Representation was an important issue that influenced a host of other decisions, including deciding how the national executive branch should work, what specific powers the federal government should have, and even what to do about the divisive issue of slavery.
代表权是一个重要问题，影响着许多其他决策，包括决定国家行政部门应如何运作、联邦政府应拥有哪些具体权力，甚至如何处理存在分歧的奴隶制问题。
For more than a decade, each state had enjoyed a single vote in the Continental Congress.
十多年来，每个州在大陆会议上都享有一票。
William Patterson’s New Jersey Plan proposed to keep things that way.
威廉·帕特森的新泽西计划提议保持这种状态。
The Connecticut delegate Roger Sherman, furthermore, argued that members of Congress should be appointed by the state legislatures.
此外，康涅狄格州代表罗杰·谢尔曼还认为，国会议员应该由州立法机构任命。
Ordinary voters, Sherman said, lacked information, were “constantly liable to be misled” and “should have as little to do as may be” about most national decisions.
谢尔曼说，普通选民缺乏信息，“经常容易被误导”，并且对大多数国家决策“应该尽可能少做”。
8 Large states, however, preferred the Virginia Plan, which would give their citizens far more power over the legislative branch.
8 然而，大州更倾向于弗吉尼亚计划，该计划将赋予其公民更大的立法权力。
James Wilson of Pennsylvania argued that since the Virginia Plan would vastly increase the powers of the national government, representation should be drawn as directly as possible from the public.
宾夕法尼亚州的詹姆斯·威尔逊认为，由于弗吉尼亚计划将大大增加国家政府的权力，因此应尽可能直接从公众中汲取代表权。
No government, he warned, “could long subsist without the confidence of the people.” 9 )
他警告说，“没有人民的信任，任何政府都无法长期存在。” 9）
Ultimately, Roger Sherman suggested a compromise.
最终，罗杰·谢尔曼提出了一个妥协方案。
Congress would have a lower house, the House of Representatives, in which members were assigned according to each state’s population, and an upper house, which became the Senate, in which each state would have one vote.
国会将有一个下议院，即众议院，其中成员根据每个州的人口分配，以及一个上议院，即参议院，每个州都有一票。
This proposal, after months of debate, was adopted in a slightly altered form as the Great Compromise: each state would have two senators, who could vote independently.
经过几个月的辩论，该提案以稍微改变的形式获得通过，称为“大妥协”：每个州将有两名参议员，他们可以独立投票。
In addition to establishing both types of representation, this compromise also counted three-fifths of a state’s enslaved population for representation and tax purposes.
除了建立两种类型的代表权之外，这种妥协还计算了一个州五分之三的奴隶人口用于代表权和税收目的。
The delegates took even longer to decide on the form of the national executive branch.
代表们花了更长的时间来决定国家行政部门的形式。
Should executive power be in the hands of a committee or a single person?
执行权应该掌握在一个委员会还是一个人手中？
How should its officeholders be chosen?
其官员应如何选拔？
On June 1, James Wilson moved that the national executive power reside in a single person.
6 月 1 日，詹姆斯·威尔逊 (James Wilson) 提议将国家行政权集中在一个人手中。
Coming only four years after the American Revolution, that proposal was extremely contentious; it conjured up images of an elected monarchy.
美国独立战争仅四年后，该提议就引起了极大的争议。它让人想起民选君主制的形象。
10 The delegates also worried about how to protect the executive branch from corruption or undue control.
10 代表们还担心如何保护行政部门免受腐败或不当控制。
They endlessly debated these questions, and not until early September did they decide the president would be elected by a special electoral college.
他们无休止地争论这些问题，直到九月初他们才决定总统将由特别选举团选举产生。
In the end, the Constitutional Convention proposed a government unlike any other, combining elements copied from ancient republics and English political tradition but making some limited democratic innovations—all while trying to maintain a delicate balance between national and state sovereignty.
最终，制宪会议提出了一个与众不同的政府，它结合了古代共和国和英国政治传统的元素，但进行了一些有限的民主创新，同时试图在国家主权和国家主权之间保持微妙的平衡。
It was a complicated and highly controversial scheme.
这是一个复杂且极具争议的计划。
Delegates to the Constitutional Convention assembled, argued, and finally agreed in this room, styled in the same manner as during the Convention.
制宪会议的代表们在这个房间里聚集、辩论并最终达成一致，其风格与制宪会议期间相同。
Photograph of the Assembly Room, Independence Hall, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
宾夕法尼亚州费城独立厅会议室的照片。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported.
知识共享署名 - 相同方式共享 3.0 未移植。
The convention voted to send its proposed Constitution to Congress, which was then sitting in New York, with a cover letter from George Washington.
大会投票决定将其拟议的宪法连同乔治·华盛顿的一封附信一起送交当时在纽约举行的国会。
The plan for adopting the new Constitution, however, required approval from special state ratification conventions, not just Congress.
然而，通过新宪法的计划需要得到特别州批准会议的批准，而不仅仅是国会的批准。
During the ratification process, critics of the Constitution organized to persuade voters in the different states to oppose it.
在批准过程中，宪法批评者组织起来说服不同州的选民反对宪法。
Importantly, the Constitutional Convention had voted down a proposal from Virginia’s George Mason, the author of Virginia’s state Declaration of Rights, for a national bill of rights.
重要的是，制宪会议否决了弗吉尼亚州《权利宣言》的作者、弗吉尼亚州乔治·梅森提出的一项国家权利法案的提案。
This omission became a rallying point for opponents of the document.
这一遗漏成为该文件反对者的一个集结点。
Many of these Anti-Federalists argued that without such a guarantee of specific rights, American citizens risked losing their personal liberty to the powerful federal government.
许多反联邦主义者认为，如果没有这种具体权利的保证，美国公民就有可能因强大的联邦政府而失去个人自由。
The pro-ratification Federalists, on the other hand, argued that including a bill of rights was not only redundant but dangerous; it could limit future citizens from adding new rights.
另一方面，支持批准的联邦党人则认为，纳入权利法案不仅是多余的，而且是危险的。它可能会限制未来公民增加新的权利。
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Citizens debated the merits of the Constitution in newspaper articles, letters, sermons, and coffeehouse quarrels across America.
美国各地的公民在报纸文章、信件、布道和咖啡馆争吵中讨论宪法的优点。
Some of the most famous, and most important, arguments came from Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison in the Federalist Papers , which were published in various New York newspapers in 1787 and 1788.
一些最著名、最重要的论点来自亚历山大·汉密尔顿、约翰·杰伊和詹姆斯·麦迪逊在《联邦党人文集》中的观点，这些论点于 1787 年和 1788 年在纽约多家报纸上发表。
12 The first crucial vote came at the beginning of 1788 in Massachusetts.
12 第一次关键投票于 1788 年初在马萨诸塞州举行。
At first, the Anti-Federalists at the Massachusetts ratifying convention probably had the upper hand, but after weeks of debate, enough delegates changed their votes to narrowly approve the Constitution.
起初，马萨诸塞州批准大会上的反联邦党人可能占据上风，但经过几周的辩论，足够多的代表改变了投票，以微弱优势通过了宪法。
But they also approved a number of proposed amendments, which were to be submitted to the first Congress.
但他们也批准了一些拟议的修正案，这些修正案将提交给第一届国会。
This pattern—ratifying the Constitution but attaching proposed amendments—was followed by other state conventions.
其他州的大会也遵循了这种模式——批准宪法但附上拟议的修正案。
The most high-profile convention was held in Richmond, Virginia, in June 1788, when Federalists like James Madison, Edmund Randolph, and John Marshall squared off against equally influential Anti-Federalists like Patrick Henry and George Mason.
最引人注目的大会于 1788 年 6 月在弗吉尼亚州里士满举行，当时詹姆斯·麦迪逊、埃德蒙·伦道夫和约翰·马歇尔等联邦党人与帕特里克·亨利和乔治·梅森等同样有影响力的反联邦党人展开对决。
Virginia was America’s most populous state, it had produced some of the country’s highest-profile leaders, and the success of the new government rested upon its cooperation.
弗吉尼亚州是美国人口最多的州，它培养了一些该国最引人注目的领导人，新政府的成功取决于它的合作。
After nearly a month of debate, Virginia voted 89 to 79 in favor of ratification.
经过近一个月的辩论，弗吉尼亚州以 89 比 79 票赞成批准。
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On July 2, 1788, Congress announced that a majority of states had ratified the Constitution and that the document was now in effect.
1788 年 7 月 2 日，国会宣布大多数州已批准宪法，该文件现已生效。
Yet this did not mean the debates were over.
但这并不意味着争论已经结束。
North Carolina, New York, and Rhode Island had not completed their ratification conventions, and Anti-Federalists still argued that the Constitution would lead to tyranny.
北卡罗来纳州、纽约州和罗德岛州尚未完成批准大会，反联邦党人仍然认为宪法将导致暴政。
The New York convention would ratify the Constitution by just three votes, and finally Rhode Island would ratify it by two votes—a full year after George Washington was inaugurated as president.
纽约大会仅以三票之差批准了宪法，最终罗德岛州以两票之差批准了宪法——这距离乔治·华盛顿就任总统整整一年了。
Although debates continued, Washington’s election as president cemented the Constitution’s authority.
尽管争论仍在继续，华盛顿当选总统巩固了宪法的权威。
By 1793, the term Anti-Federalist would be essentially meaningless.
到 1793 年，“反联邦党”一词基本上已经毫无意义。
Yet the debates produced a piece of the Constitution that seems irreplaceable today.
然而，这些辩论产生了今天看来不可替代的宪法内容。
Ten amendments were added in 1791.
1791年增加了十项修正案。
Together, they constitute the Bill of Rights.
它们共同构成了《权利法案》。
James Madison, against his original wishes, supported these amendments as an act of political compromise and necessity.
詹姆斯·麦迪逊违背了他最初的意愿，支持这些修正案，认为这是政治妥协和必要的行为。
He had won election to the House of Representatives only by promising his Virginia constituents such a list of rights.
他只是通过向弗吉尼亚选民承诺了一系列权利而赢得了众议院选举。
There was much the Bill of Rights did not cover.
《权利法案》有很多内容没有涵盖。
Women found no special protections or guarantee of a voice in government.
妇女在政府中没有得到特殊的保护或发言权的保证。
Many states continued to restrict voting only to men who owned significant amounts of property.
许多州继续限制投票权仅限于拥有大量财产的男性。
And slavery not only continued to exist; it was condoned and protected by the Constitution.
奴隶制不仅继续存在，而且还继续存在。它受到宪法的宽恕和保护。
Of all the compromises that formed the Constitution, perhaps none would be more important than the compromise over the slave trade.
在构成宪法的所有妥协中，也许没有一个比奴隶贸易问题上的妥协更重要。
Americans generally perceived the transatlantic slave trade as more violent and immoral than slavery itself.
美国人普遍认为跨大西洋奴隶贸易比奴隶制本身更加暴力和不道德。
Many northerners opposed it on moral grounds.
许多北方人出于道德原因反对这一做法。
But they also understood that letting southern states import more Africans would increase their political power.
但他们也明白，让南部各州进口更多非洲人将增强他们的政治权力。
The Constitution counted each enslaved individual as three fifths of a person for purposes of representation, so in districts with many enslaved people, the white voters had extra influence.
出于代表性的目的，宪法将每个被奴役者视为一个人的五分之三，因此在奴役者较多的地区，白人选民拥有额外的影响力。
On the other hand, the states of the Upper South also welcomed a ban on the Atlantic trade because they already had a surplus of enslaved laborers.
另一方面，上南方各州也对大西洋贸易禁令表示欢迎，因为他们已经拥有过剩的奴隶劳工。
Banning importation meant enslavers in Virginia and Maryland could get higher prices when they sold their enslaved laborers to states like South Carolina and Georgia that were dependent on a continued slave trade.
禁止进口意味着弗吉尼亚州和马里兰州的奴隶主将奴隶劳工出售给南卡罗来纳州和佐治亚州等依赖持续奴隶贸易的州时可以获得更高的价格。
New England and the Deep South agreed to what was called a “dirty compromise” at the Constitutional Convention in 1787.
新英格兰和南方腹地在 1787 年制宪会议上达成了所谓的“肮脏妥协”。
New Englanders agreed to include a constitutional provision that protected the foreign slave trade for twenty years; in exchange, South Carolina and Georgia delegates had agreed to support a constitutional clause that made it easier for Congress to pass commercial legislation.
新英格兰人同意纳入一项宪法条款，保护外国奴隶贸易二十年；作为交换，南卡罗来纳州和佐治亚州代表同意支持一项宪法条款，使国会更容易通过商业立法。
As a result, the Atlantic slave trade resumed until 1808 when it was outlawed for three reasons.
结果，大西洋奴隶贸易重新开始，直到 1808 年因三个原因被取缔。
First, Britain was also in the process of outlawing the slave trade in 1807, and the United States did not want to concede any moral high ground to its rival.
首先，英国也在1807年宣布奴隶贸易为非法，而美国不想向其对手让出任何道德制高点。
Second, the Haitian Revolution (1791–1804), a successful slave revolt against French colonial rule in the West Indies, had changed the stakes in the debate.
其次，海地革命（1791-1804），一场成功的奴隶起义，反抗法国在西印度群岛的殖民统治，改变了争论的利害关系。
The image of thousands of armed Black revolutionaries terrified white Americans.
数千名武装黑人革命者的形象令美国白人感到恐惧。
Third, the Haitian Revolution had ended France’s plans to expand its presence in the Americas, so in 1803, the United States had purchased the Louisiana Territory from the French at a fire-sale price.
第三，海地革命结束了法国在美洲扩张的计划，因此美国在1803年以低价从法国手中购买了路易斯安那领土。
This massive new territory, which had doubled the size of the United States, had put the question of slavery’s expansion at the top of the national agenda.
这片巨大的新领土使美国面积扩大了一倍，将奴隶制扩张问题置于国家议程的首要位置。
Many white Americans, including President Thomas Jefferson, thought that ending the external slave trade and dispersing the domestic slave population would keep the United States a white man’s republic and perhaps even lead to the disappearance of slavery.
许多美国白人，包括托马斯·杰斐逊总统，认为结束对外奴隶贸易并驱散国内奴隶人口将使美国保持白人共和国的地位，甚至可能导致奴隶制的消失。
The ban on the slave trade, however, lacked effective enforcement measures and funding.
然而，奴隶贸易禁令缺乏有效的执行措施和资金。
Moreover, instead of freeing illegally imported Africans, the act left their fate to the individual states, and many of those states simply sold intercepted enslaved people at auction.
此外，该法案并没有释放非法进口的非洲人，而是将他们的命运留给了各个国家，而许多国家只是将截获的奴隶进行拍卖。
Thus, the ban preserved the logic of property ownership in human beings.
因此，该禁令保留了人类财产所有权的逻辑。
The new federal government protected slavery as much as it expanded democratic rights and privileges for white men.
新联邦政府在保护奴隶制的同时也扩大了白人的民主权利和特权。
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Alexander Hamilton saw America’s future as a metropolitan, commercial, industrial society, in contrast to Thomas Jefferson’s nation of small farmers.
亚历山大·汉密尔顿认为美国的未来是一个大都市、商业、工业社会，与托马斯·杰斐逊的小农国家形成鲜明对比。
While both men had the ear of President Washington, Hamilton’s vision proved most appealing and enduring.
尽管华盛顿总统都听取了这两个人的意见，但事实证明汉密尔顿的愿景最具吸引力和持久性。
John Trumbull, Portrait of Alexander Hamilton, 1806.
约翰·特朗布尔，亚历山大·汉密尔顿的肖像，1806 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
President George Washington’s cabinet choices reflected continuing political tensions over the size and power of the federal government.
乔治·华盛顿总统的内阁选择反映了联邦政府规模和权力方面持续存在的政治紧张局势。
The vice president was John Adams, and Washington chose Alexander Hamilton to be his secretary of the treasury.
副总统是约翰·亚当斯，华盛顿选择亚历山大·汉密尔顿担任财政部长。
Both men wanted an active government that would promote prosperity by supporting American industry.
两人都希望有一个积极的政府，通过支持美国工业来促进繁荣。
However, Washington chose Thomas Jefferson to be his secretary of state, and Jefferson was committed to restricting federal power and preserving an economy based on agriculture.
然而，华盛顿选择托马斯·杰斐逊担任国务卿，而杰斐逊致力于限制联邦权力并维护以农业为基础的经济。
Almost from the beginning, Washington struggled to reconcile the Federalist and Republican (or Democratic-Republican) factions within his own administration.
几乎从一开始，华盛顿就努力调和自己政府内的联邦党和共和党（或民主共和党）派别。
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Alexander Hamilton believed that self-interest was the “most powerful incentive of human actions.” Self-interest drove humans to accumulate property, and that effort created commerce and industry.
亚历山大·汉密尔顿认为，自身利益是“人类行为最有力的激励”。自身利益驱使人类积累财产，这种努力创造了商业和工业。
According to Hamilton, government had important roles to play in this process.
汉密尔顿认为，政府在这一过程中可以发挥重要作用。
First, the state should protect private property from theft.
首先，国家应该保护私有财产免遭盗窃。
Second, according to Hamilton, the state should use human “passions” and “make them subservient to the public good.” 16 In other words, a wise government would harness its citizens’ desire for property so that both private individuals and the state would benefit.
其次，汉密尔顿认为，国家应该利用人类的“激情”并“使它们服从公共利益”。 16 换句话说，明智的政府会利用公民对财产的渴望，使个人和国家都受益。
Hamilton, like many of his contemporary statesmen, did not believe the state should ensure an equal distribution of property.
汉密尔顿和他同时代的许多政治家一样，不认为国家应该确保财产的平等分配。
Inequality was understood as “the great & fundamental distinction in Society,” and Hamilton saw no reason why this should change.
不平等被理解为“社会中伟大而根本的区别”，汉密尔顿认为没有理由改变这种情况。
Instead, Hamilton wanted to tie the economic interests of wealthy Americans, or “monied men,” to the federal government’s financial health.
相反，汉密尔顿希望将富有的美国人或“有钱人”的经济利益与联邦政府的财务健康联系起来。
If the rich needed the government, then they would direct their energies to making sure it remained solvent.
如果富人需要政府，那么他们就会集中精力确保政府保持偿付能力。
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Hamilton, therefore, believed that the federal government must be “a Repository of the Rights of the wealthy.” 18 As the nation’s first secretary of the treasury, he proposed an ambitious financial plan to achieve just that.
因此，汉密尔顿认为联邦政府必须是“富人权利的宝库”。 18 作为美国第一任财政部长，他提出了一项雄心勃勃的财务计划来实现这一目标。
The first part of Hamilton’s plan involved federal “assumption” of state debts, which were mostly left over from the Revolutionary War.
汉密尔顿计划的第一部分涉及联邦“承担”州债务，这些债务大部分是独立战争遗留下来的。
The federal government would assume responsibility for the states’ unpaid debts, which totaled about $25 million.
联邦政府将承担各州未偿债务的责任，总计约 2500 万美元。
Second, Hamilton wanted Congress to create a bank—a Bank of the United States.
其次，汉密尔顿希望国会创建一家银行——美国银行。
The goal of these proposals was to link federal power and the country’s economic vitality.
这些提案的目标是将联邦权力与国家的经济活力联系起来。
Under the assumption proposal, the states’ creditors (people who owned state bonds or promissory notes) would turn their old notes in to the treasury and receive new federal notes of the same face value.
根据该假设提案，各州的债权人（拥有州债券或本票的人）将把旧票据上缴国库，并收到面值相同的新联邦票据。
Hamilton foresaw that these bonds would circulate like money, acting as “an engine of business, and instrument of industry and commerce.” 19 This part of his plan, however, was controversial for two reasons.
汉密尔顿预见到这些债券将像货币一样流通，充当“商业的引擎和工商业的工具”。 19 然而，他的这部分计划因两个原因而引起争议。
First, many taxpayers objected to paying the full face value on old notes, which had fallen in market value.
首先，许多纳税人反对支付旧钞票的全部面值，因为旧钞票的市场价值已经下降。
Often the current holders had purchased them from the original creditors for pennies on the dollar.
通常，当前持有者以低廉的价格从原始债权人手中购买了它们。
To pay them at full face value, therefore, would mean rewarding speculators at taxpayer expense.
因此，按面值全额支付就意味着用纳税人的钱来奖励投机者。
Hamilton countered that government debts must be honored in full, or else citizens would lose all trust in the government.
汉密尔顿反驳说，政府债务必须全额偿还，否则公民将失去对政府的所有信任。
Second, many southerners objected that they had already paid their outstanding state debts, so federal assumption would mean forcing them to pay again for the debts of New Englanders.
其次，许多南方人反对说，他们已经偿还了未偿还的州债务，因此联邦的承担意味着迫使他们再次偿还新英格兰人的债务。
Nevertheless, President Washington and Congress both accepted Hamilton’s argument.
尽管如此，华盛顿总统和国会都接受了汉密尔顿的论点。
By the end of 1794, 98 percent of the country’s domestic debt had been converted into new federal bonds.
到 1794 年底，该国 98% 的国内债务已转换为新的联邦债券。
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Hamilton’s plan for a Bank of the United States, similarly, won congressional approval despite strong opposition.
同样，汉密尔顿关于美国银行的计划尽管遭到强烈反对，还是赢得了国会的批准。
Thomas Jefferson and other Republicans argued that the plan was unconstitutional; the Constitution did not authorize Congress to create a bank.
托马斯·杰斐逊和其他共和党人认为该计划违宪。宪法没有授权国会创建银行。
Hamilton, however, argued that the bank was not only constitutional but also important for the country’s prosperity.
然而汉密尔顿认为，该银行不仅符合宪法，而且对国家的繁荣也很重要。
The Bank of the United States would fulfill several needs.
美国银行将满足多种需求。
It would act as a convenient depository for federal funds.
它将充当联邦资金的便捷存放处。
It would print paper banknotes backed by specie (gold or silver).
它将印刷以硬币（金或银）为支撑的纸币。
Its agents would also help control inflation by periodically taking state bank notes to their banks of origin and demanding specie in exchange, limiting the amount of notes the state banks printed.
其代理人还将定期将国家银行纸币带到其来源银行并要求兑换硬币，从而限制国家银行印刷的纸币数量，从而帮助控制通货膨胀。
Furthermore, it would give wealthy people a vested interest in the federal government’s finances.
此外，这将使富人在联邦政府的财政中获得既得利益。
The government would control just 20 percent of the bank’s stock; the other eighty percent would be owned by private investors.
政府仅控制该银行 20% 的股票；其余百分之八十将由私人投资者拥有。
Thus, an “intimate connexion” between the government and wealthy men would benefit both, and this connection would promote American commerce.
因此，政府和富人之间的“亲密联系”将使双方受益，这种联系将促进美国商业。
In 1791, therefore, Congress approved a twenty-year charter for the Bank of the United States.
因此，1791 年，国会批准了美国银行为期二十年的章程。
The bank’s stocks, together with federal bonds, created over $70 million in new financial instruments.
该银行的股票与联邦债券一起创造了超过 7000 万美元的新金融工具。
These spurred the formation of securities markets, which allowed the federal government to borrow more money and underwrote the rapid spread of state-charted banks and other private business corporations in the 1790s.
这些刺激了证券市场的形成，使联邦政府能够借入更多资金，并为 1790 年代国有银行和其他私营商业公司的迅速扩张提供了保障。
For Federalists, this was one of the major purposes of the federal government.
对于联邦党人来说，这是联邦政府的主要目的之一。
For opponents who wanted a more limited role for industry, however, or who lived on the frontier and lacked access to capital, Hamilton’s system seemed to reinforce class boundaries and give the rich inordinate power over the federal government.
然而，对于那些希望工业发挥更有限作用的反对者，或者那些生活在边疆且缺乏获得资本的人来说，汉密尔顿的制度似乎强化了阶级界限，并赋予富人对联邦政府的过度权力。
Hamilton’s plan, furthermore, had another highly controversial element.
此外，汉密尔顿的计划还有另一个备受争议的因素。
In order to pay what it owed on the new bonds, the federal government needed reliable sources of tax revenue.
为了支付新债券的欠款，联邦政府需要可靠的税收来源。
In 1791, Hamilton proposed a federal excise tax on the production, sale, and consumption of a number of goods, including whiskey.
1791 年，汉密尔顿提议对包括威士忌在内的多种商品的生产、销售和消费征收联邦消费税。
Grain was the most valuable cash crop for many American farmers.
对于许多美国农民来说，谷物是最有价值的经济作物。
In the West, selling grain to a local distillery for alcohol production was typically more profitable than shipping it over the Appalachians to eastern markets.
在西方，将谷物出售给当地酿酒厂用于生产酒精通常比通过阿巴拉契亚山脉运往东部市场更有利可图。
Hamilton’s whiskey tax thus placed a special burden on western farmers.
因此，汉密尔顿的威士忌税给西方农民带来了特殊的负担。
It seemed to divide the young republic in half—geographically between the East and West, economically between merchants and farmers, and culturally between cities and the countryside.
它似乎将这个年轻的共和国一分为二——地理上分为东方和西方，经济上分为商人和农民，文化上分为城市和乡村。
In the fall of 1791, sixteen men in western Pennsylvania, disguised in women’s clothes, assaulted a tax collector named Robert Johnson.
1791 年秋天，宾夕法尼亚州西部的 16 名男子乔装打扮，袭击了一位名叫罗伯特·约翰逊 (Robert Johnson) 的税务员。
They tarred and feathered him, and the local deputy marshals seeking justice met similar fates.
他们给他涂上柏油和羽毛，寻求正义的当地副法警也遇到了类似的命运。
They were robbed and beaten, whipped and flogged, tarred and feathered, and tied up and left for dead.
他们遭到抢劫、殴打、鞭打、鞭打、涂上柏油、被羽毛覆盖，然后被绑起来等死。
The rebel farmers also adopted other protest methods from the Revolution and Shays’s Rebellion, writing local petitions and erecting liberty poles.
反叛农民还采用了革命和谢斯叛乱中的其他抗议方式，在当地写请愿书并竖起自由柱。
For the next two years, tax collections in the region dwindled.
在接下来的两年里，该地区的税收减少了。
Then, in July 1794, groups of armed farmers attacked federal marshals and tax collectors, burning down at least two tax collectors’ homes.
随后，1794 年 7 月，一群武装农民袭击了联邦执法官和税务员，烧毁了至少两名税务员的房屋。
At the end of the month, an armed force of about seven thousand, led by the radical attorney David Bradford, robbed the U.S. mail and gathered about eight miles east of Pittsburgh.
月底，由激进律师大卫·布拉德福德（David Bradford）率领的约七千人的武装部队抢劫了美国邮件，并聚集在匹兹堡以东约八英里处。
President Washington responded quickly.
华盛顿总统迅速做出反应。
First, Washington dispatched a committee of three distinguished Pennsylvanians to meet with the rebels and try to bring about a peaceful resolution.
首先，华盛顿派遣了一个由三名杰出的宾夕法尼亚人组成的委员会与叛军会面，并试图达成和平解决方案。
Meanwhile, he gathered an army of thirteen thousand militiamen in Carlisle, Pennsylvania.
与此同时，他在宾夕法尼亚州卡莱尔集结了一支由一万三千名民兵组成的军队。
On September 19, Washington became the only sitting president to lead troops in the field, though he quickly turned over the army to the command of Henry Lee, a Revolutionary hero and the current governor of Virginia.
9 月 19 日，华盛顿成为唯一一位在战场上带兵的在任总统，不过他很快就把军队交给了革命英雄、现任弗吉尼亚州州长亨利·李指挥。
As the federal army moved westward, the farmers scattered.
随着联邦军队西进，农民们四散而去。
Hoping to make a dramatic display of federal authority, Alexander Hamilton oversaw the arrest and trial of a number of rebels.
为了戏剧性地展示联邦权威，亚历山大·汉密尔顿监督了对一些叛乱分子的逮捕和审判。
Many were released because of a lack of evidence, and most of those who remained, including two men sentenced to death for treason, were soon pardoned by the president.
许多人因缺乏证据而被释放，大多数留下来的人，包括两名因叛国罪被判处死刑的男子，很快就被总统赦免。
The Whiskey Rebellion had shown that the federal government was capable of quelling internal unrest.
威士忌叛乱表明联邦政府有能力平息内部动乱。
But it also demonstrated that some citizens, especially poor westerners, viewed it as their enemy.
但这也表明一些公民，尤其是贫穷的西方人，将其视为他们的敌人。
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21
Around the same time, another national issue also aroused fierce protest.
大约在同一时间，另一个国家问题也引起了激烈的抗议。
Along with his vision of a strong financial system, Hamilton also had a vision of a nation busily engaged in foreign trade.
除了建立强大的金融体系的愿景之外，汉密尔顿还拥有一个积极从事对外贸易的国家的愿景。
In his mind, that meant pursuing a friendly relationship with one nation in particular: Great Britain.
在他看来，这意味着要与一个国家建立友好关系：英国。
America’s relationship with Britain since the end of the Revolution had been tense, partly because of warfare between the British and French.
自革命结束以来，美国与英国的关系一直紧张，部分原因是英法之间的战争。
Their naval war threatened American shipping, and the impressment of men into Britain’s navy terrorized American sailors.
他们的海战威胁着美国的航运，而英国海军的强征则让美国水手感到恐惧。
American trade could be risky and expensive, and impressment threatened seafaring families.
美国贸易可能充满风险且昂贵，而印象威胁着航海家庭。
Nevertheless, President Washington was conscious of American weakness and was determined not to take sides.
尽管如此，华盛顿总统意识到美国的弱点，并决心不选边站队。
In April 1793, he officially declared that the United States would remain neutral.
1793年4月，他正式宣布美国将保持中立。
22 With his blessing, Hamilton’s political ally John Jay, who was currently serving as chief justice of the Supreme Court, sailed to London to negotiate a treaty that would satisfy both Britain and the United States.
22 在他的祝福下，汉密尔顿的政治盟友、现任最高法院首席大法官约翰·杰伊 (John Jay) 乘船前往伦敦，谈判达成一项令英国和美国都满意的条约。
Jefferson and Madison strongly opposed these negotiations.
杰斐逊和麦迪逊强烈反对这些谈判。
They mistrusted Britain and saw the treaty as the American state favoring Britain over France.
他们不信任英国，并认为该条约是美国政府对英国的支持而不是对法国的支持。
The French had recently overthrown their own monarchy, and Republicans thought the United States should be glad to have the friendship of a new revolutionary state.
法国人最近推翻了自己的君主制，共和党人认为美国应该很高兴与一个新的革命国家建立友谊。
They also suspected that a treaty with Britain would favor northern merchants and manufacturers over the agricultural South.
他们还怀疑与英国签订的条约将有利于北方商人和制造商，而不是农业南方。
In November 1794, despite their misgivings, John Jay signed a “treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation” with the British.
1794 年 11 月，约翰·杰伊不顾英国人的疑虑，与英国签署了《友好、通商和航海条约》。
Jay’s Treaty, as it was commonly called, required Britain to abandon its military positions in the Northwest Territory (especially Fort Detroit, Fort Mackinac, and Fort Niagara) by 1796.
通常所说的杰伊条约要求英国在 1796 年之前放弃其在西北地区的军事阵地（特别是底特律堡、麦基诺堡和尼亚加拉堡）。
Britain also agreed to compensate American merchants for their losses.
英国还同意赔偿美国商人的损失。
The United States, in return, agreed to treat Britain as its most prized trade partner, which meant tacitly supporting Britain in its current conflict with France.
作为回报，美国同意将英国视为其最珍贵的贸易伙伴，这意味着在当前与法国的冲突中默许支持英国。
Unfortunately, Jay had failed to secure an end to impressment.
不幸的是，杰伊未能结束印象。
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For Federalists, this treaty was a significant accomplishment.
对于联邦党人来说，这项条约是一项重大成就。
Jay’s Treaty gave the United States, a relatively weak power, the ability to stay officially neutral in European wars, and it preserved American prosperity by protecting trade.
杰伊条约使美国这个实力相对较弱的国家能够在欧洲战争中保持正式中立，并通过保护贸易维护了美国的繁荣。
For Jefferson’s Republicans, however, the treaty was proof of Federalist treachery.
然而，对于杰斐逊的共和党人来说，该条约是联邦党背叛的证据。
The Federalists had sided with a monarchy against a republic, and they had submitted to British influence in American affairs without even ending impressment.
联邦党人站在君主制一边反对共和制，他们在美国事务中屈服于英国的影响力，甚至没有结束印象。
In Congress, debate over the treaty transformed the Federalists and Republicans from temporary factions into two distinct (though still loosely organized) political parties.
在国会，关于该条约的辩论将联邦党和共和党从临时派别转变为两个截然不同的（尽管组织仍然松散）政党。
The mounting body count of the French Revolution included that of the queen and king, who were beheaded in a public ceremony in early 1793, as depicted in the engraving.
法国大革命期间不断增加的死亡人数包括女王和国王，正如版画中所描绘的，他们在 1793 年初的一次公开仪式上被斩首。
While Americans disdained the concept of monarchy, the execution of King Louis XVI was regarded by many Americans as an abomination, an indication of the chaos and savagery reigning in France at the time.
虽然美国人鄙视君主制的概念，但许多美国人认为处决国王路易十六是令人憎恶的，这表明了当时法国的混乱和野蛮。
Charles Monnet (artist), Antoine-Jean Duclos and Isidore-Stanislas Helman (engravers), Day of 21 January 1793 the death of Louis Capet on the Place de la Révolution, 1794.
Charles Monnet（艺术家）、Antoine-Jean Duclos 和 Isidore-Stanislas Helman（雕刻家），1793 年 1 月 21 日路易·卡佩在革命广场逝世，1794 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
In part, the Federalists were turning toward Britain because they feared the most radical forms of democratic thought.
在某种程度上，联邦党人转向英国是因为他们害怕最激进的民主思想形式。
In the wake of Shays’s Rebellion, the Whiskey Rebellion, and other internal protests, Federalists sought to preserve social stability.
在谢斯叛乱、威士忌叛乱和其他内部抗议之后，联邦党人寻求维护社会稳定。
The course of the French Revolution seemed to justify their concerns.
法国大革命的进程似乎证明了他们的担忧。
In 1789, news had arrived in America that the French had revolted against their king.
1789 年，法国人起义反抗国王的消息传到美国。
Most Americans imagined that liberty was spreading from America to Europe, carried there by the returning French heroes who had taken part in the American Revolution.
大多数美国人想象自由正在从美国传播到欧洲，由参加美国革命的回归的法国英雄带到那里。
Initially, nearly all Americans had praised the French Revolution.
最初，几乎所有美国人都赞扬法国大革命。
Towns all over the country hosted speeches and parades on July 14 to commemorate the day it began.
7月14日，全国各地的城镇都举办了演讲和游行来纪念这一天。
Women had worn neoclassical dress to honor republican principles, and men had pinned revolutionary cockades to their hats.
妇女们穿着新古典主义服装以纪念共和原则，而男人们则将革命徽章别在帽子上。
John Randolph, a Virginia planter, named two of his favorite horses Jacobin and Sans-Culotte after French revolutionary factions.
弗吉尼亚种植园主约翰·兰道夫 (John Randolph) 以法国革命派系的名字命名了他最喜欢的两匹马“雅各宾”(Jacobin) 和“无套裤袜”(Sans-Culotte)。
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In April 1793, a new French ambassador, “Citizen” Edmond-Charles Genêt, arrived in the United States.
1793 年 4 月，新任法国大使“公民”埃德蒙·查尔斯·热内 (Edmond-Charles Genêt) 抵达美国。
During his tour of several cities, Americans greeted him with wild enthusiasm.
在他访问几个城市期间，美国人热情地欢迎他。
Citizen Genêt encouraged Americans to act against Spain, a British ally, by attacking its colonies of Florida and Louisiana.
热内特公民鼓励美国人对英国的盟友西班牙采取行动，攻击其殖民地佛罗里达州和路易斯安那州。
When President Washington refused, Genêt threatened to appeal to the American people directly.
当华盛顿总统拒绝后，热内威胁要直接向美国人民呼吁。
In response, Washington demanded that France recall its diplomat.
作为回应，华盛顿要求法国召回其外交官。
In the meantime, however, Genêt’s faction had fallen from power in France.
然而与此同时，热内的派系在法国已经失去了权力。
Knowing that a return home might cost him his head, he decided to remain in America.
他知道回国可能会让他丧命，因此他决定留在美国。
Genêt’s intuition was correct.
热内的直觉是正确的。
A radical coalition of revolutionaries had seized power in France.
一个激进的革命者联盟在法国夺取了政权。
They initiated a bloody purge of their enemies, the Reign of Terror.
他们发起了对敌人的血腥清洗，即恐怖统治。
As Americans learned about Genêt’s impropriety and the mounting body count in France, many began to have second thoughts about the French Revolution.
当美国人了解到热内的不当行为和法国不断增加的死亡人数时，许多人开始对法国大革命产生新的想法。
Americans who feared that the French Revolution was spiraling out of control tended to become Federalists.
担心法国大革命失控的美国人往往会成为联邦党人。
Those who remained hopeful about the revolution tended to become Republicans.
那些对革命仍然抱有希望的人往往会成为共和党人。
Not deterred by the violence, Thomas Jefferson declared that he would rather see “half the earth desolated” than see the French Revolution fail.
托马斯·杰斐逊并没有被暴力吓倒，他宣称，他宁愿看到“半个地球荒凉”，也不愿看到法国大革命失败。
“Were there but an Adam and an Eve left in every country, and left free,” he wrote, “it would be better than as it now is.” 25 Meanwhile, the Federalists sought closer ties with Britain.
“如果每个国家都只剩下亚当和夏娃，并且自由自在，”他写道，“那会比现在更好。” 25 与此同时，联邦党人寻求与英国建立更密切的关系。
Despite the political rancor, in late 1796 there came one sign of hope: the United States peacefully elected a new president.
尽管存在政治积怨，1796 年末还是出现了一个希望的迹象：美国和平地选出了一位新总统。
For now, as Washington stepped down and executive power changed hands, the country did not descend into the anarchy that many leaders feared.
目前，随着华盛顿下台、行政权力易手，该国并没有陷入许多领导人所担心的无政府状态。
The new president was John Adams, Washington’s vice president.
新总统是华盛顿副总统约翰·亚当斯。
Adams was less beloved than the old general, and he governed a deeply divided nation.
亚当斯不像这位老将军那么受人爱戴，他统治着一个严重分裂的国家。
The foreign crisis also presented him with a major test.
国外危机也给他带来了重大考验。
In response to Jay’s Treaty, the French government authorized its vessels to attack American shipping.
作为对杰伊条约的回应，法国政府授权其船只攻击美国航运。
To resolve this, President Adams sent envoys to France in 1797.
为了解决这个问题，亚当斯总统于 1797 年派遣特使前往法国。
The French insulted these diplomats.
法国人侮辱了这些外交官。
Some officials, whom the Americans code-named X, Y, and Z in their correspondence, hinted that negotiations could begin only after the Americans offered a bribe.
一些被美国人在信件中代号为 X、Y 和 Z 的官员暗示，只有在美国人行贿后才能开始谈判。
When the story became public, this XYZ Affair infuriated American citizens.
当这个故事公开后，XYZ 事件激怒了美国公民。
Dozens of towns wrote addresses to President Adams, pledging him their support against France.
数十个城镇给亚当斯总统写信，承诺支持他反对法国。
Many people seemed eager for war.
许多人似乎渴望战争。
“Millions for defense,” toasted South Carolina representative Robert Goodloe Harper, “but not one cent for tribute.” 26
南卡罗来纳州众议员罗伯特·古德洛·哈珀 (Robert Goodloe Harper) 举杯称道：“数百万美元用于国防，但没有一分钱用于致敬。” 26
By 1798, the people of Charleston watched the ocean’s horizon apprehensively because they feared the arrival of the French navy at any moment.
到了 1798 年，查尔斯顿人民忧心忡忡地注视着海平线，因为他们担心法国海军随时会到来。
Many people now worried that the same ships that had aided Americans during the Revolutionary War might discharge an invasion force on their shores.
现在许多人担心，在独立战争期间援助过美国的船只可能会向他们的海岸发动入侵部队。
Some southerners were sure that this force would consist of Black troops from France’s Caribbean colonies, who would attack the southern states and cause their enslaved laborers to revolt.
一些南方人确信这支部队将由来自法国加勒比殖民地的黑人军队组成，他们会攻击南方各州并导致他们的奴隶劳工反抗。
Many Americans also worried that France had covert agents in the country.
许多美国人还担心法国在该国有秘密特工。
In the streets of Charleston, armed bands of young men searched for French disorganizers.
在查尔斯顿的街道上，一群武装的年轻人搜寻法国破坏者。
Even the little children prepared for the looming conflict by fighting with sticks.
即使是小孩子也通过棍棒战斗来为即将到来的冲突做好准备。
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27
Meanwhile, during the crisis, New Englanders were some of the most outspoken opponents of France.
与此同时，在危机期间，新英格兰人是法国最直言不讳的反对者之一。
In 1798, they found a new reason for Francophobia.
1798年，他们找到了恐法症的新原因。
An influential Massachusetts minister, Jedidiah Morse, announced to his congregation that the French Revolution had been hatched in a conspiracy led by a mysterious anti-Christian organization called the Illuminati.
马萨诸塞州一位颇具影响力的部长杰迪代亚·莫尔斯 (Jedidiah Morse) 向他的会众宣布，法国大革命是由一个名为“光明会”的神秘反基督教组织领导的阴谋策划的。
The story was a hoax, but rumors of Illuminati infiltration spread throughout New England like wildfire, adding a new dimension to the foreign threat.
这个故事是一个骗局，但光明会渗透的谣言像野火一样传遍了新英格兰，为外国威胁增添了新的维度。
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Against this backdrop of fear, the French Quasi-War, as it would come to be known, was fought on the Atlantic, mostly between French naval vessels and American merchant ships.
在这种恐惧的背景下，后来众所周知的法国准战争是在大西洋上进行的，主要是法国海军舰艇和美国商船之间的战斗。
During this crisis, however, anxiety about foreign agents ran high, and members of Congress took action to prevent internal subversion.
然而，在这场危机期间，人们对外国特工的焦虑情绪高涨，国会议员采取行动防止内部颠覆。
The most controversial of these steps were the Alien and Sedition Acts.
这些措施中最具争议的是《外国人法》和《煽动叛乱法》。
These two laws, passed in 1798, were intended to prevent French agents and sympathizers from compromising America’s resistance, but they also attacked Americans who criticized the president and the Federalist Party.
这两项法律于1798年通过，旨在防止法国特工和同情者损害美国的抵抗，但它们也攻击了批评总统和联邦党的美国人。
The Alien Act allowed the federal government to deport foreign nationals, or “aliens,” who seemed to pose a national security threat.
《外国人法》允许联邦政府驱逐似乎对国家安全构成威胁的外国人或“外国人”。
Even more dramatically, the Sedition Act allowed the government to prosecute anyone found to be speaking or publishing “false, scandalous, and malicious writing” against the government.
更引人注目的是，《煽动叛乱法》允许政府起诉任何发表反对政府言论或发表“虚假、诽谤性和恶意文章”的人。
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These laws were not simply brought on by war hysteria.
这些法律不仅仅是由战争歇斯底里引起的。
They reflected common assumptions about the nature of the American Revolution and the limits of liberty.
它们反映了关于美国革命的性质和自由限制的共同假设。
In fact, most of the advocates for the Constitution and the First Amendment accepted that free speech simply meant a lack of prior censorship or restraint, not a guarantee against punishment.
事实上，大多数宪法和第一修正案的支持者都认为，言论自由仅仅意味着缺乏事先审查或限制，而不是保证免受惩罚。
According to this logic, “licentious” or unruly speech made society less free, not more.
根据这种逻辑，“放荡”或不守规矩的言论只会减少社会的自由，而不是增加社会的自由。
James Wilson, one of the principal architects of the Constitution, argued that “every author is responsible when he attacks the security or welfare of the government.” 30
宪法的主要起草者之一詹姆斯·威尔逊 (James Wilson) 认为，“每个作者在攻击政府的安全或福利时都要承担责任。” 30
In 1798, most Federalists were inclined to agree.
1798 年，大多数联邦党人都倾向于同意。
Under the terms of the Sedition Act, they indicted and prosecuted several Republican printers—and even a Republican congressman who had criticized President Adams.
根据《煽动叛乱法》的条款，他们起诉并起诉了几名共和党印刷商，甚至还起诉了一位批评亚当斯总统的共和党国会议员。
Meanwhile, although the Adams administration never enforced the Alien Act, its passage was enough to convince some foreign nationals to leave the country.
与此同时，尽管亚当斯政府从未执行过《外国人法》，但该法的通过足以说服一些外国人离开该国。
For the president and most other Federalists, the Alien and Sedition Acts represented a continuation of a conservative rather than radical American Revolution.
对于总统和大多数其他联邦党人来说，《外国人法》和《煽动叛乱法》代表了保守而非激进的美国革命的延续。
However, the Alien and Sedition Acts caused a backlash in two ways.
然而，《外国人法》和《煽动叛乱法》在两个方面引起了强烈反对。
First, shocked opponents articulated a new and expansive vision for liberty.
首先，震惊的反对者阐明了新的、广阔的自由愿景。
The New York lawyer Tunis Wortman, for example, demanded an “absolute independence” of the press.
例如，纽约律师突尼斯·沃特曼要求媒体“绝对独立”。
31 Likewise, the Virginia judge George Hay called for “any publication whatever criminal” to be exempt from legal punishment.
31 同样，弗吉尼亚州法官乔治·海 (George Hay) 呼吁“任何出版物，无论犯罪行为”都应免除法律惩罚。
32 Many Americans began to argue that free speech meant the ability to say virtually anything without fear of prosecution.
32 许多美国人开始认为，言论自由意味着可以畅所欲言而不必担心受到起诉。
Second, James Madison and Thomas Jefferson helped organize opposition from state governments.
其次，詹姆斯·麦迪逊和托马斯·杰斐逊帮助组织了州政府的反对活动。
Ironically, both of them had expressed support for the principle behind the Sedition Act in previous years.
讽刺的是，他们两人在前几年都曾表示支持《煽动叛乱法》背后的原则。
Jefferson, for example, had written to Madison in 1789 that the nation should punish citizens for speaking “false facts” that injured the country.
例如，杰斐逊在 1789 年写信给麦迪逊，要求国家应该惩罚那些发表伤害国家的“虚假事实”的公民。
33 Nevertheless, both men now opposed the Alien and Sedition Acts on constitutional grounds.
33 尽管如此，两人现在都以宪法为由反对《外国人法》和《煽动叛乱法》。
In 1798, Jefferson made this point in a resolution adopted by the Kentucky state legislature.
1798年，杰斐逊在肯塔基州立法机关通过的一项决议中提出了这一点。
A short time later, the Virginia legislature adopted a similar document written by Madison.
不久之后，弗吉尼亚州立法机关通过了麦迪逊撰写的类似文件。
The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions argued that the national government’s authority was limited to the powers expressly granted by the U.S. Constitution.
肯塔基州和弗吉尼亚州决议认为，国家政府的权力仅限于美国宪法明确授予的权力。
More importantly, they asserted that the states could declare federal laws unconstitutional.
更重要的是，他们声称各州可以宣布联邦法律违宪。
For the time being, these resolutions were simply gestures of defiance.
就目前而言，这些决议只是一种反抗姿态。
Their bold claim, however, would have important effects in later decades.
然而，他们的大胆主张将在以后的几十年中产生重要影响。
In just a few years, many Americans’ feelings toward France had changed dramatically.
短短几年内，许多美国人对法国的感情发生了巨大变化。
Far from rejoicing in the “light of freedom,” many Americans now feared the “contagion” of French-style liberty.
许多美国人现在非但没有为“自由之光”而欢欣鼓舞，反而担心法国式自由的“蔓延”。
Debates over the French Revolution in the 1790s gave Americans some of their earliest opportunities to articulate what it meant to be American.
1790 年代有关法国大革命的辩论为美国人提供了最早的一些机会来阐明身为美国人的意义。
Did American national character rest on a radical and universal vision of human liberty?
美国的国民性格是否建立在激进而普遍的人类自由愿景之上？
Or was America supposed to be essentially pious and traditional, an outgrowth of Great Britain?
或者说美国本质上应该是虔诚和传统的，是英国的产物？
They couldn’t agree.
他们无法同意。
It was on this cracked foundation that many conflicts of the nineteenth century would rest.
正是在这个破裂的基础上，十九世纪的许多冲突才得以发生。
One reason the debates over the French Revolution became so heated was that Americans were unsure about their own religious future.
关于法国大革命的争论如此激烈的原因之一是美国人对自己的宗教未来不确定。
The Illuminati scare of 1798 was just one manifestation of this fear.
1798 年的光明会恐慌只是这种恐惧的一种表现。
Across the United States, a slow but profound shift in attitudes toward religion and government began.
在美国各地，人们对宗教和政府的态度开始发生缓慢而深刻的转变。
In 1776, none of the American state governments observed the separation of church and state.
1776年，美国没有一个州政府遵守政教分离。
On the contrary, all thirteen states either had established, official, and tax-supported state churches, or at least required their officeholders to profess a certain faith.
相反，所有十三个州要么已经建立了官方的、由税收支持的州立教堂，要么至少要求其官员宣示某种信仰。
Most officials believed this was necessary to protect morality and social order.
大多数官员认为这对于保护道德和社会秩序是必要的。
Over the next six decades, however, that changed.
然而，在接下来的六年里，情况发生了变化。
In 1833, the final state, Massachusetts, stopped supporting an official religious denomination.
1833 年，最后一个州马萨诸塞州停止支持官方宗教派别。
Historians call that gradual process disestablishment .
历史学家称这个过程为逐渐解体。
In many states, the process of disestablishment had started before the creation of the Constitution.
在许多州，废除宪法的过程在宪法制定之前就已经开始了。
South Carolina, for example, had been nominally Anglican before the Revolution, but it had dropped denominational restrictions in its 1778 constitution.
例如，南卡罗来纳州在革命前名义上是英国圣公会，但它在 1778 年宪法中放弃了教派限制。
Instead, it now allowed any church consisting of at least fifteen adult males to become “incorporated,” or recognized for tax purposes as a state-supported church.
相反，它现在允许任何由至少十五名成年男性组成的教会“注册成立”，或出于税收目的被承认为国家支持的教会。
Churches needed only to agree to a set of basic Christian theological tenets, which were vague enough that most denominations could support them.
教会只需要同意一套基本的基督教神学原则，这些原则足够模糊，大多数教派都可以支持它们。
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South Carolina tried to balance religious freedom with the religious practice that was supposed to be necessary for social order.
南卡罗来纳州试图平衡宗教自由与社会秩序所必需的宗教活动。
Officeholders were still expected to be Christians; their oaths were witnessed by God, they were compelled by their religious beliefs to tell the truth, and they were called to live according to the Bible.
官员们仍然被期望是基督徒；他们的誓言有上帝见证，他们的宗教信仰迫使他们说实话，他们被要求按照圣经生活。
This list of minimal requirements came to define acceptable Christianity in many states.
这份最低要求清单定义了许多州可接受的基督教。
As new Christian denominations proliferated between 1780 and 1840, however, more and more Christians fell outside this definition.
然而，随着 1780 年至 1840 年间新的基督教教派的激增，越来越多的基督徒不符合这一定义。
South Carolina continued its general establishment law until 1790, when a constitutional revision removed the establishment clause and religious restrictions on officeholders.
南卡罗来纳州继续实行一般建制法，直到 1790 年，当时的宪法修订取消了建制条款和对公职人员的宗教限制。
Many other states, though, continued to support an established church well into the nineteenth century.
然而，许多其他国家在十九世纪仍然继续支持建立的教会。
The federal Constitution did not prevent this.
联邦宪法并没有阻止这一点。
The religious freedom clause in the Bill of Rights, during these decades, limited the federal government but not state governments.
人权法案中的宗教自由条款在这几十年里限制了联邦政府，但没有限制州政府。
It was not until 1833 that a state supreme court decision ended Massachusetts’s support for the Congregational Church.
直到 1833 年，州最高法院的一项裁决才终止了马萨诸塞州对公理会的支持。
Many political leaders, including Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, favored disestablishment because they saw the relationship between church and state as a tool of oppression.
许多政治领导人，包括托马斯·杰斐逊和詹姆斯·麦迪逊，都赞成废除政体，因为他们将教会与国家之间的关系视为压迫的工具。
Jefferson proposed a Statute for Religious Freedom in the Virginia state assembly in 1779, but his bill failed in the overwhelmingly Anglican legislature.
1779 年，杰斐逊在弗吉尼亚州议会提出了《宗教自由法》，但他的法案在英国圣公会占压倒性优势的立法机构中失败了。
Madison proposed it again in 1785, and it defeated a rival bill that would have given equal revenue to all Protestant churches.
1785 年，麦迪逊再次提出这一提议，并击败了一项为所有新教教会提供平等收入的竞争法案。
Instead Virginia would not use public money to support religion.
相反，弗吉尼亚州不会使用公共资金来支持宗教。
“The Religion then of every man,” Jefferson wrote, “must be left to the conviction and conscience of every man; and it is the right of every man to exercise it as these may dictate.” 35
“每个人的宗教，”杰斐逊写道，“必须留给每个人的信念和良心；每个人都有权利按照这些要求行使它。” 35
At the federal level, the delegates to the Constitutional Convention of 1787 easily agreed that the national government should not have an official religion.
在联邦层面，1787 年制宪会议的代表们轻易地同意国家政府不应该有官方宗教。
This principle was upheld in 1791 when the First Amendment was ratified, with its guarantee of religious liberty.
1791 年第一修正案获得批准时，这一原则得到了维护，并保证了宗教自由。
The limits of federal disestablishment, however, required discussion.
然而，解散联邦的局限性需要讨论。
The federal government, for example, supported Native American missionaries and congressional chaplains.
例如，联邦政府支持美洲原住民传教士和国会牧师。
Well into the nineteenth century, debate raged over whether the postal service should operate on Sundays, and whether non-Christians could act as witnesses in federal courts.
进入十九世纪，关于邮政服务是否应该在周日营业以及非基督徒是否可以在联邦法院担任证人的争论非常激烈。
Americans continued to struggle to understand what it meant for Congress not to “establish” a religion.
美国人继续努力理解国会不“建立”宗教意味着什么。
The year 1800 brought about a host of changes in government, in particular the first successful and peaceful transfer of power from one political party to another.
1800 年政府发生了一系列变化，特别是第一次成功、和平地将权力从一个政党转移到另一个政党。
But the year was important for another reason: the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C. (pictured here in 1800) was finally opened to be occupied by Congress, the Supreme Court, the Library of Congress, and the courts of the District of Columbia.
但这一年之所以重要还有另一个原因：华盛顿特区的美国国会大厦（如图所示，1800 年）终于开放，供国会、最高法院、国会图书馆和哥伦比亚特区法院使用。
William Russell Birch, A view of the Capitol of Washington before it was burnt down by the British, c.
威廉·拉塞尔·伯奇 (William Russell Birch)，《华盛顿国会大厦被英国人烧毁前的景色》，c.
1800.
1800.
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Meanwhile, the Sedition and Alien Acts expired in 1800 and 1801.
与此同时，《煽动叛乱法》和《外国人法》分别于 1800 年和 1801 年到期。
They had been relatively ineffective at suppressing dissent.
他们在镇压异议方面相对无效。
On the contrary, they were much more important for the loud reactions they had inspired.
相反，它们所引发的强烈反应更为重要。
They had helped many Americans decide what they didn’t want from their national government.
他们帮助许多美国人决定他们不希望从国家政府得到什么。
By 1800, therefore, President Adams had lost the confidence of many Americans.
因此，到 1800 年，亚当斯总统已经失去了许多美国人的信任。
They had let him know it.
他们已经让他知道了。
In 1798, for instance, he had issued a national thanksgiving proclamation.
例如，1798 年，他发布了全国感恩节公告。
Instead of enjoying a day of celebration and thankfulness, Adams and his family had been forced by rioters to flee the capital city of Philadelphia until the day was over.
亚当斯和他的家人没有享受庆祝和感恩的一天，而是被迫逃离首都费城，直到这一天结束。
Conversely, his prickly independence had also put him at odds with Alexander Hamilton, the leader of his own party, who offered him little support.
相反，他敏感的独立性也使他与自己政党的领导人亚历山大·汉密尔顿产生了分歧，后者几乎没有给他提供支持。
After four years in office, Adams found himself widely reviled.
任职四年后，亚当斯发现自己受到广泛的谩骂。
In the election of 1800, therefore, the Republicans defeated Adams in a bitter and complicated presidential race.
因此，在1800年的选举中，共和党在一场激烈而复杂的总统竞选中击败了亚当斯。
During the election, one Federalist newspaper article predicted that a Republican victory would fill America with “murder, robbery, rape, adultery, and incest.” 36 A Republican newspaper, on the other hand, flung sexual slurs against President Adams, saying he had “neither the force and firmness of a man, nor the gentleness and sensibility of a woman.” Both sides predicted disaster and possibly war if the other should win.
选举期间，联邦党人报纸上的一篇文章预测，共和党的胜利将使美国充满“谋杀、抢劫、强奸、通奸和乱伦”。 36 另一方面，一家共和党报纸对亚当斯总统进行了性诽谤，称他“既没有男人的力量和坚定，也没有女人的温柔和感性”。双方都预测，如果对方获胜，可能会发生灾难，甚至可能发生战争。
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In the end, the contest came down to a tie between two Republicans, Thomas Jefferson of Virginia and Aaron Burr of New York, who each had seventy-three electoral votes.
最终，两位共和党人——弗吉尼亚州的托马斯·杰斐逊和纽约州的亚伦·伯尔——两人打成平手，两人各有七十三张选举人票。
(Adams had sixty-five.) Burr was supposed to be a candidate for vice president, not president, but under the Constitution’s original rules, a tie-breaking vote had to take place in the House of Representatives.
（亚当斯有 65 票。）伯尔本应是副总统候选人，而不是总统候选人，但根据宪法的原始规定，众议院必须进行决胜投票。
It was controlled by Federalists bitter at Jefferson.
它由对杰斐逊怀有怨恨的联邦党人控制。
House members voted dozens of times without breaking the tie.
众议院议员投票数十次，均未打破平局。
On the thirty-sixth ballot, Thomas Jefferson emerged victorious.
在第三十六次投票中，托马斯·杰斐逊获胜。
Republicans believed they had saved the United States from grave danger.
共和党人相信他们已经将美国从严重的危险中拯救出来。
An assembly of Republicans in New York City called the election a “bloodless revolution.” They thought of their victory as a revolution in part because the Constitution (and eighteenth-century political theory) made no provision for political parties.
纽约市的共和党集会称这次选举是一场“不流血的革命”。他们认为自己的胜利是一场革命，部分原因是宪法（和十八世纪的政治理论）没有为政党做出任何规定。
The Republicans thought they were fighting to rescue the country from an aristocratic takeover, not just taking part in a normal constitutional process.
共和党人认为他们正在努力拯救国家免遭贵族接管，而不仅仅是参与正常的宪法程序。
This image attacks Jefferson’s support of the French Revolution and religious freedom.
这张图片攻击了杰斐逊对法国大革命和宗教自由的支持。
The letter, “To Mazzei,” refers to a 1796 correspondence that criticized the Federalists and, by association, President Washington.
这封名为“致马泽伊”的信指的是 1796 年的一封信，该信批评了联邦党人，并由此批评了华盛顿总统。
Providential Detection, 1797.
天意探测，1797。
Courtesy American Antiquarian Society .
由美国古物协会提供。
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0.
署名-非商业性-相同方式共享 4.0 国际（CC BY-NC-SA 4.0。
In his first inaugural address, however, Thomas Jefferson offered an olive branch to the Federalists.
然而，托马斯·杰斐逊在他的第一次就职演说中向联邦党人伸出了橄榄枝。
He pledged to follow the will of the American majority, whom he believed were Republicans, but to respect the rights of the Federalist minority.
他承诺遵循美国多数派（他认为这些人是共和党人）的意愿，但尊重联邦党少数派的权利。
His election set an important precedent.
他的当选开创了一个重要的先例。
Adams accepted his electoral defeat and left the White House peacefully.
亚当斯接受了选举失败的事实，并和平地离开了白宫。
“The revolution of 1800,” Jefferson wrote years later, did for American principles what the Revolution of 1776 had done for its structure.
杰斐逊多年后写道，“1800 年的革命”对美国原则的影响就像 1776 年革命对其结构的影响一样。
But this time, the revolution was accomplished not “by the sword” but “by the rational and peaceable instrument of reform, the suffrage of the people.” 38 Four years later, when the Twelfth Amendment changed the rules for presidential elections to prevent future deadlocks, it was designed to accommodate the way political parties worked.
但这一次，革命不是“通过刀剑”完成的，而是“通过理性与和平的改革工具，即人民的选举权”完成的。 38四年后，第十二修正案改变了总统选举规则以防止未来陷入僵局，其目的是适应政党的运作方式。
Despite Adams’s and Jefferson’s attempts to tame party politics, though, the tension between federal power and the liberties of states and individuals would exist long into the nineteenth century.
尽管亚当斯和杰斐逊试图抑制政党政治，但联邦权力与各州和个人自由之间的紧张关系将长期存在于十九世纪。
And while Jefferson’s administration attempted to decrease federal influence, Chief Justice John Marshall, an Adams appointee, worked to increase the authority of the Supreme Court.
虽然杰斐逊政府试图削弱联邦影响力，但亚当斯任命的首席大法官约翰·马歇尔却致力于增强最高法院的权威。
These competing agendas clashed most famously in the 1803 case of Marbury v.
这些相互竞争的议程在 1803 年马伯里诉美国案中最为著名。
Madison , which Marshall used to establish a major precedent.
麦迪逊，马歇尔以此开创了一个重要的先例。
The Marbury case seemed insignificant at first.
马布里案乍一看似乎无关紧要。
The night before leaving office in early 1801, Adams had appointed several men to serve as justices of the peace in Washington, D.C. By making these “midnight appointments,” Adams had sought to put Federalists into vacant positions at the last minute.
1801 年初离任前一天晚上，亚当斯任命了几名男子担任华盛顿特区的太平绅士。通过进行这些“午夜任命”，亚当斯试图在最后一刻让联邦党人填补空缺职位。
On taking office, however, Jefferson and his secretary of state, James Madison, had refused to deliver the federal commissions to the men Adams had appointed.
然而，杰斐逊和他的国务卿詹姆斯·麦迪逊上任后拒绝将联邦委员会交给亚当斯任命的人。
Several of the appointees, including William Marbury, sued the government, and the case was argued before the Supreme Court.
包括威廉·马伯里在内的几位被任命者起诉了政府，该案在最高法院进行了辩论。
Marshall used Marbury’s case to make a clever ruling.
马歇尔利用马伯里的案例做出了明智的裁决。
On the issue of the commissions, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the Jefferson administration.
在委员会问题上，最高法院做出了有利于杰斐逊政府的裁决。
But Chief Justice Marshall went further in his decision, ruling that the Supreme Court reserved the right to decide whether an act of Congress violated the Constitution.
但首席大法官马歇尔的判决更进一步，裁定最高法院保留裁定国会法案是否违反宪法的权利。
In other words, the court assumed the power of judicial review.
换句话说，法院承担了司法审查权。
This was a major (and lasting) blow to the Republican agenda, especially after 1810, when the Supreme Court extended judicial review to state laws.
这是对共和党议程的重大（且持久）打击，特别是在 1810 年最高法院将司法审查范围扩大到州法律之后。
Jefferson was particularly frustrated by the decision, arguing that the power of judicial review “would make the Judiciary a despotic branch.” 39
杰斐逊对这一决定尤其感到沮丧，他认为司法审查的权力“将使司法部门成为一个专制部门”。 39
A grand debate over political power engulfed the young United States.
一场关于政治权力的大辩论席卷了年轻的美国。
The Constitution ensured that there would be a strong federal government capable of taxing, waging war, and making law, but it could never resolve the young nation’s many conflicting constituencies.
宪法确保有一个强大的联邦政府，有能力征税、发动战争和制定法律，但它永远无法解决这个年轻国家的许多相互冲突的选区。
The Whiskey Rebellion proved that the nation could stifle internal dissent but exposed a new threat to liberty.
威士忌叛乱证明，国家可以压制内部异议，但也暴露了对自由的新威胁。
Hamilton’s banking system provided the nation with credit but also constrained frontier farmers.
汉密尔顿的银行体系为国家提供了信贷，但也限制了边境农民。
The Constitution’s guarantee of religious liberty conflicted with many popular prerogatives.
宪法对宗教自由的保障与许多民众特权相冲突。
Dissension only deepened, and as the 1790s progressed, Americans became bitterly divided over political parties and foreign war.
分歧不断加深，随着 1790 年代的进展，美国人在政党和对外战争方面出现了严重分歧。
During the ratification debates, Alexander Hamilton had written of the wonders of the Constitution.
在批准辩论期间，亚历山大·汉密尔顿写下了宪法的奇迹。
“A nation, without a national government,” he wrote, would be “an awful spectacle.” But, he added, “the establishment of a Constitution, in time of profound peace, by the voluntary consent of a whole people, is a prodigy,” a miracle that should be witnessed “with trembling anxiety.” 40 Anti-Federalists had grave concerns about the Constitution, but even they could celebrate the idea of national unity.
“一个没有国家政府的国家，”他写道，将是“一个可怕的景象”。但是，他补充说，“在高度和平的时期，在全体人民的自愿同意下制定宪法，是一个奇迹”，一个应该“带着战栗的焦虑”见证的奇迹。 40 反联邦党人对宪法表示严重关切，但即使他们也可以庆祝国家统一的理念。
By 1795, even the staunchest critics would have grudgingly agreed with Hamilton’s convictions about the Constitution.
到 1795 年，即使是最坚定的批评者也会勉强同意汉密尔顿对宪法的信念。
Yet these same individuals could also take the cautions in Washington’s 1796 farewell address to heart.
然而，这些人也可能会牢记华盛顿 1796 年告别演说中的警告。
“There is an opinion,” Washington wrote, “that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty.” This, he conceded, was probably true, but in a republic, he said, the danger was not too little partisanship, but too much.
华盛顿写道：“有一种观点认为，自由国家的政党是对政府管理的有效制约，有助于保持自由精神。”他承认，这可能是真的，但他说，在共和国，危险不是党派之争太少，而是党派之争太多。
“A fire not to be quenched,” Washington warned, “it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.” 41
华盛顿警告说：“火是无法扑灭的，需要大家一致警惕，防止其熊熊燃烧，以免它不但不会变暖，反而会被烧毁。” 41
For every parade, thanksgiving proclamation, or grand procession honoring the unity of the nation, there was also some political controversy reminding American citizens of how fragile their union was.
每一次游行、感恩节宣言或纪念国家团结的盛大游行，都会引发一些政治争议，提醒美国公民他们的联邦是多么脆弱。
And as party differences and regional quarrels tested the federal government, the new nation increasingly explored the limits of its democracy.
随着党派分歧和地区争端考验着联邦政府，这个新国家越来越多地探索其民主的局限性。
1.
1.
Hector St. Jean de Crèvecœur describes the American people , 1782
赫克托·圣·让·德·克雷维科尔 (Hector St. Jean de Crèvecœur) 描述美国人民，1782 年
Hector St. John de Crèvecœur was born in France, but relocated to the colony of New York and married a local woman named Mehitable Tippet.
赫克托·圣约翰·德·克雷维科尔出生于法国，后移居纽约殖民地，并与当地一位名叫梅希塔布尔·蒂佩特的女子结婚。
For a period of several years, de Crèvecœur wrote about the people he encountered in North America.
在几年的时间里，德·克雷维科尔写下了他在北美遇到的人。
The resulting work was widely successful in Europe.
由此产生的作品在欧洲取得了广泛的成功。
In this passage, Crèvecœur attempts to reflect on the difference between life in Europe and life in North America.
在这篇文章中，Crèvecœur 试图反思欧洲生活和北美生活之间的差异。
2.
2.
A Confederation of Native peoples seek peace with the United States, 1786
土著人民联盟寻求与美国和平，1786 年
In 1786, half a year before the Constitutional Convention, a collection of Native American leaders gathered on the banks of the Detroit River to offer a unified message to the Congress of the United States.
1786 年，制宪会议召开前半年，一群美洲原住民领袖聚集在底特律河畔，向美国国会发出统一的信息。
Despite this proposal, American surveyors, settlers, and others continued to cross the Ohio River.
尽管有这个提议，美国测量员、定居者和其他人仍然继续穿越俄亥俄河。
In the aftermath of the Revolution, politics became a sport consumed by both men and women.
革命后，政治成为一项男女都参与的运动。
In a series of letters sent to her sister, Mary Smith Cranch comments on a series of political events including the lack of support for diplomats, the circulation of paper or hard currency, legal reform, tariffs against imported tea tables, Shays’s rebellion, and the role of women in supporting the nation’s interests.
在写给妹妹的一系列信中，玛丽·史密斯·克兰奇评论了一系列政治事件，包括外交官缺乏支持、纸币或硬通货流通、法律改革、进口茶几关税、谢斯叛乱以及妇女在支持国家利益中的作用。
4.
4.
James Madison, Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments , 1785
詹姆斯·麦迪逊，《反对宗教评估的纪念和抗议》，1785 年
Before the American Revolution, Virginia supported local Anglican churches through taxes.
美国革命之前，弗吉尼亚州通过税收支持当地英国圣公会教堂。
After the American Revolution, Virginia had to decide what to do with this policy.
美国独立战争后，弗吉尼亚必须决定如何执行这项政策。
Some founding fathers, including Patrick Henry, wanted to equally distribute tax dollars to all churches.
包括帕特里克·亨利在内的一些开国元勋希望将税款平均分配给所有教会。
In this document, James Madison explains why he did not want any government money to support religious causes in Virginia.
在这份文件中，詹姆斯·麦迪逊解释了为什么他不希望任何政府资金支持弗吉尼亚州的宗教事业。
George Washington used his final public address as president to warn against what he understood as the two greatest dangers to American prosperity: political parties and foreign wars.
乔治·华盛顿在他作为总统的最后一次公开讲话中对他所理解的美国繁荣的两个最大危险发出了警告：政党和对外战争。
Washington urged the American people to avoid political partisanship and entanglements with European wars.
华盛顿敦促美国人民避免政治党派之争和卷入欧洲战争。
6.
6.
Venture Smith, A Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Venture Smith , 1798
Venture Smith，《Venture Smith 的生活和历险记》，1798 年
Venture Smith’s autobiography is one of the earliest slave narratives to circulate in the Atlantic World.
文特斯·史密斯的自传是大西洋世界最早流传的奴隶叙事作品之一。
Slave narratives grew into the most important genre of antislavery literature and bore testimony to the injustices of the slave system.
奴隶叙事逐渐成为反奴隶制文学中最重要的体裁，并见证了奴隶制度的不公正。
Smith was unusually lucky in that he was able to purchase his freedom, but his story nonetheless reveals the hardships faced by even the most fortunate enslaved men and women.
史密斯非常幸运，因为他能够购买自由，但他的故事仍然揭示了即使是最幸运的被奴役的男人和女人也面临着艰辛。
In Charlotte Temple , the first novel written in America, Susannah Rowson offered a cautionary tale of a woman deceived and then abandoned by a roguish man.
在美国第一部小说《夏洛特·坦普尔》中，苏珊娜·罗森讲述了一个女人被一个流氓男人欺骗然后抛弃的警示故事。
Americans throughout the new nation read the book with rapt attention and many even traveled to New York City to visit the supposed grave of this fictional character.
整个新国家的美国人全神贯注地阅读了这本书，许多人甚至前往纽约市参观这个虚构人物的坟墓。
The Massachusetts Centinel ran a series of cartoons depicting the ratification of the Constitution.
马萨诸塞州中心播放了一系列描绘宪法批准的漫画。
Each vertical pillar represents a state that has ratified the new government.
每个垂直支柱代表一个已批准新政府的州。
In this cartoon, North Carolina’s pillar is being guided into place (it would vote for ratification in November 1789).
在这幅漫画中，北卡罗来纳州的支柱正在被引导到位（它将在 1789 年 11 月投票支持批准）。
Rhode Island’s pillar, however, is crumbling and shows the uncertainty of the vote there.
然而，罗德岛州的支柱正在崩溃，这表明那里投票的不确定性。
This image attacks Jefferson’s support of the French Revolution and religious freedom.
这张图片攻击了杰斐逊对法国大革命和宗教自由的支持。
The Altar to “Gallic Despotism” mocks Jefferson’s allegiance to the French.
“高卢专制主义”祭坛嘲笑杰斐逊对法国的效忠。
The letter, “To Mazzei,” refers to a 1796 correspondence that criticized the Federalists and, by association, President Washington.
这封名为“致马泽伊”的信指的是 1796 年的一封信，该信批评了联邦党人，并由此批评了华盛顿总统。
This chapter was edited by Tara Strauch, with content contributions by Marco Basile, Nathaniel C.
本章由 Tara Strauch 编辑，Marco Basile、Nathaniel C.
Green, Brenden Kennedy, Spencer McBride, Andrea Nero, Cara Rogers, Tara Strauch, Michael Harrison Taylor, Jordan Taylor, Kevin Wisniewski, and Ben Wright.
格林、布伦登·肯尼迪、斯宾塞·麦克布莱德、安德里亚·尼罗、卡拉·罗杰斯、塔拉·斯特劳奇、迈克尔·哈里森·泰勒、乔丹·泰勒、凯文·维斯涅夫斯基和本·赖特。
Recommended citation: Marco Basile et al., “A New Nation,” Tara Strauch, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.
推荐引用：Marco Basile 等人，“一个新国家”，Tara Strauch 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。
Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).
约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。