The American Yawp

美国狂吠

· The American Yawp (Stanford open textbook) · 原文

Theodor de Bry, “Negotiating Peace With the Indians,” 1634, Virginia Historical Society .

Theodor de Bry，“与印第安人谈判和平”，1634 年，弗吉尼亚历史学会。

* NOTE: You are viewing a chapter from the archived, “First Edition” version of the American Yawp, which stopped receiving updates in spring 2026.

* 注意：您正在查看《American Yawp》存档的“第一版”版本中的章节，该版本已于 2026 年春季停止接收更新。

Click here to access the current, updated edition *

单击此处访问当前的更新版本*

The Columbian Exchange transformed both sides of the Atlantic, but with dramatically disparate outcomes.

New diseases wiped out entire civilizations in the Americas, while newly imported nutrient-rich foodstuffs enabled a European population boom.

新的疾病摧毁了美洲的整个文明，而新进口的营养丰富的食品则使欧洲人口激增。

Spain benefited most immediately as the wealth of the Aztec and Incan Empires strengthened the Spanish monarchy.

由于阿兹特克帝国和印加帝国的财富加强了西班牙君主制，西班牙立即受益匪浅。

Spain used its new riches to gain an advantage over other European nations, but this advantage was soon contested.

西班牙利用其新的财富获得了相对于其他欧洲国家的优势，但这种优势很快就受到了挑战。

Portugal, France, the Netherlands, and England all raced to the New World, eager to match the gains of the Spanish.

葡萄牙、法国、荷兰和英格兰都竞相前往新大陆，渴望追平西班牙的战果。

Native peoples greeted the new visitors with responses ranging from welcoming cooperation to aggressive violence, but the ravages of disease and the possibility of new trading relationships enabled Europeans to create settlements all along the western rim of the Atlantic world.

土著人民用从欢迎合作到侵略性暴力等不同的反应来迎接新来者，但疾病的破坏和新贸易关系的可能性使欧洲人能够在大西洋世界的西缘建立定居点。

New empires would emerge from these tenuous beginnings, and by the end of the seventeenth century, Spain would lose its privileged position to its rivals.

新的帝国将从这些脆弱的开端中崛起，到十七世纪末，西班牙将失去其竞争对手的特权地位。

An age of colonization had begun and, with it, a great collision of cultures commenced.

殖民时代已经开始，随之而来的是文化的巨大碰撞。

Spain extended its reach in the Americas after reaping the benefits of its colonies in Mexico, the Caribbean, and South America.

西班牙在获得墨西哥、加勒比海和南美洲殖民地的好处后，将其影响力扩展到了美洲。

Expeditions slowly began combing the continent and bringing Europeans into the modern-day United States in the hopes of establishing religious and economic dominance in a new territory.

探险队开始慢慢地探索这片大陆，并将欧洲人带入现代的美国，希望在新的领土上建立宗教和经济统治地位。

Juan Ponce de León arrived in the area named La Florida in 1513.

胡安·庞塞·德莱昂 (Juan Ponce de León) 于 1513 年抵达名为“佛罗里达”的地区。

He found between 150,000 and 300,000 Native Americans.

他发现了 150,000 至 300,000 名美洲原住民。

But then two and a half centuries of contact with European and African peoples—whether through war, slave raids, or, most dramatically, foreign disease—decimated Florida’s Indigenous population.

但随后两个半世纪以来，与欧洲和非洲人民的接触——无论是通过战争、奴隶袭击，还是最引人注目的外来疾病——导致佛罗里达州的原住民人口锐减。

European explorers, meanwhile, had hoped to find great wealth in Florida, but reality never aligned with their imaginations.

与此同时，欧洲探险家曾希望在佛罗里达州找到巨大的财富，但现实与他们的想象并不相符。

1513 Atlantic map from cartographer Martin Waldseemuller.

制图师 Martin Waldseemuller 绘制的 1513 年大西洋地图。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

In the first half of the sixteenth century, Spanish colonizers fought frequently with Florida’s Native peoples as well as with other Europeans.

十六世纪上半叶，西班牙殖民者与佛罗里达州原住民以及其他欧洲人经常发生战争。

In the 1560s Spain expelled French Protestants, called Huguenots, from the area near modern-day Jacksonville in northeast Florida.

1560 年代，西班牙将法国新教徒（称为胡格诺派）驱逐出靠近现代佛罗里达州东北部杰克逊维尔的地区。

In 1586 English privateer Sir Francis Drake burned the wooden settlement of St. Augustine.

1586 年，英国私掠船弗朗西斯·德雷克爵士 (Sir Francis Drake) 烧毁了圣奥古斯丁的木质定居点。

At the dawn of the seventeenth century, Spain’s reach in Florida extended from the mouth of the St. Johns River south to the environs of St. Augustine—an area of roughly 1,000 square miles.

十七世纪初，西班牙在佛罗里达的势力范围从圣约翰河河口向南延伸到圣奥古斯丁周边地区，面积约 1,000 平方英里。

The Spaniards attempted to duplicate methods for establishing control used previously in Mexico, the Caribbean, and the Andes.

西班牙人试图复制以前在墨西哥、加勒比海和安第斯山脉使用的建立控制的方法。

The Crown granted missionaries the right to live among Timucua and Guale villagers in the late 1500s and early 1600s and encouraged settlement through the encomienda system (grants of Native labor).

1500 年代末和 1600 年代初，国王授予传教士在 Timucua 和 Guale 村民中生活的权利，并鼓励通过 encomienda 制度（给予土著劳动力）定居。

In the 1630s, the mission system extended into the Apalachee district in the Florida panhandle.

1630 年代，传教系统延伸至佛罗里达州狭长地带的阿巴拉奇地区。

The Apalachee, one of the most powerful tribes in Florida at the time of contact, claimed the territory from the modern Florida-Georgia border to the Gulf of Mexico.

阿巴拉奇人是佛罗里达州当时最强大的部落之一，他们声称拥有从现代佛罗里达州-乔治亚州边境到墨西哥湾的领土。

Apalachee farmers grew an abundance of corn and other crops.

阿巴拉契农民种植了大量的玉米和其他农作物。

Native American traders carried surplus products east along the Camino Real (the royal road) that connected the western anchor of the mission system with St. Augustine.

美洲原住民商人沿着连接传教系统西部锚点和圣奥古斯丁的卡米诺雷亚尔（皇家道路）向东运送剩余产品。

Spanish settlers drove cattle eastward across the St. Johns River and established ranches as far west as Apalachee.

西班牙定居者驱赶牲畜跨过圣约翰河向东迁移，并在西至阿巴拉奇建立了牧场。

Still, Spain held Florida tenuously.

尽管如此，西班牙仍脆弱地控制着佛罗里达。

Farther west, in 1598, Juan de Oñate led four hundred settlers, soldiers, and missionaries from Mexico into New Mexico.

再往西，1598 年，胡安·德·奥尼亚特 (Juan de Oñate) 率领 400 名定居者、士兵和传教士从墨西哥进入新墨西哥州。

The Spanish Southwest had brutal beginnings.

西班牙西南部有着残酷的开端。

When Oñate sacked the Pueblo city of Acoma, the “sky city,” the Spaniards slaughtered nearly half of its roughly 1,500 inhabitants, including women and children.

当奥尼亚特 (Oñate) 洗劫了普韦布洛市阿科马 (“天空之城”) 时，西班牙人屠杀了该城大约 1,500 名居民中的近一半，其中包括妇女和儿童。

Oñate ordered one foot cut off every surviving male over age fifteen, and he enslaved the remaining women and children.

奥纳特下令砍掉十五岁以上幸存男性的一只脚，并奴役了剩下的妇女和儿童。

Santa Fe, the first permanent European settlement in the Southwest, was established in 1610.

圣达菲 (Santa Fe) 成立于 1610 年，是西南部第一个欧洲永久定居点。

Few Spaniards relocated to the Southwest because of the distance from Mexico City and the dry and hostile environment.

由于距离墨西哥城较远且环境干燥恶劣，很少有西班牙人搬到西南部。

Thus, the Spanish never achieved a commanding presence in the region.

因此，西班牙人从未在该地区取得过统治地位。

By 1680, only about three thousand colonists called Spanish New Mexico home.

到 1680 年，只有大约三千名殖民者称西班牙新墨西哥为家园。

3 There, they traded with and exploited the local Puebloan peoples.

3 在那里，他们与当地普韦布洛人进行贸易并剥削他们。

The region’s Puebloan population had plummeted from as many as sixty thousand in 1600 to about seventeen thousand in 1680.

该地区的普韦布洛人口从 1600 年的六万人骤降到 1680 年的约 1.7 万人。

Spain shifted strategies after the military expeditions wove their way through the southern and western half of North America.

在军事远征穿过北美南半部和西半部后，西班牙改变了战略。

Missions became the engine of colonization in North America.

传教团成为北美殖民的引擎。

Missionaries, most of whom were members of the Franciscan religious order, provided Spain with an advance guard in North America.

传教士，其中大多数是方济各会的成员，为西班牙在北美提供了前卫力量。

Catholicism had always justified Spanish conquest, and colonization always carried religious imperatives.

天主教总是为西班牙的征服辩护，而殖民化总是带有宗教要求。

By the early seventeenth century, Spanish friars had established dozens of missions along the Rio Grande and in California.

到十七世纪初，西班牙修道士已经在格兰德河沿岸和加利福尼亚州建立了数十个传教所。

The earliest plan of New Amsterdam (now Manhattan),1660.

新阿姆斯特丹（现曼哈顿）最早的规划，1660年。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

While Spain plundered the New World, unrest plagued Europe.

当西班牙掠夺新大陆时，动乱却困扰着欧洲。

The Reformation threw England and France, the two European powers capable of contesting Spain, into turmoil.

宗教改革使英国和法国这两个能够与西班牙竞争的欧洲强国陷入了混乱。

Long and expensive conflicts drained time, resources, and lives.

漫长而昂贵的冲突耗尽了时间、资源和生命。

Millions died from religious violence in France alone.

仅在法国就有数百万人死于宗教暴力。

As the violence diminished in Europe, however, religious and political rivalries continued in the New World.

然而，随着欧洲暴力事件的减少，新世界的宗教和政治竞争仍在继续。

The Spanish exploitation of New Spain’s riches inspired European monarchs to invest in exploration and conquest.

西班牙对新西班牙财富的剥削激发了欧洲君主投资于探索和征服。

Reports of Spanish atrocities spread throughout Europe and provided a humanitarian justification for European colonization.

关于西班牙暴行的报道传遍整个欧洲，为欧洲殖民提供了人道主义理由。

An English reprint of the writings of Bartolomé de Las Casas bore the sensational title “Popery Truly Display’d in its Bloody Colours: Or, a Faithful Narrative of the Horrid and Unexampled Massacres, Butcheries, and all manners of Cruelties that Hell and Malice could invent, committed by the Popish Spanish.” An English writer explained that Native Americans “were simple and plain men, and lived without great labour,” but in their lust for gold the Spaniards “forced the people (that were not used to labour) to stand all the daie in the hot sun gathering gold in the sand of the rivers.

巴托洛梅·德·拉斯·卡萨斯著作的英文版重印本，标题耸人听闻：“教皇的血腥色彩真实地展现出来：或者，对天主教西班牙人实施的可怕且史无前例的大屠杀、屠宰以及地狱和恶意可能发明的各种残酷行为的忠实叙述”。一位英国作家解释说，美洲原住民“是简单朴素的人，生活中不需要大量的劳动”，但西班牙人出于对黄金的渴望，“强迫人们（不习惯劳动的人）站在烈日下，在河里的沙子里采集黄金。

By this means a great number of them (not used to such pains) died, and a great number of them (seeing themselves brought from so quiet a life to such misery and slavery) of desperation killed themselves.

通过这种方式，他们中的许多人（不习惯这样的痛苦）死亡，并且许多人（看到自己从如此平静的生活陷入如此痛苦和奴役）在绝望中自杀了。

And many would not marry, because they would not have their children slaves to the Spaniards.” 5 The Spanish accused their critics of fostering a “Black Legend.” The Black Legend drew on religious differences and political rivalries.

许多人不愿结婚，因为他们不想让自己的孩子成为西班牙人的奴隶。” 5 西班牙人指责他们的批评者助长了“黑人传奇”。《黑色传奇》利用了宗教差异和政治对抗。

Spain had successful conquests in France, Italy, Germany, and the Netherlands and left many in those nations yearning to break free from Spanish influence.

西班牙成功征服了法国、意大利、德国和荷兰，使这些国家的许多人渴望摆脱西班牙的影响。

English writers argued that Spanish barbarities were foiling a tremendous opportunity for the expansion of Christianity across the globe and that a benevolent conquest of the New World by non-Spanish monarchies offered the surest salvation of the New World’s pagan masses.

英国作家认为，西班牙的野蛮行径正在挫败基督教在全球扩张的巨大机会，非西班牙君主国对新世界的仁慈征服为新世界的异教徒群众提供了最可靠的拯救。

With these religious justifications, and with obvious economic motives, Spain’s rivals arrived in the New World.

带着这些宗教理由和明显的经济动机，西班牙的竞争对手来到了新大陆。

The French crown subsidized exploration in the early sixteenth century.

法国王室在十六世纪初资助勘探活动。

Early French explorers sought a fabled Northwest Passage, a mythical waterway passing through the North American continent to Asia.

早期的法国探险家寻找传说中的西北航道，这是一条穿过北美大陆到达亚洲的神话水道。

Despite the wealth of the New World, Asia’s riches still beckoned to Europeans.

尽管新世界很富有，但亚洲的财富仍然吸引着欧洲人。

Canada’s St. Lawrence River appeared to be such a passage, stretching deep into the continent and into the Great Lakes.

加拿大的圣劳伦斯河似乎就是这样的一条通道，深入大陆并进入五大湖。

French colonial possessions centered on these bodies of water (and, later, down the Mississippi River to the port of New Orleans).

法国的殖民领地以这些水域为中心（后来沿着密西西比河流向新奥尔良港）。

French colonization developed through investment from private trading companies.

法国殖民是通过私人贸易公司的投资发展起来的。

Traders established Port Royal in Acadia (Nova Scotia) in 1603 and launched trading expeditions that stretched down the Atlantic coast as far as Cape Cod.

1603 年，贸易商在阿卡迪亚（新斯科舍省）建立了皇家港，并展开了沿着大西洋海岸一直延伸至科德角的贸易探险活动。

The needs of the fur trade set the future pattern of French colonization.

毛皮贸易的需求决定了法国殖民的未来格局。

Founded in 1608 under the leadership of Samuel de Champlain, Quebec provided the foothold for what would become New France.

魁北克于 1608 年在塞缪尔·德·尚普兰 (Samuel de Champlain) 的领导下建立，为后来的新法兰西提供了立足点。

French fur traders placed a higher value on cooperating with Indigenous people than on establishing a successful French colonial footprint.

法国毛皮贸易商更看重与原住民的合作，而不是建立成功的法国殖民足迹。

Asserting dominance in the region could have been to their own detriment, as it might have compromised their access to skilled Native American trappers, and therefore wealth.

声称在该地区的主导地位可能会对他们自己造成损害，因为这可能会损害他们接触熟练的美洲原住民捕猎者的机会，从而损害他们的财富。

Few Frenchmen traveled to the New World to settle permanently.

很少有法国人前往新世界永久定居。

In fact, few traveled at all.

事实上，很少有人旅行过。

Many persecuted French Protestants (Huguenots) sought to emigrate after France criminalized Protestantism in 1685, but all non-Catholics were forbidden in New France.

1685 年法国将新教定为犯罪后，许多受迫害的法国新教徒（胡格诺派）寻求移民，但新法兰西禁止所有非天主教徒。

This depiction of New Orleans in 1726 when it was an eight-year-old French frontier settlement.

这幅画描绘了 1726 年的新奥尔良，当时它还是一个已有八年历史的法国边境定居点。

Jean-Pierre Lassus, Veüe et Perspective de la Nouvelle Orleans, 1726, Centre des archives d’outre-mer, France.

让-皮埃尔·拉苏斯（Jean-Pierre Lassus），《新奥尔良的景象与透视》，1726 年，法国海外档案中心。

Wikimedia .

维基媒体。

The French preference for trade over permanent settlement fostered more cooperative and mutually beneficial relationships with Native Americans than was typical among the Spanish and English.

与西班牙人和英国人相比，法国人更倾向于贸易而不是永久定居，这与美洲原住民建立了更多的合作和互利关系。

Perhaps eager to debunk the anti-Catholic elements of the Black Legend, the French worked to cultivate cooperation with Native Americans.

也许是渴望揭穿黑色传奇中的反天主教元素，法国人致力于培养与美洲原住民的合作。

Jesuit missionaries, for instance, adopted different conversion strategies than the Spanish Franciscans.

例如，耶稣会传教士采取了与西班牙方济各会不同的皈依策略。

Spanish missionaries brought Natives into enclosed missions, whereas Jesuits more often lived with or alongside Indigenous people.

西班牙传教士将原住民带入封闭的传教区，而耶稣会士则更多地与原住民一起生活或并肩生活。

Many French fur traders married Native American women.

许多法国毛皮商人与美洲原住民妇女结婚。

7 The offspring of Native American women and French men were so common in New France that the French developed a word for these children, Métis(sage) .

7 美洲原住民妇女和法国男子的后代在新法兰西非常普遍，以至于法国人为这些孩子发明了一个词：梅蒂斯（贤者）。

The Huron people developed a particularly close relationship with the French, and many converted to Christianity and engaged in the fur trade.

休伦人与法国人建立了特别密切的关系，许多人皈依基督教并从事毛皮贸易。

But close relationships with the French would come at a high cost.

但与法国人的密切关系将付出高昂的代价。

The Huron were decimated by the ravages of European disease, and entanglements in French and Dutch conflicts proved disastrous.

休伦人因欧洲疾病的肆虐而大量死亡，法国和荷兰冲突的纠缠被证明是灾难性的。

8 Despite this, some Native peoples maintained alliances with the French.

8 尽管如此，一些原住民仍与法国人保持联盟。

Pressure from the powerful Iroquois in the East pushed many Algonquian-speaking peoples toward French territory in the midseventeenth century, and together they crafted what historians have called a “middle ground,” a kind of cross-cultural space that allowed for native and European interaction, negotiation, and accommodation.

十七世纪中叶，来自东方强大的易洛魁人的压力将许多讲阿尔冈昆语的民族推向了法国领土，他们共同打造了历史学家所说的“中间地带”，一种允许当地人和欧洲人互动、谈判和和解的跨文化空间。

French traders adopted—sometimes clumsily—the gift-giving and mediation strategies expected of Native leaders.

法国商人采用了原住民领导人所期望的赠送礼物和调解策略（有时是笨拙的）。

Natives similarly engaged the impersonal European market and adapted—often haphazardly—to European laws.

当地人同样参与非个人的欧洲市场，并经常随意地适应欧洲法律。

The Great Lakes “middle ground” experienced tumultuous success throughout the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries until English colonial officials and American settlers swarmed the region.

五大湖区的“中间地带”在整个十七世纪末和十八世纪初经历了动荡的成功，直到英国殖民官员和美国定居者涌入该地区。

The pressures of European expansion strained even the closest bonds.

欧洲扩张的压力甚至让最亲密的债券也陷入紧张。

The Netherlands, a small maritime nation with great wealth, achieved considerable colonial success.

荷兰是一个拥有巨大财富的海洋小国，在殖民方面取得了巨大的成功。

In 1581, the Netherlands had officially broken away from the Hapsburgs and won a reputation as the freest of the new European nations.

1581年，荷兰正式脱离哈布斯堡王朝，赢得了新欧洲国家中最自由的声誉。

Dutch women maintained separate legal identities from their husbands and could therefore hold property and inherit full estates.

荷兰妇女与丈夫保持着独立的法律身份，因此可以拥有财产并继承全部遗产。

Ravaged by the turmoil of the Reformation, the Dutch embraced greater religious tolerance and freedom of the press than other European nations.

受到宗教改革动乱的蹂躏，荷兰人比其他欧洲国家更拥护宗教宽容和新闻自由。

10 Radical Protestants, Catholics, and Jews flocked to the Netherlands.

10 激进的新教徒、天主教徒和犹太人纷纷涌向荷兰。

The English Pilgrims, for instance, fled first to the Netherlands before sailing to the New World years later.

例如，英国清教徒首先逃往荷兰，几年后又航行到新世界。

The Netherlands built its colonial empire through the work of experienced merchants and skilled sailors.

荷兰通过经验丰富的商人和熟练的水手的工作建立了其殖民帝国。

The Dutch were the most advanced capitalists in the modern world and marshaled extensive financial resources by creating innovative financial organizations such as the Amsterdam Stock Exchange and the Dutch East India Company.

荷兰人是现代世界最先进的资本家，通过创建阿姆斯特丹证券交易所和荷兰东印度公司等创新金融组织，聚集了广泛的金融资源。

Although the Dutch offered liberties, they offered very little democracy—power remained in the hands of only a few.

尽管荷兰人提供自由，但他们提供的民主很少——权力仍然掌握在少数人手中。

And Dutch liberties certainly had their limits.

荷兰的自由当然也有其限度。

The Dutch advanced the slave trade and brought enslaved Africans with them to the New World.

荷兰人推进了奴隶贸易，并将被奴役的非洲人带到了新世界。

Slavery was an essential part of Dutch capitalist triumphs.

奴隶制是荷兰资本主义胜利的重要组成部分。

Sharing the European hunger for access to Asia, in 1609 the Dutch commissioned the Englishman Henry Hudson to discover the fabled Northwest Passage through North America.

与欧洲人一样渴望进入亚洲，荷兰人于 1609 年委托英国人亨利·哈德逊 (Henry Hudson) 发现传说中穿越北美的西北航道。

He failed, of course, but nevertheless found the Hudson River and claimed modern-day New York for the Dutch.

当然，他失败了，但仍然发现了哈德逊河，并为荷兰人占领了现代纽约。

There they established New Netherland, an essential part of the Dutch New World empire.

他们在那里建立了新荷兰，这是荷兰新世界帝国的重要组成部分。

The Netherlands chartered the Dutch West India Company in 1621 and established colonies in Africa, the Caribbean, and North America.

荷兰于 1621 年特许成立荷兰西印度公司，并在非洲、加勒比海和北美建立殖民地。

The island of Manhattan provided a launching pad to support its Caribbean colonies and attack Spanish trade.

曼哈顿岛提供了一个支持其加勒比殖民地和攻击西班牙贸易的跳板。

Spiteful of the Spanish and mindful of the Black Legend, the Dutch were determined not to repeat Spanish atrocities.

尽管不顾西班牙人的反对，也铭记黑色传说，荷兰人决心不再重蹈西班牙的暴行。

They fashioned guidelines for New Netherland that conformed to the ideas of Hugo Grotius, a legal philosopher who believed that Native peoples possessed the same natural rights as Europeans.

他们为新荷兰制定了符合雨果·格劳秀斯思想的指导方针，雨果·格劳秀斯是一位法哲学家，他认为土著人民拥有与欧洲人相同的自然权利。

Colony leaders insisted that land be purchased; in 1626 Peter Minuit therefore “bought” Manhattan from Munsee people.

殖民地领导人坚持要购买土地； 1626年，彼得·米努伊特因此从蒙西人手中“买下了”曼哈顿。

11 Despite the seemingly honorable intentions, it is likely the Dutch paid the wrong people for the land (either intentionally or unintentionally) or that the Munsee and the Dutch understood the transaction in very different terms.

11 尽管看似光荣的意图，但荷兰人很可能向错误的人支付了土地（有意或无意），或者蒙西人和荷兰人对这笔交易的理解截然不同。

Transactions like these illustrated both the Dutch attempt to find a more peaceful process of colonization and the inconsistency between European and Native American understandings of property.

此类交易既说明了荷兰人试图寻找更和平的殖民进程，也说明了欧洲人和美洲原住民对财产的理解不一致。

Like the French, the Dutch sought to profit, not to conquer.

与法国人一样，荷兰人寻求的是利润，而不是征服。

Trade with Native peoples became New Netherland’s central economic activity.

与原住民的贸易成为新荷兰的核心经济活动。

Dutch traders carried wampum along Native trade routes and exchanged it for beaver pelts.

荷兰商人沿着原住民贸易路线携带贝壳，并用它交换海狸毛皮。

Wampum consisted of shell beads fashioned by Algonquians on the southern New England coast and was valued as a ceremonial and diplomatic commodity among the Iroquois.

贝壳珠由新英格兰南部海岸的阿尔冈昆人制作，在易洛魁人中被视为礼仪和外交商品。

Wampum became a currency that could buy anything from a loaf of bread to a plot of land.

Wampum 成为一种可以购买从一条面包到一块土地的任何东西的货币。

In addition to developing these trading networks, the Dutch also established farms, settlements, and lumber camps.

除了发展这些贸易网络之外，荷兰人还建立了农场、定居点和伐木场。

The West India Company directors implemented the patroon system to encourage colonization.

西印度公司董事实行赞助人制度以鼓励殖民化。

The patroon system granted large estates to wealthy landlords, who subsequently paid passage for the tenants to work their land.

赞助人制度将大片地产授予富有的地主，随后地主支付佃户在其土地上耕作的路费。

Expanding Dutch settlements correlated with deteriorating relations with local Native Americans.

荷兰人定居点的扩张与当地美洲原住民关系的恶化有关。

In the interior of the continent, the Dutch retained valuable alliances with the Iroquois to maintain Beverwijck, modern-day Albany, as a hub for the fur trade.

在非洲大陆的内陆地区，荷兰人与易洛魁人保持着宝贵的联盟，以维持贝弗韦克（现代奥尔巴尼）作为毛皮贸易中心的地位。

13 In the places where the Dutch built permanent settlements, the ideals of peaceful colonization succumbed to the settlers’ increasing demand for land.

13 在荷兰人建立永久定居点的地方，和平殖民的理想屈服于定居者对土地日益增长的需求。

Armed conflicts erupted as colonial settlements encroached on Native villages and hunting lands.

随着殖民定居点侵占原住民村庄和狩猎地，武装冲突爆发。

Profit and peace, it seemed, could not coexist.

利润与和平似乎无法共存。

Labor shortages, meanwhile, crippled Dutch colonization.

与此同时，劳动力短缺削弱了荷兰的殖民统治。

The patroon system failed to bring enough tenants, and the colony could not attract a sufficient number of indentured servants to satisfy the colony’s backers.

赞助人制度未能带来足够的佃户，殖民地也无法吸引足够数量的契约仆人来满足殖民地的支持者。

In response, the colony imported eleven enslaved people owned by the company in 1626, the same year that Minuit purchased Manhattan.

作为回应，该殖民地于 1626 年进口了该公司拥有的 11 名奴隶，同年米努伊特公司购买了曼哈顿。

Enslaved laborers were tasked with building New Amsterdam (modern-day New York City), including a defensive wall along the northern edge of the colony (the site of modern-day Wall Street).

奴隶劳工的任务是建造新阿姆斯特丹（现代纽约市），包括沿殖民地北部边缘（现代华尔街所在地）修建防御墙。

They created its roads and maintained its all-important port.

他们修建了道路并维护了最重要的港口。

Fears of racial mixing led the Dutch to import enslaved women, enabling the formation of African Dutch families.

由于对种族混合的恐惧，荷兰人进口了被奴役的妇女，从而形成了非洲荷兰家庭。

The colony’s first African marriage occurred in 1641, and by 1650 there were at least five hundred enslaved Africans in the colony.

该殖民地的第一桩非洲人婚姻发生于 1641 年，到 1650 年，该殖民地至少有 500 名被奴役的非洲人。

By 1660, New Amsterdam had the largest urban enslaved population on the continent.

到 1660 年，新阿姆斯特丹拥有非洲大陆上最多的城市奴隶人口。

As was typical of the practice of African slavery in much of the early seventeenth century, Dutch slavery in New Amsterdam was less comprehensively exploitative than later systems of American slavery.

正如十七世纪初大部分时间非洲奴隶制的典型做法一样，新阿姆斯特丹的荷兰奴隶制的剥削程度不如后来的美国奴隶制那么全面。

Some enslaved Africans, for instance, successfully sued for back wages.

例如，一些被奴役的非洲人成功起诉拖欠工资。

When several enslaved people owned by the company fought for the colony against the Munsee, they petitioned for their freedom and won a kind of “half freedom” that allowed them to work their own land in return for paying a large tithe, or tax, to their enslavers.

当该公司拥有的几名奴隶为殖民地而战，反对蒙西人时，他们请求自由，并赢得了一种“半自由”，允许他们在自己的土地上耕种，以换取向奴隶们缴纳大笔什一税或税收。

The children of these “half-free” laborers remained held in bondage by the West India Company, however.

然而，这些“半自由”劳工的孩子仍然受到西印度公司的奴役。

The Dutch, who so proudly touted their liberties, grappled with the reality of African slavery, and some New Netherlanders protested the enslavement of Christianized Africans.

荷兰人如此自豪地标榜自己的自由，但也与非洲奴隶制的现实作斗争，一些新荷兰人则抗议奴役基督教化的非洲人。

The economic goals of the colony slowly crowded out these cultural and religious objections, and the much-boasted liberties of the Dutch came to exist alongside increasingly brutal systems of slavery.

殖民地的经济目标慢慢地排除了这些文化和宗教的反对意见，荷兰人大肆吹嘘的自由与日益残酷的奴隶制并存。

The Portuguese had been leaders in Atlantic navigation well ahead of Columbus’s voyage.

早在哥伦布远航之前，葡萄牙人就已经成为大西洋航海的领导者。

But the incredible wealth flowing from New Spain piqued the rivalry between the two Iberian countries, and accelerated Portuguese colonization efforts.

但从新西班牙流出的令人难以置信的财富激起了两个伊比利亚国家之间的竞争，并加速了葡萄牙的殖民努力。

This rivalry created a crisis within the Catholic world as Spain and Portugal squared off in a battle for colonial supremacy.

随着西班牙和葡萄牙为争夺殖民霸权而展开的斗争，这种竞争在天主教世界内部造成了一场危机。

The pope had earlier intervened and divided the New World with the Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494.

教皇早些时候曾于 1494 年通过《托德西拉斯条约》进行干预并瓜分新世界。

Land east of the Tordesillas Meridian, an imaginary line dividing South America, would be given to Portugal, whereas land west of the line was reserved for Spanish conquest.

托德西利亚斯子午线（南美洲的一条假想线）以东的土地将归葡萄牙所有，而该线以西的土地则保留给西班牙征服。

In return for the license to conquer, both Portugal and Spain were instructed to treat the natives with Christian compassion and to bring them under the protection of the Church.

作为获得征服许可的回报，葡萄牙和西班牙都被指示以基督教的同情心对待当地人，并将他们置于教会的保护之下。

Lucrative colonies in Africa and India initially preoccupied Portugal, but by 1530 the Portuguese turned their attention to the land that would become Brazil, driving out French traders and establishing permanent settlements.

非洲和印度利润丰厚的殖民地最初吸引了葡萄牙，但到了 1530 年，葡萄牙人将注意力转向了后来成为巴西的土地，驱逐了法国商人并建立了永久定居点。

Gold and silver mines dotted the interior of the colony, but two industries powered early colonial Brazil: sugar and the slave trade.

金矿和银矿遍布殖民地内陆，但有两个产业为巴西早期殖民地提供动力：制糖和奴隶贸易。

In fact, over the entire history of the Atlantic slave trade, more Africans were enslaved in Brazil than in any other colony in the Atlantic World.

事实上，在整个大西洋奴隶贸易历史上，巴西被奴役的非洲人比大西洋世界任何其他殖民地都多。

Gold mines emerged in greater numbers throughout the eighteenth century but still never rivaled the profitability of sugar or slave trading.

整个十八世纪，金矿数量不断增加，但仍然无法与糖或奴隶贸易的盈利能力相媲美。

Jesuit missionaries brought Christianity to Brazil, but strong elements of African and Native spirituality mixed with orthodox Catholicism to create a unique religious culture.

耶稣会传教士将基督教带到了巴西，但非洲和本土灵性的强烈元素与正统天主教混合在一起，创造了独特的宗教文化。

This culture resulted from the demographics of Brazilian slavery.

这种文化源于巴西奴隶制的人口统计。

High mortality rates on sugar plantations required a steady influx of new enslaved laborers, thus perpetuating the cultural connection between Brazil and Africa.

甘蔗种植园的高死亡率需要新的奴工不断涌入，从而使巴西和非洲之间的文化联系得以延续。

The reliance on new imports of enslaved laborers increased the likelihood of resistance, however, and those who escaped slavery managed to create several free settlements, called quilombos.

然而，对新进口奴隶劳工的依赖增加了抵抗的可能性，那些逃离奴隶制的人设法建立了几个自由定居点，称为“quilombos”。

These settlements drew from both enslaved Africans and Natives, and despite frequent attacks, several endured throughout the long history of Brazilian slavery.

这些定居点来自被奴役的非洲人和土著人，尽管经常遭受袭击，但在巴西奴隶制的漫长历史中，有一些定居点仍然存在。

Despite the arrival of these new Europeans, Spain continued to dominate the New World.

尽管这些新欧洲人到来，西班牙仍然统治着新世界。

The wealth flowing from the exploitation of the Aztec and Incan Empires greatly eclipsed the profits of other European nations.

阿兹特克帝国和印加帝国的剥削所带来的财富大大超过了其他欧洲国家的利润。

But this dominance would not last long.

但这种统治地位并没有持续多久。

By the end of the sixteenth century, the powerful Spanish Armada would be destroyed, and the English would begin to rule the waves.

到十六世纪末，强大的西班牙无敌舰队将被摧毁，英国人将开始统治大海。

Nicholas Hilliard, The Battle of Gravelines, 1588.

尼古拉斯·希利亚德，格拉沃利讷战役，1588 年。

Wikimedia

维基媒体

Spain had a one-hundred-year head start on New World colonization, and a jealous England eyed the enormous wealth that Spain gleaned.

The Protestant Reformation had shaken England, but Elizabeth I assumed the English crown in 1558.

新教改革震动了英国，但伊丽莎白一世于 1558 年登上了英国王位。

Elizabeth oversaw England’s so-called golden age, which included both the expansion of trade and exploration and the literary achievements of Shakespeare and Marlowe.

伊丽莎白见证了英格兰所谓的黄金时代，其中包括贸易和探险的扩张以及莎士比亚和马洛的文学成就。

English mercantilism, a state-assisted manufacturing and trading system, created and maintained markets.

英国重商主义是一种国家协助的制造和贸易体系，创造并维护了市场。

The markets provided a steady supply of consumers and laborers, stimulated economic expansion, and increased English wealth.

市场提供了稳定的消费者和劳动力供应，刺激了经济扩张，并增加了英国的财富。

However, wrenching social and economic changes unsettled the English population.

然而，痛苦的社会和经济变化让英国民众感到不安。

The island’s population increased from fewer than three million in 1500 to over five million by the middle of the seventeenth century.

该岛人口从 1500 年的不到 300 万增加到 17 世纪中叶的 500 万以上。

16 The skyrocketing cost of land coincided with plummeting farming income.

16 土地成本的飞涨与农业收入的直线下降同时发生。

Rents and prices rose but wages stagnated.

租金和物价上涨，但工资停滞不前。

Moreover, movements to enclose public land—sparked by the transition of English landholders from agriculture to livestock raising—evicted tenants from the land and created hordes of landless, jobless peasants that haunted the cities and countryside.

此外，由英国土地所有者从农业转向畜牧业引发的圈占公共土地的运动将佃户从土地上驱逐出来，并造成了大批无地、失业的农民，他们在城市和乡村出没。

One quarter to one half of the population lived in extreme poverty.

四分之一到一半的人口生活在极端贫困之中。

17 号

New World colonization won support in England amid a time of rising English fortunes among the wealthy, a tense Spanish rivalry, and mounting internal social unrest.

在英国富人财富不断增加、西班牙竞争紧张以及内部社会动荡日益加剧之际，新世界殖民主义在英国赢得了支持。

But supporters of English colonization always touted more than economic gains and mere national self-interest.

但英国殖民的支持者总是吹捧的不仅仅是经济收益和单纯的国家自身利益。

They claimed to be doing God’s work.

他们声称自己正在做上帝的工作。

Many claimed that colonization would glorify God, England, and Protestantism by Christianizing the New World’s pagan peoples.

许多人声称，殖民化将通过使新世界的异教徒人民基督教化来荣耀上帝、英国和新教。

Advocates such as Richard Hakluyt the Younger and John Dee, for instance, drew upon The History of the Kings of Britain , written by the twelfth-century monk Geoffrey of Monmouth, and its mythical account of King Arthur’s conquest and Christianization of pagan lands to justify American conquest.

例如，小理查德·哈克鲁特（Richard Hakluyt the Younger）和约翰·迪伊（John Dee）等倡导者利用十二世纪蒙茅斯修道士杰弗里（Geoffrey of Monmouth）所著的《英国国王史》及其对亚瑟王征服和异教土地基督教化的神话描述来证明美国的征服是合理的。

18 Moreover, promoters promised that the conversion of New World Native Americans would satisfy God and glorify England’s “Virgin Queen,” Elizabeth I, who was seen as nearly divine by some in England.

18 此外，发起人承诺，新大陆美洲原住民的皈依将使上帝满意，并荣耀英国的“童贞女王”伊丽莎白一世，她被一些英格兰人视为近乎神圣。

The English—and other European Protestant colonizers—imagined themselves superior to the Spanish, who still bore the Black Legend of inhuman cruelty.

英国人和其他欧洲新教殖民者认为自己比西班牙人优越，西班牙人仍然背负着非人道残忍的黑色传说。

English colonization, supporters argued, would prove that superiority.

支持者认为，英国的殖民统治将证明这种优越性。

In his 1584 “Discourse on Western Planting,” Richard Hakluyt amassed the supposed religious, moral, and exceptional economic benefits of colonization.

理查德·哈克卢特 (Richard Hakluyt) 在其 1584 年的《西方种植论》中积累了殖民化所谓的宗教、道德和特殊经济利益。

He repeated the Black Legend of Spanish New World terrorism and attacked the sins of Catholic Spain.

他重复了西班牙新世界恐怖主义的黑色传说，并攻击了天主教西班牙的罪恶。

He promised that English colonization could strike a blow against Spanish heresy and bring Protestant religion to the New World.

English interference, Hakluyt suggested, might provide the only salvation from Catholic rule in the New World.

哈克卢特认为，英国的干涉可能是新世界摆脱天主教统治的唯一拯救。

The New World, too, he said, offered obvious economic advantages.

他说，新世界也提供了明显的经济优势。

Trade and resource extraction would enrich the English treasury.

贸易和资源开采将丰富英国的国库。

England, for instance, could find plentiful materials to outfit a world-class navy.

例如，英国可以找到充足的材料来装备世界一流的海军。

Moreover, he said, the New World could provide an escape for England’s vast armies of landless “vagabonds.” Expanded trade, he argued, would not only bring profit but also provide work for England’s jobless poor.

此外，他说，新世界可以为英格兰庞大的无地“流浪者”大军提供逃生之所。他认为，扩大贸易不仅会带来利润，还会为英格兰失业的穷人提供工作。

A Christian enterprise, a blow against Spain, an economic stimulus, and a social safety valve all beckoned the English toward a commitment to colonization.

基督教企业、对西班牙的打击、经济刺激和社会安全阀都吸引着英国人致力于殖民化。

This noble rhetoric veiled the coarse economic motives that brought England to the New World.

这种崇高的言辞掩盖了将英国带入新大陆的粗俗的经济动机。

New economic structures and a new merchant class paved the way for colonization.

England’s merchants lacked estates, but they had new plans to build wealth.

英格兰商人缺乏庄园，但他们有创造财富的新计划。

By collaborating with new government-sponsored trading monopolies and employing financial innovations such as joint-stock companies, England’s merchants sought to improve on the Dutch economic system.

通过与政府资助的新贸易垄断企业合作并采用股份公司等金融创新，英国商人寻求改善荷兰的经济体系。

Spain was extracting enormous material wealth from the New World; why shouldn’t England?

西班牙正在从新世界攫取巨大的物质财富。为什么英格兰不应该呢？

Joint-stock companies, the ancestors of modern corporations, became the initial instruments of colonization.

股份公司是现代企业的前身，成为最初的殖民工具。

With government monopolies, shared profits, and managed risks, these money-making ventures could attract and manage the vast capital needed for colonization.

凭借政府垄断、分享利润和管理风险，这些赚钱的企业可以吸引和管理殖民化所需的大量资本。

In 1606 James I approved the formation of the Virginia Company (named after Elizabeth, the Virgin Queen).

1606 年，詹姆斯一世批准成立弗吉尼亚公司（以童贞女王伊丽莎白命名）。

Rather than formal colonization, however, the most successful early English ventures in the New World were a form of state-sponsored piracy known as privateering.

然而，英国早期在新世界最成功的冒险并不是正式的殖民，而是一种由国家支持的海盗活动，即所谓的私掠活动。

Queen Elizabeth sponsored sailors, or “Sea Dogges,” such as John Hawkins and Francis Drake, to plunder Spanish ships and towns in the Americas.

伊丽莎白女王资助约翰·霍金斯和弗朗西斯·德雷克等水手或“水手”，在美洲掠夺西班牙船只和城镇。

Privateers earned a substantial profit both for themselves and for the English crown.

私掠者为自己和英国王室赚取了可观的利润。

England practiced piracy on a scale, one historian wrote, “that transforms crime into politics.” 20 Francis Drake harried Spanish ships throughout the Western Hemisphere and raided Spanish caravans as far away as the coast of Peru on the Pacific Ocean.

一位历史学家写道，英国的海盗活动规模“将犯罪转化为政治”。 20 弗朗西斯·德雷克在整个西半球骚扰西班牙船只，并袭击了远至太平洋秘鲁海岸的西班牙商队。

In 1580 Elizabeth rewarded her skilled pirate with knighthood.

1580 年，伊丽莎白授予她这位技艺高超的海盗爵士爵位。

But Elizabeth walked a fine line.

但伊丽莎白却走得很好。

With Protestant-Catholic tensions already running high, English privateering provoked Spain.

由于新教与天主教之间的紧张关系已经十分紧张，英国的私掠活动激怒了西班牙。

Tensions worsened after the execution of Mary, Queen of Scots, a Catholic.

In 1588, King Philip II of Spain unleashed the fabled Armada.

1588 年，西班牙国王菲利普二世发动了传说中的无敌舰队。

With 130 ships, 8,000 sailors, and 18,000 soldiers, Spain launched the largest invasion in history to destroy the British navy and depose Elizabeth.

西班牙以130艘船只、8000名水手和18000名士兵发动了历史上最大规模的入侵，摧毁了英国海军并废黜了伊丽莎白。

An island nation, England depended on a robust navy for trade and territorial expansion.

英国是一个岛国，依靠强大的海军进行贸易和领土扩张。

England had fewer ships than Spain, but they were smaller and swifter.

英格兰的船只比西班牙少，但更小、速度更快。

They successfully harassed the armada, forcing it to retreat to the Netherlands for reinforcements.

他们成功骚扰了无敌舰队，迫使其撤退到荷兰寻求增援。

But then a fluke storm, celebrated in England as the “Protestant wind,” annihilated the remainder of the fleet.

但随后一场在英国被称为“新教之风”的侥幸风暴摧毁了舰队的其余部分。

21 The destruction of the armada changed the course of world history.

It not only saved England and secured English Protestantism, but it also opened the seas to English expansion and paved the way for England’s colonial future.

它不仅拯救了英格兰，巩固了英国新教的地位，而且为英国的扩张打开了大门，为英国的殖民未来铺平了道路。

By 1600, England stood ready to embark on its dominance over North America.

到了 1600 年，英国已准备好开始统治北美。

English colonization would look very different from Spanish or French colonization.

英国殖民看起来与西班牙或法国殖民非常不同。

England had long been trying to conquer Catholic Ireland.

英格兰长期以来一直试图征服信奉天主教的爱尔兰。

Rather than integrating with the Irish and trying to convert them to Protestantism, England more often simply seized land through violence and pushed out the former inhabitants, leaving them to move elsewhere or to die.

英格兰并没有与爱尔兰人融合并试图让他们皈依新教，而是更多地只是通过暴力夺取土地并驱逐以前的居民，让他们移居别处或死去。

These same tactics would later be deployed in North American invasions.

English colonization, however, began haltingly.

然而，英国的殖民活动开始时举步维艰。

Sir Humphrey Gilbert labored throughout the late sixteenth century to establish a colony in Newfoundland but failed.

汉弗莱·吉尔伯特爵士在整个十六世纪末致力于在纽芬兰建立殖民地，但失败了。

In 1587, with a predominantly male cohort of 150 English colonizers, John White reestablished an abandoned settlement on North Carolina’s Roanoke Island.

1587 年，约翰·怀特率领 150 名以男性为主的英国殖民者在北卡罗来纳州罗阿诺克岛重建了一个废弃的定居点。

Supply shortages prompted White to return to England for additional support, but the Spanish Armada and the mobilization of British naval efforts stranded him in Britain for several years.

供应短缺促使怀特返回英国寻求额外支持，但西班牙无敌舰队和英国海军的动员使他在英国滞留了数年。

When he finally returned to Roanoke, he found the colony abandoned.

当他最终回到罗阿诺克时，他发现这个殖民地被遗弃了。

What befell the failed colony?

失败的殖民地遭遇了什么？

White found the word Croatoan carved into a tree or a post in the abandoned colony.

怀特在废弃殖民地的一棵树或一根柱子上发现了“克罗地亚人”这个词。

Historians presume the colonists, short of food, may have fled for a nearby island of that name and encountered its settled native population.

历史学家推测，由于缺乏食物，殖民者可能逃往附近的一个同名岛屿，并遇到了岛上定居的土著居民。

Others offer violence as an explanation.

其他人则以暴力作为解释。

Regardless, the English colonists were never heard from again.

不管怎样，英国殖民者再也没有音讯。

When Queen Elizabeth died in 1603, no Englishmen had yet established a permanent North American colony.

1603 年伊丽莎白女王去世时，还没有英国人建立永久的北美殖民地。

After King James made peace with Spain in 1604, privateering no longer held out the promise of cheap wealth.

1604 年詹姆斯国王与西班牙讲和后，私掠不再能带来廉价财富。

Colonization assumed a new urgency.

殖民化呈现出新的紧迫性。

The Virginia Company, established in 1606, drew inspiration from Cortés and the Spanish conquests.

弗吉尼亚公司成立于 1606 年，从科尔特斯和西班牙的征服中汲取灵感。

It hoped to find gold and silver as well as other valuable trading commodities in the New World: glass, iron, furs, pitch, tar, and anything else the country could supply.

它希望在新世界找到黄金和白银以及其他有价值的贸易商品：玻璃、铁、毛皮、沥青、焦油以及该国可以提供的其他任何东西。

The company planned to identify a navigable river with a deep harbor, away from the eyes of the Spanish.

该公司计划寻找一条远离西班牙人视线、拥有深港的可通航河流。

There they would find a Native American trading network and extract a fortune from the New World.

在那里，他们会找到美洲原住民的贸易网络，并从新大陆攫取财富。

Incolarum Virginiae piscandi ratio (The Method of Fishing of the Inhabitants of Virginia), c.

Incolarum Virginiae piscandi 比率（弗吉尼亚居民的捕鱼方法），c。

1590.

The Encyclopedia Virginia .

弗吉尼亚百科全书。

In April 1607 Englishmen aboard three ships—the Susan Constant , the Godspeed , and the Discovery —sailed forty miles up the James River (named for the English king) in present-day Virginia (named for Elizabeth I, the Virgin Queen) and settled on just such a place.

1607 年 4 月，英国人乘坐三艘船——“苏珊号”、“上帝速度号”和“发现号”，沿着詹姆斯河（以英国国王的名字命名）逆流而上四十英里，到达了今天的弗吉尼亚州（以处女女王伊丽莎白一世的名字命名），并在这样一个地方定居下来。

The uninhabited peninsula they selected was upriver and out of sight of Spanish patrols.

他们选择的无人居住的半岛位于上游，远离西班牙巡逻队的视线。

It offered easy defense against ground assaults and was both uninhabited and located close to many Native American villages and their potentially lucrative trade networks.

它可以轻松防御地面攻击，而且无人居住，而且靠近许多美洲原住民村庄及其潜在利润丰厚的贸易网络。

But the location was a disaster.

但地点却是一场灾难。

Indigenous people had ignored the peninsula for two reasons: terrible soil hampered agriculture, and brackish tidal water led to debilitating disease.

土著人民忽视这个半岛有两个原因：糟糕的土壤阻碍了农业发展，微咸的潮水导致了衰弱的疾病。

Despite these setbacks, the English built Jamestown, the first permanent English colony in the present-day United States.

尽管遇到这些挫折，英国人还是建立了詹姆斯敦，这是英国在当今美国的第一个永久殖民地。

The English had not entered a wilderness but had arrived amid a people they called the Powhatan Confederacy.

英国人并没有进入荒野，而是在他们称为波瓦坦联盟的民族中抵达。

Powhatan, or Wahunsenacawh, as he called himself, led nearly ten thousand Algonquian-speaking people in the Chesapeake.

They burned vast acreage to clear brush and create sprawling artificial parklike grasslands so they could easily hunt deer, elk, and bison.

他们烧毁了大片土地来清理灌木丛，并建造了广阔的人造公园般的草地，这样他们就可以轻松地捕猎鹿、麋鹿和野牛。

The Powhatan raised corn, beans, squash, and possibly sunflowers, rotating acreage throughout the Chesapeake.

波瓦坦人种植玉米、豆类、南瓜，可能还种植向日葵，在切萨皮克地区轮流种植土地。

Without plows, manure, or draft animals, the Powhatan produced a remarkable number of calories cheaply and efficiently.

没有犁、肥料或役畜，波瓦坦就能廉价而高效地生产大量卡路里。

Jamestown was a profit-seeking venture backed by investors.

詹姆斯敦是一家由投资者支持的逐利企业。

The colonists were mostly gentlemen and proved entirely unprepared for the challenges ahead.

殖民者大多是绅士，事实证明他们对未来的挑战完全没有准备。

They hoped for easy riches but found none.

他们希望轻而易举地致富，但却一无所获。

As John Smith later complained, they “would rather starve than work.” 22 And so they did.

正如约翰·史密斯后来抱怨的那样，他们“宁愿挨饿也不愿工作”。 22 他们就这么做了。

Disease and starvation ravaged the colonists, thanks in part to the peninsula’s unhealthy location and the fact that supplies from England arrived sporadically or spoiled.

疾病和饥饿蹂躏着殖民者，部分原因是半岛位置不健康，而且来自英国的物资零星抵达或变质。

Fewer than half of the original colonists survived the first nine months.

不到一半的原始殖民者在前九个月中幸存下来。

John Smith, a yeoman’s son and capable leader, took command of the crippled colony and promised, “He that will not work shall not eat.” He navigated Native American diplomacy, claiming that he was captured and sentenced to death but Powhatan’s daughter, Pocahontas, intervened to save his life.

约翰·史密斯是一位自耕农的儿子，也是一位有能力的领袖，他接管了这片残破的殖民地，并承诺：“不工作的人就没有饭吃。”他主导了美洲原住民外交，声称自己被抓获并被判处死刑，但波瓦坦的女儿波卡洪塔斯出面干预，挽救了他的生命。

She would later marry another colonist, John Rolfe, and die in England.

她后来嫁给了另一位殖民者约翰·罗尔夫，并在英国去世。

Powhatan kept the English alive that first winter.

第一个冬天，波瓦坦让英国人活了下来。

The Powhatan had welcomed the English and placed a high value on metal ax-heads, kettles, tools, and guns and eagerly traded furs and other abundant goods for them.

波瓦坦人欢迎英国人，对金属斧头、水壶、工具和枪支非常看重，并热切地用毛皮和其他丰富的商品交换它们。

With ten thousand confederated natives and with food in abundance, Indigenous people had little to fear and much to gain from the isolated outpost of sick and dying Englishmen.

拥有一万名联合的原住民和充足的食物，原住民几乎不用担心，而且可以从生病和垂死的英国人的孤立前哨中获益匪浅。

Despite reinforcements, the English continued to die.

尽管有增援，英国人还是继续死亡。

Four hundred settlers arrived in 1609, but the overwhelmed colony entered a desperate “starving time” in the winter of 1609–1610.

1609 年，四百名定居者抵达，但不堪重负的殖民地在 1609 年至 1610 年的冬天进入了绝望的“饥饿时期”。

Supplies were lost at sea.

补给品在海上丢失了。

Relations with Native Americans deteriorated and the colonists fought a kind of slow-burning guerrilla war with the Powhatan.

与美洲原住民的关系恶化，殖民者与波瓦坦人进行了一场缓慢的游击战。

Disaster loomed for the colony.

殖民地的灾难迫在眉睫。

The settlers ate everything they could, roaming the woods for nuts and berries.

定居者们吃掉了他们能吃的一切，在树林里漫步寻找坚果和浆果。

They boiled leather.

他们煮皮革。

They dug up graves to eat the corpses of their former neighbors.

他们挖坟吃以前邻居的尸体。

One man was executed for killing and eating his wife.

一名男子因杀害并吃掉他的妻子而被处决。

Some years later, George Percy recalled the colonists’ desperation during these years, when he served as the colony’s president: “Having fed upon our horses and other beasts as long as they lasted, we were glad to make shift with vermin as dogs, cats, rats and mice .

几年后，乔治·珀西在担任殖民地主席时回忆起殖民者在这些年里的绝望：“我们以我们的马和其他野兽为食，只要它们还存在，我们就很高兴能与狗、猫、老鼠等害虫一起生活……”

。

as to eat boots shoes or any other leather.

如吃靴子鞋或任何其他皮革。

。

And now famine beginning to look ghastly and pale in every face, that nothing was spared to maintain life and to doe those things which seam incredible, as to dig up dead corpses out of graves and to eat them.” 23 Archaeological excavations in 2012 exhumed the bones of a fourteen-year-old girl that exhibited signs of cannibalism.

现在，饥荒开始变得可怕，每个人的脸色都变得苍白，人们不遗余力地维持生命，并做出那些令人难以置信的事情，比如从坟墓里挖出死尸来吃它们。” 23 2012 年的考古发掘挖出了一名 14 岁女孩的骨头，该女孩表现出同类相食的迹象。

24 All but sixty settlers would die by the summer of 1610.

24 到 1610 年夏天，除了 60 名定居者之外，其他所有定居者都将死去。

Little improved over the next several years.

在接下来的几年里，情况几乎没有任何改善。

By 1616, 80 percent of all English immigrants who had arrived in Jamestown had perished.

到 1616 年，抵达詹姆斯敦的英国移民中 80% 都已死亡。

England’s first American colony was a catastrophe.

英国的第一个美洲殖民地是一场灾难。

The colony was reorganized, and in 1614 the marriage of Pocahontas to John Rolfe eased relations with the Powhatan, though the colony still limped along as a starving, commercially disastrous tragedy.

殖民地进行了重组，1614 年波卡洪塔斯与约翰·罗尔夫的婚姻缓和了与波瓦坦人的关系，尽管殖民地仍然步履蹒跚，陷入饥饿和商业灾难的悲剧之中。

The colonists were unable to find any profitable commodities and remained dependent on Native Americans and sporadic shipments from England for food.

殖民者无法找到任何有利可图的商品，仍然依赖美洲原住民和来自英格兰的零星货物来获取食物。

But then tobacco saved Jamestown.

但后来烟草拯救了詹姆斯敦。

By the time King James I described tobacco as a “noxious weed, .

到詹姆斯国王时，我将烟草描述为“有毒的杂草……”。

。

loathsome to the eye, hateful to the nose, harmful to the brain, and dangerous to the lungs,” it had already taken Europe by storm.

令人厌恶的眼睛、令人讨厌的鼻子、有害的大脑、有害的肺部”，它已经席卷了欧洲。

In 1616 John Rolfe crossed tobacco strains from Trinidad and Guiana and planted Virginia’s first tobacco crop.

1616 年，约翰·罗尔夫 (John Rolfe) 将特立尼达和圭亚那的烟草品种杂交，种植了弗吉尼亚州的第一个烟草作物。

In 1617 the colony sent its first cargo of tobacco back to England.

1617 年，该殖民地将第一批烟草运回英国。

The “noxious weed,” a native of the New World, fetched a high price in Europe and the tobacco boom began in Virginia and then later spread to Maryland.

这种原产于新大陆的“有毒杂草”在欧洲卖得很高的价格，烟草繁荣始于弗吉尼亚州，后来蔓延到马里兰州。

Within fifteen years American colonists were exporting over five hundred thousand pounds of tobacco per year.

十五年内，美国殖民者每年出口超过五十万磅的烟草。

Within forty years, they were exporting fifteen million.

四十年内，他们的出口量达到了一千五百万。

Tobacco changed everything.

烟草改变了一切。

It saved Virginia from ruin, incentivized further colonization, and laid the groundwork for what would become the United States.

它使弗吉尼亚免于毁灭，激励了进一步的殖民化，并为后来的美国奠定了基础。

With a new market open, Virginia drew not only merchants and traders but also settlers.

随着新市场的开放，弗吉尼亚不仅吸引了商人和贸易商，还吸引了定居者。

Colonists came in droves.

殖民者成群结队地涌来。

They were mostly young, mostly male, and mostly indentured servants who signed contracts called indentures that bonded them to employers for a period of years in return for passage across the ocean.

他们大多是年轻人，大多是男性，而且大多是契约仆人，他们签署了称为契约的合同，将他们与雇主捆绑在一起一段时间，以换取漂洋过海的机会。

But even the rough terms of servitude were no match for the promise of land and potential profits that beckoned English farmers.

但即使是粗略的奴役条件也无法与吸引英国农民的土地和潜在利润的承诺相媲美。

But still there were not enough of them.

但他们的人数仍然不够。

Tobacco was a labor-intensive crop and ambitious planters, with seemingly limitless land before them, lacked only laborers to escalate their wealth and status.

烟草是一种劳动密集型作物，雄心勃勃的种植园主似乎拥有无限的土地，只缺少劳动力来提升他们的财富和地位。

The colony’s great labor vacuum inspired the creation of the “headright policy” in 1618: any person who migrated to Virginia would automatically receive fifty acres of land and any immigrant whose passage they paid would entitle them to fifty acres more.

殖民地巨大的劳动力真空激发了 1618 年“人头权利政策”的制定：任何移民到弗吉尼亚的人都将自动获得 50 英亩的土地，而任何支付过路费的移民将有权再获得 50 英亩的土地。

In 1619, the Virginia Company established the House of Burgesses, a limited representative body composed of white landowners that first met in Jamestown.

1619 年，弗吉尼亚公司成立了众议院，这是一个由白人土地所有者组成的有限代表机构，首次在詹姆斯敦举行会议。

That same year, a Dutch slave ship sold twenty Africans to the Virginia colonists.

同年，一艘荷兰奴隶船将二十名非洲人出售给弗吉尼亚殖民者。

Southern slavery was born.

南方奴隶制诞生了。

Soon the tobacco-growing colonists expanded beyond the bounds of Jamestown’s deadly peninsula.

很快，种植烟草的殖民者就扩展到了詹姆斯敦致命半岛的范围之外。

When it became clear that the English were not merely intent on maintaining a small trading post but sought a permanent ever-expanding colony, conflict with the Powhatan Confederacy became almost inevitable.

当人们清楚地认识到英国人不仅想维持一个小型贸易站，而且还寻求一个不断扩大的永久殖民地时，与波瓦坦联盟的冲突几乎不可避免。

Powhatan died in 1622 and was succeeded by his brother, Opechancanough, who promised to drive the land-hungry colonists back into the sea.

波瓦坦于 1622 年去世，他的兄弟奥佩坎卡诺 (Opechancanough) 继任，他承诺将渴望土地的殖民者赶回大海。

He launched a surprise attack and in a single day (March 22, 1622) killed over 350 colonists, or one third of all the colonists in Virginia.

他发动突然袭击，一天之内（1622 年 3 月 22 日）就杀死了 350 多名殖民者，即弗吉尼亚州所有殖民者的三分之一。

26 The colonists retaliated and revisited the massacres on Indigenous settlements many times over.

26 殖民者多次进行报复并重演对原住民定居点的屠杀。

The massacre freed the colonists to drive Native Americans off their land.

大屠杀解放了殖民者，将美洲原住民赶出了他们的土地。

The governor of Virginia declared it colonial policy to achieve the “expulsion of the savages to gain the free range of the country.” 27 War and disease tilted the balance of power decisively toward the English colonizers.

弗吉尼亚州州长宣布其殖民政策是为了实现“驱逐野蛮人以获得国家的自由”。 27 战争和疾病使力量天平决定性地向英国殖民者倾斜。

English colonists brought to the New World particular visions of racial, cultural, and religious supremacy.

英国殖民者给新世界带来了种族、文化和宗教至上的特殊愿景。

Despite starving in the shadow of the Powhatan Confederacy, English colonists nevertheless judged themselves physically, spiritually, and technologically superior to Native peoples in North America.

尽管在波瓦坦联盟的阴影下挨饿，英国殖民者仍然认为自己在身体、精神和技术上都优于北美原住民。

Christianity, metallurgy, intensive agriculture, transatlantic navigation, and even wheat all magnified the English sense of superiority.

基督教、冶金术、集约农业、跨大西洋航海，甚至小麦，都放大了英国人的优越感。

This sense of superiority, when coupled with outbreaks of violence, left the English feeling entitled to Indigenous lands and resources.

这种优越感，加上暴力的爆发，让英国人感觉自己有权拥有土著土地和资源。

Spanish conquerors established the framework for the Atlantic slave trade over a century before the first chained Africans arrived at Jamestown.

西班牙征服者在第一批被锁链锁住的非洲人抵达詹姆斯敦之前一个多世纪就建立了大西洋奴隶贸易的框架。

Even Bartolomé de Las Casas, celebrated for his pleas to save Native Americans from colonial butchery, for a time recommended that Indigenous labor be replaced by importing Africans.

就连因呼吁将美洲原住民从殖民屠杀中拯救出来而闻名的巴托洛梅·德拉斯卡萨斯也一度建议用进口非洲人取代原住民劳动力。

Early English settlers from the Caribbean and Atlantic coast of North America mostly imitated European ideas of African inferiority.

来自北美加勒比海和大西洋沿岸的早期英国定居者大多模仿欧洲人对非洲人的劣等观念。

“Race” followed the expansion of slavery across the Atlantic world.

Skin color and race suddenly seemed fixed.

肤色和种族突然似乎固定了。

Englishmen equated Africans with categorical blackness and blackness with sin, “the handmaid and symbol of baseness.” 28 An English essayist in 1695 wrote that “a negro will always be a negro, carry him to Greenland, feed him chalk, feed and manage him never so many ways.” 29 More and more Europeans embraced the notions that Europeans and Africans were of distinct races.

Englishmen equated Africans with categorical blackness and blackness with sin, “the handmaid and symbol of baseness.” 28 一位英国散文家在 1695 年写道：“黑人永远是黑人，带他去格陵兰岛，喂他粉笔，喂食和管理他的方式从来没有这么多。” 29 More and more Europeans embraced the notions that Europeans and Africans were of distinct races.

Others now preached that the Old Testament God cursed Ham, the son of Noah, and doomed Black people to perpetual enslavement.

现在其他人则宣扬旧约上帝诅咒诺亚的儿子含，并注定黑人永远受到奴役。

And yet in the early years of American slavery, ideas about race were not yet fixed and the practice of slavery was not yet codified.

然而，在美国奴隶制的早期，有关种族的观念尚未固定，奴隶制的做法也尚未编纂成法。

The first generations of Africans in English North America faced miserable conditions, but, in contrast to later American history, their initial servitude was not necessarily permanent, heritable, or even particularly disgraceful.

英属北美洲的第一代非洲人面临着悲惨的处境，但与后来的美国历史相比，他们最初的奴役不一定是永久的、可遗传的，甚至不是特别可耻的。

Africans were definitively set apart as fundamentally different from their white counterparts and faced longer terms of service and harsher punishments, but, like the indentured white servants whisked away from English slums, these first Africans in North America could also work for only a set number of years before becoming free landowners themselves.

非洲人显然与白人有着本质上的不同，面临着更长的服役期和更严厉的惩罚，但是，就像从英国贫民窟赶走的契约白人仆人一样，这些第一批来到北美的非洲人也只能工作几年，然后才能成为自由的土地所有者。

The Angolan Anthony Johnson, for instance, was sold into servitude but fulfilled his indenture and became a prosperous tobacco planter himself.

In 1622, at the dawn of the tobacco boom, Jamestown had still seemed a failure.

1622 年，在烟草繁荣的初期，詹姆斯敦似乎仍然是一个失败。

But the rise of tobacco and the destruction of the Powhatan turned the tide.

但烟草的兴起和波瓦坦的破坏扭转了局势。

Colonists escaped the deadly peninsula and immigrants poured into the colony to grow tobacco and turn a profit for the Crown.

殖民者逃离了致命的半岛，移民涌入殖民地种植烟草，为皇室赚取利润。

Seal of the Massachusetts Bay Colony.

马萨诸塞湾殖民地的印章。

The History Project (UC Davis).

历史项目（加州大学戴维斯分校）。

The English colonies in New England established from 1620 onward were founded with loftier goals than those in Virginia.

自 1620 年起，英国在新英格兰建立的殖民地的目标比弗吉尼亚的殖民地更为崇高。

Although migrants to New England expected economic profit, religious motives directed the rhetoric and much of the reality of these colonies.

Not every English person who moved to New England during the seventeenth century was a Puritan, but Puritans dominated the politics, religion, and culture of New England.

并非所有在 17 世纪移居新英格兰的英国人都是清教徒，但清教徒主导了新英格兰的政治、宗教和文化。

Even after 1700, the region’s Puritan inheritance shaped many aspects of its history.

The term Puritan began as an insult, and its recipients usually referred to each other as “the godly” if they used a specific term at all.

Puritans believed that the Church of England did not distance itself far enough from Catholicism after Henry VIII broke with Rome in the 1530s.

They largely agreed with European Calvinists—followers of theologian John Calvin—on matters of religious doctrine.

Calvinists (and Puritans) believed that humankind was redeemed by God’s grace alone, and that the fate of an individual’s immortal soul was predestined.

加尔文主义者（和清教徒）相信人类仅靠上帝的恩典就能得到救赎，个人不朽灵魂的命运是预先注定的。

The happy minority that God had already chosen to save were known among English Puritans as the Elect.

上帝已经选择拯救的幸福的少数人在英国清教徒中被称为选民。

Calvinists also argued that the decoration of churches, reliance on ornate ceremony, and corrupt priesthood obscured God’s message.

加尔文主义者还认为，教堂的装饰、对华丽仪式的依赖以及腐败的祭司掩盖了上帝的信息。

They believed that reading the Bible was the best way to understand God.

他们相信阅读圣经是了解上帝的最好方式。

Puritans were stereotyped by their enemies as dour killjoys, and the exaggeration has endured.

清教徒被他们的敌人刻板地认为是阴郁扫兴的人，这种夸张的说法一直持续着。

It is certainly true that the Puritans’ disdain for excess and opposition to many holidays popular in Europe (including Christmas, which, as Puritans never tired of reminding everyone, the Bible never told anyone to celebrate) lent themselves to caricature.

诚然，清教徒对过度行为的蔑视和反对欧洲流行的许多节日（包括圣诞节，正如清教徒不厌其烦地提醒大家的那样，圣经从未告诉任何人要庆祝圣诞节），这使他们自己成为漫画。

But Puritans understood themselves as advocating a reasonable middle path in a corrupt world.

但清教徒认为自己主张在腐败的世界中走一条合理的中间道路。

It would never occur to a Puritan, for example, to abstain from alcohol or sex.

例如，清教徒永远不会想到戒酒或戒性。

During the first century after the English Reformation (c.

英国宗教改革后的第一个世纪（c.

1530–1630) Puritans sought to “purify” the Church of England of all practices that smacked of Catholicism, advocating a simpler worship service, the abolition of ornate churches, and other reforms.

1530-1630）清教徒试图“净化”英国国教中所有带有天主教色彩的做法，提倡更简单的礼拜仪式，废除华丽的教堂和其他改革。

They had some success in pushing the Church of England in a more Calvinist direction, but with the coronation of King Charles I (r.

他们在推动英格兰教会朝着更加加尔文主义的方向发展方面取得了一些成功，但随着国王查理一世（r.

1625–1649), the Puritans gained an implacable foe that cast English Puritans as excessive and dangerous.

1625-1649），清教徒遇到了一个不可调和的敌人，使英国清教徒被视为过度和危险的。

Facing growing persecution, the Puritans began the Great Migration, during which about twenty thousand people traveled to New England between 1630 and 1640.

面对日益严重的迫害，清教徒开始了大迁徙，1630年至1640年间，约有两万人前往新英格兰。

The Puritans (unlike the small band of separatist “Pilgrims” who founded Plymouth Colony in 1620) remained committed to reforming the Church of England but temporarily decamped to North America to accomplish this task.

清教徒（与 1620 年建立普利茅斯殖民地的一小群分离主义“朝圣者”不同）仍然致力于改革英国国教，但暂时逃往北美以完成这项任务。

Leaders like John Winthrop insisted they were not separating from, or abandoning, England but were rather forming a godly community in America that would be a “City on a Hill” and an example for reformers back home.

像约翰·温思罗普这样的领导人坚称，他们并没有脱离或放弃英国，而是在美国建立一个虔诚的社区，这将成为“山上的城市”，并成为国内改革者的榜样。

31 The Puritans did not seek to create a haven of religious toleration, a notion that they—along with nearly all European Christians—regarded as ridiculous at best and dangerous at worst.

31 清教徒并不寻求建立一个宗教宽容的避风港，他们和几乎所有欧洲基督徒一样，认为这种观念往好里说是可笑的，往坏了说是危险的。

While the Puritans did not succeed in building a godly utopia in New England, a combination of Puritan traits with several external factors created colonies wildly different from any other region settled by English people.

虽然清教徒未能在新英格兰成功建立一个神圣的乌托邦，但清教徒特征与一些外部因素的结合创造了与英国人定居的任何其他地区截然不同的殖民地。

Unlike those heading to Virginia, colonists in New England (Plymouth [1620], Massachusetts Bay [1630], Connecticut [1636], and Rhode Island [1636]) generally arrived in family groups.

与前往弗吉尼亚的殖民者不同，新英格兰（普利茅斯[1620]、马萨诸塞湾[1630]、康涅狄格[1636]和罗德岛[1636]）的殖民者通常以家庭群体的形式抵达。

Most New England immigrants were small landholders in England, a class contemporary English called the “middling sort.” When they arrived in New England they tended to replicate their home environments, founding towns composed of independent landholders.

大多数新英格兰移民都是英格兰的小土地所有者，当代英国人中的一个阶层被称为“中等阶层”。当他们到达新英格兰时，他们倾向于复制他们的家乡环境，建立由独立土地所有者组成的城镇。

The New England climate and soil made large-scale plantation agriculture impractical, so the system of large landholders using masses of enslaved laborers or indentured servants to grow labor-intensive crops never took hold.

新英格兰的气候和土壤使得大规模种植园农业不切实际，因此大土地所有者利用大量奴役劳工或契约仆人种植劳动密集型作物的制度从未站稳脚跟。

There is no evidence that the New England Puritans would have opposed such a system were it possible; other Puritans made their fortunes on the Caribbean sugar islands, and New England merchants profited as suppliers of provisions and enslaved laborers to those colonies.

没有证据表明新英格兰清教徒如果可能的话会反对这种制度。其他清教徒在加勒比海的糖岛发了财，而新英格兰商人则作为这些殖民地的粮食供应者和奴役劳工而获利。

By accident of geography as much as by design, New England society was much less stratified than any of Britain’s other seventeenth-century colonies.

由于地理上的偶然性和设计上的原因，新英格兰社会的分层程度远低于英国其他 17 世纪殖民地。

Although New England colonies could boast wealthy landholding elites, the disparity of wealth in the region remained narrow compared to the Chesapeake, Carolina, or the Caribbean.

尽管新英格兰殖民地拥有富裕的土地持有精英，但与切萨皮克、卡罗来纳或加勒比地区相比，该地区的贫富差距仍然很小。

Instead, seventeenth-century New England was characterized by a broadly shared modest prosperity based on a mixed economy dependent on small farms, shops, fishing, lumber, shipbuilding, and trade with the Atlantic World.

相反，十七世纪新英格兰的特点是普遍的适度繁荣，其基础是依赖小型农场、商店、渔业、木材、造船和与大西洋世界贸易的混合经济。

A combination of environmental factors and the Puritan social ethos produced a region of remarkable health and stability during the seventeenth century.

环境因素和清教徒社会风气的结合造就了一个在 17 世纪非常健康和稳定的地区。

New England immigrants avoided most of the deadly outbreaks of tropical disease that turned the Chesapeake colonies into graveyards.

新英格兰移民避免了大部分致命的热带疾病爆发，这些疾病将切萨皮克殖民地变成了墓地。

Disease, in fact, only aided English settlement and relations to Native Americans.

事实上，疾病只有助于英国人的定居以及与美洲原住民的关系。

In contrast to other English colonists who had to contend with powerful Native American neighbors, the Puritans confronted the stunned survivors of a biological catastrophe.

与其他必须与强大的美洲原住民邻居抗衡的英国殖民者不同，清教徒面对的是生物灾难中目瞪口呆的幸存者。

A lethal pandemic of smallpox during the 1610s swept away as much as 90 percent of the region’s Native American population.

1610 年代一场致命的天花大流行席卷了该地区 90% 的美洲原住民。

Many survivors welcomed the English as potential allies against rival tribes who had escaped the catastrophe.

许多幸存者欢迎英国人成为对抗逃离灾难的敌对部落的潜在盟友。

The relatively healthy environment coupled with political stability and the predominance of family groups among early immigrants allowed the New England population to grow to 91,000 people by 1700 from only 21,000 immigrants.

相对健康的环境加上政治稳定以及早期移民中家庭群体的主导地位，使得新英格兰人口在 1700 年从仅有的 21,000 名移民增长到了 91,000 人。

In contrast, 120,000 English went to the Chesapeake, and only 85,000 white colonists remained in 1700.

相比之下，1700 年有 120,000 名英国人前往切萨皮克，只剩下 85,000 名白人殖民者。

The New England Puritans set out to build their utopia by creating communities of the godly.

新英格兰清教徒开始通过创建虔诚的社区来建立他们的乌托邦。

Groups of men, often from the same region of England, applied to the colony’s General Court for land grants.

通常来自英格兰同一地区的一群人向殖民地普通法院申请土地授予。

33 They generally divided part of the land for immediate use while keeping much of the rest as “commons” or undivided land for future generations.

33 他们通常将部分土地划分为立即使用，而将其余大部分土地保留为“公地”或未划分的土地，供子孙后代使用。

The town’s inhabitants collectively decided the size of each settler’s home lot based on their current wealth and status.

镇上的居民根据他们当前的财富和地位集体决定每个定居者家园的大小。

Besides oversight of property, the town restricted membership, and new arrivals needed to apply for admission.

除了对财产的监管外，该镇还限制会员资格，新来者需要申请入场。

Those who gained admittance could participate in town governments that, while not democratic by modern standards, nevertheless had broad popular involvement.

那些获得准入的人可以参与镇政府，虽然按照现代标准来看，镇政府并不民主，但仍有广泛的民众参与。

All male property holders could vote in town meetings and choose the selectmen, assessors, constables, and other officials from among themselves to conduct the daily affairs of government.

所有男性财产持有者都可以在镇会议上投票，并从他们中间选出选举人、陪审员、警察和其他官员来处理政府的日常事务。

Upon their founding, towns wrote covenants, reflecting the Puritan belief in God’s covenant with his people.

城镇建立后，就签订了圣约，反映了清教徒对上帝与他的子民所立之约的信仰。

Towns sought to arbitrate disputes and contain strife, as did the Church.

城镇试图仲裁争端并遏制冲突，教会也是如此。

Wayward or divergent individuals were persuaded, corrected, or coerced.

任性或分歧的个人被说服、纠正或胁迫。

Popular conceptions of Puritans as hardened authoritarians are exaggerated, but if persuasion and arbitration failed, people who did not conform to community norms were punished or removed.

人们普遍认为清教徒是顽固的独裁者，但如果说服和仲裁失败，不符合社区规范的人就会受到惩罚或被驱逐。

Massachusetts banished Anne Hutchinson, Roger Williams, and other religious dissenters like the Quakers.

马萨诸塞州驱逐了安妮·哈钦森、罗杰·威廉姆斯和贵格会等其他宗教异见者。

Although by many measures colonization in New England succeeded, its Puritan leaders failed in their own mission to create a utopian community that would inspire their fellows back in England.

尽管从许多方面来看，新英格兰的殖民化取得了成功，但其清教徒领袖未能实现自己的使命，即创建一个乌托邦社区来激励他们回到英格兰的同胞。

They tended to focus their disappointment on the younger generation.

他们倾向于将失望集中在年轻一代身上。

“But alas!” Increase Mather lamented, “That so many of the younger Generation have so early corrupted their [the founders’] doings!” 34 The jeremiad, a sermon lamenting the fallen state of New England due to its straying from its early virtuous path, became a staple of late-seventeenth-century Puritan literature.

“但是唉！”英克里斯·马瑟感叹道：“这么多年轻一代这么早就败坏了他们（创始人）的所作所为！” 34 哀歌是一篇布道，哀叹新英格兰由于偏离了早期的良性道路而走向没落，成为 17 世纪末清教徒文学的主要内容。

Yet the jeremiad could not stop the effects of prosperity.

然而，哀歌无法阻止繁荣的影响。

The population spread and grew more diverse.

人口扩散并变得更加多样化。

Many, if not most, New Englanders retained strong ties to their Calvinist roots into the eighteenth century, but the Puritans (who became Congregationalists) struggled against a rising tide of religious pluralism.

许多（如果不是大多数）新英格兰人在十八世纪仍保留着与加尔文主义根源的紧密联系，但清教徒（后来成为公理会教徒）却在与不断上升的宗教多元化浪潮作斗争。

On December 25, 1727, Judge Samuel Sewell noted in his diary that a new Anglican minister “keeps the day in his new Church at Braintrey: people flock thither.” 35 Previously forbidden holidays like Christmas were celebrated publicly in church and privately in homes.

1727 年 12 月 25 日，法官塞缪尔·休厄尔 (Samuel Sewell) 在日记中指出，一位新任圣公会牧师“在布伦特里的新教堂里过着日子：人们涌向那里”。 35 以前禁止的节日，如圣诞节，是在教堂公开庆祝，而在家里私下庆祝。

Puritan divine Cotton Mather discovered on Christmas 1711 that “a number of young people of both sexes, belonging, many of them, to my flock, had .

清教徒圣人科顿·马瑟 (Cotton Mather) 在 1711 年圣诞节发现，“许多年轻人，无论男女，他们中的许多人都属于我的羊群，拥有……”。

。

a Frolick, a reveling Feast, and a Ball, which discovers their Corruption.” 36

嬉戏，狂欢盛宴，以及发现他们的腐败的舞会。” 36

Despite the lamentations of the Mathers and other Puritan leaders of their failure, they left an enduring mark on New England culture and society that endured long after the region’s residents ceased to be called “Puritan.”

尽管马瑟斯夫妇和其他清教徒领袖对他们的失败表示哀叹，但他们在新英格兰文化和社会上留下了持久的印记，即使该地区的居民不再被称为“清教徒”，这种印记仍然持续了很长时间。

The fledgling settlements in Virginia and Massachusetts paled in importance when compared to the sugar colonies of the Caribbean.

与加勒比海的蔗糖殖民地相比，弗吉尼亚州和马萨诸塞州的新兴定居点的重要性显得相形见绌。

Valued more as marginal investments and social safety valves where the poor could be released, these colonies nonetheless created a foothold for Britain on a vast North American continent.

这些殖民地更被视为边际投资和社会安全阀，可以释放穷人，但它们仍然为英国在广阔的北美大陆上奠定了立足点。

And although the seventeenth century would be fraught for Britain—religious, social, and political upheavals would behead one king and force another to flee his throne—settlers in Massachusetts and Virginia were nonetheless tied together by the emerging Atlantic economy.

尽管 17 世纪对英国来说充满了忧虑——宗教、社会和政治动荡会斩首一位国王，并迫使另一位国王逃离王位——但马萨诸塞州和弗吉尼亚州的定居者仍然被新兴的大西洋经济联系在一起。

While commodities such as tobacco and sugar fueled new markets in Europe, the economy grew increasingly dependent on slave labor.

尽管烟草和糖等大宗商品推动了欧洲的新市场，但经济却越来越依赖奴隶劳动。

Enslaved Africans transported across the Atlantic would further complicate the collision of cultures in the Americas.

被奴役的非洲人被运往大西洋彼岸将使美洲文化的冲突进一步复杂化。

The creation and maintenance of a slave system would spark new understandings of human difference and new modes of social control.

奴隶制度的创建和维持将引发对人类差异的新理解和新的社会控制模式。

The economic exchanges of the new Atlantic economy would not only generate great wealth and exploitation, they would also lead to new cultural systems and new identities for the inhabitants of at least four continents.

新大西洋经济的经济交流不仅会产生巨大的财富和剥削，还会为至少四大洲的居民带来新的文化体系和新的身份。

Richard Hakluyt makes the case for English colonization, 1584

理查德·哈克卢特 (Richard Hakluyt) 阐述英国殖民统治，1584 年

Richard Hakluyt used this document to persuade Queen Elizabeth I to devote more money and energy into encouraging English colonization.

理查德·哈克卢特利用这份文件说服伊丽莎白女王一世投入更多的金钱和精力来鼓励英国殖民化。

In twenty-one chapters, summarized here, Hakluyt emphasized the many benefits that England would receive by creating colonies in the Americas.

哈克卢特在此处总结的二十一章中强调了英国通过在美洲建立殖民地可以获得的许多好处。

John Winthrop delivered the following sermon before he and his fellow settlers reached New England .

约翰·温思罗普 (John Winthrop) 在和其他定居者到达新英格兰之前发表了以下布道。

The sermon is famous largely for its use of the phrase “a city on a hill,” used to describe the expectation that the Massachusetts Bay colony would shine like an example to the world.

这篇布道之所以出名，主要是因为它使用了“山上的城市”这个短语，用来描述马萨诸塞湾殖民地将像世界榜样一样闪耀的期望。

But Winthrop’s sermon also reveals how he expected Massachusetts to differ from the rest of the world.

但温思罗普的布道也揭示了他对马萨诸塞州与世界其他地方的期望有何不同。

John Lawson took detailed notes on the various peoples he encountered during his exploration of the Carolinas.

约翰·劳森详细记录了他在卡罗莱纳州探索期间遇到的各个民族。

Lawson recorded many aspects of Native American life and even noticed the progress of disease as it swept through native communities.

劳森记录了美洲原住民生活的许多方面，甚至注意到疾病席卷原住民社区的进展情况。

Chrestien Le Clercq traveled to New France as a missionary, but found that many Native Americans were not interested in adopting European cultural practices.

克雷斯蒂安·勒克莱克作为传教士前往新法兰西，但发现许多美洲原住民对采用欧洲文化习俗不感兴趣。

In this document, LeClercq records the words of a Gaspesian man who explained why he believed that his way of life was superior to Le Clercq’s.

在这份文件中，勒克莱克记录了一位加斯佩西亚人的话，他解释了为什么他相信自己的生活方式优于勒克莱克。

Most Native American peoples shared information solely through the spoken word.

大多数美洲原住民仅通过口头语言分享信息。

These oral cultures present unique challenges to historians, and force us to look beyond traditional written sources.

这些口头文化给历史学家带来了独特的挑战，迫使我们超越传统的书面资料。

Folk tales offer a valuable window into the ways that Native Americans understood themselves and the wider world.

民间故事为了解美洲原住民如何理解自己和更广阔的世界提供了宝贵的窗口。

The Wampanoag legend of Moshup describes an ancient giant who lived on Martha’s Vineyard Island and offered stories about the history of the region.

莫舒普的万帕诺亚格传说描述了一位居住在玛莎葡萄园岛的古代巨人，讲述了该地区的历史故事。

These two documents explore the hysteria and death that captured Salem, Massachusetts at the end of the seventeenth century.

这两份文件探讨了 17 世纪末马萨诸塞州塞勒姆的歇斯底里和死亡。

In the first document, Sarah Carrier testifies that her mother forced her to engage in witchcraft.

在第一份文件中，莎拉·卡里尔证实她的母亲强迫她从事巫术。

Her mother, Martha Carrier, was hung one week later.

一星期后，她的母亲玛莎·卡里尔被绞死。

In the second document, Ann Putnam recants her own deadly accusations twenty years after the witchcraft trials.

在第二份文件中，安·帕特南在巫术审判二十年后撤销了自己的致命指控。

Manuel Trujillo accuses Asencio Povia and Antonio Yuba of sodomy, 1731

曼努埃尔·特鲁希略 (Manuel Trujillo) 指控阿森西奥·波维亚 (Asencio Povia) 和安东尼奥·尤巴 (Antonio Yuba) 鸡奸，1731 年

In 1731, Manuel Trujillo accused two Pueblo men, Acensio Povia and Antonio Yuba, of committing sodomy.

1731 年，曼努埃尔·特鲁希略 (Manuel Trujillo) 指控两名普韦布洛男子阿森西奥·波维亚 (Acensio Povia) 和安东尼奥·尤巴 (Antonio Yuba) 鸡奸。

Both Povia and Yuba denied this accusation, and Yuba invoked his status as a Christian in order to bolster his credibility.

波维亚和尤巴都否认了这一指控，尤巴则援引自己的基督徒身份来增强自己的可信度。

Governor Gervasio Cruzat y Góngora chose to exile Povia and Yuba to different pueblos for a period of four months, during which time they were to cease any and all communication with one another.

州长杰瓦西奥·克鲁扎特·贡戈拉 (Gervasio Cruzat y Góngora) 选择将波维亚 (Povia) 和尤巴 (Yuba) 流放到不同的普韦布洛，为期四个月，在此期间，他们将停止彼此之间的任何和所有联系。

This case explores sexual practices deemed “nefarious sins” as well as illustrates what scholars have called the colonial dilemma—the situation where Indigenous peoples remained in a subjected state despite theological equality following their Christian conversion.

这个案例探讨了被视为“罪恶”的性行为，并说明了学者们所说的殖民困境——原住民在皈依基督教后，尽管神学平等，但仍处于受奴役状态。

During the contact period, the frontier was constantly shifting and places that are now considered old were once tenuous settlements.

在接触期间，边界不断变化，现在被认为是古老的地方曾经是脆弱的定居点。

This watercolor painting depicts New Orleans in 1726 when it was an 8-year-old French frontier settlement, nearly forty years prior to the Spanish acquisition of the Louisiana territory.

这幅水彩画描绘了 1726 年的新奥尔良，当时它是一个已有 8 年历史的法国边境定居点，比西班牙占领路易斯安那领土早了近四十年。

In the foreground, enslaved Africans fell trees on land belonging to the Company of the Indies, and another enslaved man spears a massive alligator.

在前景中，被奴役的非洲人在属于印度公司的土地上砍伐树木，另一名被奴役的人用矛刺死一条巨大的鳄鱼。

Land has been cleared only just beyond the town limits and a wooden palisade provides meager protection from competing European empires.

土地仅在城镇边界外被清理干净，木栅栏只能提供微薄的保护，使其免受欧洲帝国的竞争。

Native settlements were usually organized around political, economic, or religious activity.

土著定居点通常围绕政治、经济或宗教活动进行组织。

John White shows this Algonquin community engaged in some kind of celebration across from the fire he identified as “The place of solemne prayer,” indicating that ceremonial activity could be both solemn and raucous.

约翰·怀特展示了这个阿尔冈昆社区在他认为是“庄严祈祷的地方”的火对面正在进行某种庆祝活动，这表明仪式活动可能既庄严又喧闹。

In the center of the image, a communal meal has been laid alongside crops that are in varying stages of growth, suggesting the use of planting techniques like crop rotation.

在图像的中心，一顿公共餐被放置在处于不同生长阶段的农作物旁边，这表明使用了轮作等种植技术。

He also shows the interior of several longhouses, made of bent saplings and covered with bark and woven maps.

他还展示了几座长屋的内部结构，这些长屋由弯曲的树苗制成，上面覆盖着树皮和编织的地图。

Among the Powhatan, similar structures were called yehakins.

在 Powhatan 中，类似的结构被称为 yehakins。

In putting the longhouses and the settlement in a series of rows, White’s English perspective comes through: archaeological evidence shows that these houses were usually situated around communal gathering places or moved next to fields under cultivation not ordered in European-style rows.

将长屋和定居点排列成一系列的行，怀特的英国视角得以体现：考古证据表明，这些房屋通常位于公共聚集地周围，或者移动到未按欧式行列排列的耕地旁边。

This chapter was edited by Ben Wright and Joseph Locke, with content contributions by Erin Bonuso, L.

本章由 Ben Wright 和 Joseph Locke 编辑，内容由 Erin Bonuso, L.

D .

Burnett, Jon Grandage, Joseph Locke, Lisa Mercer, Maria Montalvo, Ian Saxine, Jennifer Tellman, Luke Willert, and Ben Wright.

伯内特、乔恩·格兰达奇、约瑟夫·洛克、丽莎·默瑟、玛丽亚·蒙塔尔沃、伊恩·萨克辛、詹妮弗·泰尔曼、卢克·威勒特和本·赖特。

Recommended citation: Erin Bonuso et al., “Colliding Cultures,” Ben Wright and Joseph L.

推荐引用：Erin Bonuso 等人，“文化冲突”，Ben Wright 和 Joseph L.

Locke, eds., in The American Yawp , eds.

洛克编辑，载于《美国雅普》编辑。

Joseph L.

约瑟夫·L。

Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).

洛克和本·赖特（加利福尼亚州斯坦福：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年）。

中文为机器翻译，仅供参考。