The Allure of Eden on Earth
When Paul Thomas Anderson’s One Battle After Another was released last year, some critics and online pundits took issue with how the film portrayed the members of the French 75, the fictional group of socialist revolutionaries fighting against American imperialism and authoritarianism.
当保罗·托马斯·安德森的《一场又一场的战斗》去年上映时，一些评论家和网络专家对影片如何描绘法国 75 人的成员提出了质疑，法国 75 人是一个虚构的反对美帝国主义和威权主义的社会主义革命者团体。
One character ends up killing someone during a robbery gone wrong, and in an effort to stay out of prison, she turns to the military man she’s been sleeping with for help.
一个角色最终在一次失手的抢劫中杀人了，为了逃出监狱，她向一直和她上床的军人寻求帮助。
Real revolutionaries, the detractors wrote, would not snitch on their comrades to avoid a prison sentence, they would not kill a security guard, and they would not abandon their children to go on the run.
批评者写道，真正的革命者不会为了避免入狱而告密自己的战友，他们不会杀死保安，也不会抛弃孩子去逃亡。
What started as a marginal grumble soon came to include professors, political consultants, and high-profile members of the new American left.
最初只是微不足道的抱怨，很快教授、政治顾问和美国新左派的知名人士也开始抱怨。
It was part of a larger nostalgia for the great groups of “resistance” and political radicals of the late 1960s.
这是对 20 世纪 60 年代末伟大的“抵抗”团体和政治激进分子的更大怀旧情绪的一部分。
When campus protests were organized against Israel’s war in Gaza, they were modeled directly on Vietnam war-era campus takeovers.
当针对以色列在加沙的战争组织校园抗议活动时，它们直接模仿了越南战争时期的校园接管。
And then of course there was Beyonce, dressed as a Black Panther, performing at the Super Bowl.
当然还有碧昂斯，打扮成黑豹，在超级碗上表演。
But people in revolutionary groups did do all those things, and more.
但革命团体中的人们确实做了所有这些事情，甚至更多。
A few recent releases and reissues have me thinking about this mythologized period of revolution, and the hangovers that followed.
最近发行和重新发行的一些作品让我思考了这段神话化的革命时期以及随之而来的后遗症。
Jason Burke’s The Revolutionists: The Story of the Extremists Who Hijacked the 1970s , published this January, documents the various leftist groups that embraced violent resistance in the hopes of bringing on revolution.
杰森·伯克（Jason Burke）的《革命者：劫持 1970 年代的极端分子的故事》于今年 1 月出版，记录了各种左派团体拥抱暴力抵抗以期引发革命的故事。
Many of the men and women who waged armed combat were true believers in socialism and the Palestinian cause, but some just got pulled in by charismatic leaders like Carlos the Jackal and Andreas Baader, and others were just enchanted by the violence and spectacle of it all, eager for an opportunity to blow up a shop or take a plane full of people hostage.
许多发动武装战斗的男男女女都是社会主义和巴勒斯坦事业的真正信徒，但有些人只是被豺狼卡洛斯和安德烈亚斯·巴德尔等有魅力的领导人拉了进来，而另一些人只是被这一切的暴力和场面所迷住，渴望有机会炸毁一家商店或劫持一架满载人的飞机作为人质。
Principled people like Ulrike Meinhof, a journalist who abandoned her children and husband to join the Red Army Faction and fight for revolution, were outnumbered by the likes of her collaborator Baader, whom Burke describes as “spoiled, arrogant, and lazy.” Baader took credit for other people’s work, quoted Marxist rhetoric to get laid, and waged campaigns of humiliation and manipulation on fellow members of the group.
像记者乌尔丽克·迈因霍夫（Ulrike Meinhof）这样有原则的人，她抛弃了自己的孩子和丈夫，加入了红军派并为革命而战，但她的合作者巴德尔（Baader）等人的数量超过了她，伯克形容巴德尔“被宠坏了，傲慢而懒惰”。巴德尔将别人的工作归功于自己，引用马克思主义言论来上床，并对组织的其他成员发起羞辱和操纵运动。
Other groups were similarly run into the ground, starting off fighting for “revolution”—vaguely defined—and ending up in drug trafficking or assassination-for-hire schemes.
其他团体也同样陷入困境，一开始是为了“革命”——定义模糊——而最终陷入贩毒或雇佣暗杀计划。
Burke focuses mostly on revolutionary groups in Europe and the Middle East because they were the most active, long-lasting, and interconnected.
伯克主要关注欧洲和中东的革命团体，因为它们是最活跃、最持久和相互联系的。
German groups collaborated with Palestinian networks, Japanese revolutionaries showed up in North Africa.
德国团体与巴勒斯坦网络合作，日本革命者出现在北非。
Trinidadian novelist and journalist Shiva Naipaul focuses on the Americans, who were less interconnected and less effective: “the children of a prosperous middle class [who] exploded into a semblance of a revolt.
特立尼达小说家兼记者希瓦·奈保尔关注的是美国人，他们之间的联系较少，效率也较低：“繁荣的中产阶级的孩子们爆发了一场表面上的反抗。
They were well nourished, they were more or less educated, they were sentimental, they were spoiled, they were bored, they were looking for kicks, they were touched with half-digested idealisms, they were scared of dying in a war in Southeast Asia.” These were the young people who protested Vietnam, amassed guns and bombs, blew up a few buildings, did time in prison, and then—some of them at least—became tenured professors at prestigious universities.
他们营养良好，或多或少受过教育，他们多愁善感，他们被宠坏了，他们感到无聊，他们寻求刺激，他们被半消化的理想主义所感动，他们害怕死于东南亚的战争。”这些年轻人抗议越南，积聚枪支和炸弹，炸毁了一些建筑物，入狱服刑，然后——至少其中一些人——成为著名大学的终身教授。
That is not to say that their protests were not valid.
这并不是说他们的抗议无效。
As Burke documents, there existed a real desire among those active in European leftist groups to liberate Palestine, root out the legacy of Nazism in Germany, and bring an end to imperialism and exploitation.
正如伯克所记录的那样，欧洲左翼团体的活跃分子确实渴望解放巴勒斯坦、铲除德国纳粹主义的遗产、结束帝国主义和剥削。
Naipaul is clear about the entrenched racism, police brutality, and warmongering that drove young Americans into organizations like the Weather Underground and the Black Panthers.
奈保尔很清楚，根深蒂固的种族主义、警察暴行和好战行为促使美国年轻人加入了地下气象组织和黑豹党等组织。
But their methods were nonsensical, their goals were impossible, and their organizations were infiltrated by egomaniacs, psychos, and informants.
但他们的方法是荒谬的，他们的目标是不可能的，他们的组织被自大狂、精神病患者和线人渗透。
There’s an uncomfortable scene near the end of Naipaul’s Journey to Nowhere: A New World Tragedy (first published in 1980 and reissued this year by Outsider Editions) in which he visits Huey Newton at the Black Panther headquarters in Oakland, California.
奈保尔在《无处可去的旅程：新世界悲剧》（1980 年首次出版，今年由局外人版重新发行）接近尾声时有一个令人不安的场景，其中他在加利福尼亚州奥克兰的黑豹总部拜访了休伊·牛顿。
It’s the late ’70s at this point, so Malcolm X and MLK have been assassinated, Cointelpro has been unleashed and uncovered, and the massacre at Jonestown has just happened.
此时已是 70 年代末，马尔科姆·X 和 MLK 被暗杀，Cointelpro 被释放并被发现，琼斯镇大屠杀刚刚发生。
The Black Panthers have been decimated and reduced to a few social programs—providing buses so that loved ones can visit family members in prison, establishing a small school, offering some health clinic hours.
黑豹党已被消灭，只剩下一些社会项目——提供公交车，以便亲人可以探望监狱里的家人，建立一所小型学校，提供一些健康诊所时间。
Newton and Bobby Searle had originally written the Black Panther manifesto, which Newton claims took them only 20 minutes to compile.
牛顿和鲍比·塞尔最初撰写了黑豹宣言，牛顿声称他们只花了 20 分钟就完成了这份宣言。
“We want full employment for our people,” the manifest read.
“我们希望我们的人民充分就业，”清单上写道。
And: “We want education for our people that exposes the true nature of this decadent American society.” They are mostly utopian ideas that would take decades to implement, but they are being presented by people who, when going on armed patrol, have agreed to go down fighting in any confrontation with the police.
并且：“我们希望为我们的人民提供教育，揭露这个颓废的美国社会的真实本质。”它们大多是乌托邦式的想法，需要几十年的时间才能实现，但提出这些想法的人在武装巡逻时同意在与警察的任何对抗中坚持战斗。
Naipaul writes that “none of [these demands] were realizable.
奈保尔写道，“[这些要求]都无法实现。
Only the truly powerless could be so detached from reality, could write a manifesto in twenty minutes that demanded everything.” Less than a decade after their encounter, Newton would be dead, shot by a member of a rival Marxist Black empowerment paramilitary group.
只有真正无能为力的人才会如此脱离现实，才能在二十分钟内写出一份要求一切的宣言。”他们相遇后不到十年，牛顿就被敌对的马克思主义黑人赋权准军事组织的一名成员枪杀了。
Naipaul is meant to be writing about Jonestown.
奈保尔的本意是要写关于琼斯镇的文章。
Generally, when people write about the Peoples Temple—the California cult that moved to Guyana to create an Eden on Earth and ended up in a mass suicide that left more than 900 people dead—they compare it to other cults, like Heaven’s Gate or the Branch Davidians of Waco—other religious groups that confused charisma with wisdom and death with peace.
一般而言，当人们写到人民圣殿教——这个加州邪教搬到了圭亚那，在地球上创造了一个伊甸园，最终导致了一场大规模自杀，造成 900 多人死亡——他们会把它与其他邪教进行比较，比如天堂之门或韦科大卫教派——其他宗教团体将魅力与智慧、死亡与和平混为一谈。
Naipaul was writing immediately after the tragedy, and so he instead sees Jonestown as just another example of people in the 1970s claiming to want better lives who decided to take them instead:
奈保尔在悲剧发生后立即写道，因此他将琼斯敦视为 20 世纪 70 年代那些声称想要更好的生活却决定接受更好生活的人的另一个例子：
It has often been said that the Temple was reared on an idealism which, somehow, became perverted.
人们常说，圣殿是在理想主义的基础上建立起来的，但不知何故，这种理想主义变得扭曲了。
It would, I think, be more correct to say that the Temple was reared on—or, better still, inherited—an idealism that had already gone wrong, that had already lost its way and been twisted out of shape in the promiscuous chaos of the sixties.
我认为，更正确的说法是，圣殿是建立在——或者更好的是，继承了——一种理想主义的基础上的，这种理想主义已经出了问题，已经在六十年代的混乱混乱中迷失了方向并扭曲变形。
Jim Jones built his congregation in San Francisco with a combination of politics and faith healing.
吉姆·琼斯在旧金山建立了他的会众，将政治和信仰治疗结合起来。
In a time of segregated churches, his audience was notably mixed, with more than half coming from working-class Black neighborhoods.
在教堂种族隔离的时代，他的听众明显是混杂的，其中一半以上来自工薪阶层的黑人社区。
His sermons, which went on for hours, mixed gospel with a vision of a kind of heaven on earth, where discrimination based on race, class, and gender did not exist.
他的布道持续了几个小时，将福音与人间天堂的愿景融为一体，那里不存在基于种族、阶级和性别的歧视。
He also claimed he could heal the human body with just a touch or a glance, and many adherents credited him with their renewed ability to walk or see or hear.
他还声称他只需触摸或看一眼就可以治愈人体，许多信徒相信他使他们重新获得了行走、视觉或听觉的能力。
Jones’s followers believed that their mission was to establish socialism within the United States.
琼斯的追随者相信他们的使命是在美国境内建立社会主义。
Members pooled their financial resources to create the utopia of which they dreamed: They built soup kitchens to feed the hungry, clinics to heal the sick, and homes to house the aged.
成员们集中财力创造了他们梦想的乌托邦：他们建造了施粥所来喂饱饥饿的人，建造诊所来治愈病人，建造家园来安置老年人。
It was the sorry state of social programs in the Bay Area of the time that made people vulnerable to organizations like Jones’s.
当时湾区社会项目的糟糕状况让人们很容易受到琼斯这样的组织的影响。
And when Jones then started preaching about how the American government would never allow the community of racial harmony and social justice to find peace, and that the Peoples Temple would have to start somewhere fresh in another country far from interference and surveillance, his congregants were ready to sell their belongings and move to Guyana.
当琼斯开始宣扬美国政府永远不会允许种族和谐和社会正义的社区找到和平，人民圣殿教必须在另一个远离干涉和监视的国家重新开始时，他的教众们准备出售他们的财产并搬到圭亚那。
In Guyana, Jones found a compatible host.
在圭亚那，琼斯找到了一个兼容的主机。
In 1970, Guyana’s dictator Forbes Burnham declared the nation to be a Cooperative Socialist Republic.
1970年，圭亚那独裁者福布斯·伯纳姆宣布该国成为合作社会主义共和国。
He had been installed by the CIA, but the tide in the region had since turned away from Western influence and toward political radicalism and revolution.
他是由中央情报局任命的，但该地区的潮流从此脱离了西方的影响，转向了政治激进主义和革命。
The bauxite mines and sugar estates were nationalized; diplomatic relations were established with Cuba and the USSR.
铝土矿和糖业被国有化；与古巴和苏联建立了外交关系。
Soon Burnham was one of the richest Black men in the world, but the shelves at the grocery stores were bare, the hospitals had run out of supplies, and 50,000 Guyanese—more than six percent of the population—had emigrated.
很快，伯纳姆成为世界上最富有的黑人之一，但杂货店的货架空空荡荡，医院的物资也告罄，5万名圭亚那人（占人口的百分之六以上）已经移民。
As the Peoples Temple Agricultural Project (as Jonestown was formally known) grew, followers would write letters to family members and friends back in the States, boasting of the abundance they had created.
随着人民圣殿农业项目（琼斯镇的正式名称）的发展，追随者会写信给美国的家人和朋友，吹嘘他们所创造的丰富。
Their communal kitchens were overstuffed with the most delicious foods they had ever eaten.
他们的公共厨房里摆满了他们吃过的最美味的食物。
The health clinics were providing state of the art care to the sick and elderly.
卫生诊所为病人和老人提供最先进的护理。
And all property was held in common, because no one would be treated differently based on their ability to work or pay.
所有财产都是共同持有，因为任何人都不会因为工作或支付能力而受到区别对待。
A large percentage of Jonestown residents were elderly, who were independently housed, fed and cared for in exchange for signing over their social security checks.
琼斯镇居民中很大一部分是老年人，他们可以独立居住、饮食和照顾，以换取签署社会保障支票。
Jones was well connected with the politically radical at the time, with friends and contacts in both the San Francisco mayor’s office and the Black Panthers.
琼斯与当时的政治激进分子关系密切，在旧金山市长办公室和黑豹党都有朋友和联系人。
For him, it was all part of the same fight, whether conducted by gun, ballot, or spade.
对他来说，这都是同一场斗争的一部分，无论是通过枪、选票还是黑桃进行。
As Naipaul moves through the associates, friends, and fellow travelers of Jonestown, he encounters people who can imagine only cataclysm and destruction: the end of patriarchy, the end of capitalism, the end of imperialism.
当奈保尔穿过琼斯镇的同事、朋友和旅伴时，他遇到了那些只能想象灾难和破坏的人：父权制的终结，资本主义的终结，帝国主义的终结。
Once these obstacles are removed, then real life could begin.
一旦这些障碍被消除，真正的生活就可以开始。
But not all the Westerners seeking socialist relief went to Guyana, and some of them are still around.
但并非所有寻求社会主义救济的西方人都去了圭亚那，其中一些人仍然存在。
For about a decade, it was very chic for an architect to have his own city.
大约十年来，对于建筑师来说拥有自己的城市是非常时髦的事情。
Le Corbusier had Chandigarh, India.
勒柯布西耶拥有印度昌迪加尔。
He designed the government buildings and many housing projects, created a grid system for the urban layout, and built the monument of the Open Hand as a symbol of honesty and generosity.
他设计了政府大楼和许多住房项目，创建了城市布局的网格系统，并建造了张开之手纪念碑作为诚实和慷慨的象征。
Oscar Niemeyer had Brasilia, Brazil.
奥斯卡·尼迈耶拥有巴西巴西利亚。
He designed the new capital city’s presidential palace, city museum, and city hall, among others.
他设计了新首都的总统府、市博物馆和市政厅等。
And then Roger Anger had Auroville, India, which got its own book this year.
然后罗杰·安格（Roger Anger）在印度的黎明之城（Auroville），今年也有了自己的书。
These were planned cities, cities built where there had not been humans before: all the better to scrape clean and start again, without the burden of existing infrastructure, ingrained habits, and memories.
这些是规划好的城市，建在以前没有人类的地方：最好是清理干净并重新开始，没有现有基础设施、根深蒂固的习惯和记忆的负担。
In the case of India, Auroville and other planned cities were meant to establish a new start after independence and partition.
就印度而言，黎明之城和其他规划中的城市旨在在独立和分治后建立一个新的起点。
They could clean away all the violence and suffering from the country’s troubled birth in 1947, and incubate a better world.
他们可以消除1947年这个国家诞生时的所有暴力和苦难，并孕育一个更美好的世界。
As Polish journalist Katarzyna Boni puts it, these were “cities untainted by a colonial past, free of expended symbols, cities that showed the way for the entire nation.
正如波兰记者卡塔齐娜·博尼（Katarzyna Boni）所说，这些城市“没有受到殖民历史的污染，没有消耗的符号，为整个国家指明了道路。
A cradle of hope for the entire country.” Her new book, Auroville: A City of Dreams (translated by Mark Ordon) documents her second trip to the southern state of Tamil Nadu, following an initial visit in 2009.
整个国家希望的摇篮。”她的新书《黎明之城：梦想之城》（由马克·奥登翻译）记录了她继 2009 年首次访问南部泰米尔纳德邦之后的第二次旅行。
Built in 1968, Auroville was founded on the teachings of one guru, Sri Aurobindo, who believed that human beings were on the cusp of an important spiritual evolution.
黎明之城建于 1968 年，是根据一位大师室利·阿罗宾多 (Sri Aurobindo) 的教义建立的，他相信人类正处于重要的精神进化的风口浪尖。
Life on earth could be transformed into something more harmonious if enough people reached enlightenment.
如果有足够多的人获得启蒙，地球上的生活就会变得更加和谐。
Prior to his spiritual turn, he had been a political radical, active in the nationalist movement to gain independence from England, and his revolutionary group was responsible for several bombings.
在他的精神转向之前，他一直是一名政治激进分子，积极参与争取脱离英国独立的民族主义运动，他的革命团体对数起爆炸事件负有责任。
He died before Auroville could be created, so the implementation of his ideas and philosophy were handled by Mira Alfassa, also known as the Mother.
他在黎明之城创建之前就去世了，因此他的想法和哲学的实施由米拉·阿尔法萨（Mira Alfassa）（也被称为母亲）负责。
The city, which still stands today, is meant to foster spiritual enlightenment, and anyone from any part of the world can live there as long as they agree to abide by the rules.
这座至今仍然矗立的城市旨在促进精神启蒙，来自世界任何地方的任何人都可以在那里生活，只要他们同意遵守规则。
In order to create human unity, each resident must be willing to serve the Divine Consciousness.
为了创造人类团结，每个居民都必须愿意服务神圣意识。
That means no engagement with politics, no speaking in the silent zones, and no displays of physical affection out in public.
这意味着不得参与政治，不得在沉默区发表言论，不得在公共场合表现出身体上的感情。
Meaningful contributions must be made to communal kitchens, public areas, and community resources.
必须为公共厨房、公共区域和社区资源做出有意义的贡献。
It’s strange that Boni engages so infrequently with the ideas behind Auroville, instead choosing to focus on the feelings and experiences of those who live there.
奇怪的是，博尼很少参与黎明之城背后的想法，而是选择关注居住在那里的人们的感受和经历。
Most of the long-term residents are Westerners who made their way to India in the 1960s and ’70s.
大多数长期居民是 20 世纪 60 年代和 70 年代来到印度的西方人。
Several seem to be bored rich kids who are ensnared by Mother’s charisma.
有几个似乎是无聊的富家子弟，被母亲的魅力所吸引。
Many of them talk about making a better world …
他们中的许多人谈论创造一个更美好的世界......
somehow.
不知何故。
“This is where true democracy will finally appear, and taxes will not even be needed, because everyone will naturally and unforcedly co-create the prosperity of Auroville and its inhabitants.” Because Boni is determined to document the lives and desires of the residents, rather than put them in any kind of political perspective, what we get is something like a tourist pamphlet, bidding us to join this new world.
“这才是真正的民主最终出现的地方，甚至不需要税收，因为每个人都会自然而然地、不强迫地共同创造黎明之城及其居民的繁荣。”因为博尼决心记录居民的生活和愿望，而不是将他们置于任何政治角度，所以我们得到的就像一本旅游小册子，邀请我们加入这个新世界。
The few moments of skepticism or uncertainty have mostly to do with how the built world is misaligned with the grand plans.
少数的怀疑或不确定时刻主要与建成的世界与宏伟计划的不一致有关。
No ideas or goals needed, then.
那么就不需要想法或目标了。
“Humans will create a rainbow tribe that will save the Earth and restore its beauty.
“人类将创造一个彩虹部落来拯救地球并恢复其美丽。
A new era will come, there is no doubt about it.
新的时代即将到来，这是毫无疑问的。
Common spiritual effort can help accelerate it.”
共同的精神努力可以帮助加速这一过程。”
That last bit seems to come from a man named Roy, an Auroville resident who had left behind a middle-class New York City existence because he was seeking spiritual connection.
最后一点似乎来自一个名叫罗伊的人，他是黎明之城的居民，因为寻求精神联系而离开了纽约市中产阶级的生活。
Boni is vague about who is saying what, what is quotation and what is her interpretation.
博尼对于谁在说什么、引用了什么以及她的解释是什么含糊其辞。
The stories are all very similar: I can never tell if I’m listening to the disillusioned son of wealthy Washington parents or the resentful daughter of wealthy British parents.
这些故事都非常相似：我永远无法分辨我听的是华盛顿富裕父母的幻想破灭的儿子，还是英国富有父母的怨恨的女儿。
They all insist on how different and special they are and are ultimately indistinguishable from one another.
他们都坚持认为自己是多么的不同和特别，并且最终彼此无法区分。
It’s almost as if for this group of utopian dreamers, having a recognizable personality or story or way of communicating would get in the way of creating paradise on earth.
对于这群乌托邦梦想家来说，拥有可识别的个性、故事或沟通方式似乎会妨碍他们创造人间天堂。
Boni was driven to return to Auroville in 2018, a particularly difficult year, she insists, citing a school shooting in the United States, the war in Syria, and a humanitarian disaster in Yemen.
博尼坚称，2018 年是特别困难的一年，她被迫返回黎明之城，并列举了美国的校园枪击事件、叙利亚战争和也门的人道主义灾难。
“People who were feeling increasingly more lost were constantly looking for a different world,” she writes.
“那些感到越来越迷失的人不断地寻找一个不同的世界，”她写道。
But everyone always thinks their era is uniquely terrible, uniquely perilous.
但每个人总认为自己的时代是独一无二的可怕、独一无二的危险。
No one has ever suffered the way they have suffered.
没有人经历过像他们这样的痛苦。
It’s interesting to note how little any of the problems she lists would directly affect her own existence as a Polish journalist.
有趣的是，她列出的任何问题都不会直接影响她作为一名波兰记者的存在。
The war in Syria might have caused a migration crisis that she saw on the news, one that she felt helpless to do anything about, but she herself was not displaced and was likely no more than inconvenienced by the war.
叙利亚战争可能引发了她在新闻中看到的移民危机，对此她感到无能为力，但她本人并没有流离失所，而且很可能只是因为战争给她带来了不便。
Auroville, 50 years after its creation, has around 3,000 residents from 59 nations.
黎明之城成立 50 年后，拥有来自 59 个国家的约 3,000 名居民。
They meditate, they try to reach enlightenment, and still the world is in shambles.
他们冥想，他们试图获得启蒙，但世界仍然一片混乱。
Lately, plans to expand the city and allow more residents have been met with protest from current residents, who believe Auroville would lose its special quality.
最近，扩大城市规模并容纳更多居民的计划遭到了现有居民的抗议，他们认为黎明之城将失去其特殊品质。
Putting the harmony of the city at risk would put the fate of a better world at risk.
让城市的和谐面临风险，就会让一个更美好世界的命运面临风险。
Only one person in Boni’s book dares to say what’s really going on, that Auroville is not an attempt to improve the world but a retreat from it: “Don’t take responsibility for the whole world …
博尼的书中只有一个人敢于说出到底发生了什么，黎明之城不是试图改善世界，而是逃避世界：“不要对整个世界承担责任......
You just need to take care of yourself.”
你只需要照顾好自己就可以了。”
Near the end of Journey to Nowhere , Naipaul attends a discussion led by Buckminster Fuller, a utopian architect who believed that one could design a better world with the right ideas, the right architecture, the right urban planning—and the right billionaires converted to the cause.
在《无处可去的旅程》接近尾声时，奈保尔参加了一场由乌托邦建筑师巴克敏斯特·富勒主持的讨论，他相信，只要有正确的想法、正确的建筑、正确的城市规划以及正确的亿万富翁，就可以设计出一个更美好的世界。
At this particular event, Fuller holds the audience in a state of rapture as he talks about how they can all turn the world into a paradise.
在这次特别的活动中，富勒谈到他们如何将世界变成天堂，让观众欣喜若狂。
“I felt I was working shoulder to shoulder with a chosen few,” Fuller tells the crowd, “a handful of people who were really willing to put their lives out for something beyond themselves.”
“我觉得我正在与少数被选中的人并肩工作，”富勒告诉人群，“少数人真正愿意为了超越自己的事情而献出自己的生命。”
“The people here had not come to learn anything,” Naipaul writes.
“这里的人们并不是来学习任何东西的，”奈保尔写道。
“They had come in search of revelation; they had come to discover how they might save themselves, save mankind, save the world.” And yet here we all still are, half a century on, having the same arguments about the people committed to saving us.
“他们来寻找启示；他们来发现如何拯救自己，拯救人类，拯救世界。”然而，半个世纪过去了，我们仍然对致力于拯救我们的人们有同样的争论。