The American Yawp
Charles Willson Peale, The Peale Family, c.
查尔斯·威尔森·皮尔，皮尔家族，c。
1771–1773.
1771–1773。
Collection of the New-York Historical Society , object #1867.298.
纽约历史学会收藏，对象#1867.298。
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* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。
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Eighteenth-century American culture moved in competing directions.
十八世纪的美国文化朝着相互竞争的方向发展。
Commercial, military, and cultural ties between Great Britain and the North American colonies tightened while a new distinctly American culture began to form and bind together colonists from New Hampshire to Georgia.
英国与北美殖民地之间的商业、军事和文化联系日益紧密，而一种新的、独特的美国文化开始形成，并将从新罕布什尔州到乔治亚州的殖民者联系在一起。
Immigrants from other European nations meanwhile combined with Native Americans and enslaved Africans to create an increasingly diverse colonial population.
与此同时，来自其他欧洲国家的移民与美洲原住民和被奴役的非洲人结合在一起，创造了日益多样化的殖民地人口。
All—men and women, European, Native American, and African—led distinct lives and wrought new distinct societies.
所有的人——男人和女人，欧洲人、美洲原住民和非洲人——都过着截然不同的生活，创造了新的独特社会。
While life in the thirteen colonies was shaped in part by English practices and participation in the larger Atlantic World, emerging cultural patterns increasingly transformed North America into something wholly different.
虽然十三个殖民地的生活在一定程度上是由英国人的习俗和对更大的大西洋世界的参与所塑造的，但新兴的文化模式日益将北美变成了完全不同的东西。
Transatlantic trade greatly enriched Britain, but it also created high standards of living for many North American colonists.
跨大西洋贸易极大地丰富了英国的财富，同时也为许多北美殖民者创造了高生活水平。
This two-way relationship reinforced the colonial feeling of commonality with British culture.
这种双向关系强化了与英国文化共通的殖民感觉。
It was not until trade relations, disturbed by political changes and the demands of warfare, became strained in the 1760s that colonists began to question these ties.
直到 1760 年代，贸易关系因政治变化和战争需求而变得紧张，殖民者才开始质疑这些关系。
During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, improvements in manufacturing, transportation, and the availability of credit increased the opportunity for colonists to purchase consumer goods.
在十七和十八世纪，制造业、交通运输和信贷的改善增加了殖民者购买消费品的机会。
Instead of making their own tools, clothes, and utensils, colonists increasingly purchased luxury items made by specialized artisans and manufacturers.
殖民者不再自己制造工具、衣服和器皿，而是越来越多地购买由专业工匠和制造商制造的奢侈品。
As the incomes of Americans rose and the prices of these commodities fell, these items shifted from luxuries to common goods.
随着美国人收入的增加和这些商品价格的下降，这些商品从奢侈品变成了普通商品。
The average person’s ability to spend money on consumer goods became a sign of their respectability.
普通人花钱购买消费品的能力成为他们受人尊敬的标志。
Historians have called this process the “consumer revolution.” 1
历史学家将这一过程称为“消费者革命”。 1
Joseph Highmore, The Harlowe Family, from Samuel Richardson’s “Clarissa,” 1745–1747.
约瑟夫·海默，《哈洛家族》，出自塞缪尔·理查森的《克拉丽莎》，1745-1747 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Britain relied on the colonies as a source of raw materials, such as lumber and tobacco.
英国依赖殖民地作为木材和烟草等原材料的来源。
Americans engaged with new forms of trade and financing that increased their ability to buy British-made goods.
美国人参与新形式的贸易和融资，提高了他们购买英国制造商品的能力。
But the ways in which colonists paid for these goods varied sharply from those in Britain.
但殖民者购买这些商品的方式与英国截然不同。
When settlers first arrived in North America, they typically carried very little hard or metallic British money with them.
当定居者第一次到达北美时，他们通常很少携带英国的硬通货或金属货币。
Discovering no precious metals (and lacking the Crown’s authority to mint coins), colonists relied on barter and nontraditional forms of exchange, including everything from nails to the wampum used by Native American groups in the Northeast.
由于没有发现贵金属（也没有国王铸造硬币的权力），殖民者依靠物物交换和非传统形式的交换，包括从钉子到东北部美洲原住民群体使用的贝壳等各种交换形式。
To deal with the lack of currency, many colonies resorted to “commodity money,” which varied from place to place.
为了解决货币短缺的问题，许多殖民地诉诸“商品货币”，但各地的情况有所不同。
In Virginia, for example, the colonial legislature stipulated a rate of exchange for tobacco, standardizing it as a form of money in the colony.
例如，在弗吉尼亚州，殖民地立法机构规定了烟草的汇率，将其标准化为殖民地的一种货币形式。
Commodities could be cumbersome and difficult to transport, so a system of notes developed.
商品可能很笨重且难以运输，因此票据系统得以发展。
These notes allowed individuals to deposit a certain amount of tobacco in a warehouse and receive a note bearing the value of the deposit that could be traded as money.
这些纸币允许个人将一定数量的烟草存入仓库，并收到一张载有存款价值的纸币，可以将其作为货币进行交易。
In 1690, colonial Massachusetts became the first place in the Western world to issue paper bills to be used as money.
1690年，殖民地马萨诸塞州成为西方世界第一个发行纸币作为货币的地方。
2 These notes, called bills of credit, were issued for finite periods of time on the colony’s credit and varied in denomination.
2 这些纸币称为信用证，以殖民地信用为基础，在有限的期限内发行，面额各异。
While these notes provided colonists with a much-needed medium for exchange, it was not without its problems.
虽然这些纸币为殖民者提供了急需的交流媒介，但它也并非没有问题。
Currency that worked in Virginia might be worthless in Pennsylvania.
在弗吉尼亚州有效的货币在宾夕法尼亚州可能一文不值。
Colonists and officials in Britain debated whether it was right or desirable to use mere paper, as opposed to gold or silver, as a medium of exchange.
英国的殖民者和官员争论仅使用纸张而不是黄金或白银作为交换媒介是否正确或可取。
Paper money tended to lose value quicker than coins and was often counterfeited.
纸币往往比硬币更快贬值，并且经常被伪造。
These problems, as well as British merchants’ reluctance to accept depreciated paper notes, caused the Board of Trade to restrict the uses of paper money in the Currency Acts of 1751 and 1763.
这些问题，以及英国商人不愿接受贬值的纸币，导致贸易委员会在 1751 年和 1763 年的《货币法》中限制纸币的使用。
Paper money was not the only medium of exchange, however.
然而，纸币并不是唯一的交换媒介。
Colonists also used metal coins.
殖民者还使用金属硬币。
Barter and the extension of credit—which could take the form of bills of exchange, akin to modern-day personal checks—remained important forces throughout the colonial period.
易货贸易和信贷的扩展（可以采取类似于现代个人支票的汇票形式）在整个殖民时期仍然是重要力量。
Still, trade between colonies was greatly hampered by the lack of standardized money.
尽管如此，由于缺乏标准化货币，殖民地之间的贸易受到极大阻碍。
Businesses on both sides of the Atlantic advertised both their goods and promises of obtaining credit.
大西洋两岸的企业都为他们的商品做广告，并承诺获得信贷。
The consistent availability of credit allowed families of modest means to buy consumer items previously available only to elites.
信贷的持续供应使得经济能力有限的家庭能够购买以前只有精英才能购买的消费品。
Cheap consumption allowed middle-class Americans to match many of the trends in clothing, food, and household décor that traditionally marked the wealthiest, aristocratic classes.
廉价消费让美国中产阶级能够追赶服装、食品和家居装饰的许多趋势，而这些趋势传统上是最富有的贵族阶层的标志。
Provincial Americans, often seen by their London peers as less cultivated or “backwater,” could present themselves as lords and ladies of their own communities by purchasing and displaying British-made goods.
外省的美国人常常被伦敦同龄人视为文化程度较低或“落后”的人，他们可以通过购买和展示英国制造的商品来将自己展现为自己社区的贵族和女士。
Visiting the home of a successful businessman in Boston, John Adams described “the Furniture, which alone cost a thousand Pounds sterling.
约翰·亚当斯 (John Adams) 参观波士顿一位成功商人的家时，描述了“仅家具就花费了 1000 英镑”。
A seat it is for a noble Man, a Prince.
这是为贵族、王子准备的座位。
The Turkey Carpets, the painted Hangings, the Marble Table, the rich Beds with crimson Damask Curtains and Counterpins, the beautiful Chimney Clock, the Spacious Garden, are the most magnificent of any thing I have seen.” 3 But many Americans worried about the consequences of rising consumerism.
土耳其地毯、彩绘壁挂、大理石桌子、配有深红色锦缎窗帘和对针的豪华床、美丽的烟囱钟、宽敞的花园，都是我见过的最宏伟的东西。” 3 但许多美国人担心消费主义抬头的后果。
A writer for the Boston Evening Post remarked on this new practice of purchasing status: “For ’tis well known how Credit is a mighty inducement with many People to purchase this and the other Thing which they may well enough do without.” 4 Americans became more likely to find themselves in debt, whether to their local shopkeeper or a prominent London merchant, creating new feelings of dependence.
《波士顿晚报》的一位作家评论了这种购买地位的新做法：“众所周知，信用对许多人来说是一种强大的诱因，让他们购买这个和其他他们可能不需要的东西。” 4 美国人更有可能发现自己负债累累，无论是当地店主还是伦敦著名商人，从而产生了新的依赖感。
Of course, the thirteen continental colonies were not the only British colonies in the Western Hemisphere.
当然，十三个大陆殖民地并不是英国在西半球唯一的殖民地。
In fact, they were considerably less important to the Crown than the sugar-producing islands of the Caribbean, including Jamaica, Barbados, the Leeward Islands, Grenada, St. Vincent, and Dominica.
事实上，它们对英国王室的重要性远不如加勒比海的产糖岛屿，包括牙买加、巴巴多斯、背风群岛、格林纳达、圣文森特和多米尼加。
These British colonies were also inextricably connected to the continental colonies.
这些英国殖民地也与大陆殖民地有着千丝万缕的联系。
Caribbean plantations dedicated nearly all of their land to the wildly profitable crop of sugarcane, so North American colonies sold surplus food and raw materials to these wealthy island colonies.
加勒比种植园几乎将所有土地都用于种植利润丰厚的甘蔗，因此北美殖民地将剩余的粮食和原材料出售给这些富裕的岛屿殖民地。
Lumber was in high demand, especially in Barbados, where planters nearly deforested the island to make room for sugar plantations.
木材需求量很大，尤其是在巴巴多斯，那里的种植园主几乎砍伐了岛上的森林，为甘蔗种植园腾出空间。
To compensate for a lack of lumber, Barbadian colonists ordered house frames from New England.
为了弥补木材的短缺，巴巴多斯殖民者从新英格兰订购了房屋框架。
These prefabricated frames were sent via ships from which planters transported them to their plantations.
这些预制框架通过船只运送，种植者将它们运送到他们的种植园。
Caribbean colonists also relied on the continental colonies for livestock, purchasing cattle and horses.
加勒比殖民者还依赖大陆殖民地饲养牲畜，购买牛和马。
The most lucrative exchange was the slave trade.
最有利可图的交换是奴隶贸易。
Connections between the Caribbean and North America benefited both sides.
加勒比海和北美之间的联系使双方受益。
Those living on the continent relied on the Caribbean colonists to satisfy their craving for sugar and other goods like mahogany.
生活在非洲大陆的人们依靠加勒比殖民者来满足他们对糖和桃花心木等其他商品的渴望。
British colonists in the Caribbean began cultivating sugar in the 1640s, and sugar took the Atlantic World by storm.
加勒比地区的英国殖民者于 1640 年代开始种植糖，糖席卷了大西洋世界。
In fact, by 1680, sugar exports from the tiny island of Barbados valued more than the total exports of all the continental colonies.
事实上，到 1680 年，巴巴多斯小岛的食糖出口价值超过了所有大陆殖民地的出口总额。
5 Jamaica, acquired by the Crown in 1655, surpassed Barbados in sugar production toward the end of the seventeenth century.
5 牙买加于 1655 年被国王收购，到 17 世纪末，其食糖产量超过了巴巴多斯。
North American colonists, like Britons around the world, craved sugar to sweeten their tea and food.
北美殖民者和世界各地的英国人一样，渴望用糖来使茶和食物变甜。
Colonial elites also sought to decorate their parlors and dining rooms with the silky, polished surfaces of rare mahogany as opposed to local wood.
殖民地精英还试图用稀有桃花心木而不是当地木材的光滑、抛光表面来装饰他们的客厅和餐厅。
While the bulk of this in-demand material went to Britain and Europe, New England merchants imported the wood from the Caribbean, where it was then transformed into exquisite furniture for those who could afford it.
虽然这种急需的材料大部分销往英国和欧洲，但新英格兰商人从加勒比海进口木材，然后将其转化为精美的家具，供那些买得起的人使用。
John Hinton, “A representation of the sugar-cane and the art of making sugar,” 1749.
约翰·辛顿 (John Hinton)，“甘蔗和制糖艺术的代表”，1749 年。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
These systems of trade all existed with the purpose of enriching Great Britain.
这些贸易体系的存在都是为了丰富英国。
To ensure that profits ended up in Britain, Parliament issued taxes on trade under the Navigation Acts.
为了确保利润最终流入英国，议会根据《航海法》征收贸易税。
These taxes intertwined consumption with politics.
这些税收将消费与政治交织在一起。
Prior to 1763, Britain found that enforcing the regulatory laws they passed was difficult and often cost them more than the duty revenue they would bring in.
1763 年之前，英国发现执行他们通过的监管法律很困难，而且成本往往高于他们带来的关税收入。
As a result, colonists found it relatively easy to violate the law and trade with foreign nations, pirates, or smugglers.
结果，殖民者发现违法并与外国、海盗或走私者进行贸易相对容易。
Customs officials were easily bribed and it was not uncommon to see Dutch, French, or West Indies ships laden with prohibited goods in American ports.
海关官员很容易被贿赂，在美国港口看到荷兰、法国或西印度群岛的船只满载违禁货物的情况并不少见。
When smugglers were caught, their American peers often acquitted them.
当走私者被捕时，他们的美国同行往往会宣判他们无罪。
British officials estimated that nearly £700,000 worth of illicit goods was brought into the American colonies annually.
英国官员估计，每年有价值近 70 万英镑的非法物品被带入美洲殖民地。
6 Pirates also helped to perpetuate the illegal trading activities by providing a buffer between merchants and foreign ships.
6 海盗还通过在商人和外国船只之间提供缓冲，帮助非法贸易活动长期存在。
Beginning with the Sugar Act in 1764, and continuing with the Stamp Act and the Townshend Acts, Parliament levied taxes on sugar, paper, lead, glass, and tea, all products that contributed to colonists’ sense of gentility.
从 1764 年的《糖法》开始，继《印花税法》和《汤森德法》之后，议会对糖、纸张、铅、玻璃和茶叶等所有有助于增强殖民者绅士感的产品征税。
In response, patriots organized nonimportation agreements and reverted to domestic products.
作为回应，爱国者组织了不进口协议并恢复了国内产品。
Homespun cloth became a political statement.
土布成为一种政治声明。
A writer in the Essex Gazette in 1769 proclaimed, “I presume there never was a Time when, or a Place where, the Spinning Wheel could more influence the Affairs of Men, than at present.” 7
1769 年《埃塞克斯公报》上的一位作家宣称：“我认为，纺车从来没有哪个时代、哪个地方比现在更能影响人类事务。” 7
The consumer revolution fueled the growth of colonial cities.
消费革命推动了殖民城市的发展。
Cities in colonial America were crossroads for the movement of people and goods.
美国殖民时期的城市是人员和货物流动的十字路口。
One in twenty colonists lived in cities by 1775.
到 1775 年，二十分之一的殖民者居住在城市。
8 Some cities grew organically over time, while others were planned from the start.
8 有些城市随着时间的推移而有机发展，而另一些城市则从一开始就进行了规划。
New York’s and Boston’s seventeenth-century street plans reflected the haphazard arrangement of medieval cities in Europe.
纽约和波士顿 17 世纪的街道规划反映了欧洲中世纪城市的随意布局。
In other cities like Philadelphia and Charleston, civic leaders laid out urban plans according to calculated systems of regular blocks and squares.
在费城和查尔斯顿等其他城市，市政领导人根据规则街区和广场的计算系统制定了城市规划。
Planners in Annapolis and Williamsburg also imposed regularity and order over their city streets through the placement of government, civic, and educational buildings.
安纳波利斯和威廉斯堡的规划者还通过政府、市政和教育建筑的布局，对城市街道施加规则和秩序。
By 1775, Boston, Newport, New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston were the five largest cities in British North America.
到 1775 年，波士顿、纽波特、纽约、费城和查尔斯顿是英属北美最大的五个城市。
Philadelphia, New York, Boston, and Charleston had populations of approximately 40,000, 25,000, 16,000, and 12,000 people, respectively.
费城、纽约、波士顿和查尔斯顿的人口分别约为 40,000、25,000、16,000 和 12,000 人。
9 Urban society was highly stratified.
9 城市社会等级森严。
At the base of the social ladder were the laboring classes, which included both enslaved and free people ranging from apprentices to master craftsmen.
社会阶梯的底层是劳动阶级，其中包括奴隶和自由人，从学徒到工匠大师。
Next came the middling sort: shopkeepers, artisans, and skilled mariners.
接下来是中等阶层：店主、工匠和熟练的水手。
Above them stood the merchant elites, who tended to be actively involved in the city’s social and political affairs, as well as in the buying, selling, and trading of goods.
在他们之上的是商人精英，他们往往积极参与城市的社会和政治事务，以及商品的买卖和交易。
Enslaved men and women had a visible presence in both northern and southern cities.
被奴役的男女在北方和南方城市中随处可见。
The bulk of the enslaved population lived in rural areas and performed agricultural labor.
大部分被奴役人口生活在农村地区并从事农业劳动。
In port cities, enslaved laborers often worked as domestic servants and in skilled trades: distilleries, shipyards, lumberyards, and ropewalks.
在港口城市，被奴役的劳工经常担任家仆和从事技术行业：酿酒厂、造船厂、伐木场和索道。
Between 1725 and 1775, slavery became increasingly significant in the northern colonies as urban residents sought greater participation in the maritime economy.
1725 年至 1775 年间，随着城市居民寻求更多地参与海洋经济，奴隶制在北方殖民地变得越来越重要。
Massachusetts was the first slave-holding colony in New England.
马萨诸塞州是新英格兰第一个奴隶制殖民地。
New York traced its connections to slavery and the slave trade back to the Dutch settlers of New Netherland in the seventeenth century.
纽约与奴隶制和奴隶贸易的联系可以追溯到十七世纪新荷兰的荷兰定居者。
Philadelphia also became an active site of the Atlantic slave trade, and enslaved people accounted for nearly 8 percent of the city’s population in 1770.
费城还成为大西洋奴隶贸易的活跃场所，1770 年被奴役的人口占该市人口的近 8%。
10 In southern cities, including Charleston, urban slavery played an important role in the market economy.
10 在包括查尔斯顿在内的南方城市，城市奴隶制在市场经济中发挥了重要作用。
Enslaved people, both rural and urban, made up the majority of the laboring population on the eve of the American Revolution.
美国革命前夕，农村和城市的奴隶占劳动人口的大多数。
Slavery was a transatlantic institution, but it developed distinct characteristics in British North America.
奴隶制是跨大西洋的制度，但它在英属北美发展出了独特的特征。
By 1750, slavery was legal in every North American colony, but local economic imperatives, demographic trends, and cultural practices all contributed to distinct colonial variants of slavery.
到 1750 年，奴隶制在每个北美殖民地都合法化，但当地的经济需要、人口趋势和文化习俗都促成了不同殖民地奴隶制的变体。
Virginia, the oldest of the English mainland colonies, imported its first enslaved laborers in 1619.
弗吉尼亚是英国大陆最古老的殖民地，于 1619 年引进了第一批奴隶劳工。
Virginia planters built larger and larger estates and guaranteed that these estates would remain intact through the use of primogeniture (in which a family’s estate would descend to the eldest male heir) and the entail (a legal procedure that prevented the breakup and sale of estates).
弗吉尼亚种植园主建造了越来越大的庄园，并通过使用长子继承权（其中家庭的庄园将传给最年长的男性继承人）和继承权（防止庄园分割和出售的法律程序）来保证这些庄园保持完整。
This distribution of property, which kept wealth and property consolidated, guaranteed that the great planters would dominate social and economic life in the Chesapeake.
这种财产分配使财富和财产得以巩固，保证了伟大的种植园主将主导切萨皮克的社会和经济生活。
This system also fostered an economy dominated by tobacco.
这一制度还培育了以烟草为主的经济。
By 1750, there were approximately one hundred thousand enslaved Africans in Virginia, at least 40 percent of the colony’s total population.
到 1750 年，弗吉尼亚州大约有 10 万被奴役的非洲人，至少占殖民地总人口的 40%。
11 Most of these enslaved people worked on large estates under the gang system of labor, working from dawn to dusk in groups with close supervision by a white overseer or enslaved “driver” who could use physical force to compel labor.
11 这些被奴役的人大多数在帮派劳动制度下的大庄园里工作，从早到晚成群结队地工作，并受到白人监工或奴隶“司机”的密切监督，他们可以使用体力强迫劳动。
Virginians used the law to protect the interests of enslavers.
弗吉尼亚人利用法律来保护奴隶主的利益。
In 1705 the House of Burgesses passed its first comprehensive slave code.
1705 年，下议院通过了第一部全面的奴隶法典。
Earlier laws had already guaranteed that the children of enslaved women would be born enslaved, conversion to Christianity would not lead to freedom, and enslavers could not free their enslaved laborers unless they transported them out of the colony.
早期的法律已经保证被奴役妇女的孩子生来就是奴隶，皈依基督教不会带来自由，奴隶主不能释放被奴役的劳工，除非他们把他们运出殖民地。
Enslavers could not be convicted of murder for killing an enslaved person; conversely, any Black Virginian who struck a white colonist would be severely whipped.
奴隶不能因杀害被奴役者而被判谋杀罪；相反，任何袭击白人殖民者的弗吉尼亚黑人都会受到严厉的鞭打。
Virginia planters used the law to maximize the profitability of their enslaved laborers and closely regulate every aspect of their daily lives.
弗吉尼亚种植园主利用法律最大限度地提高被奴役劳工的利润，并严格规范他们日常生活的各个方面。
In South Carolina and Georgia, slavery was also central to colonial life, but specific local conditions created a very different system.
在南卡罗来纳州和佐治亚州，奴隶制也是殖民生活的核心，但当地的具体条件创造了一种截然不同的制度。
Georgia was founded a philanthropic group that included James Oglethorpe.
乔治亚州成立了一个慈善团体，其中包括詹姆斯·奥格尔索普。
The trustees originally banned slavery from the colony.
受托人最初禁止殖民地实行奴隶制。
But by 1750, slavery was legal throughout the region.
但到 1750 年，奴隶制在整个地区变得合法。
South Carolina had been a slave colony from its founding and, by 1750, was the only mainland colony with a majority enslaved African population.
南卡罗来纳州从建国之初就是一个奴隶殖民地，到 1750 年，它成为唯一一个以非洲奴隶为主的大陆殖民地。
The Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, coauthored by the philosopher John Locke in 1669, explicitly legalized slavery from the very beginning.
1669 年，哲学家约翰·洛克与人合着的《卡罗莱纳基本宪法》从一开始就明确将奴隶制合法化。
Many early settlers in Carolina were enslavers from British Caribbean sugar islands, and they brought their brutal slave codes with them.
卡罗莱纳州的许多早期定居者都是来自英属加勒比糖岛的奴隶主，他们带来了残酷的奴隶法典。
Defiant enslaved people could legally be beaten, branded, mutilated, even castrated.
反抗的奴隶可以合法地被殴打、烙印、残害，甚至阉割。
In 1740 a new law stated that killing a rebellious enslaved person was not a crime and even the murder of an enslaved person was treated as a minor misdemeanor.
1740年，一项新法律规定，杀害叛逆的奴隶不构成犯罪，甚至谋杀奴隶也被视为轻微轻罪。
South Carolina also banned the freeing of enslaved laborers unless the freed person left the colony.
南卡罗来纳州还禁止释放被奴役的劳工，除非被释放的人离开殖民地。
12
12
Despite this brutal regime, a number of factors combined to give enslaved people in South Carolina more independence in their daily lives.
尽管有这种残酷的政权，但许多因素结合在一起，使南卡罗来纳州的奴隶在日常生活中获得了更多的独立性。
Rice, the staple crop underpinning the early Carolina economy, was widely cultivated in West Africa, and planters commonly requested that merchants sell them enslaved laborers skilled in the complex process of rice cultivation.
水稻是支撑早期卡罗来纳州经济的主要作物，在西非广泛种植，种植园主通常要求商人向他们出售熟练掌握水稻种植复杂过程的奴隶劳工。
Enslaved people from Senegambia were particularly prized.
来自塞内加尔的奴隶尤其受到重视。
13 The expertise of these enslaved people contributed to one of the most lucrative economies in the colonies.
13 这些被奴役者的专业知识为殖民地最赚钱的经济之一做出了贡献。
The swampy conditions of rice plantations, however, fostered dangerous diseases.
然而，水稻种植园的沼泽环境却滋生了危险的疾病。
Malaria and other tropical diseases spread and caused many enslavers to live away from their plantations.
疟疾和其他热带疾病蔓延，导致许多奴隶主远离他们的种植园生活。
These elites, who commonly owned a number of plantations, typically lived in Charleston town houses to avoid the diseases of the rice fields.
这些精英通常拥有许多种植园，通常住在查尔斯顿的联排别墅中，以避免稻田的病害。
West Africans, however, were far more likely to have a level of immunity to malaria (due to a genetic trait that also contributes to higher levels of sickle cell anemia), reinforcing planters’ racial belief that Africans were particularly suited to labor in tropical environments.
然而，西非人更有可能对疟疾具有一定程度的免疫力（由于遗传特征也导致镰状细胞性贫血水平较高），这强化了种植园主的种族信念，即非洲人特别适合在热带环境中劳动。
With plantation owners often far from home, Carolina enslaved laborers had less direct oversight than those in the Chesapeake.
由于种植园主通常远离家乡，卡罗莱纳州的奴隶劳工受到的直接监督比切萨皮克的奴隶要少。
Furthermore, many Carolina rice plantations used the task system to organize enslaved laborers.
此外，卡罗莱纳州的许多稻米种植园都使用任务制度来组织奴役劳工。
Under this system, enslaved laborers were given a number of specific tasks to complete in a day.
在这种制度下，奴隶劳动者被赋予了许多特定的任务，需要在一天内完成。
Once those tasks were complete, enslaved people often had time to grow their own crops on garden plots allotted by their enslavers.
一旦这些任务完成，被奴役的人们通常有时间在奴隶主分配的花园土地上种植自己的农作物。
Thriving underground markets allowed enslaved people here a degree of economic autonomy.
繁荣的地下市场使这里的奴隶获得了一定程度的经济自主权。
Enslaved people in Carolina also had an unparalleled degree of cultural autonomy.
卡罗来纳州的奴隶也拥有无与伦比的文化自主权。
This autonomy coupled with the frequent arrival of new Africans enabled a culture that retained many African practices.
这种自治加上新非洲人的频繁到来，形成了保留许多非洲习俗的文化。
14 Syncretic languages like Gullah and Geechee contained many borrowed African terms, and traditional African basket weaving (often combined with Native American techniques) survives in the region to this day.
Gullah 和 Geechee 等 14 种融合语言包含许多借用的非洲术语，而传统的非洲篮子编织（通常与美洲原住民技术相结合）至今仍在该地区幸存。
This unique Lowcountry culture contributed to the Stono Rebellion in September 1739.
这种独特的低地文化促成了 1739 年 9 月的斯托诺叛乱。
On a Sunday morning while planters attended church, a group of about eighty enslaved people set out for Spanish Florida under a banner that read “Liberty!,” burning plantations and killing at least twenty white settlers as they marched.
周日早上，当种植园主们去教堂做礼拜时，一群大约八十名奴隶打着“自由！”的横幅出发前往西属佛罗里达州，他们在游行过程中焚烧了种植园，杀死了至少二十名白人定居者。
They were headed for Fort Mose, a free Black settlement on the Georgia-Florida border, emboldened by the Spanish Empire’s offer of freedom to anyone enslaved by the English.
他们前往摩西堡，这是佐治亚州和佛罗里达州边境的一个自由黑人定居点，西班牙帝国向所有被英国人奴役的人提供自由，这让他们更加大胆。
The local militia defeated the rebels in battle, captured and executed many of the enslaved people, and sold others to the sugar plantations of the West Indies.
当地民兵在战斗中击败了叛军，俘虏并处决了许多奴隶，并将其他人卖到西印度群岛的甘蔗种植园。
Though the rebellion was ultimately unsuccessful, it was a violent reminder that enslaved people would fight for freedom.
尽管叛乱最终没有成功，但它强烈地提醒人们，被奴役的人们将为自由而战。
Slavery was also an important institution in the mid-Atlantic colonies.
奴隶制也是大西洋中部殖民地的一个重要制度。
While New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania never developed plantation economies, enslaved laborers were often employed on larger farms growing cereal grains.
虽然纽约、新泽西和宾夕法尼亚从未发展过种植园经济，但奴隶劳工经常受雇于种植谷物的较大农场。
Enslaved Africans worked alongside European tenant farmers on New York’s Hudson Valley “patroonships,” huge tracts of land granted to a few early Dutch families.
被奴役的非洲人与欧洲佃农一起在纽约哈德逊河谷的“赞助权”上工作，这是授予一些早期荷兰家庭的大片土地。
As previously mentioned, enslaved people were also a common sight in Philadelphia, New York City, and other ports where they worked in the maritime trades and domestic service.
如前所述，在费城、纽约市以及其他从事海上贸易和家政服务的港口，奴隶也很常见。
New York City’s economy was so reliant on slavery that over 40 percent of its population was enslaved by 1700, while 15 to 20 percent of Pennsylvania’s colonial population was enslaved by 1750.
纽约市的经济严重依赖奴隶制，到 1700 年，该市 40% 以上的人口沦为奴隶，而到 1750 年，宾夕法尼亚州殖民地人口的 15% 到 20% 沦为奴隶。
15 In New York, the high density of enslaved people and a particularly diverse European population increased the threat of rebellion.
15 在纽约，奴隶人口密度高，欧洲人口特别多样化，增加了叛乱的威胁。
A 1712 slave rebellion in New York City resulted in the deaths of nine white colonists.
1712 年纽约市的奴隶叛乱导致 9 名白人殖民者死亡。
In retribution, twenty-one enslaved people were executed and six others died by suicide before they could be burned alive.
作为报复，二十一名奴隶被处决，另外六人在被活活烧死之前自杀身亡。
In 1741, authorities uncovered another planned rebellion by enslaved Africans and poor Black and white men.
1741 年，当局发现了另一场由被奴役的非洲人和贫穷的黑人和白人策划的叛乱。
Panic unleashed a witch hunt that only stopped after thirty-two Black men, both enslaved and free, were executed alongside five poor white men.
恐慌引发了一场政治迫害，直到三十二名黑人（包括奴隶和自由人）与五名贫穷的白人一起被处决后，这场政治迫害才停止。
Another seventy were deported, likely to the sugarcane fields of the West Indies.
另有七十人被驱逐，很可能被驱逐到西印度群岛的甘蔗田。
16
16
Increasingly uneasy about the growth of slavery in the region, Quakers were the first group to turn against slavery.
贵格会对该地区奴隶制的发展越来越感到不安，他们是第一个反对奴隶制的团体。
Quaker beliefs in radical nonviolence and the fundamental equality of all human souls made slavery hard to justify.
贵格会信仰激进的非暴力和所有人类灵魂的基本平等，这使得奴隶制很难被证明是合理的。
Most commentators argued that slavery originated in war, where captives were enslaved rather than executed.
大多数评论家认为奴隶制起源于战争，俘虏被奴役而不是被处决。
To pacifist Quakers, then, the very foundation of slavery was illegitimate.
那么，对于和平主义的贵格会教徒来说，奴隶制的基础就是非法的。
Furthermore, Quaker belief in the equality of souls challenged the racial basis of slavery.
此外，贵格会对灵魂平等的信仰挑战了奴隶制的种族基础。
By 1758, Quakers in Pennsylvania disowned members who engaged in the slave trade, and by 1772 slave-owning Quakers could be expelled from their meetings.
到 1758 年，宾夕法尼亚州的贵格会成员与从事奴隶贸易的成员断绝关系，到 1772 年，拥有奴隶的贵格会成员可能会被驱逐出会议。
These local activities in Pennsylvania had broad implications as the decision to ban slavery and slave trading was debated in Quaker meetings throughout the English-speaking world.
宾夕法尼亚州的这些当地活动具有广泛的影响，因为禁止奴隶制和奴隶贸易的决定在整个英语世界的贵格会会议上进行了辩论。
The free Black population in Philadelphia and other northern cities also continually agitated against slavery.
费城和其他北方城市的自由黑人也不断鼓动反对奴隶制。
Slavery as a system of labor never took off in Massachusetts, Connecticut, or New Hampshire, though it was legal throughout the region.
奴隶制作为一种劳动制度从未在马萨诸塞州、康涅狄格州或新罕布什尔州兴起，尽管它在整个地区都是合法的。
The absence of cash crops like tobacco or rice minimized the economic use of slavery.
烟草或稻米等经济作物的缺乏最大限度地减少了奴隶制的经济利用。
In Massachusetts, only about 2 percent of the population was enslaved as late as the 1760s.
在马萨诸塞州，直到 1760 年代，只有约 2% 的人口遭受奴役。
The few enslaved people in the colony were concentrated in Boston along with a sizable free Black community that made up about 10 percent of the city’s population.
殖民地中为数不多的奴隶集中在波士顿，还有相当大的自由黑人社区，约占该市人口的 10%。
17 While slavery itself never really took root in New England, the slave trade was a central element of the region’s economy.
17 虽然奴隶制本身从未在新英格兰真正扎根，但奴隶贸易却是该地区经济的核心要素。
Every major port in the region participated to some extent in the transatlantic trade—Newport, Rhode Island, alone had at least 150 ships active in the trade by 1740—and New England also provided foodstuffs and manufactured goods to West Indian plantations.
该地区的每个主要港口都在一定程度上参与了跨大西洋贸易——到 1740 年，仅罗德岛州纽波特就有至少 150 艘船只活跃在贸易中——而新英格兰还向西印度群岛种植园提供食品和制成品。
18
18
Consumption, trade, and slavery drew the colonies closer to Great Britain, but politics and government split them further apart.
消费、贸易和奴隶制拉近了殖民地与英国的距离，但政治和政府却进一步分裂了它们。
Democracy in Europe more closely resembled oligarchies rather than republics, with only elite members of society eligible to serve in elected positions.
欧洲的民主更类似于寡头政治而不是共和政体，只有社会精英成员才有资格担任民选职位。
Most European states did not hold regular elections, with Britain and the Dutch Republic being the two major exceptions.
大多数欧洲国家没有举行定期选举，英国和荷兰共和国是两个主要例外。
However, even in these countries, only a tiny portion of males could vote.
然而，即使在这些国家，也只有一小部分男性可以投票。
In the North American colonies, by contrast, white male suffrage was far more widespread.
相比之下，在北美殖民地，白人男性的选举权要普遍得多。
In addition to having greater popular involvement, colonial government also had more power in a variety of areas.
除了有更多的民众参与外，殖民政府在各个领域也拥有更多的权力。
Assemblies and legislatures regulated businesses, imposed new taxes, cared for the poor in their communities, built roads and bridges, and made most decisions concerning education.
议会和立法机构监管企业，征收新税，照顾社区中的穷人，修建道路和桥梁，并做出大多数有关教育的决定。
Colonial Americans sued often, which in turn led to more power for local judges and more prestige in jury service.
美国殖民地经常提起诉讼，这反过来又为当地法官带来了更多权力，并在陪审团服务中获得了更高的威望。
Thus, lawyers became extremely important in American society and in turn played a greater role in American politics.
由此，律师在美国社会中变得极其重要，进而在美国政治中发挥着更大的作用。
American society was less tightly controlled than European society.
美国社会的控制不如欧洲社会严格。
This led to the rise of various interest groups, each at odds with the other.
这导致了各种利益集团的崛起，彼此之间存在矛盾。
These various interest groups arose based on commonalities in various areas.
这些不同的利益集团是基于不同领域的共性而产生的。
Some commonalities arose over class-based distinctions, while others were due to ethnic or religious ties.
一些共同点是由于阶级差异而产生的，而另一些则是由于种族或宗教联系而产生的。
One of the major differences between modern politics and colonial political culture was the lack of distinct, stable political parties.
现代政治与殖民政治文化之间的主要区别之一是缺乏独特、稳定的政党。
The most common disagreement in colonial politics was between the elected assemblies and the royal governor.
殖民地政治中最常见的分歧是民选议会和皇家总督之间的分歧。
Generally, the various colonial legislatures were divided into factions who either supported or opposed the current governor’s political ideology.
一般来说，各个殖民地立法机关分为支持或反对现任总督政治意识形态的派别。
Political structures in the colonies fell under one of three main categories: provincial (New Hampshire, New York, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia), proprietary (Pennsylvania, Delaware, New Jersey, and Maryland), and charter (Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut).
殖民地的政治结构属于三个主要类别之一：省级（新罕布什尔州、纽约州、弗吉尼亚州、北卡罗来纳州、南卡罗来纳州和佐治亚州）、专有州（宾夕法尼亚州、特拉华州、新泽西州和马里兰州）和特许州（马萨诸塞州、罗德岛州和康涅狄格州）。
Provincial colonies were the most tightly controlled by the Crown.
省级殖民地是受国王控制最严格的。
The British king appointed all provincial governors and these Crown governors could veto any decision made by their colony’s legislative assemblies.
英国国王任命了所有省长，这些总督可以否决其殖民地立法议会做出的任何决定。
Proprietary colonies had a similar structure, with one important difference: governors were appointed by a lord proprietor, an individual who had purchased or received the rights to the colony from the Crown.
专有殖民地也有类似的结构，但有一个重要的区别：总督是由领主任命的，领主是从王室购买或接收殖民地权利的个人。
Proprietary colonies therefore often had more freedoms and liberties than other North American colonies.
因此，专有殖民地往往比其他北美殖民地拥有更多的自由和自由。
Charter colonies had the most complex system of government: they were formed by political corporations or interest groups that drew up a charter clearly delineating powers between the executive, legislative, and judiciary branches of government.
特许殖民地拥有最复杂的政府体系：它们由政治公司或利益集团组成，制定宪章，明确划分政府行政、立法和司法部门之间的权力。
Rather than having appointed governors, charter colonies elected their own from among property-owning men in the colony.
特许殖民地不是任命总督，而是从殖民地拥有财产的人中选出自己的总督。
Nicholas Scull, “To the mayor, recorder, aldermen, common council, and freemen of Philadelphia this plan of the improved part of the city surveyed and laid down by the late Nicholas Scull,” Philadelphia, 1762.
尼古拉斯·斯卡尔 (Nicholas Scull)，“致费城市长、记录员、市议员、市议会和自由民，已故尼古拉斯·斯卡尔 (Nicholas Scull) 勘察并制定了该城市改善部分的计划”，费城，1762 年。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
After the governor, colonial government was broken down into two main divisions: the council and the assembly.
在总督之后，殖民政府分为两个主要部门：议会和议会。
The council was essentially the governor’s cabinet, often composed of prominent individuals within the colony, such as the head of the militia or the attorney general.
该委员会本质上是总督的内阁，通常由殖民地内的知名人士组成，例如民兵首领或总检察长。
The governor appointed these men, although the appointments were often subject to approval from Parliament.
总督任命了这些人，尽管这些任命往往需要得到议会的批准。
The assembly was composed of elected, property-owning men whose official goal was to ensure that colonial law conformed to English law.
该议会由当选的拥有财产的人组成，其官方目标是确保殖民地法律符合英国法律。
The colonial assemblies approved new taxes and the colonial budgets.
殖民地议会批准了新的税收和殖民地预算。
However, many of these assemblies saw it as their duty to check the power of the governor and ensure that he did not take too much power within colonial government.
然而，许多这些议会认为他们有责任检查总督的权力并确保他不会在殖民政府内掌握太多权力。
Unlike Parliament, most of the men who were elected to an assembly came from local districts, with their constituency able to hold their elected officials accountable to promises made.
与议会不同的是，大多数当选议员的人都来自当地选区，他们的选区能够要求当选官员对做出的承诺负责。
An elected assembly was an offshoot of the idea of civic duty, the notion that men had a responsibility to support and uphold the government through voting, paying taxes, and service in the militia.
选举产生的议会是公民义务观念的一个分支，公民义务观念认为，男人有责任通过投票、纳税和参加民兵服务来支持和维护政府。
Americans firmly accepted the idea of a social contract, the idea that government was put in place by the people.
美国人坚定地接受社会契约的观念，即政府由人民建立的观念。
Philosophers such as Thomas Hobbes and John Locke pioneered this idea, and there is evidence to suggest that these writers influenced the colonists.
托马斯·霍布斯和约翰·洛克等哲学家率先提出了这一想法，有证据表明这些作家影响了殖民者。
While in practice elites controlled colonial politics, in theory many colonists believed in the notion of equality before the law and opposed special treatment for any members of colonial society.
尽管实际上精英控制着殖民地政治，但在理论上，许多殖民者相信法律面前人人平等的观念，反对给予殖民地社会任何成员特殊待遇。
Whether African Americans, Native Americans, and women would be included in this notion of equality before the law was far less clear.
非裔美国人、美洲原住民和妇女是否会被纳入这种法律面前平等的概念还不太清楚。
Women’s role in the family became particularly complicated.
女性在家庭中的角色变得尤其复杂。
Many historians view this period as a significant time of transition.
许多历史学家认为这一时期是一个重要的过渡时期。
19 Anglo-American families during the colonial period differed from their European counterparts.
19 殖民时期的英美家庭与欧洲家庭不同。
Widely available land and plentiful natural resources allowed for greater fertility and thus encouraged more people to marry earlier in life.
广阔的土地和丰富的自然资源提高了生育率，从而鼓励更多的人早婚。
Yet while young marriages and large families were common throughout the colonial period, family sizes started to shrink by the end of the 1700s as wives asserted more control over their own bodies.
然而，尽管年轻婚姻和大家庭在整个殖民时期很常见，但到 1700 年代末，家庭规模开始缩小，因为妻子对自己的身体有了更多的控制权。
New ideas governing romantic love helped change the nature of husband-wife relationships.
管理浪漫爱情的新观念有助于改变夫妻关系的性质。
Deriving from sentimentalism, a contemporary literary movement, many Americans began to view marriage as an emotionally fulfilling relationship rather than a strictly economic partnership.
源于感伤主义这一当代文学运动，许多美国人开始将婚姻视为一种情感上满足的关系，而不是严格的经济伙伴关系。
Referring to one another as “Beloved of my Soul” or “My More Than Friend,” newspaper editor John Fenno and his wife Mary Curtis Fenno illustrate what some historians refer to as the “companionate ideal.” 20 While away from his wife, John felt a “vacuum in my existence,” a sentiment returned by Mary’s “Doting Heart.” 21 Indeed, after independence, wives began to not only provide emotional sustenance to their husbands but inculcate the principles of republican citizenship as “republican wives.” 22
报纸编辑约翰·芬诺（John Fenno）和他的妻子玛丽·柯蒂斯·芬诺（Mary Curtis Fenno）将彼此称为“我灵魂的挚爱”或“我不仅仅是朋友”，这说明了一些历史学家所说的“伴侣理想”。 20 离开妻子后，约翰感到“我的存在一片空白”，玛丽的“溺爱之心”也回应了这种感觉。 21 事实上，独立后，妻子不仅开始为丈夫提供情感寄托，而且还以“共和妻子”的身份灌输共和公民原则。 22
Marriage opened up new emotional realms for some but remained oppressive for others.
婚姻为一些人开辟了新的情感领域，但对另一些人来说仍然是压抑的。
For the millions of Americans bound in chattel slavery, marriage remained an informal arrangement rather than a codified legal relationship.
对于数百万遭受动产奴役的美国人来说，婚姻仍然是一种非正式的安排，而不是一种成文的法律关系。
For white women, the legal practice of coverture meant that women lost all their political and economic rights to their husband.
对于白人妇女来说，隐蔽的法律实践意味着妇女失去了对丈夫的所有政治和经济权利。
Divorce rates rose throughout the 1790s, as did less formal cases of abandonment.
整个 1790 年代，离婚率不断上升，非正式的遗弃案件也是如此。
Newspapers published advertisements by deserted men and women denouncing their partners.
报纸刊登了被遗弃的男女谴责其伴侣的广告。
Known as “elopement notices,” they cataloged the misbehaviors of deviant spouses, such as wives’ “indecent manner,” a way of implying sexual impropriety.
它们被称为“私奔通知”，列出了不正常配偶的不当行为，例如妻子的“不雅行为”，这是一种暗示性行为不当的方式。
As violence and inequality continued in many American marriages, wives in return highlighted their husbands’ “drunken fits” and violent rages.
随着暴力和不平等在许多美国婚姻中持续存在，妻子们反过来强调了丈夫的“醉酒发作”和暴力愤怒。
One woman noted that her partner “presented his gun at my breast .
一名妇女指出，她的伴侣“把他的枪放在我的胸前……”
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。
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and swore he would kill me.” 23
并发誓他会杀了我。” 23
That couples would turn to newspapers as a source of expression illustrates the importance of what historians call print culture.
夫妇们会将报纸作为表达的来源，这说明了历史学家所说的印刷文化的重要性。
24 Print culture includes the wide range of factors contributing to how books and other printed objects are made, including the relationship between the author and the publisher, the technical constraints of the printer, and the tastes of readers.
24 印刷文化包括影响书籍和其他印刷品制作方式的广泛因素，包括作者和出版商之间的关系、印刷商的技术限制以及读者的品味。
In colonial America, regional differences in daily life impacted the way colonists made and used printed matter.
在殖民地美国，日常生活的地区差异影响了殖民者制作和使用印刷品的方式。
However, all the colonies dealt with threats of censorship and control from imperial supervision.
然而，所有殖民地都面临着来自帝国监督的审查和控制的威胁。
In particular, political content stirred the most controversy.
其中，政治内容尤其引起争议。
From the establishment of Virginia in 1607, printing was either regarded as unnecessary given such harsh living conditions or actively discouraged.
自 1607 年弗吉尼亚州建立以来，考虑到如此恶劣的生活条件，印刷术要么被认为是不必要的，要么被积极劝阻。
The governor of Virginia, Sir William Berkeley, summed up the attitude of the ruling class in 1671: “I thank God there are no free schools nor printing .
弗吉尼亚州州长威廉·伯克利爵士 (Sir William Berkeley) 总结了 1671 年统治阶级的态度：“感谢上帝，没有免费学校，也没有印刷术……。
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。
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for learning has brought disobedience, and heresy .
因为学习带来了不服从和异端。
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。
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。
and printing has divulged them.” 25 Ironically, the circulation of handwritten tracts contributed to Berkeley’s undoing.
并且印刷已经泄露了它们。” 25 具有讽刺意味的是，手写小册子的传播导致了伯克利的毁灭。
The popularity of Nathaniel Bacon’s uprising was in part due to widely circulated tracts questioning Berkeley’s competence.
纳撒尼尔·培根起义之所以受欢迎，部分原因在于广泛流传的质疑伯克利能力的小册子。
Berkeley’s harsh repression of Bacon’s Rebellion was equally well documented.
伯克利对培根叛乱的严厉镇压同样有据可查。
It was only after Berkeley’s death in 1677 that the idea of printing in the southern colonies was revived.
直到 1677 年伯克利去世后，印刷术的想法才在南方殖民地重新兴起。
William Nuthead, an experienced English printer, set up shop in 1682, although the next governor of the colony, Thomas Culpeper, forbade Nuthead from completing a single project.
威廉·纳特海德 (William Nuthead) 是一位经验丰富的英国印刷商，他于 1682 年开设了店铺，尽管下一任殖民地总督托马斯·卡尔佩珀 (Thomas Culpeper) 禁止纳特海德完成任何一个项目。
It wasn’t until William Parks set up his printing shop in Annapolis in 1726 that the Chesapeake had a stable local trade in printing and books.
直到 1726 年威廉·帕克斯 (William Parks) 在安纳波利斯开设印刷店后，切萨皮克才在当地有了稳定的印刷和书籍贸易。
Print culture was very different in New England.
新英格兰的印刷文化非常不同。
Puritans had a respect for print from the beginning.
清教徒从一开始就尊重印刷品。
Unfortunately, New England’s authors were content to publish in London, making the foundations of Stephen Daye’s first print shop in 1639 very shaky.
不幸的是，新英格兰的作者们满足于在伦敦出版，这使得斯蒂芬·达耶 (Stephen Daye) 于 1639 年开设的第一家印刷店的根基摇摇欲坠。
Typically, printers made their money from printing sheets, not books to be bound.
通常，印刷商通过印刷纸张而不是装订书籍来赚钱。
The case was similar in Massachusetts, where the first printed work was a Freeman’s Oath .
马萨诸塞州的情况也类似，那里的第一本印刷作品是《自由人誓言》。
26 The first book was not issued until 1640, the Bay Psalm Book , of which eleven known copies survive.
26 第一本书《海湾诗篇》直到 1640 年才发行，其中已知的 11 册流传至今。
Daye’s contemporaries recognized the significance of his printing, and he was awarded 140 acres of land.
大业的同时代人认识到他印刷术的重要性，并授予他140英亩的土地。
The next large project, the first Bible to be printed in America, was undertaken by Samuel Green and Marmaduke Johnson and published in 1660.
下一个大型项目是美国印刷的第一本《圣经》，由塞缪尔·格林 (Samuel Green) 和马默杜克·约翰逊 (Marmaduke Johnson) 承担，于 1660 年出版。
That same year, the Eliot Bible, named for its translator John Eliot, was printed in the Natick dialect of the local Algonquin tribes.
同年，以译者约翰·艾略特命名的《艾略特圣经》以当地阿尔冈昆部落的纳蒂克方言印刷。
Massachusetts remained the center of colonial printing for a hundred years, until Philadelphia overtook Boston in 1770.
马萨诸塞州在一百年间一直是殖民地印刷的中心，直到 1770 年费城取代波士顿。
Philadelphia’s rise as the printing capital of the colonies began with two important features: first, the arrival of Benjamin Franklin, a scholar and businessman, in 1723, and second, waves of German immigrants who created a demand for a German-language press.
费城作为殖民地印刷之都的崛起始于两个重要特征：第一，学者兼商人本杰明·富兰克林于 1723 年到来；第二，德国移民浪潮创造了对德语印刷机的需求。
From the mid-1730s, Christopher Sauer, and later his son, met the demand for German-language newspapers and religious texts.
从 1730 年代中期开始，克里斯托弗·索尔 (Christopher Sauer) 和后来的他的儿子满足了对德语报纸和宗教文本的需求。
Nevertheless, Franklin was a one-man culture of print, revolutionizing the book trade in addition to creating public learning initiatives such as the Library Company and the Academy of Philadelphia.
尽管如此，富兰克林还是一种单人印刷文化，除了创建图书馆公司和费城学院等公共学习倡议之外，还彻底改变了图书贸易。
His Autobiography offers one of the most detailed glimpses of life in an eighteenth-century print shop.
他的自传是对 18 世纪印刷店生活最详细的了解之一。
Franklin’s Philadelphia enjoyed a flurry of newspapers, pamphlets, and books for sale.
富兰克林的费城有大量的报纸、小册子和书籍出售。
The flurry would only grow in 1776 when the Philadelphia printer Robert Bell issued hundreds of thousands of copies of Thomas Paine’s revolutionary Common Sense .
1776 年，费城印刷商罗伯特·贝尔发行了数十万册托马斯·潘恩的革命性《常识》，这股热潮才愈演愈烈。
Benjamin Franklin and David Hall, printers, Pennsylvania Currency, 1764.
本杰明·富兰克林和大卫·霍尔，印刷商，宾夕法尼亚州货币，1764 年。
Wikimedia .
维基媒体。
Debates on religious expression continued throughout the eighteenth century.
关于宗教表达的争论在整个十八世纪持续不断。
In 1711, a group of New England ministers published a collection of sermons titled Early Piety .
1711 年，一群新英格兰牧师出版了一本名为《早期虔诚》的布道集。
The most famous minister, Increase Mather, wrote the preface.
最著名的牧师英克里斯·马瑟 (Increase Mather) 撰写了序言。
In it he asked the question, “What did our forefathers come into this wilderness for?” 27 His answer was simple: to test their faith against the challenges of America and win.
他在文中提出了这样一个问题：“我们的祖先来到这片荒野是为了什么？” 27 他的回答很简单：用美国的挑战来检验他们的信心并取得胜利。
The grandchildren of the first settlers had been born into the comfort of well-established colonies and worried that their faith had suffered.
第一批定居者的孙子们出生在完善的殖民地的舒适环境中，他们担心自己的信仰受到损害。
This sense of inferiority sent colonists looking for a reinvigorated religious experience.
这种自卑感促使殖民者寻求重振宗教体验。
The result came to be known as the Great Awakening.
结果被称为“大觉醒”。
Only with hindsight does the Great Awakening look like a unified movement.
只有事后看来，大觉醒才看起来像是一场统一的运动。
The first revivals began unexpectedly in the Congregational churches of New England in the 1730s and then spread through the 1740s and 1750s to Presbyterians, Baptists, and Methodists in the rest of the thirteen colonies.
第一次复兴出人意料地于 1730 年代在新英格兰公理会教会开始，然后在 1740 年代和 1750 年代传播到其他十三个殖民地的长老会、浸信会和卫理公会。
Different places at different times experienced revivals of different intensities.
不同地点、不同时期经历了不同强度的复兴。
Yet in all of these communities, colonists discussed the same need to strip their lives of worldly concerns and return to a more pious lifestyle.
然而，在所有这些社区中，殖民者都讨论了同样的需要，即摆脱世俗生活的束缚，回归更虔诚的生活方式。
The form it took was something of a contradiction.
它所采取的形式有些矛盾。
Preachers became key figures in encouraging individuals to find a personal relationship with God.
传教士成为鼓励个人寻找与上帝的个人关系的关键人物。
The first signs of religious revival appeared in Jonathan Edwards’ congregation in Northampton, Massachusetts.
宗教复兴的第一个迹象出现在马萨诸塞州北安普顿的乔纳森·爱德华兹的会众中。
Edwards was a theologian who shared the faith of the early Puritan settlers.
爱德华兹是一位神学家，与早期清教徒定居者有着共同的信仰。
In particular, he believed in the idea of predestination, in which God had long ago decided who was damned and who was saved.
他尤其相信宿命论，即上帝很早就决定了谁会被诅咒，谁会被拯救。
However, Edwards worried that his congregation had stopped searching their souls and were merely doing good works to prove they were saved.
然而，爱德华兹担心他的会众已经停止寻找他们的灵魂，而只是做好事来证明他们已经得救。
With a missionary zeal, Edwards preached against worldly sins and called for his congregation to look inward for signs of God’s saving grace.
爱德华兹怀着传教士的热情，宣讲反对世俗罪恶的讲道，并呼吁他的会众向内寻找上帝拯救恩典的迹象。
His most famous sermon was “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God.” Suddenly, in the winter of 1734, these sermons sent his congregation into violent convulsions.
他最著名的布道是“愤怒之神手中的罪人”。 1734 年冬天，这些布道突然让他的会众剧烈震动。
The spasms first appeared among known sinners in the community.
痉挛首先出现在社区中已知的罪人中。
Over the next six months the physical symptoms spread to half of the six hundred-person congregation.
在接下来的六个月里，身体症状蔓延到六百人会众中的一半。
Edwards shared the work of his revival in a widely circulated pamphlet.
爱德华兹在一本广为流传的小册子中分享了他的复兴工作。
Over the next decade itinerant preachers were more successful in spreading the spirit of revival around America.
在接下来的十年里，巡回传教士在美国各地传播复兴精神方面更加成功。
These preachers had the same spiritual goal as Edwards but brought with them a new religious experience.
这些传教士与爱德华兹有着相同的精神目标，但带来了新的宗教体验。
They abandoned traditional sermons in favor of outside meetings where they could whip the congregation into an emotional frenzy to reveal evidence of saving grace.
他们放弃了传统的布道，转而举行户外聚会，在那里他们可以让会众陷入情感上的狂热，以揭示拯救恩典的证据。
Many religious leaders were suspicious of the enthusiasm and message of these revivals, but colonists flocked to the spectacle.
许多宗教领袖对这些复兴的热情和信息表示怀疑，但殖民者却蜂拥而至。
George Whitefield is shown supported by two women, “Hypocrisy” and “Deceit”.
乔治·怀特菲尔德得到了两位女性“虚伪”和“欺骗”的支持。
The image also includes other visual indications of the engraver’s disapproval of Whitefield, including a monkey and jester’s staff in the right-hand corner.
该图像还包括雕刻师不赞成怀特菲尔德的其他视觉迹象，包括右上角的一只猴子和小丑的手杖。
C.
C.
Corbett, publisher, “Enthusiasm display’d: or, the Moor Fields congregation,” 1739.
出版商科贝特，“热情表现：或者，沼泽地会众”，1739 年。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
Ultimately the religious revivals became a victim of the preachers’ success.
最终，宗教复兴成为传教士成功的牺牲品。
As itinerant preachers became more experimental, they alienated as many people as they converted.
随着巡回传教士变得更加具有实验性，他们疏远的人数与他们皈依的人数一样多。
In 1742, one preacher from Connecticut, James Davenport, persuaded his congregation that he had special knowledge from God.
1742 年，康涅狄格州的一位传教士詹姆斯·达文波特 (James Davenport) 说服他的会众，相信他拥有来自上帝的特殊知识。
To be saved they had to dance naked in circles at night while screaming and laughing.
为了获救，他们必须在晚上赤身裸体地转圈跳舞，同时又叫又笑。
Or they could burn the books he disapproved of.
或者他们可以烧掉他不赞成的书。
Either way, such extremism demonstrated for many that revivalism had gone wrong.
不管怎样，这种极端主义向许多人表明复兴主义已经出了问题。
31 A divide appeared by the 1740s and 1750s between “New Lights,” who still believed in a revived faith, and “Old Lights,” who thought it was deluded nonsense.
31 到了 1740 年代和 1750 年代，“新光派”和“旧光派”之间出现了分歧，“新光派”仍然相信复兴的信仰，而“旧光派”则认为这是受迷惑的胡言乱语。
By the 1760s, the religious revivals had petered out; however, they left a profound impact on America.
到了 1760 年代，宗教复兴逐渐平息。然而，他们给美国留下了深远的影响。
Leaders like Edwards and Whitefield encouraged individuals to question the world around them.
爱德华兹和怀特菲尔德等领导人鼓励人们质疑周围的世界。
This idea reformed religion in America and created a language of individualism that promised to change everything else.
这个想法改革了美国的宗教，创造了一种有望改变其他一切的个人主义语言。
If you challenged the Church, what other authority figures might you question?
如果你挑战教会，你可能会质疑哪些其他权威人物？
The Great Awakening provided a language of individualism, reinforced in print culture, which reappeared in the call for independence.
大觉醒提供了一种个人主义语言，并在印刷文化中得到强化，这种语言在独立的呼声中再次出现。
While prerevolutionary America had profoundly oligarchical qualities, the groundwork was laid for a more republican society.
虽然革命前的美国具有深刻的寡头政治特征，但为更加共和的社会奠定了基础。
However, society did not transform easily overnight.
然而，社会的转变并不是一朝一夕就能轻易完成的。
It would take intense, often physical, conflict to change colonial life.
要改变殖民地的生活，需要激烈的、通常是肉体的冲突。
Of the eighty-seven years between the Glorious Revolution (1688) and the American Revolution (1775), Britain was at war with France and French-allied Native Americans for thirty-seven of them.
从光荣革命（1688 年）到美国革命（1775 年）之间的 87 年中，英国与法国以及与法国结盟的美洲原住民为争夺其中 37 年而发生战争。
These were not wars in which European soldiers fought other European soldiers.
这些不是欧洲士兵与其他欧洲士兵作战的战争。
American militiamen fought for the British against French Catholics and their Native American allies in all of these engagements.
美国民兵在所有这些交战中为英国人对抗法国天主教徒及其美洲原住民盟友。
Warfare took a physical and spiritual toll on British colonists.
战争给英国殖民者带来了身体和精神上的损失。
British towns located on the border between New England and New France experienced intermittent raiding by French-allied Native Americans.
位于新英格兰和新法兰西边境的英国城镇遭受了与法国结盟的美洲原住民的间歇性袭击。
Raiding parties destroyed houses and burned crops, but they also took captives.
突袭部队摧毁了房屋并烧毁了农作物，但他们也俘获了俘虏。
They brought these captives to French Quebec, where some were ransomed back to their families in New England and others converted to Catholicism and remained in New France.
他们将这些俘虏带到法属魁北克省，其中一些人被赎回新英格兰的家人身边，另一些人皈依天主教并留在新法兰西。
In this sense, Catholicism threatened to capture Protestant lands and souls.
从这个意义上说，天主教威胁要夺取新教的土地和灵魂。
France and Britain feuded over the boundaries of their respective North American empires.
法国和英国因各自北美帝国的边界而发生争执。
The feud turned bloody in 1754 when a force of British colonists and Native American allies, led by young George Washington, killed a French diplomat.
1754 年，由年轻的乔治·华盛顿领导的英国殖民者和美洲原住民盟友组成的军队杀害了一名法国外交官，这场争斗变得血腥起来。
This incident led to a war, which would become known as the Seven Years’ War or the French and Indian War.
这一事件引发了一场战争，后来被称为七年战争或法国和印度战争。
In North America, the French achieved victory in the early portion of this war.
在北美，法国人在这场战争的早期取得了胜利。
They attacked and burned multiple British outposts, such as Fort William Henry in 1757.
他们袭击并烧毁了多个英国前哨基地，例如 1757 年的威廉亨利堡。
In addition, the French seemed to easily defeat British attacks, such as General Braddock’s attack on Fort Duquesne, and General Abercrombie’s attack on Fort Carillon (Ticonderoga) in 1758.
此外，法国人似乎很容易击败英国人的进攻，例如1758年布雷多克将军对杜肯堡的进攻，以及阿伯克龙比将军对卡里永堡（提康德罗加）的进攻。
These victories were often the result of alliances with Native Americans.
这些胜利往往是与美洲原住民结盟的结果。
Albert Bobbett, engraver, “Montcalm trying to stop the massacre,” c.
雕刻师阿尔伯特·博贝特（Albert Bobbett），《蒙卡尔姆试图阻止大屠杀》，c.
1870-1880.
1870-1880。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
In Europe, the war did not fully begin until 1756, when British-allied Frederick II of Prussia invaded the neutral state of Saxony.
在欧洲，战争直到 1756 年英国盟友普鲁士腓特烈二世入侵中立国萨克森才全面爆发。
As a result of this invasion, a massive coalition of France, Austria, Russia, and Sweden attacked Prussia and the few German states allied with Prussia.
这次入侵的结果是，法国、奥地利、俄罗斯和瑞典组成的庞大联盟攻击了普鲁士以及与普鲁士结盟的少数德国国家。
The ruler of Austria, Maria Theresa, hoped to conquer the province of Silesia, which had been lost to Prussia in a previous war.
奥地利统治者玛丽亚·特蕾莎希望征服在之前的战争中被普鲁士占领的西里西亚省。
In the European war, the British monetarily supported the Prussians, as well as the minor western German states of Hesse-Kassel and Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel.
在欧洲战争中，英国在财政上支持普鲁士以及德国西部的黑森-卡塞尔和不伦瑞克-沃尔芬比特尔等小州。
These subsidy payments enabled the smaller German states to fight France and allowed the excellent Prussian army to fight against the large enemy alliance.
这些补贴使德国较小的国家能够与法国作战，并使优秀的普鲁士军队能够与庞大的敌人联盟作战。
However, as in North America, the early part of the war went against the British.
然而，就像在北美一样，战争的早期阶段对英国不利。
The French defeated Britain’s German allies and forced them to surrender after the Battle of Hastenbeck in 1757.
1757 年哈斯滕贝克战役后，法国击败了英国的德国盟友并迫使他们投降。
That same year, the Austrians defeated the Prussians in the Battle of Kolín and Frederick of Prussia defeated the French at the Battle of Rossbach.
同年，奥地利人在科林战役中击败普鲁士人，普鲁士腓特烈在罗斯巴赫战役中击败法国人。
The latter battle allowed the British to rejoin the war in Europe.
后一场战役使英国重新加入了欧洲战争。
Just a month later, in December 1757, Frederick’s army defeated the Austrians at the Battle of Leuthen, reclaiming the vital province of Silesia.
仅仅一个月后，即 1757 年 12 月，腓特烈的军队在洛伊滕战役中击败了奥地利人，收复了重要的西里西亚省。
In India and throughout the world’s oceans, the British and their fleet consistently defeated the French.
在印度和世界各地的海洋上，英国及其舰队不断击败法国。
In June, for instance, Robert Clive and his Indian allies had defeated the French at the Battle of Plassey.
例如，六月，罗伯特·克莱夫和他的印度盟友在普拉西战役中击败了法国人。
With the sea firmly in their control, the British could send additional troops to North America.
由于牢牢控制了海洋，英国可以向北美增派部队。
These newly arrived soldiers allowed the British to launch new offensives.
这些新抵达的士兵使英国人能够发动新的攻势。
The large French port and fortress of Louisbourg, in present-day Nova Scotia, fell to the British in 1758.
法国的大型港口和堡垒路易斯堡（位于今新斯科舍省）于 1758 年落入英国手中。
In 1759, British general James Wolfe defeated French general Louis-Joseph de Montcalm in the Battle of the Plains of Abraham, outside Quebec City.
1759 年，英国将军詹姆斯·沃尔夫 (James Wolfe) 在魁北克城外的亚伯拉罕平原战役中击败了法国将军路易斯·约瑟夫·德·蒙卡尔姆 (Louis-Joseph de Montcalm)。
In Europe, 1759 saw the British defeat the French at the Battle of Minden and destroy large portions of the French fleet.
在欧洲，1759 年英国在明登战役中击败了法国，并摧毁了法国舰队的大部分。
The British referred to 1759 as the annus mirabilis or the year of miracles.
英国人将 1759 年称为“奇迹之年”。
These victories brought about the fall of French Canada, and war in North America ended in 1760 with the British capture of Montreal.
这些胜利导致法属加拿大沦陷，北美战争于 1760 年随着英国占领蒙特利尔而结束。
The British continued to fight against the Spanish, who entered the war in 1762.
英国继续与 1762 年参战的西班牙作战。
In this war, the Spanish successfully defended Nicaragua against British attacks but were unable to prevent the conquest of Cuba and the Philippines.
在这场战争中，西班牙成功保卫了尼加拉瓜免受英国的攻击，但无法阻止对古巴和菲律宾的征服。
The Seven Years’ War ended with the peace treaties of Paris and Hubertusburg in 1763.
1763 年巴黎和平条约与胡伯图斯堡和平条约结束了七年战争。
The British received much of Canada and North America from the French, while the Prussians retained the important province of Silesia.
英国从法国手中获得了加拿大和北美的大部分领土，而普鲁士则保留了重要的西里西亚省。
This gave the British a larger empire than they could control, which contributed to tensions that would lead to revolution.
这给了英国一个超出其控制范围的更大的帝国，这加剧了紧张局势，最终导致了革命。
In particular, it exposed divisions within the newly expanded empire, including language, national affiliation, and religious views.
特别是，它暴露了新扩张的帝国内部的分歧，包括语言、民族归属和宗教观点。
When the British captured Quebec in 1760, a newspaper distributed in the colonies to celebrate the event boasted: “The time will come, when Pope and Friar/Shall both be roasted in the fire/When the proud Antichristian whore/will sink, and never rise more.” 32
当英国人于 1760 年占领魁北克时，一份在殖民地发行的庆祝这一事件的报纸夸口道：“那一天将会到来，届时教皇和修道士/都将在火中被烤/那时骄傲的反基督教妓女/将沉没，再也不会崛起。” 32
American colonists rejoiced over the defeat of Catholic France and felt secure that the Catholics in Quebec could no longer threaten them.
美国殖民者对天主教法国的失败感到高兴，并确信魁北克的天主教徒无法再威胁他们。
Of course, some American colonies had been a haven for religious minorities since the seventeenth century.
当然，自十七世纪以来，一些美洲殖民地一直是宗教少数群体的避风港。
Catholic Maryland, for example, evidenced early religious pluralism.
例如，天主教马里兰州就证明了早期的宗教多元化。
But practical toleration of Catholics existed alongside virulent anti-Catholicism in public and political arenas.
但在公共和政治领域，对天主教徒的实际宽容与恶毒的反天主教主义并存。
It was a powerful and enduring rhetorical tool borne out of warfare and competition between Britain and France.
这是英国和法国之间战争和竞争中产生的一种强大而持久的修辞工具。
In part because of constant conflict with Catholic France, Britons on either side of the Atlantic rallied around Protestantism.
部分原因是由于与天主教法国的持续冲突，大西洋两岸的英国人团结在新教周围。
British ministers in England called for a coalition to fight French and Catholic empires.
英国驻英格兰大臣呼吁建立联盟来对抗法国和天主教帝国。
Missionary organizations such as the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel were founded at the turn of the eighteenth century to evangelize Native Americans and limit Jesuit conversions.
基督教知识促进协会和福音传播协会等传教组织成立于十八世纪之交，旨在向美洲原住民传福音并限制耶稣会皈依。
The Protestant revivals of the so-called Great Awakening crisscrossed the Atlantic and founded a participatory religious movement during the 1730s and 1740s that united British Protestant churches.
所谓的大觉醒运动的新教复兴席卷了大西洋，并在 1730 年代和 1740 年代发起了一场参与性宗教运动，联合了英国新教教会。
Preachers and merchants alike urged greater Atlantic trade to bind the Anglophone Protestant Atlantic through commerce and religion.
传教士和商人都敦促扩大大西洋贸易，通过商业和宗教将英语新教大西洋地区联系起来。
Relationships between colonists and Native Americans were complex and often violent.
殖民者和美洲原住民之间的关系复杂且常常充满暴力。
In 1761, Neolin, a prophet, received a vision from his religion’s main deity, known as the Master of Life.
1761 年，先知尼奥林 (Neolin) 从他的宗教主神（被称为生命之主）那里得到了异象。
The Master of Life told Neolin that the only way to enter heaven would be to cast off the corrupting influence of Europeans by expelling the British: “This land where ye dwell I have made for you and not for others.
生命之主告诉尼奥林，进入天堂的唯一途径就是驱逐英国人，摆脱欧洲人的腐败影响：“你们居住的这片土地是我为你们而不是为别人创造的。
Whence comes it that ye permit the Whites upon your lands.
你们从哪里允许白人进入你们的土地。
.
。
.
。
.
。
Drive them out, make war upon them.” 33 Neolin preached the avoidance of alcohol, a return to traditional rituals, and unity among Indigenous people to his disciples, including Pontiac, an Ottawa leader.
把他们赶出去，向他们发动战争。” 33 尼奥林向他的门徒（包括渥太华领导人庞蒂亚克）宣扬避免饮酒、回归传统仪式以及土著人民之间的团结。
Pontiac took Neolin’s words to heart and sparked the beginning of what would become known as Pontiac’s War.
庞蒂亚克将尼奥林的话牢记在心，并引发了后来被称为庞蒂亚克战争的开始。
At its height, the uprising included Native peoples from the territory between the Great Lakes, the Appalachians, and the Mississippi River.
在其鼎盛时期，起义的成员包括来自五大湖、阿巴拉契亚山脉和密西西比河之间地区的原住民。
Though Pontiac did not command all of those participating in the war, his actions were influential in its development.
尽管庞蒂亚克并没有指挥所有参战人员，但他的行动对战争的发展产生了影响。
Pontiac and three hundred warriors sought to take Fort Detroit by surprise in May 1763, but the plan was foiled, resulting in a six-month siege of the British fort.
1763 年 5 月，庞蒂亚克和三百名战士试图突袭底特律堡，但该计划遭到挫败，导致英国堡垒被围困了六个月。
News of the siege quickly spread and inspired more attacks on British forts and settlers.
围困的消息迅速传播开来，引发了对英国堡垒和定居者的更多袭击。
In May, Native Americans captured Forts Sandusky, St. Joseph, and Miami.
5 月，美洲原住民占领了桑达斯基堡、圣约瑟夫堡和迈阿密。
In June, a coalition of Ottawas and Ojibwes captured Fort Michilimackinac by staging a game of stickball (lacrosse) outside the fort.
六月，渥太华和奥及布威联军在米奇利麦基诺堡外举行棍球比赛，占领了米奇利麦基诺堡。
They chased the ball into the fort, gathered arms that had been smuggled in by a group of Native American women, and killed almost half of the fort’s British soldiers.
他们将球追进堡垒，收集了一群美国原住民妇女走私进来的武器，杀死了堡垒中几乎一半的英国士兵。
Though these Native Americans were indeed responding to Neolin’s religious message, there were many other practical reasons for waging war on the British.
尽管这些美洲原住民确实是在回应尼奥林的宗教信息，但对英国人发动战争还有许多其他实际原因。
After the Seven Years’ War, Britain gained control of formerly French territory as a result of the Treaty of Paris.
七年战争结束后，英国通过《巴黎条约》获得了对原法国领土的控制。
Whereas the French had maintained a peaceful and relatively equal relationship with their Native American allies through trade, the British hoped to profit from and impose “order.” For example, the French often engaged in the Indigenous practice of diplomatic gift giving.
法国人通过贸易与美洲原住民盟友保持着和平且相对平等的关系，而英国人则希望从中获利并强加“秩序”。例如，法国人经常采用本土的外交礼品赠送做法。
However, British general Jeffrey Amherst discouraged this practice and regulated the trade or sale of firearms and ammunition to Indigenous people.
然而，英国将军杰弗里·阿默斯特（Jeffrey Amherst）不鼓励这种做法，并规范向土著人民进行枪支和弹药的贸易或销售。
Most Native Americans, including Pontiac, saw this not as frugal imperial policy but preparation for war.
大多数美洲原住民，包括庞蒂亚克，认为这不是节俭的帝国政策，而是为战争做准备。
Pontiac’s War lasted until 1766.
庞蒂亚克战争一直持续到1766年。
Native American warriors attacked British forts and frontier settlements, killing as many as four hundred soldiers and two thousand settlers.
美洲原住民战士袭击了英国堡垒和边境定居点，杀死了多达四百名士兵和两千名定居者。
34 Disease and a shortage of supplies ultimately undermined the war effort, and in July 1766 Pontiac met with British official and diplomat William Johnson at Fort Ontario and settled for peace.
34 疾病和物资短缺最终破坏了战争的努力，1766 年 7 月，庞蒂亚克在安大略堡会见了英国官员兼外交官威廉·约翰逊，并达成了和平协议。
Though they did not win Pontiac’s War, Native Americans succeeded in fundamentally altering the British government’s policy.
尽管美洲原住民没有赢得庞蒂亚克战争，但他们成功地从根本上改变了英国政府的政策。
The war made British officials recognize that peace in the West would require royal protection of Native American lands and heavy-handed regulation of Anglo-American trade activity in territory controlled by Native Americans.
这场战争使英国官员认识到，西方的和平需要皇家保护美洲原住民的土地，并对美洲原住民控制的领土上的英美贸易活动进行严厉监管。
During the war, the British Crown issued the Royal Proclamation of 1763, which created the proclamation line marking the Appalachian Mountains as the boundary between the British colonies and land held controlled by Native Americans.
战争期间，英国王室发布了 1763 年皇家公告，划定了一条公告线，将阿巴拉契亚山脉标记为英国殖民地和美洲原住民控制的土地之间的边界。
The effects of Pontiac’s War were substantial and widespread.
庞蒂亚克战争的影响是巨大而广泛的。
The war proved that coercion was not an effective strategy for imperial control, though the British government would continue to employ this strategy to consolidate their power in North America, most notably through the various acts imposed on their colonies.
战争证明，强制并不是帝国控制的有效策略，尽管英国政府将继续采用这一策略来巩固其在北美的权力，最显着的是通过对其殖民地施加的各种行为。
Additionally, the prohibition of Anglo-American settlement in Native American territory, especially the Ohio River Valley, sparked discontent.
此外，禁止英美人在美洲原住民领土，特别是俄亥俄河谷定居，引发了不满。
The French immigrant Michel-Guillaume-Saint-Jean de Crèvecoeur articulated this discontent most clearly in his 1782 Letters from an American Farmer when he asked, “What then is the American, this new man?” In other words, why did colonists start thinking of themselves as Americans, not Britons?
法国移民米歇尔·纪尧姆·圣让·德·克雷维科尔在他 1782 年的《一位美国农民的来信》中最清楚地表达了这种不满，他问道：“那么，这个新人的美国人是什么？”换句话说，为什么殖民者开始认为自己是美国人，而不是英国人？
Crèvecoeur suggested that America was a melting pot of self-reliant individual landholders, fiercely independent in pursuit of their own interests, and free from the burdens of European class systems.
克雷夫科尔认为，美国是一个自力更生的个人土地所有者的熔炉，他们在追求自己的利益时非常独立，并且摆脱了欧洲阶级制度的负担。
It was an answer many wanted to hear and fit with self-conceptions of the new nation, albeit one that imagined itself as white, male, and generally Protestant.
这是许多人想听到的答案，并且符合这个新国家的自我观念，尽管这个国家将自己想象为白人、男性和普遍的新教徒。
35 The Seven Years’ War pushed the thirteen American colonies closer together politically and culturally than ever before.
35 七年战争使美国十三个殖民地在政治和文化上比以往任何时候都更加紧密地联系在一起。
In 1754, at the Albany Congress, Benjamin Franklin suggested a plan of union to coordinate defenses across the continent.
1754 年，在奥尔巴尼国会上，本杰明·富兰克林提出了一项联盟计划，以协调整个大陆的防御。
Tens of thousands of colonials fought during the war.
数以万计的殖民者在战争中参战。
At the French surrender in 1760, 11,000 British soldiers joined 6,500 militia members drawn from every colony north of Pennsylvania.
1760 年法国投降时，11,000 名英国士兵加入了从宾夕法尼亚州北部每个殖民地抽调出来的 6,500 名民兵。
36 At home, many heard or read sermons that portrayed the war as a struggle between civilizations with liberty-loving Britons arrayed against tyrannical Frenchmen and savage Indigenous people.
36 在国内，许多人听到或读到的布道将这场战争描述为不同文明之间的斗争，热爱自由的英国人与残暴的法国人和野蛮的土著人民进行了斗争。
American colonists rejoiced in their collective victory as a moment of newfound peace and prosperity.
美国殖民者为他们的集体胜利感到高兴，这是新发现的和平与繁荣的时刻。
After nearly seven decades of warfare they looked to the newly acquired lands west of the Appalachian Mountains as their reward.
经过近七年的战争，他们将阿巴拉契亚山脉以西新获得的土地作为回报。
Benjamin Franklin, Join or Die, May 9, 1754.
本杰明·富兰克林，《加入或死亡》，1754 年 5 月 9 日。
Library of Congress .
国会图书馆。
The Seven Years’ War was tremendously expensive and precipitated imperial reforms on taxation, commerce, and politics.
七年战争耗资巨大，促使帝国在税收、商业和政治方面进行改革。
Britain spent over £140 million, an astronomical figure for the day, and the expenses kept coming as new territory required new security obligations.
英国花费了超过 1.4 亿英镑，这在当时是一个天文数字，而且随着新领土需要新的安全义务，开支不断增加。
Britain wanted to recoup some of its expenses and looked to the colonies to share the costs of their own security.
英国希望收回部分开支，并希望殖民地分担自身安全的成本。
To do this, Parliament started legislating over all the colonies in a way rarely done before.
为此，议会开始以前所未有的方式对所有殖民地进行立法。
As a result, the colonies began seeing themselves as a collective group, rather than just distinct entities.
结果，殖民地开始将自己视为一个集体群体，而不仅仅是不同的实体。
Different taxation schemes implemented across the colonies between 1763 and 1774 placed duties on items like tea, paper, molasses, and stamps for almost every kind of document.
1763 年至 1774 年间，各殖民地实施了不同的税收计划，对茶叶、纸张、糖蜜和几乎所有类型文件的邮票等物品征收关税。
Consumption and trade, an important bond between Britain and the colonies, was being threatened.
英国与殖民地之间的重要纽带消费和贸易正受到威胁。
To enforce these unpopular measures, Britain implemented increasingly restrictive policies that eroded civil liberties like protection from unlawful searches and jury trials.
为了执行这些不受欢迎的措施，英国实施了越来越严格的政策，这些政策侵蚀了公民自由，例如免受非法搜查和陪审团审判的保护。
The rise of an antislavery movement made many colonists worry that slavery would soon be attacked.
反奴隶制运动的兴起让许多殖民者担心奴隶制很快就会受到攻击。
The moratorium on new settlements in the West after Pontiac’s War was yet another disappointment.
庞蒂亚克战争后，西方暂停新定居点的建设又令人失望。
By 1763, Americans had never been more united.
到 1763 年，美国人变得前所未有的团结。
They fought and they celebrated together.
他们一起战斗，一起庆祝。
But they also recognized that they were not considered full British subjects, that they were considered something else.
但他们也认识到，他们不被视为完全的英国臣民，而是被视为其他东西。
Americans across the colonies viewed imperial reforms as threats to the British liberties they saw as their birthright.
殖民地的美国人将帝国的改革视为对他们视为与生俱来的权利的英国自由的威胁。
The Stamp Act Congress of 1765 brought colonial leaders together in an unprecedented show of cooperation against taxes imposed by Parliament, and popular boycotts of British goods created a common narrative of sacrifice, resistance, and shared political identity.
1765 年的印花税法案大会将殖民地领导人聚集在一起，以前所未有的方式合作反对议会征收的税收，而对英国商品的普遍抵制创造了关于牺牲、抵抗和共同政治身份的共同叙述。
A rebellion loomed.
叛乱迫在眉睫。
1.
1.
Boston trader Sarah Knight on her travels in Connecticut, 1704
波士顿交易员莎拉·奈特在康涅狄格州旅行，1704 年
Sarah Knight traveled from her home in Massachusetts to trade goods.
莎拉·奈特从马萨诸塞州的家出发进行货物贸易。
Through her diary, we can get a sense of life during the consumer revolution, as well as some of the prejudices and inequalities that shaped life in eighteenth-century New England.
通过她的日记，我们可以了解消费革命期间的生活，以及塑造十八世纪新英格兰生活的一些偏见和不平等。
Eliza Lucas was born into a moderately wealthy family in South Carolina.
伊丽莎·卢卡斯出生于南卡罗来纳州的一个中等富裕家庭。
Throughout her life she shrewdly managed her money and greatly added to her family’s wealth.
她一生精明地管理自己的钱财，大大增加了家族的财富。
These two letters from an unusually intelligent financial manager offer a glimpse into the commercial revolution and social worlds of the early eighteenth century.
一位异常聪明的财务经理的这两封信让我们得以一窥 18 世纪初的商业革命和社会世界。
Jonathan Edwards catalyzed the revivals known as the Great Awakening.
乔纳森·爱德华兹催化了被称为“大觉醒”的复兴。
While Edwards was not the most prolific revivalist of the era—that honor belonged to George Whitefield—he did deliver the most famous sermon of the eighteenth century, commonly called “Sinners in the Hands of Angry God.” This excerpt is drawn from the final portion of the sermon, known as the application, where hearers were called to take action.
虽然爱德华兹并不是那个时代最多产的复兴主义者——这一荣誉属于乔治·怀特菲尔德——但他确实发表了十八世纪最著名的布道，通常被称为“愤怒的上帝手中的罪人”。这段摘录摘自布道的最后部分，称为应用，听众被要求采取行动。
Samson Occom was raised with the traditional spirituality of his Mohegan parents but converted to Christianity during the Great Awakening.
萨姆森·奥科姆（Samson Occom）在他的莫西干父母的传统灵性影响下长大，但在大觉醒期间皈依了基督教。
He then studied for the ministry and became a missionary, minister, and teacher on Long Island, New York.
随后，他开始学习传道工作，并成为纽约长岛的一名传教士、牧师和教师。
Despite his successful ministry, Occom struggled to receive the same level of support as white missionaries.
尽管奥康姆的事工取得了成功，但他仍难以获得与白人传教士同等水平的支持。
Gibson Clough enlisted in the militia during the Seven Years War.
吉布森·克拉夫在七年战争期间加入了民兵。
His diary shows the experience of soldiers in the conflict, but also reveals the brutal discipline of the British regular army.
他的日记展现了士兵在冲突中的经历，同时也揭示了英国正规军残酷的纪律。
Soldiers like Clough ended their term of service with pride in their role defending the glory of Britain but also suspicion of the rigid British military.
像克拉夫这样的士兵在结束服役时，对自己捍卫英国荣耀的角色感到自豪，但同时也对英国军队的僵化表示怀疑。
Pontiac, an Ottawa war chief, drew on the teachings of the prophet Neolin to rally resistance to European powers.
渥太华战争首领庞蒂亚克利用先知尼奥林的教义来集结对欧洲列强的抵抗。
This passage includes Neolin’s call that Native Americans abandon ways of life adapted after contact with Europeans.
这段文字包括尼奥林的呼吁，即美洲原住民放弃与欧洲人接触后适应的生活方式。
7.
7.
Alibamo Mingo, Choctaw leader, reflects on the British and French, 1765
乔克托族领袖阿里巴莫·明戈反思英国和法国，1765 年
The end of the Seven Years War brought shockwaves throughout Native American communities.
七年战争的结束给整个美洲原住民社区带来了冲击。
With the French removed from North America, their former Native American allies were forced to adapt quickly.
随着法国人离开北美，他们以前的美洲原住民盟友被迫迅速适应。
In this document, a Choctaw leader expresses his concern over the new political reality.
在这份文件中，一位乔克托领导人表达了他对新政治现实的担忧。
Religion played an important role in each of the British colonies – for different reasons.
由于不同的原因，宗教在每个英国殖民地都发挥着重要作用。
In Virginia, the Anglican church was the official religion of the colonial government and colonists had to attend or be fined, so churches like Christ Church became important sites for political, economic, and social activity that reinforced the dominance of the planter elite.
在弗吉尼亚州，英国圣公会是殖民政府的官方宗教，殖民者必须参加，否则就会被罚款，因此基督堂等教堂成为政治、经济和社会活动的重要场所，强化了种植园主精英的统治地位。
Robert “King” Carter built this church on the site of an earlier one built by his father.
罗伯特“国王”卡特在他父亲早期建造的一座教堂的遗址上建造了这座教堂。
The Carter tombs belong to Robert Carter and his first and second wives.
卡特墓属于罗伯特·卡特及其第一任和第二任妻子。
The colonial road that stopped at the door of the church went directly to the Carter family estate.
停在教堂门口的殖民道路直通卡特家族庄园。
Pews corresponded with social status: the highest ranking member of the gentry sat in the pew before the altar, across from the pulpit.
长椅与社会地位相对应：贵族中地位最高的成员坐在祭坛前、讲坛对面的长椅上。
Poor whites sat at the back, and enslaved men and women who came to church would have stood or taken the seats closest to the door – cold in winter, hot in summer, and farthest from the preacher.
贫穷的白人坐在后面，而来到教堂的奴隶男女会站着或坐在最靠近门的座位上——冬天寒冷，夏天炎热，距离传教士最远。
Many churches eventually built separate gallery seating for the enslaved who attended services.
许多教堂最终为参加仪式的奴隶建造了单独的画廊座位。
These churches were criticized during the Great Awakening, particularly by Baptists, who preached the equality of souls and felt the Anglican church was lacking in religiosity.
这些教会在大觉醒期间受到批评，特别是浸信会，他们宣扬灵魂平等，并认为英国圣公会缺乏宗教信仰。
Colonial elites used clothing, houses, portraits, furniture, and manners to participate in a culture of gentility that they believed placed them on an equal footing with elites in England.
殖民地精英利用服装、房屋、肖像、家具和礼仪来参与一种绅士文化，他们相信这种文化使他们与英国精英处于平等地位。
Robert Feke’s 1741 portrait of the Royall family portrays Isaac Royall Jr. at age 22, just two years after he inherited his father’s estate, including the family mansion outside Boston, a sugar plantation on Antigua, and eighteen enslaved African Americans, which helped him become one of the wealthiest men in the colony of Massachusetts.
罗伯特·费克 (Robert Feke) 于 1741 年绘制的罗亚尔家族肖像画描绘了小艾萨克·罗亚尔 (Isaac Royall Jr.) 22 岁的情景，就在他继承父亲的遗产两年后，其中包括波士顿郊外的家族宅邸、安提瓜岛的一座甘蔗种植园，以及 18 名被奴役的非裔美国人，这帮助他成为马萨诸塞州殖民地最富有的人之一。
He married Elizabeth McIntosh (wearing blue), aged fifteen at the time of her marriage in 1738, confirming his position among the colonial elite.
1738 年，他与伊丽莎白·麦金托什 (Elizabeth McIntosh)（穿蓝色衣服）结婚，结婚时她十五岁，确立了他在殖民地精英中的地位。
Their eight-month-old daughter, Elizabeth, holds a coral teething stick with a gold and ivory handle (coral was traditionally believed to ward off evil spirits).
他们八个月大的女儿伊丽莎白拿着一根带有金色和象牙手柄的珊瑚磨牙棒（传统上认为珊瑚可以辟邪）。
Also pictured is Penelope Royall Vassall, Isaac’s sister who married a Jamaican planter, and his sister-in-law, Mary McIntosh Palmer.
照片中还包括艾萨克的妹妹佩内洛普·罗亚尔·瓦萨尔（Penelope Royall Vassall），她嫁给了牙买加种植园主，以及他的嫂子玛丽·麦金托什·帕尔默（Mary McIntosh Palmer）。
Mary Palmer’s pointed finger and Isaac Royall’s hand on his hip were poses drawn from other major artistic works and were intended to convey their ease and refinement, while their silken clothes communicated wealth.
玛丽·帕尔默（Mary Palmer）的尖指和艾萨克·罗亚尔（Isaac Royall）放在臀部的手的姿势来自其他主要艺术作品，旨在传达他们的轻松和精致，而他们的丝绸衣服则传达了财富。
This chapter was edited by Nora Slonimsky, with content contributions by Emily Arendt, Ethan R.
本章由 Nora Slonimsky 编辑，内容由 Emily Arendt、Ethan R.
Bennett, John Blanton, Alexander Burns, Mary Draper, Jamie Goodall, Jane Fiegen Green, Hendrick Isom, Kathryn Lasdow, Allison Madar, Brooke Palmieri, Katherine Smoak, Christopher Sparshott, Ben Wright, and Garrett Wright.
贝内特、约翰·布兰顿、亚历山大·伯恩斯、玛丽·德雷珀、杰米·古道尔、简·菲根·格林、亨德里克·伊索姆、凯瑟琳·拉斯多、艾莉森·马达尔、布鲁克·帕尔米耶里、凯瑟琳·斯莫克、克里斯托弗·斯帕肖特、本·赖特和加勒特·赖特。
Recommended citation: Emily Arendt et al., “Colonial Society,” Nora Slonimsky, ed., in The American Yawp , eds.
推荐引用：Emily Arendt 等人，“殖民社会”，Nora Slonimsky 编辑，载于 The American Yawp 编辑。
Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).
约瑟夫·洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。