The Vote

Sisterhood is powerful!

姐妹情谊太强大了！

Join us now!

现在就加入我们吧！

Sisterhood is powerful!

姐妹情谊太强大了！

Join us now!

现在就加入我们吧！

Free our sisters, free ourselves!

解放我们的姐妹，解放我们自己！

So remember, men, if you come to work tomorrow and your secretary refuses to do the filing and then go home and find that your wife has refused to do the cooking, don't blame them.

所以请记住，男人们，如果你明天上班而你的秘书拒绝做文件，然后回家发现你的妻子拒绝做饭，不要责怪他们。

Remember, you gave them the right to vote fifty years ago.

请记住，五十年前您就赋予了他们投票权。

It had been the opening act in what proved to be an epic struggle for equality: a crusade carried out by millions of women, over the better part of a century, to secure for themselves the right to vote, and thereby participate in America's democracy.

这是一场史诗般的争取平等斗争的开场：数以百万计的妇女在一个多世纪的时间里进行了一场十字军东征，为自己争取投票权，从而参与美国的民主。

The textbooks when I went to school said women were given the vote.

我上学时的教科书说女性有投票权。

We weren’t given anything.

我们没有得到任何东西。

We took it.

我们拿走了它。

On June 29th, 1909, a 24-year-old American student named Alice Paul made her way through the streets of London, and joined a contingent of some 200 other women headed for the Houses of Parliament.

1909 年 6 月 29 日，一位名叫爱丽丝·保罗 (Alice Paul) 的 24 岁美国学生穿过伦敦街道，加入了由约 200 名女性组成的队伍，前往议会大厦。

Once there, they planned to insist on an audience with the Prime Minister and press him for the right to vote––a fundamental exercise of citizenship, known as suffrage, that was then denied to women in most of the world's democracies.

到达那里后，她们计划坚持会见总理，并敦促他获得投票权——这是一种基本的公民权利，被称为选举权，当时世界上大多数民主国家的妇女都被剥夺了投票权。

When Alice Paul had arrived in England two years earlier, she'd had no thought of joining the crusade for woman suffrage.

当爱丽丝·保罗两年前抵达英国时，她并没有想过加入争取妇女选举权的运动。

She'd come, as she put it, to "see something of the world," and had enrolled in a graduate economics class at the University of Birmingham––the first woman ever to do so.

正如她所说，她来这里是为了“看看这个世界”，并报名参加了伯明翰大学的经济学研究生课程——这是有史以来第一位这样做的女性。

Then, one day on campus, she'd spotted a notice about an upcoming lecture.

然后，有一天在校园里，她发现了一则关于即将举行的讲座的通知。

The name was one she knew: Christabel Pankhurst, along with her mother Emmeline, was a co-founder of the Women's Social and Political Union, Britain's notoriously militant suffrage organization.

她知道这个名字：克里斯塔贝尔·潘克赫斯特 (Christabel Pankhurst) 和她的母亲埃米琳 (Emmeline) 是妇女社会和政治联盟的联合创始人，该联盟是英国臭名昭著的激进选举权组织。

They started with mass demonstrations, demonstrations of ten, 20, 30,000 people demanding the right to vote.

他们从大规模示威开始，十人、二十人、三万人示威，要求投票权。

Nothing like this had ever been done before.

以前从未做过这样的事情。

The idea was to really get enough attention in order to draw the members of Parliament, but also the public, into the cause of suffrage.

这个想法是为了真正获得足够的关注，以吸引议会成员以及公众参与选举权事业。

So aggressive were the women of the Pankhurst army that a British journalist had concocted a twist on the term "suffragist" to identify them, derisively dubbing them "suffragettes."

潘克赫斯特军队中的女性如此咄咄逼人，以至于一位英国记者对“妇女参政论者”一词进行了扭曲，以嘲讽地称她们为“妇女参政论者”。

Ridicule is one of the great weapons against women’s assertion, and that’s what was going on with calling suffragists "suffragettes." It minimized them.

嘲笑是反对妇女主张的强大武器之一，这就是将妇女参政论者称为“妇女参政论者”的原因。它最大限度地减少了它们。

It turned them into a small version of what they were.

它把它们变成了原来的小版本。

No amount of mockery in the press, however, had prepared Alice Paul for what happened at Christabel Pankhurst's lecture.

然而，媒体上再多的嘲笑也没有让爱丽丝·保罗对克里斯塔贝尔·潘克赫斯特演讲中发生的事情做好准备。

There were lots of male students from the University of Birmingham there, and they were hooting and hollering and singing songs and throwing things.

那里有很多伯明翰大学的男学生，他们大声叫喊、唱歌、扔东西。

Someone threw a mouse, a dead mouse.

有人扔了一只老鼠，一只死老鼠。

And it was total pandemonium.

场面一片混乱。

Alice witnessed Christabel Pankhurst, who was no slouch on the speaking platform, essentially being shouted down and being unable to speak.

爱丽丝亲眼目睹了克里斯塔贝尔·潘克赫斯特（Christabel Pankhurst）在演讲台上的表现毫不逊色，实际上是被喊倒了，无法说话。

Paul would remember it as a turning point.

保罗会记得这是一个转折点。

Quakers believed in educating boys and girls equally, and so she had never experienced the reality of inequality.

贵格会教徒相信男孩和女孩应该受到平等的教育，因此她从未经历过不平等的现实。

And she began to realize that there was a whole other world out there where women were not necessarily treated equally.

她开始意识到，在另一个世界里，女性不一定受到平等对待。

Some months after the lecture, Paul had written to her mother back home in New Jersey: "I have joined the 'suffragettes." Now, she was marching with them to Parliament to demand for British women the right to vote.

讲座结束几个月后，保罗写信给新泽西州的母亲：“我加入了‘妇女参政论者’。”现在，她正与他们一起游行到议会，要求英国妇女投票权。

Emmeline Pankhurst leads the deputation up to the gates of Parliament.

艾米琳·潘克赫斯特 (Emmeline Pankhurst) 带领代表团来到议会门口。

And suddenly they’re stormed by police.

突然他们遭到警察的袭击。

Women are thrown to the ground and they're trampled.

妇女被扔在地上并被践踏。

In all, 112 women were hauled off to the police station, "half fainting," one observed, "and their clothes torn to pieces." Alice Paul was among them.

总共有 112 名妇女被拖到警察局，一名妇女说，她们“半昏过去了”，“她们的衣服被撕成了碎片”。艾丽丝·保罗就是其中之一。

It was the first time Paul had been arrested.

这是保罗第一次被捕。

But having become, as she said, a "heart and soul convert" to the cause of woman suffrage––a cause now reaching its crescendo––this arrest would by no means be her last.

但正如她所说，她已经“全心全意地皈依”妇女选举权事业——这一事业现已达到顶峰——这次逮捕绝不是她最后一次被捕。

In the United States, the suffragettes' so-called "siege" of Parliament was met with incredulity and scorn.

在美国，妇女参政论者对议会的所谓“围攻”遭到了怀疑和蔑视。

This was not, newspapers made plain, the way that women should behave.

报纸明确指出，这不是女性应有的行为方式。

By 1909, it was a familiar refrain.

到了 1909 年，这已成为一种熟悉的说法。

More than six decades had passed since the clamor for woman suffrage first was raised, most loudly at a convention in Seneca Falls, New York, in 1848.

自从 1848 年在纽约塞内卡福尔斯举行的一次大会上首次提出争取妇女选举权的呼声以来，已经过去了六十多年。

Some three hundred people had come that July to discuss the rights of women, and had listened as 32-year-old abolitionist Elizabeth Cady Stanton decried the lack of them––provocatively comparing her condition, as a free married woman with children, to slavery.

那年 7 月，大约有 300 人前来讨论妇女权利，并聆听 32 岁的废奴主义者伊丽莎白·卡迪·斯坦顿 (Elizabeth Cady Stanton) 谴责缺乏妇女权利，并挑衅地将她作为一个自由的已婚妇女和孩子的状况与奴隶制进行比较。

"We assemble to protest against a form of government existing without the consent of the governed," Stanton proclaimed, "to declare our right to be free as man is free."

斯坦顿宣称：“我们聚集在一起抗议未经被统治者同意而存在的政府形式，以宣布我们像人一样自由的权利。”

At the time of Seneca Falls, a woman had no legal existence.

在塞内卡福尔斯时期，女性没有合法的存在。

When married, she was "absorbed into the person of her husband." Now that would be fine if there were women who weren’t married, but adult women were overwhelmingly married women, and they had no legal standing.

结婚后，她“全身心投入到丈夫身上”。如果有未婚的女性也好，但成年女性绝大多数是已婚女性，她们没有法律地位。

Married women could not sign a contract.

已婚妇女不能签订合同。

If they worked outside the home, they couldn’t keep their paycheck.

如果他们外出工作，他们就无法保留工资。

It went to their husbands.

它去了他们的丈夫。

If they dared to divorce, husbands retained custody of the children.

如果他们敢离婚，丈夫保留孩子的监护权。

The doors of public universities were closed to them.

公立大学的大门对他们关闭了。

There were just many, many ways in which they were second-class citizens.

在很多很多方面他们都是二等公民。

The Declaration of Sentiments adopted by the convention had been modeled on the Declaration of Independence, and included a list of resolutions outlining the rights to which women, as citizens, should be entitled.

大会通过的《情感宣言》以《独立宣言》为蓝本，其中包括一系列决议，概述了妇女作为公民应享有的权利。

Seneca Falls is the first very public demonstration and announcement that women are asking for a whole series of rights that they feel they’ve been denied.

塞内卡福尔斯是第一次非常公开的示威和宣布，妇女要求获得她们认为自己被剥夺的一系列权利。

And it is considered really radical.

这被认为是非常激进的。

They're fighting for education.

他们为教育而战。

They're fighting for the right to own property.

他们正在争取拥有财产的权利。

They wanted to be full adult American citizens.

他们想成为完整的成年美国公民。

Of the eleven resolutions put forward by Stanton, only one was considered so controversial that it failed to pass unanimously: Resolution Nine, which demanded for women the right to vote––a right that had engendered equal controversy among the men who wrote the U.S. Constitution.

在斯坦顿提出的十一项决议中，只有一项被认为极具争议性，以至于未能获得一致通过：即要求妇女享有投票权的第九号决议，这一权利在美国宪法的男性起草者中引起了同样的争议。

ALEXANDER KEYSSAR: One of the remarkable things about the history of democracy in the United States is that the Constitution, in its original form, said nothing about the right to vote.

亚历山大·凯萨：美国民主史上最引人注目的事情之一是，宪法的最初形式没有提及投票权。

When the founding fathers talked about "we, the people," they were talking about adult, white males, and really, adult, white, respectable males.

当开国元勋们谈论“我们，人民”时，他们谈论的是成年白人男性，而且是真正的成年白人、受人尊敬的男性。

They had different views about how broad the franchise should be.

他们对于特许经营权的范围应该有多大有不同的看法。

So instead of hammering out a consensus view, they punted and left voting rights to the states.

因此，他们没有敲定出一致的观点，而是下注并将投票权留给了各州。

In most states, the notion was that in order to have the franchise, you had to be independent in some economic and social sense.

在大多数州，人们的观念是，为了拥有特许经营权，你必须在某种经济和社会意义上保持独立。

And women had very few opportunities to be independent.

女性独立的机会很少。

Opposed by Stanton's husband––and by her father, who threatened to disown her––woman suffrage found its first male champion in Frederick Douglass, who had escaped enslavement to become a leader of the abolitionist movement.

在斯坦顿的丈夫以及威胁要与她断绝关系的父亲的反对下，妇女选举权在弗雷德里克·道格拉斯（Frederick Douglass）身上找到了第一位男性捍卫者，他摆脱了奴役，成为废奴运动的领导人。

From the abolitionist ranks also came the first generation of suffragists ––Lucretia Mott, Lucy Stone, and Sojourner Truth; Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, Sarah Remond, Susan B.

从废奴主义者的行列中还诞生了第一代妇女参政论者——卢克丽霞·莫特（Lucretia Mott）、露西·斯通（Lucy Stone）和索杰纳·特鲁斯（Sojourner Truth）；弗朗西斯·艾伦·沃特金斯·哈珀、莎拉·雷蒙德、苏珊·B.

Anthony––women for whom the two causes at first were entwined.

安东尼——对她们来说，这两个原因最初是交织在一起的。

When the conflict over slavery finally exploded into civil war, the suffragists set their own agenda aside to help secure rights for those who'd been enslaved––expecting, as Stanton put it, "[that] when the Constitutional door is open, [we will] avail ourselves of the strong arm and the blue uniform of the black soldier to walk in by his side." Their rallying cry now was "Equal voting rights to all." Instead, under pressure from congressional Republicans––the party of Lincoln––Stanton and her friends were asked in 1869 to support the 15th Amendment, which extended federal protection for the franchise only to African-American men.

当围绕奴隶制的冲突最终爆发为内战时，妇女参政论者将自己的议程放在一边，以帮助那些被奴役的人确保权利——正如斯坦顿所说，“当宪法之门打开时，我们将利用黑人士兵的强有力的手臂和蓝色制服走进他的身边。”他们现在的口号是“人人享有平等投票权”。相反，在国会共和党（林肯所在的政党）的压力下，斯坦顿和她的朋友们于 1869 年被要求支持第 15 条修正案，该修正案将联邦对选举权的保护仅限于非裔美国男性。

The suffragists truly believe, perhaps naively, that once the war is over, all eligible citizens are going to get the vote.

妇女参政论者确实相信，也许是天真地认为，一旦战争结束，所有符合资格的公民都将获得投票权。

They are shattered when they’re told that the nation cannot handle two great reforms at once.

当他们被告知国家无法同时进行两项伟大的改革时，他们感到崩溃。

They can’t swallow black men getting the vote and women getting the vote at the same time.

他们不能吞并黑人男性获得投票权和女性同时获得投票权。

ELAINE WEISS: Frederick Douglass says, I believe in women’s suffrage.

伊莱恩·韦斯：弗雷德里克·道格拉斯说，我相信女性的选举权。

I always will.

我永远都会。

But the black man needs it first.

但黑人首先需要它。

My people are being killed.

我的人民正在被杀害。

The question of compromise, once introduced, quickly became a wedge.

妥协问题一旦提出，很快就成为了一个矛盾。

"If you will not give the whole loaf of justice to the entire people," Susan B.

“如果你不给全体人民伸张正义，”苏珊·B.

Anthony told Douglass, it should be given to "the most intelligent and capable portion of...women" first.

安东尼告诉道格拉斯，应该首先给予“女性中最聪明、最有能力的部分”。

Elizabeth Cady Stanton was less civil.

伊丽莎白·卡迪·斯坦顿则没那么文明。

"Think of...Sambo...," she fumed, "who...never read the Declaration of Independence or Webster’s spelling book, making laws for [educated, refined women]."

“想想……桑博……，”她生气地说，“谁……从来没有读过《独立宣言》或韦伯斯特的拼写书，为[受过教育、优雅的女性]制定法律。”

Stanton and Anthony have constructed the debate around the vote as one that positions white women against African American men.

斯坦顿和安东尼将围绕这次投票的辩论构建为白人女性与非裔美国男性相对立的一场辩论。

And Stanton in particular has made the argument that she will not see former slaves, the sons of slaves, enfranchised over elite, educated women.

斯坦顿尤其指出，她不会看到前奴隶、奴隶的儿子拥有比受过教育的精英女性更高的选举权。

These are ideas that are not uncommon.

这些想法并不罕见。

But now racism is sort of in a full-throated way part of the deliberations.

但现在种族主义已经成为讨论的一部分。

In the end, the fragile coalition forged by the Civil War was shattered by the terms of the peace––and causes once regarded as compatible had been set in opposition, to be prioritized one over the other if expedient.

最终，内战所建立的脆弱联盟被和平条款所瓦解——曾经被认为兼容的事业被置于对立之中，如果权宜之计，则将其中一项优先于另一项。

As Frances Ellen Watkins Harper noted ruefully: "When it was a question of race, [I] let the lesser question of sex go.

正如弗朗西斯·艾伦·沃特金斯·哈珀 (Frances Ellen Watkins Harper) 悲伤地指出的那样：“当这是种族问题时，[我]就放弃了性的次要问题。

But the white women all go for sex, letting race occupy a minor position."

但白人女性都追求性，让种族占据了次要地位。”

People will go in one direction or another out of this debate, men and women, black and white.

人们会从这场辩论中走向一个或另一个方向，无论男人还是女人，黑人还是白人。

There are those who say we should remain committed to our ideals, even as they might seem far-fetched.

有些人说我们应该继续致力于我们的理想，即使它们看起来有些牵强。

And there’s others who say, this is politics and we need to compromise.

还有人说，这是政治，我们需要妥协。

And that has consequences far beyond any encounter in the vestibule of a meeting hall.

这所产生的后果远远超出了在会议厅前厅发生的任何遭遇。

This is mapping, right, political culture for the nation––for women, but for the nation.

这是正确的，为国家绘制政治文化——为女性，也为整个国家。

By the time African-American men began to cast ballots and hold office in the South, in the early 1870's, the first generation of suffragists had split over strategy.

1870 年代初，当非洲裔美国男性开始在南方投票并担任公职时，第一代妇女参政论者在策略上出现了分歧。

Some sought to secure women the vote by petitioning for changes to state constitutions, believing voter eligibility a matter more properly determined by the states.

一些人试图通过请愿修改州宪法来确保女性投票权，他们认为选民资格问题更应该由各州决定。

The rest joined Stanton and Anthony in their quest for a federal remedy––and tried to push through what they hoped would be the 16th Amendment, barring the infringement of voting rights on the basis of sex.

其余的人与斯坦顿和安东尼一起寻求联邦补救措施，并试图推动他们希望的第十六修正案，禁止基于性别侵犯投票权。

But aside from a school board election here and a municipal election there, the ballot remained elusive.

但除了这里的学校董事会选举和那里的市政选举之外，投票仍然难以捉摸。

Women were considered too emotional, not intelligent enough.

人们认为女性过于情绪化，不够聪明。

They were supposed to be in the domestic sphere.

他们应该在家庭领域。

So the first job of the suffragists was really to completely change attitudes of millions of Americans and convince very reluctant men that this is an important idea, because only men could decide whether women deserved the vote.

因此，妇女参政论者的首要任务实际上是彻底改变数百万美国人的态度，并说服非常不情愿的男性，这是一个重要的想法，因为只有男性才能决定女性是否应该投票。

Even after the two factions joined forces in 1890, under the umbrella of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, the only place the cause gained any real traction was in the newer states of the West, where population was sparse and women's votes were regarded as an asset.

即使两派于 1890 年在美国全国妇女选举权协会的保护下联合起来，这一事业唯一获得真正牵引力的地方还是西部较新的州，那里人口稀少，妇女的选票被视为一种资产。

The first state in what came to be known as "the suffrage column" was Wyoming, which joined the Union in 1890 with its women already fully enfranchised.

第一个被称为“选举权专栏”的州是怀俄明州，该州于 1890 年加入联邦，其妇女已获得充分的选举权。

It was followed over the next six years by three more western states.

接下来的六年里，又有三个西部州紧随其后。

Then, the forward march stalled.

然后，前进的脚步就停滞了。

By the late 19th century, in white, middle-class and upper-class American society, there was a shrinking faith in democracy.

到了19世纪末，在美国白人、中产阶级和上层阶级社会，人们对民主的信心逐渐减弱。

In the North, a lot of people are saying, well, you know, democracy’s not an unalloyed blessing.

在北方，很多人都说，嗯，你知道，民主并不是一种纯粹的祝福。

We have all of these immigrants coming in.

我们有所有这些移民进来。

They don’t speak English.

他们不会说英语。

They’re not very smart.

他们不太聪明。

I don’t think we should let them vote.

我认为我们不应该让他们投票。

In the South, of course, the politicians were busy disenfranchising African-Americans who had been enfranchised during Reconstruction.

当然，在南方，政客们正忙着剥夺在重建期间获得选举权的非裔美国人的选举权。

The 15th Amendment didn’t say people have the right to vote, regardless of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.

第十五修正案并没有规定人们无论种族、肤色或之前的奴役状况如何都有权投票。

It said states can’t deny people the right to vote.

它说各州不能剥夺人们的投票权。

And southern states realized, well, they wouldn’t deny the right to vote by race.

南方各州意识到，他们不会否认按种族投票的权利。

They’d deny it if your grandfather was a slave.

如果你的祖父是奴隶，他们会否认这一点。

That’s not specified in the 15th Amendment.

第十五修正案中没有具体说明这一点。

So the dominant movement is to take voting rights away from people.

因此，占主导地位的运动是剥夺人们的投票权。

And that is something which the women’s suffrage movement runs up against at the end of the century.

这正是妇女选举权运动在本世纪末遇到的问题。

As states across the South moved to bar black men from voting––by means of grandfather clauses, literacy tests, poll taxes and brute force––the National Association, with Susan B.

当南方各州通过祖父条款、识字测试、人头税和暴力手段禁止黑人投票时，全国协会（National Association）与苏珊·B·

Anthony's assent, adapted to the prevailing mood.

安东尼的同意，适应了当时的气氛。

African-American women who had been prominent in the movement were sidelined, and Southern chapters permitted to refuse black members.

在该运动中表现突出的非裔美国妇女被边缘化，南方分会允许拒绝黑人成员。

In 1894, Anthony even went so far as to ask Frederick Douglass to keep away from a suffrage convention in Atlanta, for fear of alienating potential supporters.

1894 年，安东尼甚至要求弗雷德里克·道格拉斯不要参加在亚特兰大举行的选举权大会，以免疏远潜在的支持者。

Frederick Douglass is the one who stands up and says to women who are ambivalent about calling for the vote, well, you must work for suffrage.

弗雷德里克·道格拉斯（Frederick Douglass）站出来对那些对投票持矛盾态度的女性说，好吧，你们必须为选举权而努力。

So to say to him that he’s not welcome in the South, in Atlanta, is a terrible thing.

因此，对他说他在南方、在亚特兰大不受欢迎，是一件可怕的事情。

And Anthony probably actually believed that, as she said, when we get the vote, when white women get the vote, we’ll make everything okay for everybody.

安东尼可能真的相信，正如她所说，当我们获得投票权时，当白人女性获得投票权时，我们会让每个人的一切都好起来。

But it certainly encouraged the continuing segregation and discrimination.

但这无疑鼓励了持续的隔离和歧视。

African-American women are going to continue to work toward women’s rights.

非裔美国妇女将继续为妇女权利而努力。

They’re interested in the vote.

他们对投票很感兴趣。

But they are also using those ideas to transform and control their institutions––in churches, in fraternal orders, in benevolent societies.

但他们也利用这些想法来改变和控制他们的机构——教堂、兄弟会、仁慈的社会。

They’re going to build, by the 1890s, an African-American women’s club movement.

他们将在 1890 年代建立一场非裔美国妇女俱乐部运动。

And within that, they are also going to be claiming women’s rights in their own terms.

其中，他们还将以自己的方式主张妇女权利。

These are sisters who are divided because of racism and because of white supremacy, and they’re asking each other to concede on the issue of rights and it will impact every single attempt to bring women broadly together in action for a better society.

这些姐妹因种族主义和白人至上而分裂，她们要求彼此在权利问题上做出让步，这将影响每一次让妇女广泛团结起来，为建设更美好社会而采取行动的努力。

By the close of the 19th century, the National Association was comprised mainly of white, middle-class women––but was no more effective for being so.

到 19 世纪末，全国协会主要由白人中产阶级女性组成——但这并没有提高效率。

Between 1896 and 1909, suffragists across the country submitted more than 160 legislative measures for consideration, yet managed to put the question of woman suffrage directly to voters only six times––four of them in Oregon.

1896 年至 1909 年间，全国各地的选举权主义者提交了 160 多项立法措施供审议，但仅六次将妇女选举权问题直接向选民提出——其中四次在俄勒冈州。

All six referenda were defeated.

六次公投全部失败。

The federal amendment, likewise, went nowhere.

同样，联邦修正案也毫无进展。

Suffragists referred to the period as "the doldrums." Even Susan B.

妇女参政论者将这一时期称为“低迷时期”。甚至苏珊·B.

Anthony could not escape the pervasive sense of impotence.

安东尼无法摆脱普遍存在的无力感。

As she lamented in 1906, four years after Stanton's death and just weeks before her own: "I have struggled for sixty years for a little bit of justice and will die without securing it."

正如她在 1906 年（斯坦顿去世四年后，就在她去世前几周）所哀叹的那样：“我为了一点正义而奋斗了六十年，但我将在无法确保这一正义的情况下死去。”

You know, they’d all eat together, and then the men would go into the library or some other part of the house to talk about the real things of society.

你知道，他们会一起吃饭，然后男人们会走进图书馆或房子的其他地方谈论社会的真实事物。

You didn’t want to bother the pretty little woman’s head, right?

你不想打扰这个漂亮小女人的头脑，对吗？

You know what I compare it to?

你知道我把它比作什么吗？

I compare it to when you’re little kids and you’re building a tree house.

我将其与小时候建造树屋的情况进行比较。

And they put up a sign, "No girls allowed."

他们还立了一个牌子，“女孩禁止入内”。

On election day in 1909, in New York City, a 53-year-old suffragist named Harriot Stanton Blatch defied convention––by daring to enter a polling place on the upper West Side.

1909 年选举日，在纽约市，一位名叫哈里奥特·斯坦顿·布拉奇 (Harriot Stanton Blatch) 的 53 岁妇女参政论者敢于进入上西区的投票站，违抗惯例。

Having researched state law and found that it did not prohibit non-voters from serving as poll watchers, she'd gotten herself credentialed.

在研究了州法律并发现该法律并不禁止非选民担任民意调查员后，她获得了资格。

By day's end, she'd seen to it that two drunken election officials were forcibly removed by police.

到当天结束时，她已经确保两名醉酒的选举官员被警察强行带走。

Elsewhere in the city, on the lower East Side and in the Bowery, other women were following Blatch's lead.

在城市的其他地方，在下东区和包厘街，其他女性也在效仿布拉奇的做法。

It was a big party.

这是一个盛大的聚会。

It was raucous.

很吵闹。

It was drunk.

它喝醉了。

It was often violent.

这常常是暴力的。

Turnout among men was very high.

男性的投票率非常高。

It was like a festival and a spectator sport all at once.

这就像一场节日和一场观赏性运动。

And well-bred women showing up in that environment would not have been a very welcome sight.

而有教养的女性出现在那种环境中也不会是一个很受欢迎的景象。

To New Yorkers, Blatch's coordinated invasion of the polls offered a preview of what election day might be should women get the vote––and as Blatch noted, the expected calamity had not come to pass.

对于纽约人来说，布拉奇对民意调查的协调入侵提供了一个预览，即如果女性获得投票权，选举日可能会是怎样的——正如布拉奇所指出的，预期的灾难并没有发生。

"We have lifted the veil," she crowed, "we have entered the holy of holies and yet the Republic is still going on."

“我们已经揭开了面纱，”她欢呼道，“我们已经进入了至圣之地，但共和国仍在继续。”

I call Harriet Stanton Blatch the first second generation feminist.

我称哈丽特·斯坦顿·布拉奇为第一位第二代女权主义者。

She was a member of one of the first classes at Vassar.

她是瓦萨学院第一批学生之一。

She had lived in England and was friends with the Pankhursts.

她曾住在英国，与潘克赫斯特一家是朋友。

And then, she had the confidence and the legitimacy of being Elizabeth Stanton’s daughter.

然后，她就有了作为伊丽莎白·斯坦顿女儿的信心和合法性。

She realized that whereas when her mother had first pressed for the right to vote, women were largely domestic creatures.

她意识到，当她的母亲第一次要求投票权时，女性很大程度上还是家畜。

Now, a half century later, women had really moved into the public arena.

半个世纪后的现在，女性真正进入了公共舞台。

Amid the staggering transformation of American life in the 19th century––from rural to urban, agricultural to industrial, enslaved to free––the cause of women's rights gradually had advanced––improving their legal status, expanding their opportunities, and allowing many to slip the bonds of the domestic sphere.

在 19 世纪美国生活发生的惊人转变中——从农村到城市、从农业到工业、从奴役到自由——女权事业逐渐取得进展——提高了她们的法律地位，扩大了她们的机会，并让许多人摆脱了家庭领域的束缚。

By 1900, fully one-fifth of the paid labor force was female, with millions of women––many of them immigrants and unmarried––working for wages in factories, textile mills, shops.

到 1900 年，五分之一的有偿劳动力是女性，数以百万计的女性——其中许多是移民且未婚——在工厂、纺织厂和商店工作以获得工资。

Thousands more were off to college.

还有数千人去上大学。

Diplomas in hand, they delayed marriage and motherhood in ever greater numbers––to pursue a profession, or to join one of the countless progressive reform movements that were remaking American society.

拿着文凭，越来越多的人推迟结婚和生育——为了追求某种职业，或者加入正在重塑美国社会的无数进步改革运动之一。

So ubiquitous were they in the cities, with their streamlined, corset-free style of dress, their modern ideas and ambitions, they had given rise to a kind of icon known as "the New Woman."

她们在城市中无处不在，她们的流线型、无紧身胸衣的着装风格、现代理念和雄心壮志，催生了一种被称为“新女性”的偶像。

The New Woman is young, she’s in her twenties, she’s had some college.

新女性很年轻，她才二十几岁，已经上过大学了。

She can move, partly because she’s not wearing so many clothes.

她可以移动，部分原因是她穿的衣服不多。

And there’s just a kind of spirit to her of curiosity and embracing the future.

她身上有一种好奇心和拥抱未来的精神。

She sees possibilities for herself that her mother never had.

她为自己看到了她母亲从未有过的可能性。

The fresh terrain was nevertheless littered with obstacles: fields that remained stubbornly closed to women, especially African-Americans; hazardous working conditions and unequal pay; male bosses and colleagues who were by turns dismissive, hostile, and predatory.

然而，这片新土地却充满了障碍：仍然顽固地对女性，尤其是非裔美国人关闭的田地；危险的工作条件和不平等的报酬；男性老板和同事时而轻蔑，时而充满敌意，时而具有掠夺性。

For women who worked outside the home, the vote now was essential.

对于外出工作的女性来说，现在投票至关重要。

Women at the dawn of the 20th century were impatient for the change that they were realizing in their own lives.

20世纪初的女性对自己生活中所实现的变化感到不耐烦。

Women are able to circulate ideas.

妇女能够传播思想。

They’re meeting in clubs.

他们在俱乐部见面。

They’re getting more opportunities for formal education and they’re seeing themselves as fully-formed adults, as citizens.

他们获得了更多接受正规教育的机会，并且将自己视为完全成熟的成年人、公民。

The fact that women lacked the right to vote in the 20th century was a totally antiquated phenomenon.

女性缺乏投票权的事实在20世纪已经是一个完全过时的现象了。

And Harriot Stanton Blatch was determined to resolve that.

哈里奥特·斯坦顿·布拉奇决心解决这个问题。

Her vision is to bring working-class women into the suffrage movement and to link them to middle-class professional women.

她的愿景是将工人阶级女性带入选举权运动，并将她们与中产阶级职业女性联系起来。

So she puts these two groups of people together in an organization that she calls The Equality League of Self-Supporting Women.

因此，她将这两群人聚集在一起组成了一个组织，她称之为“自立妇女平等联盟”。

Blatch sees this organization as a way to seize control of the New York movement, which had become quite paralyzed, and to move it forward.

布拉奇将这个组织视为控制已经相当瘫痪的纽约运动并推动其前进的一种方式。

The Equality League was open to any woman who earned her daily bread, Blatch said, "from a cook to a mining engineer, and we have both of them." Affluent, married, her one daughter already grown, Blatch had never had to earn her own living.

布拉奇说，平等联盟向任何每天谋生的女性开放，“从厨师到采矿工程师，我们两者都有。”布拉奇富裕、已婚，她的一个女儿已经长大，她从来不需要自己谋生。

She was, she joked, the only "parasite" in the Equality League.

她开玩笑说，她是平等联盟中唯一的“寄生虫”。

But she believed wage-earning women were the key to finally winning the ballot.

但她相信，工薪女性是最终赢得选票的关键。

You start to get a broader range of activists involved in the movement.

你开始让更广泛的活动人士参与到这场运动中。

And they know how to go out on strike, they know how to picket.

他们知道如何罢工，他们知道如何纠察。

And there’s that willingness to be confrontational in order to win one’s goals that then they bring to the suffrage movement.

为了赢得自己的目标，他们愿意进行对抗，然后将其带入选举权运动。

It was a lesson learned from the Pankhursts.

这是潘克赫斯特家族的教训。

As Blatch told the New York World: the question of votes for women had to be pushed out of the parlor and into the streets.

正如布拉奇告诉《纽约世界报》的那样：妇女投票问题必须从客厅推到街头。

Every hour spent perched atop a soapbox––being heckled by crowds and sometimes pelted with stones––heightened the movement's visibility, and helped to broaden its base of support.

坐在肥皂盒上的每一个小时——受到人群的质问，有时还被扔石头——都提高了该运动的知名度，并有助于扩大其支持基础。

Before long, an auxiliary organization called the Men's League for Woman Suffrage had been formed; alliances with African-American women, members of the Equal Suffrage League of Brooklyn, broached; and high society women persuaded to lend not only their checkbooks, but also their considerable influence.

不久，一个名为“妇女选举权男子联盟”的辅助组织成立了。与布鲁克林平等选举权联盟成员非裔美国妇女建立联盟；上流社会的女性不仅被说服借出她们的支票簿，而且还借出她们相当大的影响力。

By the fall of 1909, the cause had become actually fashionable––and when Blatch brought her friend Emmeline Pankhurst to the U.S. for a lecture tour, the throngs at Carnegie Hall were such that more than a thousand people had to be turned away.

到了 1909 年秋天，这一事业实际上已经变得时尚起来——当布拉奇带着她的朋友艾米琳·潘克赫斯特到美国进行巡回演讲时，卡内基音乐厅挤满了人，有一千多人不得不被拒绝。

"Mrs. Blatch's whole idea," one of her campaigners recalled, "was that you must keep suffrage every minute before the public, so that they're used to the idea and talk about it, whether they agree or disagree...

“布拉奇夫人的整个想法，”她的一位竞选者回忆道，“就是你必须在公众面前每一分钟都保留选举权，以便他们习惯这个想法并谈论它，无论他们同意还是不同意......

I think she was quite right."

我认为她说得很对。”

There was very little experience with women participating actively in political life.

妇女积极参与政治生活的经验很少。

And nobody quite knew what it would look like, and that also made it possible for people, meaning men, to project their anxieties about it onto this.

没有人完全知道它会是什么样子，这也使得人们，即男人，有可能将他们对此的焦虑投射到此上。

What would happen?

会发生什么？

There’s a notion that if women were permitted to participate in elections, it would destroy the family.

有一种观念认为，如果允许女性参加选举，就会破坏家庭。

They genuinely feared that familial relations would be disturbed and interrupted, that women would be sullied by participating in the rough and tough arena of politics.

她们真诚地担心家庭关系会受到干扰和中断，女性会因参与粗暴的政治舞台而受到玷污。

There was a fear of the unknown.

有一种对未知的恐惧。

It’s not just about casting a ballot; it is this window on how people feel about what women’s roles should be in public life.

这不仅仅是投票；这是人们如何看待女性在公共生活中应扮演的角色的窗口。

And if you look at the cartoons which show women just looking like the devil, and with hooves and smoke coming out of their ears, they were demonized.

如果你看那些漫画，里面的女人看起来就像魔鬼，蹄子和耳朵里冒烟，她们被妖魔化了。

While the militant Mrs. Pankhurst stirred up crowds all along the eastern seaboard in the fall of 1909, journalist Richard Barry was in New York, marinating in the question of votes for women.

1909 年秋天，当好斗的潘克赫斯特夫人在东海岸煽动群众时，记者理查德·巴里 (Richard Barry) 在纽约，热衷于妇女投票问题。

Having noted the sudden, unexpected flurry of activity in the state's suffrage movement, the highbrow monthly Pearson's Magazine had commissioned Barry to conduct a major investigation.

注意到该州选举权运动突然发生的、意想不到的一系列活动后，高雅的月刊《皮尔逊杂志》委托巴里进行一项重大调查。

So far, he'd dutifully attended one of Pankhurst's lectures; interviewed, to his mind, the bombastic Harriot Stanton Blatch; and endured more street-corner speeches than he'd cared to.

到目前为止，他已经尽职尽责地听了潘克赫斯特的一场讲座。在他看来，采访的是夸夸其谈的哈里奥特·斯坦顿·布拉奇（Harriot Stanton Blatch）；他忍受的街头演讲比他愿意的还要多。

The angle he was following now promised to be more congenial: women who were opposed to woman suffrage...

他现在所遵循的角度承诺会更加合适：反对女性选举权的女性......

....respectable, upstanding women such as Mrs. Grover Cleveland, former First Lady of the United States, who agreed that men and women's roles, as her husband once put it, "had been assigned long ago by a higher intelligence." ...and Mrs. Gilbert Jones, daughter-in-law of the founder of the New York Times, who acknowledged that there'd been much progress for women over the previous fifty years––but hastened to point out that all of it had been achieved without the ballot.

....受人尊敬、正直的女性，例如美国前第一夫人格罗弗·克利夫兰夫人，她同意男人和女人的角色，正如她丈夫曾经说过的那样，“很久以前就被更高的智慧所分配”。 ……还有《纽约时报》创始人的儿媳吉尔伯特·琼斯夫人，她承认过去五十年里女性取得了很大进步，但又急忙指出，所有这些都是在没有投票的情况下实现的。

...and Mrs. Nathan Meyer, champion of women's education and founder of Barnard College, who saw no reason for the female of the species to vote and highly doubted such a vote would make any difference.

...以及女性教育倡导者和巴纳德学院创始人内森·迈耶夫人，她认为女性没有理由投票，并高度怀疑这样的投票会产生任何影响。

So vehement was Meyer on the point that she'd stopped speaking to her sister Maud, an ardent and active suffragist, almost entirely.

迈耶在这一点上如此激烈，以至于她几乎完全不再和她的妹妹莫德说话了，莫德是一位热情而活跃的妇女参政论者。

These are women who truly believe that women should not have the vote.

这些女性真正相信女性不应该拥有投票权。

Some are social conservatives who are educated themselves, but really feel that this is a change in the social order which is not healthy.

有些人是社会保守派，自己受过教育，但确实觉得这是不健康的社会秩序的变化。

Some are religious conservatives who believe that woman’s suffrage goes against the will of God.

有些人是宗教保守派，他们认为妇女的选举权违背了上帝的旨意。

Very often the anti-suffrage women were arguing from a position of real class and racial privilege, and the vote was not something that they felt was important.

很多时候，反对选举权的妇女是从真正的阶级和种族特权的立场出发进行争论的，而投票并不是她们认为重要的事情。

They’re protected in a world where they could knock on the door of the judge or the legislator and say, "now, dear, I would like such-and-such." They might be able to get it.

他们在一个可以敲开法官或立法者的门并说：“现在，亲爱的，我想要这样那样的世界”的世界里受到保护。他们也许能得到它。

So this indirect influence––and this is often one of the terms you’ll actually hear: Indirect influence serves us well.

因此，这种间接影响——这通常是你实际听到的术语之一：间接影响对我们很有好处。

We don’t need the vote.

我们不需要投票。

According to Barry's lengthy report, there were perhaps as many women organized against woman suffrage as there were women organized in favor of it––meaning legislators routinely were treated to the "remarkable spectacle," Pearson's editor noted, "[of] two groups of women...each begging them to refuse the prayer of the other!" Where the vast majority of American women stood on the matter was anyone's guess.

根据巴里的长篇报告，组织起来反对妇女选举权的妇女人数可能与组织起来支持妇女选举权的妇女人数一样多——这意味着立法者经常会看到“惊人的景象”，皮尔逊的编辑指出，“两组妇女……每一组都恳求她们拒绝另一组的祈祷！”绝大多数美国女性在这个问题上的立场谁也说不准。

But Barry believed most agreed with the impeccable logic of Mrs. Selden Bacon: "a woman can no more do a man's work," she'd told him, "than a man can do a woman's."

但巴里相信大多数人都同意塞尔登·培根夫人无可挑剔的逻辑：“女人不能做男人的工作，”她告诉他，“就像男人不能做女人的工作一样。”

In January 1910, Alice Paul bid farewell to her fellow suffragettes and to England––and set sail for home.

1910 年 1 月，爱丽丝·保罗告别了她的妇女参政权论者同胞并前往英国，启航回国。

When she'd left the United States, two-and-a-half years earlier, she'd been unknown––an ordinary American girl, albeit plucky and privileged enough to indulge her curiosity about the world.

两年半前，当她离开美国时，她还默默无闻——一个普通的美国女孩，尽管勇敢且幸运，足以满足她对世界的好奇心。

But thanks to her time with the Pankhursts, she was returning a minor celebrity.

但由于她在潘克赫斯特家族的经历，她重新成为小有名气的人。

The first news story had appeared the previous November, in a widely reprinted item lifted from the national wires.

第一条新闻报道出现在去年 11 月，在国家电视台广泛转载的一篇文章中。

Miss Alice Paul––identified as an "earnest young woman" from Moorestown, New Jersey, a Swarthmore graduate, and a "very valued member" of the Pankhurst organization––had been sentenced to a month in London's infamous Holloway Jail.

爱丽丝·保罗小姐——被认为是来自新泽西州穆尔斯敦的“认真的年轻女性”、斯沃斯莫尔毕业生、潘克赫斯特组织的“非常有价值的成员”——被判在伦敦臭名昭著的霍洛威监狱服刑一个月。

"Reliable reports," the Fort Wayne News remarked, "are to the effect that she will have to suspend her Christmas stocking from a steel slat in a six by four cell." It was Paul's third time behind bars.

《韦恩堡新闻》评论道，“可靠的报道大意是，她将不得不把她的圣诞袜挂在六乘四牢房的钢板条上。”这是保罗第三次入狱。

Like her fellow suffragettes––and as per the Pankhurst's evolving strategy––she'd broken every pane of glass in her cell and declared herself a political prisoner.

就像她的妇女参政论者同伴一样——根据潘克赫斯特不断发展的策略——她打破了牢房里的每一块玻璃，并宣布自己是一名政治犯。

When they were arrested, they wanted to be treated like men.

当他们被捕时，他们希望得到像男人一样的对待。

Men advocating for political causes had certain rights because they were designated political prisoners.

倡导政治事业的男性拥有某些权利，因为他们被指定为政治犯。

They could receive mail.

他们可以收到邮件。

They could read newspapers.

他们可以读报纸。

They could write letters.

他们可以写信。

The women were turned down.

妇女们被拒绝了。

And to protest this, they just refused to eat.

为了抗议这一点，他们只是拒绝吃饭。

No one wanted to have a woman die in jail because she had gone on a hunger strike.

没有人愿意让一名妇女因为绝食而死在监狱里。

And the image of women wasting away for want of a basic right was something the Pankhursts realized was a good idea.

潘克赫斯特夫妇意识到，女性因缺乏基本权利而日渐消瘦的形象是个好主意。

First of all, to get their protesters out of jail more quickly, but also this was a way to get more media attention.

首先，为了让抗议者更快地出狱，但这也是获得更多媒体关注的一种方式。

Contrary to expectation, however, Alice Paul and the other hunger-strikers were not released.

然而，出乎意料的是，爱丽丝·保罗和其他绝食抗议者并没有被释放。

Instead, British authorities force-fed them.

相反，英国当局对他们进行了强制喂食。

Force-feeding is horrific.

强行灌食太可怕了

They would stick a rubber or glass tube down the woman’s throat or up through her nose, and then they would take a funnel and pour a mixture of eggs and milk through the funnel into the tube and down into her digestive tract.

他们会将一根橡胶或玻璃管插入妇女的喉咙或通过她的鼻子，然后他们会拿一个漏斗，将鸡蛋和牛奶的混合物通过漏斗倒入管子中，然后倒入她的消化道。

Paul withstood the ordeal twice daily for the duration of her prison term––some fifty-five times in all.

在她服刑期间，保罗每天都要经受两次考验——总共大约有五十五次。

"One feels," she wrote to her mother, "as though one were an animal about to be vivisected."

她在给母亲的信中写道：“人们感觉自己就像一只即将被活体解剖的动物。”

The only way you can endure something like that is to believe that you’re right, and that you’re doing it for a cause bigger than yourself.

你能忍受这样的事情的唯一方法就是相信你是对的，并且你这样做是为了一个比你自己更伟大的事业。

And Alice Paul really believed in what she was doing.

艾丽丝·保罗真的相信她所做的事情。

When reports that Paul was being force-fed reached the United States, they provoked an outcry––not sympathy, but condemnation of the suffragettes' wanton disregard for the law.

当保罗被强制灌食的报道传到美国时，引起了强烈抗议——不是同情，而是对妇女参政论者肆意无视法律的谴责。

Americans felt a little superior: well, thank goodness, our suffragists aren’t behaving like that.

美国人感到有点优越：好吧，谢天谢地，我们的妇女参政主义者并没有这样做。

The assumption was that it wasn’t going to be necessary in the United States.

人们的假设是，在美国没有必要这样做。

The poor British.

可怜的英国人。

They had a backward government that was bullying them, and they had to press to give them equal rights.

他们有一个欺凌他们的落后政府，他们必须施压以给予他们平等的权利。

But that wasn’t true of democratic America in the Progressive era.

但进步时代的民主美国却并非如此。

Women wouldn’t have to go that far.

女性不必走那么远。

By the time Paul's ship docked in Philadelphia, her notoriety was such that a swarm of reporters showed up to greet her.

当保罗的船停靠在费城时，她的名声已经如此之大，以至于一大群记者出现迎接她。

"Will you take part in the movement here?" one asked her.

“你会参加这里的运动吗？”有人问她。

"I didn’t know there was any movement here," Paul replied, disingenuously.

“我不知道这里有什么动静，”保罗不诚实地回答道。

"But...[i]f it becomes necessary to fight to win, I believe in fighting."

“但是……如果有必要为胜利而战，我相信战斗。”

Alice Paul came back from England knowing that this was going to be her life’s cause.

艾丽丝·保罗从英国回来后知道这将是她一生的事业。

There was nothing that she thought she couldn’t do.

没有什么是她认为自己做不到的。

When the suffrage movement finally scored a victory in November 1910, the first in fourteen years, it caught most everyone by surprise.

当选举权运动最终在 1910 年 11 月取得胜利时，这是十四年来的第一次，这让大多数人感到惊讶。

Four states held referenda on woman suffrage that fall.

那年秋天，四个州就妇女选举权举行了全民公投。

In three, the measures failed by wide margins.

第三，这些措施大幅失败。

Voters in Washington State, meanwhile, approved theirs by nearly two-to-one.

与此同时，华盛顿州的选民以近二比一的比例批准了他们的提议。

The Washington victory was important.

华盛顿的胜利很重要。

It was very important, because it had been a long time.

这非常重要，因为已经过去很长时间了。

All of a sudden it begins to seem possible.

突然之间，这似乎变得可能了。

There is almost a sense of, "Oh, gee, this really can happen." NARRATOR: By now, some 100,000 women were dues-paying members of the National Association––up from just 9,000 a decade before.

几乎有一种感觉，“哦，天哪，这真的可能发生。”旁白：到目前为止，约有 100,000 名女性成为全国协会的会费会员，而十年前这一数字仅为 9,000 人。

Tens of thousands more belonged to the pro-suffrage National Association of Colored Women, to local Equality Leagues, Franchise Associations, and Votes for Women clubs.

还有数万人加入了支持选举权的全国有色人种妇女协会、地方平等联盟、特许经营协会和妇女投票俱乐部。

Winning the ballot in Washington State renewed their collective hope, reinforced their sense of purpose, and propelled the boldest among them into the streets of America.

赢得华盛顿州的选票重燃了他们的集体希望，增强了他们的使命感，并推动他们中最勇敢的人走上美国街头。

There’s this real pent-up frustration.

这是一种真正被压抑的挫败感。

They’re saying, "Look.

他们说：“看。

We’ve pleaded long enough.

我们已经恳求够久了。

We’ve been patient long enough.

我们已经忍耐够久了。

This is ridiculous and let’s go make a scene."

这太荒谬了，我们去大闹一场吧。”

The next year, in California, they turned out in force––an estimated 10,000 strong––to sell woman suffrage to the male voters of the state.

第二年，在加利福尼亚州，她们（估计有 10,000 人）出动，向该州的男性选民兜售女性选举权。

With just three months until the election, they feverishly plastered posters in shop windows and on billboards, peddled suffrage buttons and suffrage tea, and distributed more than three million pieces of literature.

距离大选仅剩三个月，他们疯狂地在商店橱窗和广告牌上张贴海报，兜售选举按钮和选举茶，并分发了超过三百万份文学作品。

In Los Angeles, Hispanic activists translated at rallies.

在洛杉矶，西班牙裔活动人士在集会上进行翻译。

San Francisco's Chinese women canvassed their communities; while in Oakland, members of the Colored Women's Suffrage Club monitored polling places.

旧金山的华人妇女游说她们的社区；在奥克兰期间，有色妇女选举权俱乐部的成员监视投票站。

By the time their efforts delivered California, the sixth so-called "free state," to the cause, in 1911, votes for women had become, as one journalist observed, "the three small words which constitute the biggest question in the world today."

1911 年，当他们的努力将第六个所谓的“自由州”加利福尼亚州交付给这一事业时，正如一位记者所观察到的那样，女性投票权已经成为“构成当今世界最大问题的三个小词”。

There is a kind of quickening that starts to happen.

有一种加速开始发生。

There are new tactics and there are new strategies and there are new recruits, and things really just begin to pop.

有新的战术、新的策略、新的招募人员，事情才刚刚开始流行。

Week by week, all across the country––in New York, Connecticut, Massachusetts and Maine, Michigan, Wisconsin, Kansas, Arizona––suffragists pressed to make the next free state their own.

一周又一周，全国各地——纽约、康涅狄格州、马萨诸塞州、缅因州、密歇根州、威斯康星州、堪萨斯州、亚利桑那州——妇女参政主义者都在施压，要求下一个自由州成为自己的自由州。

And week by week, all across the country, women flocked to the cause.

一周又一周，全国各地的女性纷纷涌入这项事业。

Women started doing things like dressing in white and putting on a suffrage sash, and marching in a parade.

妇女们开始做一些事情，比如穿白色衣服、系上选举权腰带、参加游行。

It’s not like you just sort of check off a box and say, "I’m a suffragist now." It affects a lot of things.

这不像你只是勾选一个框并说：“我现在是一名妇女参政主义者。”它影响很多事情。

If you’re married, it’s going to affect your marriage, because all of a sudden your husband has a wife who may not be there at the end of the day to cook his dinner.

如果你已婚，这会影响你的婚姻，因为突然间你的丈夫有一个妻子可能在一天结束时不在那里为他做饭。

And she may be heading off to a rally or standing on a street corner handing out leaflets.

她可能要去参加集会或站在街角散发传单。

And he may think this is a great thing, or he may think it’s awful, but he’s part of that conversation.

他可能认为这是一件伟大的事情，或者他可能认为这很糟糕，但他是谈话的一部分。

And if you are someone who really goes all in, it basically becomes a job.

如果你是一个真正全力以赴的人，它基本上就变成了一份工作。

These are real people and they’re making this their lives, and there's this kind of snowball effect that is happening.

这些都是真实的人，他们正在以此为生，这种滚雪球效应正在发生。

As the summer of 1912 was winding down, 58-year-old Harriet Taylor Upton was gearing up for a special election in Ohio––a state referendum on woman suffrage, the first of six to be held in the U.S. that fall.

1912 年夏天即将过去，58 岁的哈里特·泰勒·厄普顿 (Harriet Taylor Upton) 正在为俄亥俄州的一次特别选举做准备——这是一次关于妇女选举权的州公投，这是美国当年秋天举行的六场公投中的第一次。

Never in Upton's twenty years in the movement had there been such a chance for progress––and as the president of the Ohio Woman Suffrage Association, she intended her home state to lead the charge.

在厄普顿从事这项运动的二十年里，从来没有像现在这样有过这样的进步机会——作为俄亥俄州妇女选举权协会的主席，她希望她的家乡州能够带头推动这项运动。

Already, she'd put fifty campaign volunteers in the field, as well as a roster of popular speakers, and had tasked them with canvassing voters at picnics, county fairs, family reunions.

她已经在现场安排了 50 名竞选志愿者以及一系列受欢迎的演讲者，并指派他们在野餐、县集市和家庭聚会上拉票选民。

State politicians and the local press generally agreed the suffrage measure, Amendment 23, was likely to carry––perhaps by as many as 40,000 votes.

州政界人士和当地媒体普遍认为，第 23 号修正案的选举权措施可能会获得多达 40,000 票。

Then, copies of an anonymous––and alarming––handbill began to circulate, suggesting that if women were permitted to vote, Ohio would join the growing list of states that had shuttered their saloons and deprived their citizens of beer.

然后，一份令人震惊的匿名传单开始流传，该传单暗示，如果允许女性投票，俄亥俄州将加入越来越多的关闭酒吧并剥夺公民喝啤酒的州行列。

It was a charge that had dogged the suffrage movement for decades––not least because it rang true.

这一指控几十年来一直困扰着选举权运动——尤其是因为它听起来确实如此。

I don’t think many people realize that Susan B.

我认为很多人都没有意识到 Susan B.

Anthony was a leader in the temperance movement.

安东尼是禁酒运动的领导者。

The temperance movement was all about men’s behavior, by the way.

顺便说一句，禁酒运动完全是关于男人的行为。

It was not just alcohol; it was the abuse of alcohol and the beating of women by drunken men.

这不仅仅是酒精；还有。这是酗酒和醉酒男子殴打妇女。

They would also spend an inordinate amount of money on it, and on pay day they’d go to the bars, and what would be left for the wife and the kids?

他们还会花很多钱，发薪日去酒吧，那留给妻子和孩子什么呢？

So there was a whole movement to restrict alcohol.

于是就有了一场限制饮酒的运动。

Perhaps nowhere was the link between temperance and woman suffrage more established than in Ohio, the birthplace of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union.

也许没有什么地方比俄亥俄州更能体现禁酒与妇女选举权之间的联系了，俄亥俄州是基督教妇女禁酒联盟的诞生地。

The largest women's organization in the country, the W.C.T.U.

全国最大的妇女组织 W.C.T.U.

had led the crusade to ban alcohol since the late 19th century––and endorsed votes for women as a "weapon for home protection."

自 19 世纪末以来一直领导禁酒运动，并支持妇女投票作为“家庭保护的武器”。

This activated the liquor lobby.

这激活了酒类游说团体。

These are the distilleries, the breweries, the farmers who grow crops for alcohol, alcoholic products, cask makers.

这些是酿酒厂、啤酒厂、种植酒精作物的农民、酒精产品、木桶制造商。

It’s huge.

这是巨大的。

So whenever a vote came up in a state for suffrage, the liquor lobby poured money in to defeat it.

因此，每当某个州进行选举权投票时，酒类游说团体就会投入大量资金来击败它。

They would do things like a bar would have a sign up on election day and say, "Vote against the women’s suffrage amendment and you get a free beer." They don't want national prohibition and if women have some political power, that might happen.

他们会做一些事情，比如酒吧会在选举日挂出一张牌，上面写着：“投票反对妇女选举权修正案，你就可以得到一杯免费啤酒。”她们不想要全国性的禁令，如果女性拥有一定的政治权力，这种情况可能会发生。

Aware that the association with temperance had become a liability, Harriet Taylor Upton had done her best to create some distance.

哈里特·泰勒·厄普顿（Harriet Taylor Upton）意识到与节制的联系已成为一种负担，因此竭尽全力保持一定的距离。

"Let me explain that the suffrage association is not a temperance organization," she'd insisted in an official statement that summer.

“让我解释一下，选举权协会不是一个禁酒组织，”她在那年夏天的一份官方声明中坚称。

But in a state where brewing was a major industry, such reassurances struck many voters as too little, too late.

但在一个以酿酒业为主要产业的州，这种保证让许多选民感到太少、太晚了。

On September 3rd, 1912, Ohio Amendment number 23 lost, with nearly fifty-eight percent of the electorate voting against it.

1912 年 9 月 3 日，俄亥俄州第 23 号修正案失败，近 58% 的选民投了反对票。

Two days later, the woman suffrage referendum in Wisconsin failed in precisely the same manner––as did the one in Michigan, in November.

两天后，威斯康星州的妇女选举权公投以完全相同的方式失败了——就像 11 月密歇根州的公投一样。

As women link suffrage rights to social reform, whether it means for women who are working in the garment industry or the temperance movement to ban alcohol, major economic interests who are tied to industries that are profiting from this begin to oppose women’s suffrage.

随着女性将选举权与社会改革联系起来，无论是对服装行业的女性还是禁酒运动的女性来说，与从中获利的行业相关的主要经济利益集团开始反对女性的选举权。

There's money involved, there's power involved, and women are threatening them.

这涉及到金钱，涉及到权力，而且女性正在威胁他们。

And a lot of people really didn’t want things to change.

很多人真的不希望事情发生改变。

By the close of 1912, the map told the tale: Against three victories for woman suffrage that fall, were the three defeats at the hands of the liquor industry.

到 1912 年底，地图讲述了这样的故事：当年秋天，妇女选举权取得了三场胜利，而酒业却遭遇了三场失败。

After sixty-four years of struggle, women were still without full voting rights in thirty-nine states––and outside of the West lay entrenched resistance.

经过六十四年的斗争，妇女在三十九个州仍然没有充分的投票权——而在西方之外，也存在着根深蒂固的抵抗。

To the east, economic concerns and political machines blocked the progress of the cause.

在东方，经济问题和政治机器阻碍了这一事业的进展。

To the south, it was the scourge of racism.

在南方，这是种族主义的祸害。

The rise of white supremacy and the imposition of Jim Crow order has created a political terrain in which white men control political power.

白人至上主义的兴起和吉姆·克劳秩序的实施创造了白人控制政治权力的政治领域。

So to introduce women is to reintroduce this question of the suffrage, of its universality, of its core relationship to a democracy.

因此，引入妇女就是重新引入选举权、选举权的普遍性以及选举权与民主的核心关系的问题。

And that gets you a little too close, then, to the problem of African-Americans and the vote as well.

那么，这让你有点太接近非裔美国人和投票的问题了。

The fear was that it would reopen demands on the part of black males to vote, and there was a further concern, too, which was often voiced, it was quite a remarkable statement, which was that if men try to vote and get unruly, we can go in and beat them up.

人们担心它会重新要求黑人男性投票，还有一个经常被表达的进一步的担忧，这是一个非常了不起的声明，那就是如果男人试图投票并变得不守规矩，我们可以进去殴打他们。

We can use force against them.

我们可以对他们使用武力。

That would be unseemly to do against black women.

这对黑人女性来说是不合适的。

So we really don’t want to permit them to be enfranchised and then have to figure out new modes of repression.

所以我们真的不想允许他们获得选举权，然后必须找出新的镇压方式。

When the women of the National Association convened in Philadelphia late in November, the suffrage map was hanging across the balcony at the back of Witherspoon Hall––a nod to the movement's progress, however halting.

当全国妇女协会于 11 月底在费城召开会议时，选举权地图就挂在威瑟斯彭大厅后面的阳台上——这是对运动进展的认可，尽管进展缓慢。

But to Alice Paul, who was among the delegates from New Jersey, it read more as an indictment.

但对于来自新泽西州的代表之一的爱丽丝·保罗来说，这更像是一份起诉书。

She saw how difficult it was to get a change in a state voting law.

她看到改变州投票法是多么困难。

First of all, the state legislature had to approve it; all men.

首先，州立法机关必须批准；所有男人。

Then it had to go to the voters; all men.

然后它必须交给选民；所有男人。

And she thought it would be much easier and much faster to have a federal amendment which would give all women in this country the vote.

她认为制定一项联邦修正案会让这个国家的所有女性都有投票权，这会更容易、更快捷。

Although Paul had been given permission to raise the issue at the convention, she expected to meet with resistance from the National Association's leadership––not least from President Anna Howard Shaw, who had let the federal suffrage amendment languish throughout the eight years of her tenure.

尽管保罗已获准在大会上提出这个问题，但她预计会遇到全国协会领导层的抵制，尤其是总统安娜·霍华德·肖的抵制，她在她任期的八年里一直让联邦选举权修正案陷入困境。

An ordained minister, Shaw had been the only woman in a class of forty-three at the Boston School of Theology, and had felt, as she later said, "the abysmal conviction that I wasn't really wanted there." After completing her education in 1886, at the age of 39, she'd joined the suffrage movement.

作为一名被任命的牧师，肖是波士顿神学院四十三名班级中唯一的女性，正如她后来说，她感到“一种可怕的信念，那就是我并不真正被那里需要。” 1886 年，39 岁的她完成学业后，加入了选举权运动。

Alice Paul had only just been born.

艾丽丝·保罗刚刚出生。

Paul was convinced the landscape had changed.

保罗确信情况已经发生了变化。

With more than a million female voters in the West, woman suffrage had become for the first time a factor in national politics.

西方女性选民超过一百万，女性选举权首次成为国家政治的一个因素。

In the recent presidential election, candidate Theodore Roosevelt's insurgent Progressive Party had even adopted a plank endorsing votes for women.

在最近的总统选举中，候选人西奥多·罗斯福的叛乱进步党甚至通过了一项支持女性投票的纲领。

Now was the moment to revive the push for the federal amendment, Paul told the women of the National Association, and to do so in a way that could not be ignored.

保罗告诉全国协会的妇女们，现在是重新推动联邦修正案的时候了，而且要以一种不容忽视的方式来这样做。

Alice was thinking about staging a parade along the lines of the spectacular parades that the Pankhursts had in London.

爱丽丝正在考虑按照潘克赫斯特家族在伦敦举行的壮观游行的方式举办一场游行。

And she wanted to bring one of those to Washington, D.C., the premier focus of power in the United States.

她想将其中之一带到华盛顿特区，这是美国的首要权力中心。

As it happened, there had been suffrage parades, three in a row, organized by Harriot Stanton Blatch in New York.

碰巧的是，纽约的哈里奥特·斯坦顿·布拉奇组织了连续三场选举权游行。

And Anna Howard Shaw had marched in those parades.

安娜·霍华德·肖也参加了那些游行。

And it turned out that Anna Howard Shaw loved a parade, and she liked this idea.

事实证明，安娜·霍华德·肖喜欢游行，她喜欢这个主意。

By the time the convention delegates began boarding trains back to their respective dots on the map, Alice Paul had been named chairman of the National Association's long-dormant Congressional Committee in Washington D.C., and given leave to plan her parade.

当大会代表开始登上火车返回地图上各自的地点时，爱丽丝·保罗已被任命为位于华盛顿特区的全国协会长期休眠的国会委员会主席，并获准计划她的游行。

To maximize the event's impact, she intended to hold it on March 3rd, the day before President-elect Woodrow Wilson's inauguration.

为了最大限度地扩大该活动的影响，她打算在 3 月 3 日举行，即当选总统伍德罗·威尔逊就职典礼的前一天。

Press from across America was going to be there and there were going to be lots of spectators there.

来自美国各地的媒体都会到场，那里也会有很多观众。

So it was a captive audience, and she knew that it would be a really powerful message to all of America.

所以这是一个被俘虏的观众，她知道这对整个美国来说将是一个非常有力的信息。

It was now November 27th––just thirteen weeks before Inauguration Day.

现在是 11 月 27 日——距离就职日仅剩十三周。

Paul rushed home and started packing her bags.

保罗冲回家，开始收拾行李。

We think these days that national protests in Washington are routine, but they were almost non-existent in 1913.

如今，我们认为华盛顿的全国性抗议活动已经司空见惯，但在 1913 年几乎不存在。

There had been one previous protest, in 1894, when Jacob Coxey brought veterans of the Civil War to Washington to protest their lack of pension payments.

1894 年，雅各布·考克西 (Jacob Coxey) 带领内战退伍军人来到华盛顿，抗议他们领取养老金的情况，此前曾发生过一次抗议活动。

They marched across the Capitol grounds and were promptly arrested, and that was the end of the protest.

他们游行穿过国会大厦场地并立即被捕，抗议活动就此结束。

As the curtain opened on 1913, the nucleus of the woman suffrage movement already had begun to shift to the nation's capital, where the Congressional Committee's new office on F Street soon buzzed with so much activity that one reporter dubbed it a "suffragists' beehive." Alice Paul had arrived in town in early December, with her friend and co-chairman, Lucy Burns, a fellow veteran of the Pankhurst army.

1913 年大幕拉开时，妇女选举权运动的核心已经开始转移到国家首都，国会委员会位于 F 街的新办公室很快就热闹非凡，一位记者将其称为“妇女选举权主义者的蜂巢”。爱丽丝·保罗 (Alice Paul) 于 12 月初抵达该镇，同行的还有她的朋友兼联合主席露西·伯恩斯 (Lucy Burns)，她也是潘克赫斯特军队的退伍军人。

Brooklyn-born to a close-knit Irish Catholic family, Burns, at 33, was Paul's opposite in nearly every respect: exuberant, outgoing, easy with a laugh.

伯恩斯出生于布鲁克林一个关系密切的爱尔兰天主教家庭，33 岁的伯恩斯几乎在所有方面都与保罗相反：精力充沛、外向、轻松、爱笑。

To her would fall the task of recruiting volunteers and rousing crowds on street corners.

招募志愿者和在街角动员群众的任务就落到了她的身上。

Paul, meanwhile, spent most of her time at the office, in a chilly back room behind a desk that once belonged to Susan B.

与此同时，保罗大部分时间都待在办公室里，在一间寒冷的密室里，桌子后面是苏珊·B·保罗 (Susan B.

Anthony.

安东尼.

Alice Paul was much more comfortable as the stage manager, as the director, than she was as the star.

爱丽丝·保罗（Alice Paul）作为舞台监督和导演比作为明星更舒服。

She nevertheless had an emotional intensity that seemed to encourage people to follow her.

尽管如此，她的情感强烈，似乎鼓励人们追随她。

With a single-mindedness that bordered on mania, Paul wrangled a permit to stage the parade on Pennsylvania Avenue, the symbolic conduit of American political power.

保罗以近乎疯狂的一心一意，争取到了在美国政治权力象征管道宾夕法尼亚大道举行游行的许可。

She prevailed upon suffrage leaders everywhere to loan their floats, banners, chariots; and oversaw a revolving staff of volunteers––as many as twenty a day––who solicited donations, arranged lodging for out-of-town marchers, and kept up a steady drumbeat of anticipation in the press.

她说服各地的选举领袖借出他们的花车、横幅和战车；他负责监督一支轮流的志愿者队伍——每天多达二十名——他们募集捐款，为外地游行者安排住宿，并在媒体上保持稳定的期待。

We're beginning to see really a golden age of magazines and illustrations, newspapers beginning to use more photographs.

我们开始看到杂志和插图的黄金时代，报纸开始使用更多的照片。

And Alice Paul recognized that this represented something that she could use.

爱丽丝·保罗意识到这代表了她可以使用的东西。

There was news every day about some new person who was joining the parade.

每天都有关于一些新人加入游行的消息。

And her headquarters became a mandatory stop for reporters on a daily basis.

她的总部也成为记者每天必经的一站。

What’s new, Alice?

有什么新鲜事吗，爱丽丝？

What’s happening?

发生了什么事？

What do you have to tell us?

您有什么要告诉我们的？

Alice’s goal was to have suffrage in the papers every day.

爱丽丝的目标是每天在报纸上获得选举权。

Eighteen inches in front of the reading public.

位于读者面前十八英寸。

In February, Chicago journalist Ida Wells–Barnett––better known by her maiden name, Ida B.

二月，芝加哥记者艾达·威尔斯-巴尼特 (Ida Wells-Barnett)——她的婚前姓氏 Ida B.

Wells––decided she would be among the marchers in Washington D.C. Born into slavery just months before the Emancipation Proclamation, Wells, at 50, had dedicated much of her adult life to exposing racial injustice in the South, where the disenfranchisement of African-American men had been accompanied by shocking brutality.

威尔斯决定加入华盛顿特区的游行者行列。就在《解放奴隶宣言》颁布前几个月，威尔斯出生在奴隶制中，50 岁的威尔斯将成年后的大部分时间都奉献给了揭露南方的种族不平等，在那里，非洲裔美国男性被剥夺公民权的行为伴随着令人震惊的暴行。

The country had gone through the most radical of changes.

这个国家经历了最彻底的变革。

It had taken a group of people who were considered subhuman and made them into the equals of proud, white men.

它把一群被认为是非人类的人变成了与骄傲的白人平等的人。

And the political class, the elite, reacted violently to that.

政治阶层、精英阶层对此反应强烈。

In 1892 alone, well over a hundred African-Americans had been lynched––among them one of Wells' closest friends, a doting father and the co-owner of a thriving grocery cooperative in Memphis.

仅在 1892 年，就有超过 100 名非洲裔美国人被私刑处死，其中包括威尔斯最亲密的朋友之一、一位溺爱孩子的父亲以及孟菲斯一家蓬勃发展的杂货合作社的合伙人。

Wells confesses that she had always assumed that the victims of lynching had somehow done a wrong, even if it wasn’t the wrong they had been accused of.

威尔斯承认，她一直认为私刑的受害者在某种程度上做错了，即使这并不是他们被指控的错误。

But when her friends, men who were known to her to be, in her judgment, sort of beyond reproach, are lynched, she’s converted.

但当她的朋友们（据她看来是无可非议的人）被处以私刑时，她就皈依了。

She’s converted.

她转变了。

She understands now, right, that there is something essentially illegitimate, right, that undergirds racial violence.

她现在明白了，对吧，有一些本质上是非法的东西，对吧，支撑着种族暴力。

She sees that something else is happening.

她看到有其他事情正在发生。

And she’s really the first to understand it in a kind of comprehensive way.

她确实是第一个全面了解这一点的人。

Blacks were progressing so quickly that they were threatening.

黑人进步如此之快，以至于他们具有威胁性。

Having been deprived of the ballot, Wells told her readers in 1910, African-Americans had been robbed of their only weapon of defense.

1910 年，威尔斯告诉她的读者，非洲裔美国人被剥夺了选票，他们唯一的防御武器也被剥夺了。

African-American women had seen what it meant to have African-American men disfranchised in the South and they realize that it's very important for women to have the vote.

非裔美国女性已经看到了非裔美国男性在南方被剥夺选举权意味着什么，她们意识到女性拥有投票权非常重要。

They see it as part of a larger struggle for racial justice.

他们认为这是争取种族正义的更大斗争的一部分。

If you can’t vote, you can’t sit on a jury.

如果你不能投票，你就不能成为陪审团成员。

If you can’t sit on a jury, you can’t determine what happens in a local courthouse when the perpetrators of lynching are brought before a court.

如果您不能担任陪审团成员，您就无法确定当私刑肇事者被带上法庭时当地法院会发生什么。

If you can’t vote, you can’t be appointed a judge and sit on the bench and preside when the perpetrators of lynching are brought before a court.

如果你不能投票，你就不能被任命为法官，也不能坐在法官席上，当私刑肇事者被带上法庭时进行主持。

These are the mechanics, right, and Wells knows the mechanics of how Southern courts, how all courts in the nation, work.

这些都是机制，对吧，威尔斯知道南方法院、全国所有法院如何运作的机制。

And so the vote might be sacred, but the vote is also a true instrument, right, of political power, political access.

因此，投票可能是神圣的，但投票也是政治权力、政治机会的真正工具、权利。

Without access to the polls, it’s difficult to imagine how black Americans are going to turn what’s happening in another direction.

如果无法进行民意调查，很难想象美国黑人将如何将正在发生的事情转向另一个方向。

Eager to mobilize African-American women, Wells recently had founded the Alpha Suffrage Club, the first black suffrage organization in Chicago––and she intended to represent it in Alice Paul's parade.

威尔斯渴望动员非裔美国妇女，最近成立了阿尔法选举权俱乐部，这是芝加哥第一个黑人选举权组织，她打算在爱丽丝·保罗的游行中代表它。

Alice Paul had every expectation that African-American women would march.

艾丽丝·保罗（Alice Paul）满怀希望非裔美国女性会参加游行。

African-American women had marched in the New York parade.

非裔美国妇女参加了纽约游行。

She had already reached out to African-Americans, encouraging them to think about marching.

她已经向非裔美国人伸出援手，鼓励他们考虑游行。

She was quickly disillusioned that that was a good idea when some of the Washington women came to her and said that that simply was not acceptable.

当华盛顿的一些女性来找她说这根本不可接受时，她很快就觉得这是一个好主意，这让她大失所望。

It's a very Southern city.

这是一座非常南方的城市。

It's a very racist city.

这是一个种族主义非常严重的城市。

These women come to headquarters.

这些妇女来到总部。

They're lifelong Washingtonians and they know the city.

他们是终生的华盛顿人，他们了解这座城市。

And they tell her, this can destroy your parade.

他们告诉她，这会毁掉你的游行。

In a letter, Paul confessed both her quandary and her conclusion: African-Americans would not be excluded from the parade, but neither would their participation be encouraged.

保罗在一封信中承认了她的困境和她的结论：非洲裔美国人不会被排除在游行之外，但也不会鼓励他们参加。

Alice Paul understands her choices.

艾丽丝·保罗理解她的选择。

She understands the stakes in decisions that she makes.

她了解自己做出的决定的利害关系。

And the legacies of those sorts of moments, which in the name of expediency, racism is re-imposed and furthered, rather than challenged.

这些时刻的遗产，以权宜之计的名义，种族主义被重新强加和进一步发展，而不是受到挑战。

And then we have to remember, like, the whole country is remarkably troubled, and racism is a political fact and it’s a political strategy.

然后我们必须记住，整个国家都陷入了困境，种族主义是一个政治事实，也是一种政治策略。

Which doesn’t excuse women who use racism, but it’s to say, why do we expect, silently, perhaps naively, why do we expect American women to be distinct from the ideas that animate American, white American men in the same moment?

这并不能成为使用种族主义的女性的借口，而是说，为什么我们默默地、也许是天真地期望美国女性与同一时刻激励美国白人男性的想法不同？

Reformers, people who fight for change, are always asked to be perfect.

改革者，那些为变革而奋斗的人，总是被要求做到完美。

But they’re living in a society where you make accommodations to go to the next step.

但他们生活在一个需要为下一步做好准备的社会。

Maybe you shouldn’t, but it’s almost impossible to get the whole loaf.

也许你不应该这样做，但想要得到整条面包几乎是不可能的。

They called themselves "Pilgrims": a band of suffragists, clad in brown capes and heavy boots, making their way on foot from New York to Washington D.C., a distance of some 260 miles, to join the march for the vote in the nation's capital.

他们称自己为“朝圣者”：一群妇女参政论者，身穿棕色斗篷和厚重的靴子，从纽约徒步前往大约 260 英里的华盛顿特区，参加在美国首都举行的投票游行。

In the lead was Rosalie Gardiner Jones––also known as General Jones––a 29-year-old Oyster Bay socialite who'd traded what she called her "pink tea existence" for a life in the suffrage trenches.

处于领先地位的是罗莎莉·加德纳·琼斯（Rosalie Gardiner Jones）——也被称为琼斯将军——一位 29 岁的牡蛎湾社交名流，她放弃了她所谓的“粉红茶生活”，换来了选举权战壕中的生活。

She'd recently completed a similar trek from New York City to Albany, not merely to petition the governor for the right to vote, but also, as she said, "to meet the people along the way and talk suffrage to them." When they set out on February 12th, 1913, the Pilgrims were some 200 strong.

她最近完成了一次从纽约市到奥尔巴尼的类似长途跋涉，不仅仅是为了向州长请愿投票权，而且正如她所说，“与沿途的人们会面，并与他们谈论选举权。” 1913 年 2 月 12 日出发时，清教徒人数约有 200 人。

By the end of the first day, their number had dwindled to a determined sixteen.

到第一天结束时，他们的人数已减少到十六人。

It was winter, and they’re marching through ice and snow and slush.

那是冬天，他们在冰雪和泥浆中行进。

And they have a wagon filled with leaflets.

他们有一辆装满传单的马车。

And their idea is, they will campaign for suffrage along the way, and they will hand out these leaflets, and they will give talks.

他们的想法是，他们将一路争取选举权，他们将分发这些传单，他们将发表演讲。

And they were followed every step of the way by reporters.

他们的每一步都被记者跟踪。

Over the last two weeks of February, as the women kept to a pace of up to twenty miles a day, crowds continually lined their route.

在二月的最后两周，当妇女们保持着每天二十英里的速度时，人群不断地在她们的路线上排队。

Some, mostly men, came to jeer.

一些人（主要是男性）前来嘲笑。

In Pennsylvania, the hikers were assaulted with stones and snowballs.

在宾夕法尼亚州，徒步旅行者遭到石头和雪球的袭击。

In Delaware, a group of small boys released dozens of mice into the Pilgrims' path, reportedly provoking hysteria.

在特拉华州，一群小男孩将数十只老鼠释放到朝圣者的道路上，据报道引发了歇斯底里。

Others, of both sexes, expressed support.

其他人，无论性别，都表示支持。

"These suffragettes are certainly doing the world good...," Hearst's Magazine enthused.

“这些妇女参政论者无疑为世界带来了好处……”《赫斯特杂志》热情地说道。

"Not only will we fall in line and hike with them for a few miles, but we will in sympathy, fall in love with the cause...they represent." Meanwhile, suffragists from all over the country were likewise headed for Washington.

“我们不仅会排队和他们一起徒步几英里，而且我们会同情、爱上他们所代表的事业。”与此同时，来自全国各地的妇女参政论者也同样前往华盛顿。

If you were a suffragist, you wanted to go to this big event.

如果您是一名妇女参政主义者，您会想参加这个大型活动。

People were commissioning special trains.

人们正在调试专列。

Chicago had a train, including Ida B.

芝加哥有一列火车，其中包括 Ida B.

Wells, that roared into Washington the night before.

威尔斯，前一天晚上呼啸着进入华盛顿。

There was an extensive trolley system and some women were actually able to get on the trolley in Portland, Maine, and transfer on one ticket all the way to Washington, D.C. Anybody who could get to Washington in any way possible became very interested in marching in the first great national parade.

有一个广泛的电车系统，一些妇女实际上能够在缅因州波特兰登上电车，然后凭一张车票一路转乘到华盛顿特区。任何能够以任何方式到达华盛顿的人都会对参加第一次全国大游行非常感兴趣。

Alice Paul and Lucy Burns had been expecting perhaps 2,500 marchers.

艾丽丝·保罗 (Alice Paul) 和露西·伯恩斯 (Lucy Burns) 原本预计会有大约 2,500 名游行者。

By the time Jones and her Pilgrims trudged into town, on the afternoon of February 27th, there were at least twice as many.

2 月 27 日下午，当琼斯和她的朝圣者艰难地进城时，人数至少是原来的两倍。

Alberta Hill, who'd come from New York, summed up their mood: "I am looking forward to the parade," she wrote, "with as much interest as a little girl to her first party."

来自纽约的艾伯塔·希尔总结了他们的心情：“我很期待游行，”她写道，“就像小女孩第一次参加派对一样感兴趣。”

Think about what it would be like to march in your first suffrage parade.

想象一下参加第一次选举权游行会是什么样子。

Maybe you had a white dress that you took out of your closet, or maybe you wore a special suffrage hat and a sash.

也许你从衣柜里拿出了一件白色连衣裙，或者你戴着一顶特殊的选举帽和一条腰带。

You’re not a bystander anymore.

你不再是一个旁观者。

And even if you felt a little scared and a little nervous, or maybe a lot scared and a lot nervous, you’re surrounded by other women who believe in the same thing you do.

即使你感到有点害怕和紧张，或者可能非常害怕和紧张，你周围的其他女性也和你有同样的信念。

And there must have been just this amazing rush of feeling part of something bigger.

一定有一种令人惊奇的冲动，感觉自己是更大的事情的一部分。

By mid-morning on March 3rd, 1913, the marchers already were gathering on Pennsylvania Avenue in droves.

1913 年 3 月 3 日上午，游行者已经成群结队地聚集在宾夕法尼亚大道上。

"We went out early," Alice Paul recalled, "very early, to try to begin to line the people up." Anna Howard Shaw, the National Association's president, was there in her doctoral robes, soaking up the enthusiasm of the crowd.

“我们很早就出去了，”爱丽丝·保罗回忆道，“很早就出去了，试图让人们排队。”全国协会主席安娜·霍华德·肖 (Anna Howard Shaw) 身着博士袍出席了现场，吸引了人群的热情。

But as the kaleidoscopic mass shifted into position for drills, a fracas broke out among the marchers from Illinois.

但当千变万化的群众转移到演习位置时，来自伊利诺伊州的游行者之间爆发了一场争吵。

According to the Chicago Tribune reporter traveling with them, the delegation's chair made a last-minute announcement: she'd been advised to keep the delegation "entirely white," she said, due to "the objections of eastern and southern women." Although African-Americans were interspersed throughout the procession––among them, members of a Howard University sorority––it was decided Ida B.

据与他们同行的《芝加哥论坛报》记者报道，代表团主席在最后一刻宣布：由于“东部和南部妇女的反对”，她被建议让代表团“全部由白人组成”。尽管整个游行队伍中散布着非洲裔美国人——其中包括霍华德大学联谊会的成员——但最终决定艾达·B.

Wells would have to march with a contingent in the rear.

威尔斯必须在后方有一支分遣队行军。

She was nationally famous.

她是全国闻名的。

She had been so much a part of the suffrage organizations, longer than most of those women who were there.

她参与选举权组织的时间比大多数在那里的女性都长。

So she is just...

所以她只是...

becomes very emotional about this, not in the pity—a self-pitying way, but she understands what would happen if it came out that she was excluded from this group.

对此她变得非常情绪化，而不是怜悯——一种自怜的方式，但她明白如果她被排除在这个群体之外会发生什么。

Fighting back tears, Wells addressed the sixty-two women of the Illinois delegation:

威尔斯强忍着泪水，对伊利诺伊州代表团的 62 名女性发表讲话：

If the Illinois women do not take a stand now in this great democratic parade then the colored women are lost...

如果伊利诺伊州妇女现在不在这场伟大的民主游行中表明立场，那么有色人种妇女就会迷失……

When I was asked to come down here, I was asked to march with the other women of our state, and...

当我被要求来这里时，我被要求与我们州的其他妇女一起游行，并且......

[e]ither I go with you or not at all.

[e]要么我和你一起去，要么根本不去。

When the delegation reassembled for the procession, just after three o'clock, Wells was nowhere to be found.

当代表团重新集合参加游行时，三点刚过，威尔斯却不见踪影。

By then, Pennsylvania Avenue was jammed with spectators.

那时，宾夕法尼亚大道上挤满了观众。

The welcoming party for the President-elect, by contrast, was strangely sparse.

相比之下，当选总统的欢迎宴会却出奇地稀疏。

Woodrow Wilson steps off the train in Washington, D.C. He’s just been elected President of the United States.

伍德罗·威尔逊在华盛顿特区走下火车。他刚刚当选美国总统。

He’s expecting a—a huge welcome.

他期待着——热烈的欢迎。

And there’s nobody there.

那里没有人。

And so he asks what’s going on, and somebody tells him most of the people are out watching the suffrage parade.

于是他问发生了什么事，有人告诉他大多数人都在外面观看选举游行。

And it’s this early indicator of the role that suffrage is going to play in his term as he's about to take office the following day.

这是选举权将在他的任期内发挥作用的早期指标，因为他将于第二天就职。

Finally, at twenty-five past three, a blare of trumpets rang out and the procession's two dozen horse-drawn floats, nine bands, four mounted brigades, and thousands of marchers stirred into motion.

最后，三点二十五分，一阵喇叭声响起，游行队伍的两打马拉花车、九个乐队、四个骑兵旅和数千名游行者开始行动。

Leading them all was Inez Milholland, a 26-year-old attorney the press had dubbed "the most beautiful suffragette." Lest anyone mistake the purpose of the demonstration, Alice Paul had displayed it on the very first float––the so-called "great demand."

领头的是伊内兹·米尔霍兰 (Inez Milholland)，她是一位 26 岁的律师，被媒体称为“最美丽的妇女参政论者”。为了避免有人误会演示的目的，爱丽丝·保罗在第一辆彩车上就展示了这一点——所谓的“大需求”。

This was very bold.

这是非常大胆的。

Women did not demand in those days.

那个时候的女人没有什么要求。

And she was putting Wilson on notice that the women wanted action.

她让威尔逊注意到，妇女们希望采取行动。

Alice also wanted it to be a beautiful parade.

爱丽丝也希望这是一次美丽的游行。

It was a narrative of women’s progress, from pioneer days all the way up to present day.

这是对女性从先驱时代一直到今天的进步的叙述。

The present day consisted of phalanxes of women marching by profession.

今天，由职业妇女组成的方阵游行。

You had your librarians.

你有你的图书管理员。

You had your teachers.

你有你的老师。

You had your nurses.

你有你的护士。

The message was, this the contribution that women make to society.

传达的信息是，这是女性对社会做出的贡献。

For roughly four blocks, the parade unspooled along the avenue as planned.

游行队伍按照计划沿着大道展开了大约四个街区。

Then, rowdy onlookers began to break through the steel cables lining the route.

然后，吵闹的旁观者开始冲破沿途的钢缆。

You had 5,000 women marching down Pennsylvania Avenue.

5,000 名女性沿着宾夕法尼亚大道游行。

And surrounding them were 100,000 men, many of them drunk.

他们周围有十万人，其中许多人喝醉了。

And the men began jeering and spitting.

男人们开始嘲笑并吐口水。

They spilled into the path of the parade.

他们涌入游行队伍的道路上。

They hurled taunts at the women.

他们嘲笑这些妇女。

They threw lighted cigarettes at them.

他们向他们扔点燃的香烟。

They plucked objects off the floats.

他们从漂浮物上取下物体。

They assaulted the marchers and sent a hundred of them to the hospital.

他们袭击了游行者，并将其中一百人送往医院。

The police, they weren’t much better.

警察，他们也好不了多少。

They turned their back on the parade and they’re smirking, like this is all some kind of big joke.

他们背对着游行队伍，傻笑着，好像这只是个大笑话。

And so very quickly, what were marchers marching four or even eight abreast became a single file in a very, very threatening atmosphere.

很快，四人甚至八人并排行进的游行者就变成了排成一列，气氛非常非常具有威胁性。

Only the arrival of the cavalry enabled the marchers to complete the route.

只有骑兵的到来才能使行军者完成路线。

One later compared the experience to being forced through the neck of a funnel.

后来有人将这种经历比作被迫穿过漏斗颈。

"I did not know," another recalled, "that men could be such fiends." Ida B.

“我不知道，”另一个人回忆道，“男人竟然会如此恶魔。”艾达·B.

Wells took advantage of the chaos––boldly stepping in with the Illinois delegation midway through the route.

威尔斯趁着混乱之际，大胆地与伊利诺伊州代表团一起在途中介入。

"Illinois is Lincoln's State," she told a reporter.

“伊利诺伊州是林肯的州，”她告诉记者。

"I don’t believe Lincoln's State is going to permit Alabama or Georgia or any other State to begin to dictate to it now." Given the punishing afternoon, many expected the mood at the post-procession rally to be grim.

“我不相信林肯所在的州会允许阿拉巴马州、佐治亚州或任何其他州现在开始对其发号施令。”考虑到这个令人痛苦的下午，许多人预计游行后集会的气氛将会很严峻。

But as one marcher recalled: "To our great surprise, [the] leaders were jubilant!" "If anything could prove the need of the ballot," Anna Howard Shaw proclaimed, "nothing could prove it more than the treatment we received today."

但正如一位游行者回忆的那样：“令我们大吃一惊的是，领导人竟然兴高采烈！”安娜·霍华德·肖宣称：“如果有什么可以证明投票的必要性，那么没有什么比我们今天受到的待遇更能证明这一点了。”

Alice Paul and the National Association leaders realized they had a media sensation on their hands.

艾丽丝·保罗和全国协会领导人意识到他们手上有媒体轰动。

Alice was a public relations genius.

爱丽丝是一位公共关系天才。

She saw that this parade on the front pages of newspapers across America was a better story than her parade would have been.

她发现美国报纸头版上的这次游行比她的游行更好。

And what was that story?

那是什么故事？

Men bad, women good, right?

男人不好，女人好，对吗？

It was basic.

这是基本的。

This march overshadowed the inauguration of the President of the United States, because these non-violent marchers were attacked for just trying to fulfill their rights as Americans.

这次游行给美国总统的就职典礼蒙上了阴影，因为这些非暴力游行者因为只是试图实现作为美国人的权利而受到攻击。

By the following morning, the newspapers were in receipt of an open letter, penned in New York by Harriot Stanton Blatch and addressed to the soon-to-be inaugurated president, Woodrow Wilson:

第二天早上，各家报纸收到了一封由哈里奥特·斯坦顿·布拉奇在纽约写给即将就职的总统伍德罗·威尔逊的公开信：

Paul pressed to have a congressional investigation.

保罗敦促国会进行调查。

And this prolonged the publicity that the demonstration had gotten.

这延长了示威活动的宣传时间。

So instead of being intimidated by the attack, she used it as an argument to get—effectively, to get the Congress to begin to move on the federal amendment.

因此，她没有被这次袭击吓倒，而是将其作为有效的论据，让国会开始就联邦修正案采取行动。

MICHAEL WALDMAN: The idea of a constitutional amendment guaranteeing the right to vote for women was a pipe dream.

迈克尔·沃尔德曼：通过宪法修正案保障妇女投票权的想法是一个白日梦。

It wasn’t on the agenda.

这没有提上议程。

And then Alice Paul said, "we’re going to do this."

然后爱丽丝·保罗说：“我们要这么做。”

It put suffrage on the map in a brand new way.

它以一种全新的方式将选举权置于地图上。

The movement's leadership continued to believe the vote would be won in the states; but a higher profile for the cause could only help in that.

该运动的领导层仍然相信投票将在各州获胜。但提高这一事业的知名度只会对此有所帮助。

"The National Association," Anna Howard Shaw told Paul, "will never cease to be grateful to you all for the splendid service you have done in its name."

“全国协会，”安娜·霍华德·肖告诉保罗，“将永远感谢你们以全国协会的名义所做的出色服务。”

That spring, while the controversy over the parade was still splashed across the nation's front pages, the Thomas A.

那年春天，虽然关于游行的争议仍然充斥着全国的头版新闻，但托马斯·A·

Edison Company debuted its latest film in New York.

爱迪生公司在纽约首映了其最新电影。

The nation's movie houses and kinetoscope parlors had been awash in films about woman suffrage for years now––most of them short comedies about misguided, mannish women unsuccessfully experimenting with power.

多年来，这个国家的电影院和电影放映厅里一直充斥着有关女性选举权的电影，其中大多数都是短片喜剧，讲述的是被误导的、有男子气概的女性尝试权力失败的故事。

Edison's new entry sought to turn the popular stereotype on its head.

爱迪生的新作品试图彻底改变流行的刻板印象。

Entitled "Votes for Women" and featuring five prominent suffragists, each delivering a sixty-second speech, the film was part of a series of so-called "Talkers." But no sooner had Suffragist Number One come into view than the talk was drowned out by hisses, hoots, and jeers.

这部电影的标题是“为女性投票”，由五位著名的妇女参政论者主演，每人发表六十秒的演讲，是所谓的“演讲者”系列的一部分。但第一号妇女参政论者一出现，谈话就被嘶嘶声、叫喊声和嘲笑声淹没了。

Newspapers translated the uproar into words: "Vaudeville audiences are not bashful about expressing opinions," observed the New York Tribune, "and it seemed to be the general opinion that those women were not good lookers enough to deserve a man’s vote.”

报纸将这场骚动转化为文字：“歌舞杂耍的观众并不羞于表达自己的观点，”《纽约论坛报》评论道，“而且似乎普遍认为这些女人不够漂亮，不值得男人投票。”

It is important to realize how vilified the women were.

重要的是要认识到这些妇女受到了多么的诽谤。

The idea is that if you are a suffragist, there must be something wrong with you.

这个想法是，如果你是一个妇女参政论者，那么你一定有问题。

You must be a spinster.

你一定是个老处女。

You must be unsexed and somehow psychologically unbalanced.

你一定是无性别的并且心理上不平衡。

You must just want to be a man.

你一定只是想成为一个男人。

Woodrow Wilson is a very traditional Southern gentleman, and his political interests and leanings mirror his upbringing.

伍德罗·威尔逊是一位非常传统的南方绅士，他的政治兴趣和倾向反映了他的成长经历。

He’s not dismissive of women or the role that they have to play in society, but he does believe that that role is primarily as nurturers, as upholders of morals and values within families, and he’s deeply concerned that allowing women to enter the political realm will disrupt the foundation of society.

他并不轻视女性或她们在社会中必须扮演的角色，但他确实认为，这种角色主要是作为养育者，作为家庭中道德和价值观的维护者，他深切担心允许女性进入政治领域会破坏社会的基础。

Woodrow Wilson was against women's suffrage.

伍德罗·威尔逊反对妇女选举权。

He never wanted to state that publicly and was always very careful when he spoke with deputations of these suffragists coming to see him.

他从来不想公开声明这一点，并且当他与这些前来见他的妇女参政主义者代表团交谈时总是非常小心。

He would say, "Oh, well, you know, I understand your perspective, and that’s interesting.

他会说：“哦，好吧，你知道，我理解你的观点，这很有趣。

I have a lot of other things on my plate right now.

我现在还有很多其他事情要做。

We’ll see what happens."

我们会看看会发生什么。”

By the fall of 1913, Alice Paul had long since tired of the presidential dodge.

1913 年秋天，爱丽丝·保罗 (Alice Paul) 早已厌倦了总统的躲避。

When she and Lucy Burns launched The Suffragist––a weekly newspaper meant to track the progress toward the federal amendment––they put Wilson on the debut issue's cover, depicting him as a smug obstacle to the cause.

当她和露西·伯恩斯创办《妇女参政论者》（The Suffragist）——一份旨在追踪联邦修正案进展情况的周报——时，他们将威尔逊放在创刊号的封面上，把他描绘成自以为是的障碍。

At home in Pennsylvania, Anna Howard Shaw perused the issue with dismay.

在宾夕法尼亚州的家中，安娜·霍华德·肖（Anna Howard Shaw）沮丧地仔细研究了这个问题。

It was bad enough that Paul and Burns had published The Suffragist without consulting the National Association; but to see such an unkind portrayal of the president, Shaw told Burns, had made her "sick at heart."

保罗和伯恩斯在没有咨询全国协会的情况下出版了《妇女参政论者》，这已经够糟糕的了。但肖告诉伯恩斯，看到总统如此不友善的描绘，让她“心里恶心”。

The National Suffrage organization was very hierarchical.

全国选举权组织等级森严。

The people in charge believed that they deserved to be in charge, young people must come up through the ranks, and Alice Paul was none of that.

负责人相信他们应该负责，年轻人必须通过队伍晋升，而爱丽丝·保罗则不是这样的人。

She could see what needed to be done, and she intended to do it.

她知道需要做什么，并且她打算这样做。

Paul had been raising hackles at the National Association for months now, ever since the parade.

自从游行以来，保罗几个月来一直对全国协会表示不满。

Just weeks afterward, she'd personally led a deputation to President Wilson, who gave the women ten minutes of his time, listened politely, and then shrugged them off––claiming that Congress was too busy with tariffs and currency reform to consider woman suffrage.

几周后，她亲自率领一个代表团去见威尔逊总统，威尔逊总统给了这些女性十分钟的时间，礼貌地倾听，然后对她们不屑一顾——声称国会太忙于关税和货币改革，无暇考虑女性选举权。

"But Mr. President," Paul countered, "do you not understand that the Administration has no right to legislate for currency, tariff, and any other reform without first getting the consent of women?"

“但是总统先生，”保罗反驳道，“你难道不明白，在没有事先征得妇女同意的情况下，政府无权就货币、关税和任何其他改革进行立法吗？”

It was going to be very hard to get through to Woodrow Wilson, no matter what anybody said.

无论别人说什么，要接通伍德罗·威尔逊的电话都非常困难。

But Alice Paul was confrontational.

但爱丽丝·保罗的态度是对抗性的。

She’s impatient, and she really sees him as a huge adversary.

她很不耐烦，她真的把他视为一个巨大的对手。

She was trying to make him, as president, deal with this issue.

她试图让他作为总统处理这个问题。

Were such audacity not enough, Paul and Burns also had formed a separate organization, the Congressional Union, to push for the federal amendment, and had even raised their own funds for the endeavor––diverting them, in Shaw's view, from the National's coffers.

如果这样的大胆还不够，保罗和伯恩斯还成立了一个单独的组织，即国会联盟，来推动联邦修正案，甚至为这一努力筹集了自己的资金——在肖看来，这些资金是从国家金库中挪用的。

But nothing was more troubling than Paul and Burns’ public embrace of Emmeline Pankhurst, who by now had resorted to waging what she called "guerilla warfare" in England.

但没有什么比保罗和伯恩斯公开拥抱埃米琳·潘克赫斯特更令人不安的了，埃米琳·潘克赫斯特此时已经在英国发动了她所谓的“游击战”。

MARY WALTON: Until this point, the most violent thing they had done was to throw rocks through windows, which is kind of a time-honored form of protest in Britain.

玛丽·沃尔顿：到目前为止，他们所做的最暴力的事情就是向窗户投掷石块，这是英国历史悠久的抗议形式。

Now, they’re cutting electric lines, telegraph lines.

现在，他们正在切断电线、电报线。

They’re slashing seats in trains.

他们正在削减火车座位。

They set fire to golf greens.

他们放火焚烧了高尔夫球场。

No votes, no golf.

没有选票，就没有高尔夫。

There were bombs put in mailboxes.

邮箱里装着炸弹。

There were bombs at the doorsteps of members of Parliament.

国会议员的家门口有炸弹。

So there’s a lot of fear in the American movement that that kind of violence might come here.

因此，美国运动中非常担心这种暴力可能会发生在这里。

People in the National felt that Alice Paul had become a creature of the Pankhursts.

国家党的人认为爱丽丝·保罗已经成为潘克赫斯特家族的产物。

She was going to import Pankhurst attitudes and approaches to a situation in the U.S. where these militant tactics didn’t belong at all.

她将把潘克赫斯特的态度和方法引入到美国的局势中，而这些激进的策略根本不属于美国。

Alice Paul and Lucy Burns never thought that any kind of violent protest would be successful in America; but they never distanced themselves from the Pankhursts.

艾丽丝·保罗和露西·伯恩斯从未想过任何形式的暴力抗议都会在美国取得成功；但他们从未与潘克赫斯特家族保持距离。

So they became more and more controversial.

因此，他们的争议也越来越大。

The last straw was delivered by Lucy Burns, who advertised a suffrage meeting by illegally chalking the sidewalk across from the White House––and thereby prompted a much-publicized warrant for her arrest.

最后一根稻草是露西·伯恩斯（Lucy Burns）送来的，她在白宫对面的人行道上非法涂粉笔，为选举权会议做广告，从而引发了广为人知的逮捕令。

Shaw's reprimand came by letter.

肖的谴责是通过信件来的。

"Immediately plead ignorance of the law and pay whatever fine there is upon it," she instructed.

“立即以不了解法律为借口，并支付相关罚款，”她指示道。

"You may think we are all a set of old fogies, and perhaps we are...but it requires a good deal more courage to work steadily and steadfastly for forty or fifty years to gain an end, than it does to do an impulsive rash thing and lose it." By December 1913, tensions were so high that the National barred reporters from attending its annual convention.

“你可能认为我们都是一群老顽固，也许我们确实是……但是，稳定而坚定地工作四十年或五十年才能取得成果，比冲动鲁莽地做事然后失去它需要更大的勇气。”到 1913 年 12 月，紧张局势变得如此严重，以至于国家党禁止记者参加其年度大会。

Just days later, Shaw appointed an entirely new committee to oversee efforts in Washington, and ousted Paul and Burns.

几天后，肖任命了一个全新的委员会来监督华盛顿的工作，并罢免了保罗和伯恩斯。

The fledgling Congressional Union's "militant" leaders, Shaw told the press, know "nothing of American politics."

肖告诉媒体，刚刚起步的国会联盟的“激进”领导人“对美国政治一无所知”。

Schisms like this are very common in social movements, especially reform movements.

像这样的分裂在社会运动尤其是改革运动中非常常见。

We see it in the labor movement.

我们在劳工运动中看到了这一点。

We see it in the civil rights movement.

我们在民权运动中看到了这一点。

There is an impatience with the slow pace of progress and one group says, "We have to be more radical."

人们对缓慢的进展速度感到不耐烦，一组人说：“我们必须更加激进。”

Alice Paul was very young in 1913.

1913 年，爱丽丝·保罗还很年轻。

She was in her mid-20s and she was probably naive.

她才20多岁，可能还很天真。

But sometimes that level of ignorance, not really knowing how hard the fight is, is the only reason why you’re going to engage in the fight.

但有时这种程度的无知，并不真正知道战斗有多艰难，是你参与战斗的唯一原因。

As the wan winter sun rose on the morning of February 7th, 1915, readers of the New York Times turned the front page of the Sunday editorial section and encountered a lengthy warning about a grave and imminent danger: a referendum, scheduled for November 2nd, that for the first time would put the question of votes for women directly to the electorate of New York state.

1915 年 2 月 7 日早晨，冬日的太阳升起时，《纽约时报》的读者翻过周日社论版块的头版，看到了一条长长的警告，警告一个严重而迫在眉睫的危险：定于 11 月 2 日举行的全民公投，这将首次将妇女投票问题直接提交给纽约州选民。

"Every man of voting age must meet the issue courageously, intelligently, with clear vision," the editors urged.

编辑们敦促说：“每个达到投票年龄的人都必须勇敢、明智、清晰地应对这个问题。”

"The grant of suffrage to women is repugnant...Without the counsel and guidance of men no woman ever ruled a state wisely and well.

“给予女性选举权是令人反感的......如果没有男性的建议和指导，没有哪个女性能够明智而良好地统治一个国家。

The defect is innate and one for which a cure is both impossible and not to be desired." It was enough to drive Harriot Stanton Blatch to distraction.

这种缺陷是先天性的，并且无法治愈，也不需要治愈。”这足以让哈里奥特·斯坦顿·布拉奇心烦意乱。

While others dreamed of changing the U.S. Constitution, Blatch had kept her focus on New York––and by now, she'd been working for years just to convince the state legislature to hold the referendum.

当其他人梦想着改变美国宪法时，布拉奇却把注意力集中在纽约——到目前为止，她已经工作了多年，只是为了说服州立法机构举行公投。

She understood that education, pleading, petitioning did not work.

她明白，教育、恳求、上访是没有作用的。

You needed to evidence power.

你需要证明权力。

You could do it by bringing hundreds of women to Albany.

你可以通过将数百名妇女带到奥尔巴尼来做到这一点。

You could do it by having 10,000 women march down Fifth Avenue.

你可以通过让一万名女性沿着第五大道游行来做到这一点。

But you needed to show that there was power and intention, and you had to force politicians to act.

但你需要表明有力量和意图，并且你必须迫使政客采取行动。

The task of converting voters, Blatch knew, would be Herculean by comparison; but it had to be done.

布拉奇知道，相比之下，说服选民的任务将是艰巨的。但这是必须要做的。

Spurred by the furor over the national suffrage parade, the House of Representatives recently had put the federal amendment to a vote for the first time––and had proved that the two-thirds majority required for passage was well out of reach.

在全国选举权游行引起的愤怒的刺激下，众议院最近首次将联邦修正案付诸表决，并证明通过所需的三分之二多数是遥不可及的。

"[But] if we win the empire state," Blatch told Alice Paul, "all the states will come tumbling down like a pack of cards."

“[但是]如果我们赢得了帝国州，”布拉奇告诉爱丽丝·保罗，“所有的州都会像一副纸牌一样倒塌。”

At this point, the federal constitution was still closed to women.

此时，联邦宪法仍然对女性关闭。

So it became the goal to break through and to have a victory east of the Mississippi.

于是，在密西西比河以东突围并取得胜利就成了目标。

And there, the big goal was New York.

在那里，最大的目标是纽约。

New York is a state with a very large population, many members of the electoral college.

纽约是一个人口非常多的州，选举团成员很多。

It’s such an influential and prominent state.

这是一个如此有影响力和显赫的国家。

So for decades, women suffragists had said New York is key.

因此，几十年来，女权主义者一直说纽约是关键。

The National Association had poured resources into the campaign––and over the course of 1915, mobilized thousands of women across the state.

全国协会为这场运动投入了资源，并在 1915 年期间动员了全州数千名妇女。

They stood in shop windows to make so-called "voiceless speeches;" carried a symbolic Suffrage Torch to meetings from Chautauqua to Montauk; and mailed suffrage valentines to everyone they knew.

他们站在商店橱窗里发表所谓的“无声演讲”；在从肖托夸到蒙托克的会议上携带象征性的选举权火炬；并向他们认识的每个人邮寄选举权情人节礼物。

They are doing everything to appeal to the emotions.

他们所做的一切都是为了诉诸情感。

No longer interested in making rational arguments for suffrage.

不再有兴趣为选举权进行理性论证。

They want to have people care about and be interested in and excited about the suffrage movement.

他们希望人们关心选举权运动、对选举权运动感兴趣并感到兴奋。

The fervor was palpable all over the East that year, as suffragists in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts drove toward their own referenda.

那一年，新泽西州、宾夕法尼亚州和马萨诸塞州的妇女参政主义者纷纷推动自己的全民公投，整个东部地区的热情随处可见。

Thousands of women marched in Boston.

数千名妇女在波士顿游行。

They took a liberty bell across the state of Pennsylvania.

他们在宾夕法尼亚州敲响了自由钟。

Everybody planted yellow gardens.

每个人都种植黄色花园。

You know, and women worked very, very hard.

你知道，女性工作非常非常努力。

If women are going to get the right to vote, they need to convince the most men possible that they deserve the right to vote.

如果女性想要获得投票权，她们就需要让尽可能多的男性相信她们应该拥有投票权。

Every individual man who can vote needs to be convinced.

每个有投票权的人都需要被说服。

Mindful of what was at stake for tens of thousands of African-American women––and for voting rights in general––the five-year-old National Association for the Advancement of Colored People put out a special issue of its monthly magazine, featuring endorsements from some of black America's foremost public figures, who urged African-American men to vote "yes." For Mary Church Terrell, the former president of the National Association of Colored Women, it was incomprehensible that any black man should do otherwise.

考虑到数以万计的非裔美国妇女以及一般投票权面临的风险，成立五年的全国有色人种协进会推出了一份月刊特刊，其中得到了一些美国黑人最重要的公众人物的支持，他们敦促非裔美国男性投票“赞成”。对于全国有色人种妇女协会前主席玛丽·丘奇·特雷尔来说，任何黑人都不应该这样做，这是令人难以理解的。

"[T]he same arguments used to prove that the ballot be withheld from women," she pointed out, "are advanced to prove that colored men should not be allowed to vote."

她指出，“用于证明女性不能投票的同样论点现在也被用来证明不应允许有色人种男性投票。”

Black women have a stake in this question.

这个问题与黑人女性息息相关。

If one is to be a full citizen, a true citizen, not a second class citizen, one will vote, have access to the polls.

如果一个人要成为一名正式公民，一名真正的公民，而不是二等公民，那么他就会投票，有权参与投票。

Keep a people away from the polls, you will raise the significance of the vote tremendously.

让人们远离投票，你会极大地提高投票的重要性。

Why would you keep us away from the polls so long if it wasn’t in fact the route to power?

如果这实际上不是通往权力的途径，为什么你要让我们远离民意调查这么久呢？

By the fall, everyone was waiting to see what Woodrow Wilson would do.

到了秋天，每个人都在等着看伍德罗·威尔逊会做什么。

Expected to return to his home state of New Jersey to vote in the referendum there, the president was inundated with letters, hundreds of them from anti-suffrage women, who begged him, as one put it, to "leave us a little longer in the quiet of our homes...to rear our children well, and care for our husbands...with undivided interest[.]" To such women's profound disappointment, Wilson announced on October 6th that he would vote "yes."

预计总统将返回家乡新泽西州参加公投，但他收到了大量信件，其中有数百封来自反对选举权的女性，用其中一位人士的话来说，她们恳求他“让我们在安静的家中多呆一会儿……好好抚养我们的孩子，照顾我们的丈夫……一心一意。”令这些女性深感失望的是，威尔逊于 10 月 6 日宣布他将投“赞成票”。

Wilson, because of his reputation as a progressive, can’t publicly say that he’s against women having political rights, is basically a States rights man when it comes to suffrage.

威尔逊，由于他作为进步人士的声誉，不能公开表示他反对妇女拥有政治权利，在选举权方面基本上是一个州权利人。

He does it as a private citizen in a state-level vote that doesn’t have any national implications and, in fact, is explicit—speaking to his Southern base—that he’s not in favor of a federal amendment.

他以普通公民的身份参加了一次州级投票，这次投票不会对全国产生任何影响，事实上，他对他的南方基地明确表示，他不赞成联邦修正案。

But that is a huge win in the minds of many of the suffragists, because now the President has indicated at least he’s personally pro-suffrage.

但这在许多选举权主义者心目中是一个巨大的胜利，因为现在总统至少表明他个人支持选举权。

These were four of the most populous states in the country.

这些是该国人口最多的四个州。

And there was a lot at stake, and they lost every state.

事关重大，他们失去了每一个州。

They failed.

他们失败了。

The 1915 campaign was well-run, well-funded, but it could not break through.

1915年的战役运作良好，资金充足，但未能取得突破。

"I [have] never felt so vindictive in all my life," Blatch raged to a reporter.

“我一生中从未感到如此记仇，”布拉奇对记者愤怒地说。

"Never again will I make an appeal to an individual voter." Just days later, an embattled Anna Howard Shaw announced she would not be a candidate for re-election to the National Association's presidency, and the country's preeminent woman suffrage organization began the search for a new leader and yet another new path forward.

“我再也不会向个人选民发出呼吁。”几天后，四面楚歌的安娜·霍华德·肖宣布她不会成为连任全国协会主席的候选人，该国杰出的妇女选举权组织开始寻找新的领导人和另一条新的前进道路。

In 1915, things looked very iffy.

1915 年，事情看起来非常不稳定。

The movement was at something of a crossroads.

这场运动正处于十字路口。

It had garnered a great deal of support.

它获得了很多支持。

Its social base was broader than it ever had been.

它的社会基础比以往任何时候都更广泛。

But they, it still faced a lot of opposition.

但他们，却依然面临着很多的反对。

Figuring out what to do, should they proceed at the state level, should they go for a federal amendment, was a very live issue and it was not obvious that either path was going to work.

弄清楚该怎么做，是否应该在州一级继续进行，是否应该寻求联邦修正案，是一个非常紧迫的问题，而且目前尚不清楚这两种方法是否有效。

We don’t want, it seems, everyone participating in our democracy.

看来我们并不希望每个人都参与我们的民主。

And that becomes one of the great themes for the women fighting for women’s suffrage, because how can you be a democracy if half of the nation can’t vote?

这成为妇女争取选举权的伟大主题之一，因为如果一半的人不能投票，怎么能成为民主国家呢？

By the fall of 1915, there could scarcely have been an adult in the United States unaware of the controversy over votes for women.

到 1915 年秋天，美国几乎没有一个成年人不知道有关女性投票权的争议。

It had been circulating on the periphery of the national conversation for six decades; and during the previous five years had moved decisively to the center––a crusade of the few blooming into a mass movement, their demand for the ballot growing ever more insistent.

六十年来，它一直在全国性话题的边缘流传。在过去的五年里，他们果断地转向了中间派——少数人的十字军东征发展成了一场群众运动，他们对选票的要求越来越强烈。

Hotly debated in town halls, on street corners, and around dinner tables the country over, woman suffrage had divided husbands and wives, siblings, women one from another––and had aroused vociferous opposition from every quarter of American society: industrial interests, politicians, and not least, the states of the former Confederacy, where the franchise was a jealously-guarded instrument of white supremacy.

在全国各地的市政厅、街角和餐桌旁，妇女选举权已经引起了丈夫和妻子、兄弟姐妹、妇女之间的激烈争论，并引起了美国社会各个方面的强烈反对：工业利益集团、政客，尤其是前联邦各州，在这些州，选举权是白人至上的一种小心翼翼的工具。

With defeats far more numerous than victories, new voices had risen to champion new, more aggressive tactics, and the suffrage movement had splintered over strategy–-highlighting the fundamental question of what it would take for American women to finally win the ballot.

由于失败的次数远多于胜利，新的声音开始倡导新的、更具侵略性的策略，而选举权运动在策略上出现了分裂——凸显了美国女性需要采取什么措施才能最终赢得选票的基本问题。

What no one anticipated in 1915 was the lengths to which they would actually have to go.

1915 年，没有人预料到他们实际上要走这么长的路。

The fact that there is resistance to the expansion of democratic rights is not uniquely American.

扩大民主权利遇到阻力的事实并非美国独有。

When people have some rights that other people don’t have, you have to convince them to share.

当人们拥有一些其他人没有的权利时，你必须说服他们分享。

Not everybody’s going to want to.

不是每个人都愿意。

On September 16th, 1915, at the Panama Pacific International Exposition in San Francisco, four women––virtual strangers––climbed into a waiting car, drove through the fairground gates, and headed east––to launch a new phase in the very long struggle for woman suffrage, now in its 67th year and counting.

1915 年 9 月 16 日，在旧金山举行的巴拿马太平洋国际博览会上，四名几乎互不相识的女性爬上一辆等候的汽车，驶过会场大门，向东驶去，开启了漫长的争取妇女选举权斗争的新阶段，这一斗争现已进入第 67 个年头，而且还在继续。

It was close to midnight when they set out.

他们出发时已经接近午夜了。

Their final destination: Washington D.C.

他们的最终目的地：华盛顿特区

The car takes off very, very dramatic.

汽车的起飞非常非常戏剧性。

Lights and fireworks and it's on its way.

灯光和烟花正在路上。

With few personal possessions, the travelers' cargo consisted primarily of an enormous scroll which had been gathering signatures at the Expo for months––a petition demanding an amendment to the U.S. Constitution that would enfranchise all of the nation's women at once.

旅客的私人物品很少，主要是一个巨大的卷轴，几个月来一直在世博会上收集签名——一份请愿书，要求修改美国宪法，立即赋予全国所有妇女选举权。

Bearing it across the continent was Frances Jolliffe, 42 and a drama critic from Washington State; poet Sara Bard Field, 33 and a native of Oregon; and two Swedes who had volunteered their brand-new Willys-Overland for the trip.

42 岁的弗朗西斯·乔利夫 (Frances Jolliffe) 带着这股力量穿越了整个大陆，她是一位来自华盛顿州的戏剧评论家。诗人萨拉·巴德·菲尔德 (Sara Bard Field)，33 岁，俄勒冈州人；两名瑞典人自愿提供了他们全新的 Willys-Overland 来参加这次旅行。

The "envoys," as they were called, would be taking a circuitous route, stopping for pre-arranged rallies, receptions, and press interviews in forty-eight different cities.

这些被称为“特使”的人将采取迂回路线，在四十八个不同的城市停下来参加预先安排的集会、招待会和新闻采访。

Not counting unplanned detours, the itinerary was nearly five thousand miles.

不算计划外的弯路，行程近五千里。

On a good road, with the top up, they'd be lucky to log twenty miles per hour.

在路况良好的情况下，加满油后，他们能以每小时二十英里的速度行驶就已经很幸运了。

You have to imagine roads at that time.

你必须想象当时的道路。

Roads are like tracks across the prairies left by wagons.

道路就像马车在草原上留下的痕迹。

They had to cross the desert.

他们必须穿越沙漠。

There are no maps.

没有地图。

There was no interstate highway system.

没有州际公路系统。

There weren’t streetlights.

没有路灯。

There weren’t pay phones.

没有公用电话。

There was really no infrastructure to support a crazy trip like this.

确实没有任何基础设施来支持这样的疯狂旅行。

Already by Sacramento, Frances Jolliffe had had enough, leaving Sara Bard Field alone with the Swedes, one of whom talked incessantly.

到了萨克拉门托，弗朗西丝·乔利夫已经受够了，留下萨拉·巴德·菲尔德和瑞典人单独在一起，其中一个人不停地说话。

"Like Odysseus I have many experiences to relate," Field telegrammed a friend from the road.

“就像奥德修斯一样，我有很多经历可以讲述，”菲尔德在路上给一位朋友发了电报。

Twelve miles through alkali salt pan in Nevada's Great Basin–-an experience Field described as "ploughing through...dust." Snow drifts so high in Wyoming, that everyone had to get out and push.

在内华达州大盆地的碱盐田中行驶十二英里——这种经历被菲尔德描述为“犁过……尘土”。怀俄明州的积雪飘得很高，每个人都必须出去推。

A mud hole in Kansas that swallowed the Overland as if it were a shoe.

堪萨斯州的一个泥洞像鞋子一样吞没了陆地。

Newspaper outlets would call in with their scenes from the road.

报纸会打电话报道他们在路上的场景。

The whole adventure of it was really captivating for the nation.

整个冒险过程确实让整个国家着迷。

Women were quite literally crossing a new divide in America, and being much more vocal and aggressive–-demanding the vote, not asking politely.

女性确实正在跨越美国的新鸿沟，她们更加直言不讳、更具侵略性——要求投票，而不是礼貌地请求。

The stunt was the handiwork of Alice Paul, a thirty-year-old Quaker with a PhD from the University of Pennsylvania and a playbook inspired by her apprenticeship with Britain's notoriously militant suffragettes.

这一特技是爱丽丝·保罗 (Alice Paul) 的杰作，她是一名三十岁的贵格会教徒，拥有宾夕法尼亚大学博士学位，其剧本的灵感来自于她在英国臭名昭著的激进妇女参政论者的学徒经历。

Having been recently ousted from the movement's preeminent organization, the more moderate National American Woman Suffrage Association, Paul now led the upstart Congressional Union, a small cadre of committed activists who shared her impatience for the ballot and her willingness to employ unlady-like tactics to win it.

保罗最近被该运动的杰出组织——更为温和的美国妇女选举权协会驱逐，现在领导着新贵国会联盟，这是一个由坚定的积极分子组成的小干部，他们和她一样对投票感到不耐烦，并且愿意采用不淑女般的策略来赢得选举。

Women had been at this for decades and the movement was going nowhere.

妇女们已经这样做了几十年，但这场运动毫无进展。

And Alice Paul really believed that the answer was in needing a new approach.

爱丽丝·保罗确实相信答案在于需要一种新方法。

While her one-time allies from the National Association continued to wage the battle state-by-state––reenacting the by-now tired ritual of pleading with male voters on street corners––Paul had set her sights on the federal amendment, and had appealed instead to female voters from the eleven so-called "free states" of the West, where women already were fully enfranchised.

当她曾经的全国协会盟友继续逐个州地展开斗争时——重演现在已经厌倦的在街角恳求男性选民的仪式——保罗把目光投向了联邦修正案，转而呼吁来自西方十一个所谓“自由州”的女性选民，在这些州，妇女已经获得了充分的选举权。

As the popular humor magazine Puck acknowledged with a two-page spread in its special 1915 Suffrage Issue, the four million women of the free states were poised to liberate their sisters elsewhere.

正如流行幽默杂志《Puck》在其 1915 年选举权特刊中用两页版面所承认的那样，自由州的 400 万妇女已准备好解放其他地方的姐妹。

All they had to do was vote in solidarity with the cause.

他们所要做的就是投票声援这一事业。

Alice Paul's envoys would deliver that message to Capitol Hill, and make it known to the Democrats–-who held the presidency and controlled both houses of Congress––that thousands of western women were prepared to hold them responsible for the federal suffrage amendment.

爱丽丝·保罗的特使将这一信息传达给国会山，并让担任总统并控制国会参众两院的民主党人知道，成千上万的西方妇女准备让她们对联邦选举权修正案负责。

The idea was to get the attention of the party and convince them that women's votes can alter the balance of power, and persuade them to push through the Constitutional amendment.

其想法是引起该党的注意，并说服他们相信女性选票可以改变权力平衡，并说服他们推动宪法修正案。

By the time the envoys' Overland reached Washington D.C. on the morning of December 6th, four states in the East had voted to keep women from the ballot box––and even those suffragists who dismissed Paul as a "militant" had begun to see the wisdom in her demand for the federal amendment.

当特使们于 12 月 6 日早上到达华盛顿特区时，东部的四个州已经投票禁止妇女参与投票箱——甚至那些将保罗斥为“激进分子”的妇女参政论者也开始看到她对联邦修正案的要求是明智的。

President Wilson received the envoys graciously.

威尔逊总统盛情接待了使节。

"Nothing could be more impressive," he said, surveying the petition.

“没有什么比这更令人印象深刻的了，”他一边审视请愿书一边说道。

"This visit of yours...undoubtedly will make it necessary for all of us to consider very carefully what it is right for us to do." What the president did not say was that he had already decided what was right to do.

“您的这次访问……无疑将使我们所有人有必要非常仔细地考虑我们应该做什么。”总统没有说的是，他已经决定了正确的做法。

As he'd put it to a friend just the night before: "[Woman suffrage] will make absolutely no change in politics––it is the home that will be disastrously affected...who is going to [make the home] if the women don't?"

正如他前一天晚上对朋友说的那样：“[妇女选举权]绝对不会改变政治——受到灾难性影响的是家庭……如果妇女不这样做，谁来[建立家庭]？”

What was expected of women was that they might want to get an education, but that then they would marry.

人们对女性的期望是她们可能想要接受教育，但随后她们就会结婚。

They would have children.

他们会有孩子。

They would take care of their husbands.

她们会照顾她们的丈夫。

They would raise the children.

他们会抚养孩子。

That was their ambit.

这就是他们的野心。

That was their sphere.

那是他们的领域。

It wasn’t just about casting a ballot.

这不仅仅是投票。

It really was about women’s roles in society.

这确实是关于女性在社会中的角色。

And the suffragists in some ways are in the forefront, and saying, "We want to do more."

妇女参政论者在某些方面走在最前列，他们说：“我们想做更多。”

By the late spring of 1916, the call for a federal suffrage amendment had become a clamor––and in June, despite a torrential downpour, fifty-five hundred suffragists turned out to press the point at the Republican National Convention in Chicago.

到了 1916 年春末，对联邦选举权修正案的呼声已成为一片喧嚣——6 月，尽管倾盆大雨，五千五百名选举权主义者还是在芝加哥举行的共和党全国代表大会上表达了这一观点。

Accompanied by a pair of mascots borrowed from the local zoo, the column of women stretched for two miles––"a vast sea of umbrellas," the Chicago Herald observed, "in unbroken formation...Never before in the history of Chicago, probably of the world, has there been so impressive a demonstration of idealism, of consecration to a cause." It was precisely the sort of coverage the newly-elected president of the National Association had been hoping for.

在从当地动物园借来的一对吉祥物的陪伴下，妇女队伍绵延两英里——《芝加哥先驱报》评论道，“一片浩瀚的雨伞海洋，排列整齐……在芝加哥乃至全世界的历史上，从未有过如此令人印象深刻的理想主义和对事业的奉献。”这正是新当选的全国协会主席所希望的报道。

Carrie Chapman Catt was 57, and the crusade for woman suffrage had been the one constant in her life: a thread that stretched backward through two marriages and the deaths of both husbands, through the teaching career that had financed her college education, all the way back to her adolescence in Charles City, Iowa, and the election of 1872.

凯莉·查普曼·卡特 (Carrie Chapman Catt) 现年 57 岁，争取妇女选举权的运动一直是她一生中不变的主题：一条线索一直延伸到两段婚姻和两任丈夫的去世，一直延伸到资助她接受大学教育的教师生涯，一直追溯到她在爱荷华州查尔斯城的青春期和 1872 年的选举。

The movement seems to be listing and there's a great sense of frustration, and the National Association drafts Carrie Catt to come back and lead them into what they know is going to be a critical stage.

这场运动似乎即将上市，人们有一种很大的挫败感，全国协会选拔凯莉·卡特回来领导他们进入他们知道将是一个关键阶段。

After the crushing defeats in the East, Catt later recalled, "suffragists were in no mood to go to the States again and beg the vote...".

卡特后来回忆说，在东部惨败之后，“妇女参政论者没有心情再次前往美国乞求投票……”。

Going forward, the National Association would fight for the constitutional amendment.

展望未来，全国协会将争取修宪。

But unlike the militant Miss Paul, leveling threats at the Democrats, Carrie Catt meant to beat the politicians at their own game.

但与激进的保罗小姐对民主党发出威胁不同，凯莉·卡特打算在政治家自己的游戏中击败他们。

Amending the Constitution seems really very enticing.

修改宪法看起来确实很诱人。

But it's not easy.

但这并不容易。

Catt's opening move was to convince both major political parties to endorse votes for women––and thereby clear the way for the federal amendment.

卡特的开局之举是说服两个主要政党支持妇女投票，从而为联邦修正案扫清道路。

But at the convention in Chicago, Catt's play was blocked by anti-suffrage senators from Massachusetts and New York.

但在芝加哥举行的大会上，卡特的表演遭到了来自马萨诸塞州和纽约州的反对选举权的参议员的阻止。

In the northeast, in the industrial states, there’s strong, entrenched political machines who were not keen on women voting.

在东北部的工业州，有强大而根深蒂固的政治机器，他们并不热衷于女性投票。

The political machines want a predictable electorate.

政治机器想要有可预测的选民。

And they want to be able to win elections with the electorate that they know.

他们希望能够与他们认识的选民一起赢得选举。

Double the size of the electorate and who knows what’s going to happen?

选民规模翻倍，谁知道会发生什么？

So let’s just keep things as they are, where we know how to manage.

因此，让我们保持现状，我们知道如何管理。

Thanks to pressure from pro-suffrage Republicans, a compromise eventually was struck: a plank that endorsed votes for women––so long as they were secured by action of the states.

在支持选举权的共和党人的压力下，最终达成了一项妥协：一项支持妇女投票的纲领——只要她们能通过各州的行动获得保障。

To Catt's dismay, the scene repeated itself the following week, at the Democratic National Convention in St. Louis––only this time, the opposition came from the South.

令卡特沮丧的是，接下来的一周，在圣路易斯举行的民主党全国代表大会上，这一幕又重演了——只不过这一次，反对派来自南方。

With the majority of African-Americans concentrated in the South, the issue of voting becomes the central preoccupation of white southern Democrats, as well as anyone interested in the machinery of white supremacy.

由于大多数非裔美国人集中在南方，投票问题成为南方白人民主党以及任何对白人至上机制感兴趣的人关注的焦点。

Federal action on voting had created a situation where the former slaves were voting in huge numbers.

联邦的投票行动造成了前奴隶大量投票的情况。

That was Reconstruction.

那就是重建。

The southern Democrats regarded that as a grave mistake.

南方民主党人认为这是一个严重错误。

The last thing they wanted was national constitutional action on voting rights.

他们最不想要的就是关于投票权的国家宪法行动。

For Southern Democrats, the stakes were amply demonstrated by Illinois, where in 1913 women had won partial suffrage––and now could vote both for presidential electors and in municipal elections.

对于南方民主党人来说，伊利诺伊州充分证明了这一点，该州的妇女于 1913 年赢得了部分选举权，现在可以投票选举总统选举人和市政选举。

Over the previous year, renowned anti-lynching crusader Ida B.

去年，著名的反私刑斗士 Ida B.

Wells and her Alpha Suffrage Club had successfully mobilized Chicago's African-American women, and had helped to elect Republican Oscar DePriest, the city's first black alderman.

威尔斯和她的阿尔法选举权俱乐部成功地动员了芝加哥的非裔美国妇女，并帮助选举了该市第一位黑人市议员、共和党人奥斯卡·德普里斯特。

Black women are going to vote for president in Illinois in 1916.

1916 年，黑人女性将投票选举伊利诺伊州总统。

They are organizing themselves and their community around the polls.

他们正在围绕民意调查组织自己和社区。

So if I’m an astute student of politics in the South, I understand what black women will do if given the opening and the possibility of coming to the polls; that they will work to really upend a political order that is bound by white supremacy.

因此，如果我是南方政治学的精明学生，我就会明白，如果有机会和有可能参加投票，黑人女性会做什么；他们将努力真正颠覆受白人至上束缚的政治秩序。

That’s clear.

这很清楚。

The plank that finally wound up in the Democrat's platform was nearly identical to the Republican's.

最终出现在民主党纲领中的纲领与共和党的纲领几乎相同。

Catt declared it "an insult to womanhood." But as she told members of the National Association at an emergency meeting: now that both major parties had drawn a line at the federal amendment, she was more determined than ever to get it across.

卡特宣称这是“对女性气质的侮辱”。但正如她在一次紧急会议上告诉全国协会成员的那样：既然两大政党都在联邦修正案上划清了界限，她比以往任何时候都更有决心让其得到理解。

Carrie Chapman Catt says this is the beginning of victory.

凯莉·查普曼·卡特说这是胜利的开始。

And she launches what she calls the Winning Plan.

她启动了她所谓的“获胜计划”。

Catt's idea is, you support the state campaigns like New York, where they might win.

卡特的想法是，你支持像纽约这样的州竞选活动，他们可能会在那里获胜。

But the goal is the federal amendment.

但目标是联邦修正案。

She does the math and says okay, clearly the more representatives there are from suffrage states, the better the chances for the federal amendment.

她算了一下，说好吧，显然来自选举权州的代表越多，联邦修正案的机会就越大。

And that is true.

这是真的。

As more and more states were enfranchising their women, it meant there was more pressure on Congress.

随着越来越多的州赋予女性选举权，这意味着国会面临更大的压力。

Carrie Chapman Catt had a political vision that was just as accurate and practical as Alice Paul’s.

凯莉·查普曼·卡特 (Carrie Chapman Catt) 的政治愿景与爱丽丝·保罗 (Alice Paul) 一样准确实用。

But Catt is someone who works within the system.

但卡特是体制内的人。

That’s the way she is.

她就是这样。

Alice Paul says no, I’m going to try different things, and we’re going to blow this wide open.

爱丽丝·保罗说不，我要尝试不同的事情，我们要敞开心扉。

Beyond America's borders in the summer of 1916 was a world fraught with danger.

1916 年夏天，美国境外是一个充满危险的世界。

The nations of Europe were waging a brutal, seemingly senseless war that in just two years had claimed the lives of nearly a million men.

欧洲国家正在发动一场残酷的、看似毫无意义的战争，这场战争在短短两年内就夺去了近百万人的生命。

And Americans were looking to elect a president who would keep them out of the fray.

美国人希望选出一位能让他们远离这场纷争的总统。

It was shaping up to be a tight race.

这将是一场激烈的比赛。

Woodrow Wilson, who'd been nominated by his party on the first ballot, had the advantage of incumbency; but the last Democrat elected to a consecutive second term had been Andrew Jackson, in 1832.

伍德罗·威尔逊(Woodrow Wilson)在第一轮投票中就被共和党提名，拥有在职优势。但最后一位连任连任的民主党人是 1832 年的安德鲁·杰克逊 (Andrew Jackson)。

Already, the slogans were flying, newspapers were opining, and the Republican nominee, New York Governor Charles Evans Hughes, was barnstorming the country, trying to distinguish himself from the competition.

口号已经满天飞，报纸上也发表了评论，共和党候选人、纽约州州长查尔斯·埃文斯·休斯正在全国进行巡回演讲，试图在竞争中脱颖而出。

After personally paying a call to Hughes in July, Paul managed to extract from him a tight-lipped endorsement of the federal suffrage amendment ––though he was careful to qualify it to the press as "purely a personal opinion." The southern-born president, by contrast, stubbornly clung to the states' rights position favored by his party.

七月份，保罗亲自致电休斯后，设法从他那里获得了对联邦选举权修正案的守口如瓶的支持——尽管他小心翼翼地将其向媒体描述为“纯粹是个人意见”。相比之下，这位出生于南方的总统顽固地坚持其政党支持的各州权利立场。

Wilson knows he’s in a battle heading into the 1916 election.

威尔逊知道他正处于 1916 年大选前的一场战斗中。

He's deeply concerned with any discussion of a federal amendment on suffrage because he’s got a base of support in the South.

他非常关心任何有关选举权的联邦修正案的讨论，因为他在南方有一定的支持基础。

And the whole question of who’s voting in the South for Southern Democrats must remain a state matter.

谁在南方投票给南方民主党人的整个问题必须仍然是州事务。

Alice Paul intended to make the Democrats' party line a liability at the polls.

艾丽丝·保罗打算让民主党的政党路线成为民意调查中的负担。

She'd already taken the audacious step of forming a new political party –-the National Woman's Party––which at first was comprised only of fully enfranchised women and featured in its platform a single plank: immediate passage of a federal suffrage amendment.

她已经采取了大胆的步骤，组建了一个新的政党——全国妇女党——该党最初仅由拥有完全选举权的妇女组成，其纲领只有一条：立即通过联邦选举权修正案。

Now, she sent organizers west to rally women voters to her Party's ranks––and as she told a supporter, to convince them to cast their ballots against Wilson and the Democrats.

现在，她派遣组织者向西集结女性选民加入她的政党队伍，正如她对一名支持者所说，说服她们投票反对威尔逊和民主党。

The growing number of women who had full voting rights in the West were now an actual tool.

在西方，越来越多拥有完全投票权的女性现在已成为一个实际的工具。

A force, a political force to be reckoned with.

一股不可忽视的力量，一股政治力量。

Everybody recognized this.

大家都认识到了这一点。

But Paul took a step forward.

但保罗向前迈出了一步。

Paul says to the Democratic Party, if you do not get on board with supporting a federal suffrage amendment, we will swing the votes of 500,000 women in the Western states against you.

保罗对民主党说，如果你们不支持联邦选举权修正案，我们将把西部各州 50 万女性的选票转向反对你们。

Whether your candidates in those states are pro-suffrage or anti-suffrage, we're going to vote against them.

无论这些州的候选人是支持选举权还是反对选举权，我们都会投票反对他们。

We are going to vote against Wilson, and we are going to hold the Democrats responsible for passage of a federal amendment."

我们将投票反对威尔逊，我们将让民主党对联邦修正案的通过负责。”

By the end of August, Paul had installed opposition campaigners in all eleven of the free western states.

到八月底，保罗已经在所有十一个西部自由州安插了反对派活动人士。

37-year-old Lucy Burns, Paul's second in command, was stationed in Montana.

37 岁的露西·伯恩斯 (Lucy Burns) 是保罗的副手，驻扎在蒙大拿州。

Doris Stevens, 27 and a teacher from Omaha, took on California, while trade union organizer Rose Winslow, 26, split her time between Arizona and Wyoming.

27 岁的多丽丝·史蒂文斯 (Doris Stevens) 是一名来自奥马哈的教师，她前往加利福尼亚州，而 26 岁的工会组织者罗斯·温斯洛 (Rose Winslow) 则往返于亚利桑那州和怀俄明州。

Harriot Stanton Blatch, who'd been assigned to Colorado, was sure that together they could annihilate Wilson at the polls.

被派往科罗拉多州的哈里奥特·斯坦顿·布拉奇（Harriot Stanton Blatch）确信，他们联手可以在民意调查中消灭威尔逊。

Blatch was 60 and a veteran of the suffrage wars.

布拉奇现年 60 岁，是选举权战争的老兵。

She'd spent the better part of the last decade organizing in New York––the very state where her mother, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, first had launched the movement.

过去十年的大部分时间她都在纽约进行组织活动——正是在纽约，她的母亲伊丽莎白·卡迪·斯坦顿 (Elizabeth Cady Stanton) 首次发起了这场运动。

But the 1915 defeat there had soured her on the work.

但 1915 年的失败让她对工作失去了兴趣。

Newly widowed, she'd established legal residency in Kansas in order to be able to cast a ballot––and, as she told Alice Paul, had turned her head and heart to her enfranchised sisters.

刚刚丧偶的她在堪萨斯州建立了合法居住权，以便能够投票——而且，正如她告诉爱丽丝·保罗的那样，她已经将她的头和心转向了她获得选举权的姐妹们。

"I believe in women," Blatch explained.

“我相信女性，”布拉奇解释道。

"The east calls to the west for succor."

“东方向西方求助。”

They’re equipped with banners and with leaflets and copies of The Suffragist.

他们配备了横幅、传单和《妇女参政权论者》的副本。

In many places, this is still the frontier, and it’s very difficult terrain.

在许多地方，这仍然是边境，而且地形非常险峻。

They know no one, and no one knows them.

他们不认识任何人，也没有人认识他们。

They find that in a number of states where women have the vote, they’re just not all that interested in this federal amendment and this cause of Eastern women.

他们发现，在许多妇女拥有投票权的州，她们对这项联邦修正案和东部妇女的事业并不那么感兴趣。

It’s 1916.

现在是 1916 年。

Nobody really cares about this.

没有人真正关心这个。

They’re concerned about the war in Europe and Wilson is announcing he won’t take the United States into it.

他们担心欧洲的战争，威尔逊宣布他不会将美国卷入其中。

What in August had seemed a promising venture by September had become a punishing grind, as the campaigners shuttled over hill and dale to canvass far-flung voters.

八月时看似充满希望的冒险，到了九月却变成了一场痛苦的磨难，竞选者们翻山越岭，游说遥远的选民。

"I am absolutely worn out," Harriot Stanton Blatch grumbled, "by routing out at midnight and 4 o'clock in the morning." Even women half her age had begun to flag.

“我实在是太累了，”哈里奥特·斯坦顿·布拉奇抱怨道，“半夜和凌晨 4 点就出去了。”就连年龄只有她一半的女性也开始萎靡不振。

By October, no fewer than eight were down––from nervous exhaustion, bronchitis, food poisoning.

到十月，不少于八人因神经衰弱、支气管炎、食物中毒而倒下。

Then, late in the month, the campaign's star speaker, 30-year-old Inez Milholland, who'd led the 1913 suffrage parade in the capitol, collapsed mid-speech on a stage in Los Angeles, her last words directed to Wilson: "Mr. President, how long must women [go on fighting] for liberty?" Diagnosed with pernicious anemia and a rampant infection, Milholland languished in the hospital while Blatch finished out her tour.

随后，本月末，竞选活动的明星发言人、30 岁的伊内兹·米尔霍兰（Inez Milholland）在洛杉矶的一个舞台上领导了 1913 年国会大厦选举权游行，她在演讲中途倒下，她的最后一句话是对威尔逊说的：“威尔逊先生。”总统先生，女性必须为自由而奋斗多久？”米尔霍兰被诊断出患有恶性贫血和严重感染，在布拉奇结束她的巡演时在医院里备受煎熬。

When voters went to the polls on November 7th, they delivered one of the closest elections in American history.

当选民于 11 月 7 日投票时，他们举行了美国历史上最接近的选举之一。

Based on incomplete returns, some early editions on the 8th declared for Hughes.

根据不完整的回报，一些早期版本在 8 日宣布为休斯。

By the 9th, those papers were publishing retractions: Wilson had eked out a victory after all.

到了 9 日，这些报纸纷纷发表撤稿声明：威尔逊终于取得了胜利。

Of the twelve states where the National Woman's Party had campaigned against him, the president had carried ten.

在全国妇女党竞选反对他的十二个州中，总统赢得了十个。

The premise of Paul's strategy was that women would be single-issue voters, that they would privilege suffrage above all else, and that strategy turns out to just be incorrect.

保罗策略的前提是女性将成为单一议题的选民，她们将选举权置于一切之上，但事实证明该策略是不正确的。

Compared to the issue of America's entry into the war, suffrage was way down on the list.

与美国参战问题相比，选举权问题的排名远远靠后。

The Western campaign didn’t have a huge impact; but it really opened people’s eyes to the lengths to which Alice Paul was willing to go to keep the momentum going.

西方的运动并没有产生巨大的影响；但这确实让人们看到了爱丽丝·保罗为了保持这一势头愿意付出的努力。

Two and half weeks after the election, Inez Milholland died in California, and Alice Paul immediately resurrected her as a martyr for the Cause ––emblazoning the cover of the Suffragist with Milholland's likeness and a verse from the Battle Hymn of the Republic: "As He died to make men holy, let us die to make men free."

选举后两周半，伊内兹·米尔霍兰在加利福尼亚去世，爱丽丝·保罗立即将她复活为事业烈士——在《妇女参政权论者》的封面上印上米尔霍兰的肖像和《共和国战歌》中的一首诗：“正如他为使人类神圣而死，让我们为使人类自由而死一样。”

When Maud Wood Park, a newly-appointed lobbyist for the National Association, arrived in Washington D.C. in late 1916, it was with some reluctance.

1916 年底，新任命的全国协会说客莫德·伍德帕克 (Maud Wood Park) 抵达华盛顿特区时，有些不情愿。

"I am afraid I am too much a reformer and too little an opportunist," she'd told Carrie Chapman Catt, "to be of use in Washington." But as Park recalled, the lobby was a key component of Mrs. Catt's Winning Plan––and she'd refused to take "no" for an answer.

她对凯莉·查普曼·卡特说：“恐怕我是一个改革者太多，而机会主义者太少，无法在华盛顿发挥作用。”但正如帕克回忆的那样，大厅是卡特夫人获胜计划的关键组成部分，而她拒绝接受“不”的答案。

The suffragists have knocked on doors.

妇女参政主义者已经敲门。

They've had rallies.

他们举行了集会。

They've had marches.

他们举行了游行。

But they also have to convince legislators, political men who have their own agendas, who have their own constituencies, to meet their needs.

但他们还必须说服立法者、有自己议程、有自己选民的政治人物来满足他们的需求。

The federal amendment's been kicking around Congress for 40 years; they've got to get it out of there.

联邦修正案已在国会讨论了 40 年；他们必须把它从那里弄出来。

Park had been selling woman suffrage to skeptics for her entire adult life.

帕克在她的整个成年生活中一直向怀疑论者兜售女性选举权。

One of only two women in her 1898 Radcliffe graduating class to support votes for women––and appalled by her generation's apathy––she'd gone on to found the College Equal Suffrage League, which by 1908 boasted chapters in thirty states.

她是 1898 年拉德克利夫毕业班中仅有的两名支持女性投票的女性之一——她对她这一代人的冷漠感到震惊——她后来创立了大学平等选举权联盟，到 1908 年，该联盟在 30 个州拥有分会。

She was no less tenacious when it came to politicians.

当谈到政客时，她也同样顽强。

Back home in Massachusetts, she'd once trailed a state legislator into a saloon to secure his pledge for woman suffrage.

回到马萨诸塞州的家中，她曾经尾随一位州议员进入一家酒吧，以确保他对妇女选举权的承诺。

But Capitol Hill was alien terrain.

但国会山是一片陌生的土地。

The briefing she received on the task ahead left her, she later said, "so scared by the number of mistakes which it was possible to make, I wondered whether I should ever have the courage to open my lips to speak."

她后来说，她收到的关于未来任务的简报让她“对可能犯的错误感到非常害怕，我想知道我是否应该有勇气张开嘴说话。”

Maud Wood Park really hadn’t spent any time in the nation’s capital until that point.

在那之前，莫德·伍德帕克确实没有在国家首都呆过任何时间。

She had to teach herself how Congress worked, and I think she was at first a little surprised at how dysfunctional it was, how things didn’t get done and how people seemed to be spending an awful lot of time not doing anything at all.

她必须自学国会是如何运作的，我想她一开始对国会的功能失调、事情没有完成以及人们似乎花了很多时间什么都不做感到有点惊讶。

But she’s the kind of no-nonsense person that would just think, ok, what are we going to do about this?

但她是那种严肃的人，只会想，好吧，我们该怎么办？

From the National Association's new headquarters on Rhode Island Avenue, Park now would oversee more than two dozen volunteers from sixteen different states, and guide their efforts to push the federal amendment through Congress––one legislator at a time, all of them men.

帕克现在将在位于罗德岛大道的全国协会新总部监督来自十六个不同州的两打志愿者，并指导他们努力推动联邦修正案在国会获得通过——一次一名立法者，全部都是男性。

Washington insiders called it the "Front Door Lobby."

华盛顿内部人士称其为“前门大厅”。

The word lobby already had a negative association.

游说这个词已经有了负面的联想。

Lobbyists were corrupt people who bribed politicians in back rooms.

说客是腐败分子，他们在密室里贿赂政客。

What was so unusual about the suffrage lobbyists is that that was not the way they operated.

选举权游说者的不同寻常之处在于，这不是他们的运作方式。

They were going to go in through the front door and they were just going to sit down and make the case.

他们要从前门进去，然后坐下来说明情况。

Maud Wood Park trained a whole core of lobbyists.

莫德·伍德公园培训了整个说客核心。

She taught them how to approach congressmen.

她教他们如何接近国会议员。

One of the things you always did was, before you went into a congressman’s office, you knocked, lest he be in a compromising position.

你经常做的一件事是，在进入国会议员办公室之前，你敲门，以免他处于妥协的境地。

Keep the door open.

保持门开着。

Make friends with his secretary.

和他的秘书交朋友。

And when you’re done, go into the ladies room and write down all your notes.

完成后，进入女厕所并写下所有笔记。

They keep very detailed records on every legislator in Congress, and they know who his enemies are, they know who his friends are, they know who his donors are.

他们对国会的每一位立法者都有非常详细的记录，他们知道他的敌人是谁，他们知道他的朋友是谁，他们知道他的捐助者是谁。

They know the skeletons in his closet, and they'll use it if necessary.

他们知道他衣柜里的秘密，必要时他们会利用它。

Just sweetly, just mention that they know it.

只是甜蜜地，只是提到他们知道这一点。

And then just keep at it.

然后坚持下去。

Keep coming back, not get discouraged.

继续回来，不要灰心。

Don’t nag them.

不要唠叨他们。

But just, don’t go away.

但只是，不要走开。

NARRATOR: During the month of January 1917, Park's lobbyists met with 326 members of the House, twenty of them on more than one occasion.

旁白：1917 年 1 月期间，朴槿惠的说客会见了 326 名众议院议员，其中 20 人不止一次会面。

The reports on the interviews, read in bulk, could be dispiriting: "Polite but positive.

大量阅读有关采访的报道可能会令人沮丧：“礼貌但积极。

Against woman suffrage." "Believes that woman dwells apart from man––in her nature." "[Maintains that] Illinois is the only place east of the Mississippi where there will ever be women voting." Still, by the end of the month, the lobbyists had gained a total of eleven new supporters––"small result after four weeks of work," Park acknowledged, but nevertheless progress.

反对妇女选举权。” “相信女人的本质是与男人分开的。” “[坚持认为]伊利诺伊州是密西西比河以东唯一一个有女性投票的地方。”尽管如此，到月底，游说者总共获得了 11 位新支持者——帕克承认，“经过四个星期的努力，取得了一些成果”，但仍然取得了进展。

Becoming active in the suffrage movement changed women.

积极参与选举权运动改变了女性。

It taught them capacities.

它教会了他们能力。

It taught them how to run organizations, how to run political campaigns, what it was like to collaborate with other women.

它教会了她们如何管理组织，如何开展政治运动，以及与其他女性合作是什么感觉。

It got women to do things they didn't think they could possibly do.

它让女性去做她们认为自己不可能做的事情。

The nation's capital had barely begun to rouse itself on the morning of January 10th, 1917, when Alice Paul turned her back on decades of polite patience and politics-as-usual––and threw down the gauntlet at the very gates of the White House.

1917 年 1 月 10 日早上，美国首都刚刚开始苏醒，爱丽丝·保罗就抛弃了几十年来的礼貌耐心和一贯的政治态度，向白宫大门发出了挑战。

A dozen suffragists assembled there just before ten o'clock––shouldering the colors of the National Woman's Party and banners addressed to the president.

十点钟前，十几名妇女参政论者聚集在那里——肩负着全国妇女党的旗帜和写给总统的横幅。

They stood in silence until mid-day, when they were relieved by another group who stayed until five-thirty.

他们默默地站着直到中午，直到五点三十分，另一群人才接替他们。

"Squads will be stationed about the White House daily...until [the presidential inaugural] on March 4th," the Washington Herald reported.

据《华盛顿先驱报》报道，“小队每天都会驻扎在白宫周围……直到 3 月 4 日（总统就职典礼）”。

"This is generally regarded as the most militant move ever made by the suffragists of this country."

“这通常被认为是这个国家的选举权主义者有史以来最激进的举动。”

No one had ever picketed outside the White House like this before.

此前从未有人在白宫外设置过这样的纠察队。

For women to stand at the gates of the White House and demand attention from the President, to demand rights, is stepping far outside of social norms for that time.

女性站在白宫门口要求总统关注、要求权利，这远远超出了当时的社会规范。

There had been picket lines in the labor movement for years.

多年来，劳工运动中一直存在纠察线。

It’s not a tactic that they invented.

这不是他们发明的策略。

But applying it to suffrage and using the White House and specifically its occupant, Woodrow Wilson, as the target, was something entirely new.

但将其应用于选举权并利用白宫，特别是白宫主人伍德罗·威尔逊作为目标，则是全新的事情。

It was a brilliant way of upping the ante.

这是提高赌注的绝妙方法。

The demonstration had been hatched in tandem with Harriot Stanton Blatch, who'd led a deputation of three hundred women to the president just days before, to secure his pledge for the federal amendment as a memorial to Inez Milholland.

这次示威活动是与哈里奥特·斯坦顿·布拉奇 (Harriot Stanton Blatch) 一起策划的，几天前，哈里奥特·斯坦顿·布拉奇 (Harriot Stanton Blatch) 率领一支由 300 名女性组成的代表团拜访总统，以确保他对联邦修正案的承诺，以纪念伊内兹·米尔霍兰 (Inez Milholland)。

Wilson had refused.

威尔逊拒绝了。

"[U]ntil the orders of my party are changed," the president had told them, "[i]t is impossible for me...to do anything other than I am doing...".

“在我党的命令改变之前，”总统告诉他们，“我不可能……做我正在做的事情之外的任何事情……”。

For Blatch, the only rational response was radical action.

对于布拉奇来说，唯一理性的反应就是激进的行动。

It’s now 1917.

现在是 1917 年。

They have not made any real progress toward a federal amendment.

他们尚未在联邦修正案方面取得任何真正进展。

They can’t point to any real success.

他们无法指出任何真正的成功。

Something new is needed.

需要一些新的东西。

The whole idea was to put pressure on the decision makers and get under the skin of Wilson.

整个想法是向决策者施加压力，激怒威尔逊。

You are not going to ignore this movement.

你不会忽视这个运动。

At first, the protest seemed a source of amusement to Wilson, who tipped his hat to the women as he passed through the White House gates.

起初，威尔逊似乎觉得这次抗议很有趣，当他穿过白宫大门时，他向这些妇女致敬。

On the second day, when the temperature hovered at thirty-five degrees and the pickets were reduced to perching on hot bricks and taking turns with a donated muskrat coat, he sent a messenger to ask them in for coffee––a kindness they refused.

第二天，当气温徘徊在三十五度，纠察队只能坐在热砖上，轮流穿上捐赠的麝香鼠外套时，他派了一名信使请他们喝咖啡——但他们拒绝了这一好意。

By the fourth day, everyone involved had come to regard the demonstration as a trial to be endured.

到了第四天，所有参与其中的人都把这次示威视为一场必须忍受的考验。

"We are all worn out by the picketing," Alice Paul confessed to a friend, "and how we shall keep it up until March 4th is a problem we cannot face with equanimity."

“我们都被纠察队搞得精疲力尽了，”爱丽丝·保罗向一位朋友坦白道，“我们如何才能坚持到 3 月 4 日，这是一个我们无法平静地面对的问题。”

Alice Paul and her staff do an incredible amount of outreach.

艾丽丝·保罗 (Alice Paul) 和她的员工进行了大量的外展活动。

They are reaching out to nearby states, to colleges, to small suffrage groups––anybody they can think of who would be interested in coming to demonstrate at the White House for the suffrage amendment.

他们正在向附近的州、大学、小型选举权团体伸出援手——他们能想到的任何有兴趣到白宫为选举权修正案进行示威的人。

So desperate was Paul for fresh recruits that she even issued invitations to local African-American activists––setting aside her deep conviction that their presence risked turning a woman's protest into a racial one.

保罗非常渴望招募新成员，以至于她甚至向当地的非裔美国活动人士发出了邀请——她坚信他们的存在可能会将女性的抗议变成种族抗议。

53-year-old Mary Church Terrell, a charter member of the NAACP and a longtime suffragist, answered the call more than once––though she'd long ago resigned herself to the fact that white suffragists typically found it more expedient to exclude her.

53 岁的玛丽·丘奇·特雷尔 (Mary Church Terrell) 是全国有色人种协进会 (NAACP) 的创始成员，也是一名长期的妇女参政论者，她不止一次地响应了这一号召——尽管她早已接受了这样一个事实：白人妇女参政论者通常认为将她排除在外更为权宜。

If you’re a black woman, white women’s racism is not news.

如果你是一名黑人女性，白人女性的种族主义就不是什么新闻了。

Racism is the order of the day.

种族主义已成为当今社会的常态。

You know what that is.

你知道那是什么。

But that’s not exactly a reason to stay home.

但这并不是呆在家里的理由。

African-American women understood that the right to vote was yet another tool to try to dismantle the structures that were still in place, even after the end of slavery, and to ensure African-American safety and perhaps, prosperity.

非裔美国妇女明白，投票权是试图拆除甚至在奴隶制结束后仍然存在的结构的另一个工具，并确保非裔美国人的安全，或许还有繁荣。

So Mary Church Terrell was willing to join white women’s protests to the extent that she believed it would ultimately deliver the vote for black women.

因此，玛丽·丘奇·特雷尔愿意加入白人妇女的抗议活动，因为她相信这最终会给黑人妇女带来选票。

For every show of solidarity, however, there was a defection.

然而，每一次表现出团结，都会有人背叛。

Paul was bombarded with letters protesting the picket––resignations, cancellations of The Suffragist, even a plea from her mother to call off what she described as the "undignified...annoying of the President." Instead, the vigil continued, day in and day out, usually six days a week.

保罗遭到了抗议纠察队的信件轰炸——辞职、取消《妇女参政权论者》杂志，甚至她母亲恳求她取消她所说的“有损尊严的……令人恼火的总统”。相反，守夜活动日复一日地继续，通常每周六天。

By way of explanation, Paul offered an analogy: "If a creditor stands before a man's house all day long demanding payment of his bill, the man must either remove the creditor or pay the bill."

为了解释这一点，保罗打了一个比喻：“如果一个债权人整天站在一个人的家门前索要他的账单，那么这个人要么赶走债权人，要么支付账单。”

Alice has never lost her focus on Woodrow Wilson in all these years.

这些年来，爱丽丝从未失去对伍德罗·威尔逊的关注。

It’s always been about Woodrow Wilson and it’s still about Woodrow Wilson, the man in the White House.

它一直是关于伍德罗·威尔逊的，而且仍然是关于白宫的伍德罗·威尔逊的。

For nearly three years, while the countries of Europe had been consumed by battle and bloodshed, the rhythms of America's day-to-day had continued with little variation or interruption.

近三年来，当欧洲国家被战争和流血所吞噬时，美国的日常生活节奏却一直在继续，几乎没有变化或中断。

It therefore came as something of shock when, in early February 1917, Wilson answered Germany's ongoing aggression at sea by severing diplomatic relations.

因此，当 1917 年 2 月上旬，威尔逊通过断绝外交关系来回应德国持续不断的海上侵略时，着实令人震惊。

As lobbyist Maud Wood Park remembered, "The importance of the slogan, 'He kept us out of war,' in the reelection of President Wilson...had led to the belief that the United States would never be involved in the conflict...

正如游说者莫德·伍德帕克回忆的那样，“威尔逊总统连任时，‘他让我们远离战争’这一口号的重要性……使人们相信美国永远不会卷入冲突……

Overnight, it seemed, the shadow of the Great War fell upon Washington."

似乎一夜之间，一战的阴影笼罩在华盛顿身上。”

The probability of war gave suffragists some difficult choices.

战争的可能性给妇女参政论者带来了一些艰难的选择。

Were they going to put the idea of gaining suffrage aside for the duration of the war?

他们会在战争期间把获得选举权的想法搁置一边吗？

Or were they going to persist in the suffrage struggle?

或者他们会坚持选举权斗争吗？

Or were they going to try to juggle both things?

或者他们会尝试兼顾这两件事？

For Carrie Chapman Catt, the choice was a bitter one.

对于凯莉·查普曼·卡特来说，这个选择是一个痛苦的选择。

Like many suffragists, she was a lifelong pacifist, and believed that women, once they voted, would put an end to war.

像许多妇女参政主义者一样，她是一位终生的和平主义者，并相信妇女一旦投票，就会结束战争。

Just two years earlier, she'd helped to found the Women's Peace Party, and had been advocating ever since for disarmament and mediation in Europe.

就在两年前，她帮助成立了妇女和平党，并从那时起一直倡导欧洲的裁军和调解。

But if American women refused to back their country now, she reasoned, they could hardly expect the country to back them.

但她推断，如果美国妇女现在拒绝支持她们的国家，她们就很难指望国家会支持她们。

Carrie Chapman Catt is a pragmatic politician.

凯莉·查普曼·卡特是一位务实的政治家。

If she has to make a choice.

如果她必须做出选择的话。

Suffrage is going to be the priority for her, and she's willing to sacrifice principle in other areas to move forward that agenda.

选举权将成为她的首要任务，她愿意牺牲其他领域的原则来推进这一议程。

On February 5th, as the nation grappled with the implications of war, Catt arrived in the capital to have dinner at the White House.

2 月 5 日，当国家努力应对战争的影响时，卡特抵达首都并在白宫共进晚餐。

Officially, she was the guest of the Secretary of the Navy; but the evening's host was President Wilson.

正式而言，她是海军部长的客人；但当晚的主持人是威尔逊总统。

This dinner comes at a really important time for Wilson.

这顿晚餐对威尔逊来说是一个非常重要的时刻。

He's facing the prospect of having to say to many of those who voted for him, "I am no longer able to keep us out of war."

他面临着不得不对许多投票给他的人说：“我无法再让我们远离战争。”

For Catt, it's also a really important time.

对于卡特来说，这也是一个非常重要的时刻。

There are major states, New York being the most significant, that are having a referenda in the fall of '17, and she needs President Wilson's support.

有几个主要州，其中纽约州是最重要的，将在 17 年秋季举行全民公投，她需要威尔逊总统的支持。

So we don't know for sure what happens at that dinner.

所以我们不确定那次晚餐会发生什么。

There's no transcript of what they discussed.

他们讨论的内容没有文字记录。

But what we do know is what happens afterwards.

但我们所知道的是之后会发生什么。

Less than three weeks later, in a hand-delivered letter to President Wilson, the National Association offered its services to the government of the United States.

不到三周后，全国协会在一封亲手递交给威尔逊总统的信中向美国政府提供了服务。

Although it was made clear that work on behalf of suffrage would not be set aside, the commitment to Wilson was unequivocal: "in the event they should be needed, and, in so far as we are authorized, we pledge the loyal support of our more than two million members."

尽管明确表示不会搁置代表选举权的工作，但对威尔逊的承诺是明确的：“如果需要的话，并且在我们获得授权的范围内，我们保证我们超过 200 万会员的忠诚支持。”

Carrie Catt takes the approach that if we can prove to Wilson that American women can be trusted, are citizens, are patriots, are willing to step up, are willing to support him, then maybe we can slowly, slowly turn him around.

凯莉·卡特采取的方法是，如果我们能够向威尔逊证明美国女性是值得信任的，是公民，是爱国者，愿意挺身而出，愿意支持他，那么也许我们可以慢慢地、慢慢地扭转他的局面。

She also makes one of the great compromises of her life.

她还做出了一生中最大的妥协之一。

And she's kicked out of the Women's Peace Party.

她被赶出了妇女和平党。

She is snubbed by her fellow pacifists.

她受到和平主义者同伴的冷落。

And she does this because she feels this will help gain support for the federal amendment

她这样做是因为她觉得这将有助于获得对联邦修正案的支持

Alice Paul, for her part, expressed no support for the war, and the daily protest at the White House gates went on––to the mounting consternation of not only President Wilson and the men of Congress, but also Harriot Stanton Blatch, who believed that in a time of national crisis, picketing ought not to be pursued.

爱丽丝·保罗则表示不支持战争，白宫门口每天的抗议活动仍在继续，这不仅让威尔逊总统和国会议员感到越来越惊愕，也让哈里奥特·斯坦顿·布拉奇感到震惊，他认为在国家危机时期不应该进行纠察。

Even Paul's mentor, the implacable British suffragette Emmeline Pankhurst, had set her demand for the vote aside when England went to war.

就连保罗的导师、顽固的英国妇女参政论者埃米琳·潘克赫斯特 (Emmeline Pankhurst) 在英格兰战争时也搁置了她的投票要求。

But Paul refused to back down.

但保罗拒绝退缩。

Alice said, "I’m not going to make that mistake again.

爱丽丝说：“我不会再犯同样的错误了。

We are going to continue the battle for the federal amendment.

我们将继续为联邦修正案而战。

We are going to continue picketing," and they did.

我们将继续纠察，”他们确实这么做了。

The pickets remained at the White House gates all through February.

整个二月，纠察队一直驻守在白宫门口。

They were still there on the eve of Wilson's second inaugural on March 3rd––a contingent of hundreds, who marched the half-mile around the White House four times in a drenching rain, chanting "votes for women." And when President Wilson asked Congress for a declaration of war on April 2nd, the pickets took up their vigil once more.

3 月 3 日，威尔逊第二次就职典礼前夕，他们仍然在那里——一支由数百人组成的队伍，在大雨中围绕白宫游行了四次，长达半英里，高呼“为女性投票”。当威尔逊总统于 4 月 2 日要求国会宣战时，纠察队再次开始守夜。

By then, the battle lines within the suffrage movement had been clearly drawn: Paul on one side, Catt on the other––and between them, a president who, by his own account, was willing to go to war to make the world safe for democracy.

到那时，选举权运动内部的战线已经清晰地划分出来：保罗在一边，卡特在另一边——在他们之间，有一位总统，据他自己的说法，愿意通过战争来让世界对民主变得安全。

Catt and Paul are very similar in many ways.

卡特和保罗在很多方面都非常相似。

Both have these incredibly persuasive personalities, and they are decisive and focused once they’ve made decisions.

两人都具有令人难以置信的有说服力的个性，一旦做出决定，他们就会果断且专注。

So it’s interesting that two women, both totally devoted to the same ultimate goal, take such different and antagonistic paths to get there.

因此，有趣的是，两个完全致力于同一个最终目标的女性，却采取了如此不同和对立的道路来实现这一目标。

The joint session of Congress that President Wilson called in April 1917 was historic––not simply for the declaration of war it was asked to consider, but because for the first time, a woman participated in the deliberations: 34-year-old Jeannette Rankin, a longtime suffragist, now the newly-elected Republican representative from the free state of Montana.

威尔逊总统于 1917 年 4 月召开的国会联席会议具有历史意义——不仅仅是因为会议要求考虑宣战，还因为第一次有一名女性参与审议：34 岁的珍妮特·兰金 (Jeannette Rankin)，她是一位长期的妇女参政主义者，现在是蒙大拿自由州新当选的共和党代表。

When Rankin arrived in the House chamber that morning, as the first woman ever to hold federal office, she was greeted with cordial applause.

那天早上，当兰金作为第一位担任联邦公职的女性来到众议院时，她受到了热烈的掌声。

After taking the oath of office, she reintroduced the woman suffrage amendment and made history again––as the first of her sex to sponsor a bill in Congress.

宣誓就职后，她重新提出了妇女选举权修正案，并再次创造了历史——成为第一位在国会提出法案的女性。

And in the hours before dawn on April 6th, Rankin held fast to her pacifist convictions and voted against sending American sons and husbands to the killing fields of Europe.

4 月 6 日黎明前的几个小时，兰金坚守她的和平主义信念，投票反对将美国的儿子和丈夫送往欧洲的杀戮场。

Although fifty others voted with her, Rankin's dissent made no difference; and the nation woke that morning to the prospect of imminent war––a prospect many suffragists regarded as an opportunity.

尽管还有五十个人投票支持她，但兰金的反对意见并没有什么影响。那天早上，整个国家醒来，战争即将来临——许多妇女参政主义者认为这是一个机会。

Over the months to come, as the draft plucked tens of thousands, then millions of young men out of the workforce, women would slip in to replace them.

在接下来的几个月里，随着征兵将数以万计、然后是数百万的年轻男性从劳动力队伍中剔除，女性将取代他们。

They took jobs in foundries, oil refineries, blast furnaces.

他们在铸造厂、炼油厂、高炉工作。

They manufactured explosives and armaments, tools and airplane parts, uniforms for the armed forces.

他们为武装部队制造炸药和武器、工具和飞机零件、制服。

As Harriot Stanton Blatch put it: "When men go awarring, women go to work.

正如哈里奥特·斯坦顿·布拉奇（Harriot Stanton Blatch）所说：“当男人参战时，女人就去工作。

War compels women to work.

战争迫使妇女去工作。

That is one of its merits."

这是它的优点之一。”

Blatch said one of the dirty secrets of war is that it’s good for women.

布拉奇说，战争的肮脏秘密之一是它对女性有好处。

She thought it would help women enter into industry.

她认为这将有助于女性进入工业界。

And it did.

确实如此。

In Washington, the Wilson administration moved to avail itself of the support Carrie Chapman Catt and others had pledged, and created the Women's Committee of the Council for National Defense, the first governmental entity entirely comprised of and focused on women.

在华盛顿，威尔逊政府利用凯莉·查普曼·卡特等人承诺的支持，成立了国防委员会妇女委员会，这是第一个完全由妇女组成并专注于妇女的政府实体。

With Anna Howard Shaw, Catt's predecessor at the National Association, as chairwoman, and Catt one of the committee of ten, the Council marshaled the resources of scores of women's organizations and put them in service to their nation's defense: coordinating the cultivation and distribution of food, providing assistance to the Red Cross, promoting patriotism among recent immigrants.

凯特的前任全国协会主席安娜·霍华德·肖 (Anna Howard Shaw) 担任主席，凯特也是十人委员会之一，委员会整合了数十个妇女组织的资源，让它们为国防服务：协调粮食的种植和分配，向红十字会提供援助，在新移民中宣传爱国主义。

Caps were knitted for soldiers, liberty bonds sold, and more than 100,000 dollars raised to maintain a hospital in France.

为士兵编织帽子，出售自由债券，并筹集了超过 10 万美元来维持法国的一家医院。

Seventy-four women of the National Suffrage Association, most of them physicians or nurses, volunteered to go abroad to staff it.

全国选举权协会的 74 名女性自愿出国担任该协会的工作人员，其中大多数是医生或护士。

Catt, meanwhile, saw to it that their good turns for democracy did not go unnoticed.

与此同时，卡特确保他们在民主方面的良好表现不会被忽视。

They run a very sophisticated public relations outfit out of New York, pumping out articles about women in the war and all the wonderful things they're doing.

他们在纽约经营着一家非常成熟的公关机构，发表有关战争中的女性以及她们所做的所有精彩事情的文章。

They send these to newspapers around the country.

他们将这些发送到全国各地的报纸。

This is the mass media of the time.

这就是当时的大众媒体。

There's not even radio at this point.

此时甚至没有收音机。

This is how America is learning what women are doing for the war.

这就是美国了解女性为战争所做的事情的方式。

Catt talks of women's war service as being equivalent to military service.

卡特将女性参战视为等同于服兵役。

It's as if she's leading a military organization, an army of women.

就好像她正在领导一个军事组织，一支女性军队。

That's the phrase that she uses.

这是她使用的短语。

The army of women organized for suffrage are now organized in support of the nation during a time of war.

为争取选举权而组织起来的妇女大军现在是为了在战争时期支持国家而组织起来的。

The argument going back to the Revolutionary period was, if you carry a musket, you should have the right to vote.

追溯到革命时期的争论是，如果你携带步枪，你就应该有投票权。

It was there in the Revolution.

在大革命中它就在那里。

It was there in the War of 1812.

1812 年战争期间，这里曾出现过。

It was there in the Civil War.

它在内战期间就在那里。

Women weren’t carrying guns in World War I, but they're making the argument that they are critical to the war effort and thus the right to vote should be extended to them.

妇女在第一次世界大战中没有携带枪支，但她们认为她们对战争努力至关重要，因此应该给予她们投票权。

On June 20th, 1917, as the first American troops neared France, the National Woman's Party pickets launched their sixth month of protest with a bold provocation: a banner, fully ten feet wide, addressed not to the president, but to a party of Russian diplomats, who motored through the White House gate, as expected, just moments later.

1917 年 6 月 20 日，当第一批美国军队逼近法国时，全国妇女党纠察队发起了为期六个月的抗议活动，进行了一次大胆的挑衅：一面十英尺宽的横幅，不是针对总统，而是针对一群俄罗斯外交官，正如预期的那样，不久之后，他们就开车穿过白宫大门。

"They say we are a democracy.

“他们说我们是民主国家。

Help us win a world war so that democracies may survive," the banner read.

帮助我们赢得一场世界大战，以便民主国家得以生存，”横幅上写道。

"We, the women of America, tell you that America is not a democracy."

“我们，美国女性，告诉你们，美国不是民主国家。”

Wilson unwittingly had given the women a great gift when he said, this is a war so that the world will be made safe for democracy.

威尔逊无意中给了妇女们一份伟大的礼物，他说，这是一场战争，以便世界能够实现民主的安全。

Essentially, they’re calling Wilson a liar.

本质上，他们称威尔逊为骗子。

How can you call America a democracy when 20 million American women cannot vote?

当 2000 万美国女性无法投票时，你怎么能称美国为民主国家呢？

The visiting Russians would later express support for the demonstration; but to the hundreds of government workers milling about on their lunch hour, it smacked of treason.

来访的俄罗斯人后来表达了对示威活动的支持；但对于数百名在午餐时间闲逛的政府工作人员来说，这带有叛国的味道。

Within moments, two men––one wielding a knife––set upon the pickets and tore the banner from its frame.

不一会儿，两个人——其中一个拿着刀——站在纠察线上，把横幅从框架上撕下来。

Once America enters the war, everyone was expected to do their part.

一旦美国参战，每个人都应该尽自己的一份力量。

And they were supposed to be good patriots.

他们应该是优秀的爱国者。

They weren’t supposed to be questioning the president

他们不应该质问总统

These women become traitors.

这些女人成了叛徒。

They become people who are refusing to stand up for their nation during a war.

他们成为在战争期间拒绝为自己的国家挺身而出的人。

Wilson wanted the pickets gone.

威尔逊希望纠察队消失。

"I dare say you heard about the fracas raised by the representatives of the Woman's Party," he wrote his daughter.

“我敢说你听说过妇女党代表们的争吵，”他写信给女儿说。

"They certainly seem bent upon making their cause as obnoxious as possible."

“他们似乎一心想让他们的事业尽可能令人讨厌。”

I think he hated Alice Paul with a passion.

我认为他非常讨厌爱丽丝·保罗。

She was a thorn in his side, constantly.

她始终是他的眼中钉。

He tried to ignore it.

他试图忽略它。

He made the women think he was ignoring them, but you know he was peeking through the curtains to see what they were up to.

他让女人们以为他无视她们，但你知道他是在透过窗帘偷看她们在做什么。

Something has to be done, and it’s very difficult because nothing the women are doing has changed.

必须做点什么，但这非常困难，因为女性所做的一切都没有改变。

They’re still standing on this rather wide sidewalk, holding up banners.

他们还站在这条相当宽阔的人行道上，举着横幅。

It’s the conduct of the people watching them that has changed.

改变的是观看他们的人的行为。

The district police moved quickly to shut the vigil down.

地区警察迅速采取行动，结束了守夜活动。

At first, pickets were arrested when they reached their posts, spuriously charged with obstructing traffic, then released to await a court summons that never came.

起初，纠察队到达岗位后遭到逮捕，并被莫须有地指控为阻碍交通，然后被释放，等待法庭传票，但法庭传票从未到来。

But after making twenty-seven arrests in just five days, the authorities began to bring the women to trial.

但在短短五天内逮捕了 27 人后，当局开始对这些妇女进行审判。

Some were paid suffrage organizers, long active in the movement.

有些人是有偿选举组织者，长期积极参与运动。

Some were new recruits.

有些是新兵。

They were teachers, nurses, and munitions workers, as well as daughters and wives of the socially prominent.

她们是教师、护士、军火工人，也是社会名流的女儿和妻子。

Given a choice between a fine and freedom, or a brief stint in jail, most chose jail.

如果要在罚款和自由或短暂入狱之间做出选择，大多数人选择了入狱。

The kind of women who were on the picket lines were generally white, middle-class women who never would have been arrested.

参加纠察线的女性通常是白人中产阶级女性，她们永远不会被捕。

They––it just would have been incomprehensible.

他们——这实在是难以理解。

But a lot of them I think just decided this was something they felt they had to do.

但我认为他们中的很多人只是决定这是他们觉得必须做的事情。

They were coming from a great distance, many of them without telling their families what they were going to do.

他们从很远的地方赶来，其中许多人没有告诉家人他们要做什么。

So, it galvanized the troops around Alice Paul.

因此，它激励了爱丽丝·保罗周围的军队。

She had this single-minded quality of commitment, believing that anything could be done.

她具有这种一心一意的承诺品质，相信一切皆有可能。

There were no obstacles.

没有任何障碍。

And so she called out the best in them.

所以她选出了他们中最好的人。

She insisted that they do what was necessary, and they did.

她坚持要求他们做必要的事情，他们也这么做了。

And once that decision was made, nothing would stop them.

一旦做出决定，就没有什么可以阻止他们。

As soon as they’re out of jail, they’re back out on the picket line the next day.

他们一出狱，第二天就会回到纠察线上。

Across America, the outrage mounted.

美国各地的愤怒情绪高涨。

Week by week, editorials denouncing the protest filled so many column inches that Carrie Chapman Catt felt compelled to launch a campaign of clarification––stressing that the National Association, which represented the vast majority of suffragists, did not support the picketing.

一周又一周，谴责抗议的社论占据了如此多的专栏，以至于凯莉·查普曼·卡特 (Carrie Chapman Catt) 感到有必要发起一场澄清运动——强调代表绝大多数妇女参政论者的全国协会并不支持纠察队。

When Paul’s forces begin to be arrested, that’s when Catt loses it.

当保罗的军队开始被捕时，卡特就失去了控制权。

I think she disagrees with it personally, she feels it’s insulting to the president, but she also feels, more importantly, that is a terrible policy to engage in and will hurt suffrage.

我认为她个人不同意这一点，她认为这是对总统的侮辱，但更重要的是，她也认为这是一项糟糕的政策，会损害选举权。

Catt and the National become even more attractive to Wilson because they've got the dramatic foil of the Women's Party working for them.

卡特和国家党对威尔逊来说变得更加有吸引力，因为她们得到了妇女党的戏剧性支持。

And once Catt's made it clear to Wilson who she and the National are as in contrast to the National Women's Party, he's sort of driven even more into their arms.

一旦卡特向威尔逊明确表示她和国家党与国家妇女党的区别，他就会更加投入他们的怀抱。

By mid-summer, the pickets' intractability had become so vexing to President Wilson that his administration conspired with local newspapers to minimize coverage of the vigil, hoping a lack of publicity would tamp it down.

到了仲夏，纠察队的顽固性已经让威尔逊总统非常烦恼，以至于他的政府与当地报纸合谋尽量减少对守夜活动的报道，希望通过缺乏宣传来压制它。

But Alice Paul upped the ante again––and sent women out in August with an incendiary banner composed by Lucy Burns, which compared Woodrow Wilson to the leader of enemy Germany.

但爱丽丝·保罗再次加大了赌注，并在八月派妇女们带着露西·伯恩斯创作的煽动性横幅出去，该横幅将伍德罗·威尔逊比作敌国德国的领导人。

Several days of near-riots followed as, again and again, pickets with identical banners were attacked by furious mobs.

接下来的几天几乎发生了骚乱，举着相同横幅的纠察队一次又一次遭到愤怒的暴民的袭击。

Women were knocked down, kicked, dragged across the pavement.

妇女们被撞倒、被踢、被拖过人行道。

At one point, a crowd of several thousand––mostly government clerks, soldiers, and sailors––swarmed the Woman's Party headquarters, hurling eggs and stones.

有一次，数千人——主要是政府职员、士兵和水手——涌向妇女党总部，投掷鸡蛋和石块。

A bullet was even fired through a balcony window.

一颗子弹甚至从阳台窗户射出。

Although police did little to the quell the violence, the arrests continued apace.

尽管警方没有采取任何行动来平息暴力，但逮捕行动仍在迅速进行。

Between mid-August and the end of September, twenty-nine women were put behind bars––some at the District jail, others at the Occoquan Workhouse, an open-barrack prison on the Potomac River.

从 8 月中旬到 9 月底，有 29 名女性被关进监狱——一些在地区监狱，另一些在奥科昆济贫院，这是波托马克河上的一个开放式营房监狱。

Sentences now ran between thirty and sixty days.

现在的刑期在三十到六十天之间。

Rumblings of disapproval could be heard even within Wilson's inner circle.

即使在威尔逊的核心圈子里也能听到反对的声音。

His former campaign manager, Dudley Field Malone, registered his protest by abruptly resigning his lucrative post as collector of the Port of New York.

他的前竞选经理达德利·菲尔德·马龙突然辞去纽约港收税员这一待遇丰厚的职务，以此表达抗议。

Then he offered to represent the pickets in court.

然后他提出在法庭上代表纠察队。

If men had been demanding the vote and ignored by the government for decades, Malone told the president, "their inevitable impatience and righteous indignation [would be understood]." Yet the penalties for picketing only grew stiffer.

马龙告诉总统，如果几十年来男性一直要求投票却被政府忽视，“他们不可避免的不耐烦和正义的愤慨[是可以理解的]。”然而，对纠察队的处罚却变得更加严厉。

First time offenders arrested in October were given six months.

十月份被捕的初犯被判六个月监禁。

Alice Paul got more.

爱丽丝·保罗得到了更多。

On October 27th, 1917, one week after Alice Paul was handed down her sentence, Carrie Chapman Catt led a phalanx of 20,000 suffragists down New York City's Fifth Avenue.

1917 年 10 月 27 日，爱丽丝·保罗 (Alice Paul) 被判刑一周后，凯莉·查普曼·卡特 (Carrie Chapman Catt) 率领 20,000 名妇女参政主义者组成的方阵沿着纽约市第五大道行进。

Together, on their placards, they carried the signatures of more than a million women to a petition demanding the right to vote.

她们在标语牌上共同签名，要求获得投票权，请愿书上有超过一百万妇女的签名。

The afternoon was chilly, but spirits were high.

下午天气寒冷，但大家的精神却很高昂。

In ten days, New York voters would go to the polls to determine whether or not the women of the state should be permitted to join them––and the marchers were confident their claim could not be denied.

十天后，纽约选民将前往投票站，决定是否应该允许该州的女性加入他们的行列——游行者相信他们的主张不会被拒绝。

Women have worked very hard for the war effort.

妇女们为战争付出了巨大的努力。

They've repaired trains.

他们修好了火车。

They’ve actually kept the transportation system going.

他们实际上维持了交通系统的运转。

They have raised crops.

他们种植了农作物。

They’re feeding the troops in Europe.

他们正在为欧洲的军队提供食物。

They’re feeding the Allies.

他们正在为盟军提供食物。

How are you going to tell these women they’re not entitled to the vote?

您如何告诉这些女性她们没有投票权？

It had been four decades since the woman suffrage measure first had been brought to the New York legislature––and the one and only popular referendum ever held in the state, in 1915, had been bitterly defeated.

自从女性选举权措施首次提交纽约立法机构以来，已有四十年了，而 1915 年该州举行的唯一一次全民公投惨遭失败。

But Carrie Chapman Catt had been working twelve- to fourteen-hour days all year, with her "Winning Plan" always in her sights.

但凯莉·查普曼·卡特全年每天工作十二到十四个小时，她的目标始终是“获胜计划”。

Carrie Chapman Catt was looking at, we need 36 states.

Carrie Chapman Catt 正在考虑，我们需要 36 个州。

We need ratification by 36 states.

我们需要 36 个州的批准。

She was focused on lobbying members of Congress.

她专注于游说国会议员。

She was meeting with Woodrow Wilson to try to win him over.

她正在与伍德罗·威尔逊会面，试图赢得他的支持。

Catt puts a lot of stock in Wilson's support and she cultivates that relationship with him.

凯特非常信任威尔逊的支持，并与他培养了这种关系。

Over the course of 1917, Catt and Wilson exchange 30 letters.

1917 年，卡特和威尔逊交换了 30 封信件。

Almost every other week they're writing back and forth to one another.

几乎每隔一周，他们就会互相写信。

She's counting on him to weigh in with governors and legislators in key states.

她指望他与关键州的州长和立法者进行权衡。

Though the president remained staunch in his opposition to a federal amendment, he'd obligingly thrown his weight behind Catt's state campaigns.

尽管总统仍然坚决反对联邦修正案，但他还是乐于支持卡特的州竞选活动。

Thanks to his influence––and the tireless efforts of thousands of unsung heroines on the ground––five states recently had followed the Illinois example and extended either presidential suffrage or primary suffrage to women, dramatically enhancing their political clout.

由于他的影响力——以及当地数千名无名英雄的不懈努力——五个州最近效仿伊利诺伊州的榜样，将总统选举权或初选权扩大到女性，极大地增强了她们的政治影响力。

A victory in New York, the most populous state in the country, would add as many as 45 pro-suffrage votes in Congress––and the National Association had pulled out all the stops to secure them.

如果在全国人口最多的州纽约州获胜，国会将增加多达 45 张支持选举权的选票，而全国协会已竭尽全力确保获得这些选票。

For months on end, suffragists had tramped over the nearly 50,000 square miles of the state, collecting signatures door-to-door.

连续几个月，妇女参政主义者走遍了该州近 50,000 平方英里的土地，挨家挨户收集签名。

An enormous campaign coalition had been built, comprised not only of working-class and immigrant women, but also, crucially, African-American women, many of whom had been actively working for the ballot for years––through black women's clubs, equal suffrage leagues, the NAACP–-and who were able to tap a population of male voters too sizable to ignore.

一个庞大的竞选联盟已经建立，不仅由工人阶级和移民妇女组成，而且至关重要的是，还包括非裔美国妇女，其中许多人多年来一直通过黑人妇女俱乐部、平等选举权联盟、全国有色人种协进会积极争取选票，并且能够吸引数量庞大而不容忽视的男性选民。

When we focus on the national story then we see the near impossibility of black and white women working in tight and equal coalition with one another.

当我们关注国家故事时，我们会发现黑人和白人女性几乎不可能紧密而平等地合作。

But in a place like New York City, things are possible that are not possible on a national scale.

但在纽约市这样的地方，在全国范围内不可能的事情是可能的。

And when African-American women see an opening, they are prepared to mobilize their clubs into real political power.

当非裔美国女性看到机会时，她们准备动员她们的俱乐部获得真正的政治权力。

Most promising to Catt was the continued return on her investment with President Wilson, who publicly expressed his hope "that the people of New York will realize the great occasion that faces them on Election Day and respond to it in a noble fashion." Tammany Hall, the powerful Democratic machine that dominated New York City politics, was quick to follow Wilson's lead and, on the eve of the election, reversed its longtime opposition to woman suffrage.

对卡特来说最有希望的是她对威尔逊总统的投资将持续获得回报，威尔逊总统公开表示希望“纽约人民能够意识到他们在选举日面临的伟大时刻，并以高尚的方式做出回应。”主导纽约市政治的强大民主党机构坦慕尼协会很快追随威尔逊的脚步，在选举前夕扭转了长期以来反对妇女选举权的立场。

If you’re a politician, you don’t want to stake out a strong position on a losing side where you’re in opposition to people who might become enfranchised anyway, especially a lot of people—like half the population.

如果你是一名政治家，你不想在失败的一方中占据强势地位，因为你反对那些无论如何都可能获得选举权的人，尤其是很多人——比如一半人口。

So that what happens at that point when they’re looking at the end game, they say, "let’s get on the bandwagon."

因此，当他们看到最终游戏时会发生什么，他们说，“让我们跟上潮流吧。”

On election night, as newsboys roamed the streets below hawking late editions, Carrie Chapman Catt stood in a window of the National Association's headquarters on Fifth Avenue and watched as the building that housed the anti-suffrage Times flashed its rooftop spotlight––a signal that the women of New York at last had won the right to vote.

选举之夜，当报童在街上闲逛兜售最新版本时，凯莉·查普曼·卡特站在第五大道全国协会总部的窗户前，看着反选举权《泰晤士报》所在的大楼屋顶的聚光灯闪烁——这是纽约女性终于赢得投票权的信号。

At a victory celebration the next day, before an auditorium packed to the rafters, Catt opened her remarks with the words "fellow citizens." What came next was drowned out by cheers.

第二天的胜利庆典上，礼堂里挤满了人，卡特以“同胞们”作为开场白。接下来的事情就被欢呼声淹没了。

But Catt had no time for jubilation.

但卡特没有时间庆祝。

She'd already turned her mind to what lay ahead: "The victory is not New York's alone," she declared.

她已经把注意力转向未来：“胜利不仅仅是纽约的胜利，”她宣称。

"It's the nation's.

“这是国家的。

The 65th Congress will now pass the federal amendment."

第 65 届国会现在将通过联邦修正案。”

Catt called the New York victory the Gettysburg of suffrage.

卡特将纽约的胜利称为选举权的葛底斯堡。

Meaning it was the battle that turned the tide.

这意味着这是一场扭转局势的战斗。

But it wasn’t the battle that ended the war.

但这并不是结束战争的战斗。

Word of the triumph in New York likely did not reach Alice Paul, who'd been behind bars for more than two weeks at that point.

纽约胜利的消息很可能没有传到爱丽丝·保罗那里，她当时已经入狱两周多了。

On her second day in, she'd incited her fellow suffrage prisoners to rebellion, encouraging them to fling shoes, tin drinking cups––whatever they could lay their hands on––through the high windows, just as she'd done eight years earlier in a London jail.

入狱的第二天，她就煽动其他享有选举权的囚犯反抗，鼓励他们从高高的窗户扔鞋子、锡制饮水杯——无论他们能拿到什么东西——就像八年前她在伦敦监狱里所做的那样。

For that, she was placed in solitary confinement: cell door bolted round the clock, no mail, no visitors.

为此，她被单独监禁：牢房门全天候锁着，没有邮件，也没有访客。

By the end of the second week, the daily ration of worm-riddled pork and dry bread had left Paul so feeble she had to be transferred to the jail's hospital.

到了第二周结束时，每日配给的长满虫子的猪肉和干面包让保罗变得非常虚弱，她不得不被转移到监狱的医院。

There, she decided the time had come to declare a hunger strike––another tactic she'd mastered during her time in the British suffragette army.

在那里，她决定宣布绝食抗议——这是她在英国妇女参政权论军队期间掌握的另一策略。

Hunger strikes are now an understood way of drawing publicity to a movement that’s otherwise up against a political power that they can’t stop.

如今，绝食抗议已成为一种众所周知的吸引公众关注的方式，否则这场运动将面临他们无法阻止的政治权力。

They were being arrested repetitively, and she needed to do something to break the cycle.

他们不断地被捕，她需要做点什么来打破这个循环。

And a hunger strike was yet again taking it to the next level.

绝食抗议再次将事情推向了新的高度。

Paul refused nourishment for three days.

保罗三天拒绝进食。

On the fourth, she was carted by stretcher to the psychopathic ward, tied down, and force-fed a mixture of milk and eggs, through a tube shoved down her throat.

第四天，她被担架抬到精神病房，绑起来，用一根管子塞进她的喉咙，强行灌食牛奶和鸡蛋的混合物。

This she would endure twice daily so long as she remained in jail.

只要她还在监狱里，她每天就要忍受两次这样的痛苦。

Alice Paul is singularly focused, almost to the point where you could characterize her as a zealot for suffrage.

爱丽丝·保罗异常专注，几乎可以说她是选举权的狂热分子。

She is by all accounts an absolute force of nature.

众所周知，她是一股绝对的自然力量。

Once she's made a decision on a strategy, she believes in her heart and in all of her actions that she's doing the right thing.

一旦她做出了策略决定，她就会从内心和所有行动中相信自己正在做正确的事情。

The news of Paul's ordeal––which played all across the country ––was followed by yet more pickets, more arrests, more suffragists standing trial.

保罗受难的消息传遍了全国，随之而来的是更多的纠察队、更多的逮捕、更多的妇女参政主义者受到审判。

This was an extraordinary innovation in the tactics of protests––people deliberately getting arrested, hunger strikes, doing it for the media.

这是抗议策略的非凡创新——人们故意被捕、绝食、为媒体做这件事。

And it was the first time you had this kind of non-violent, ongoing civil disobedience on a great public issue in the nation’s capital.

这是第一次在国家首都针对重大公共问题进行这种非暴力、持续的公民抗命。

It had never been done before in the United States.

美国以前从未这样做过。

The fact that a woman will put her body on the line for her right to be a citizen is considered shocking.

一名妇女为了成为公民的权利而冒着生命危险的事实被认为是令人震惊的。

But women are realizing that if they don’t act in these ways, nothing will change.

但女性逐渐意识到，如果她们不以这些方式行事，什么都不会改变。

In mid-November, no fewer than thirty-four women appeared before the District judge.

11 月中旬，不少于 34 名女性出庭受审。

Only one paid the fine––and then, only because her husband, a former congressman, insisted upon it.

只有一个人缴纳了罚款——而且只是因为她的丈夫（前国会议员）坚持这样做。

The rest were sent to Occoquan, with sentences of varying lengths.

其余的则被送往奥科昆，判决的长度各不相同。

In recognition of her advanced age, 73-year-old Mary Nolan received the lightest––of six days.

鉴于 73 岁的玛丽·诺兰年事已高，她接受了六天中最轻的一次治疗。

Lucy Burns, who'd only just been released from her first stint at Occoquan, got seven months.

露西·伯恩斯 (Lucy Burns) 刚刚从奥科昆 (Occoquan) 的第一次工作中获释，被判了七个月的刑期。

When they demanded to be treated as political prisoners, the pickets were met with flagrant brutality.

当他们要求像政治犯一样对待时，纠察队遭到了公然的残暴对待。

Seized upon by guards, they were beaten, dragged through the corridors, and thrown into cells.

他们被警卫抓住、殴打、拖过走廊，然后扔进牢房。

Burns––labeled the "ringleader"––was handcuffed and left overnight with her arms chained to the top of her cell door.

伯恩斯——被贴上“头目”的标签——被戴上手铐，手臂被锁在牢房门顶上过夜。

The women would later refer to the experience as the "Night of Terror." By morning, more than half of them, including ringleader Burns, had joined Alice Paul's hunger strike.

这些妇女后来将这次经历称为“恐怖之夜”。到早上，超过一半的人，包括头目伯恩斯，都加入了爱丽丝·保罗的绝食抗议。

The harsh treatment begot sympathy, and people thought it had to stop.

严厉的待遇引起了同情，人们认为必须停止。

This is outrageous.

这太离谱了。

Why are you doing this to these women?

你为什么要这样对这些女人？

On November 23rd, lawyers for the pickets successfully persuaded the court to transfer the Occoquan prisoners to the District jail.

11月23日，纠察队律师成功说服法院将Occoquan囚犯转移到地区监狱。

Struck by the appearance of the women, some of whom were plainly on the verge of collapse, the presiding judge followed up three days later with an inquiry to the jail's superintendent.

三天后，主审法官对这些妇女的外表感到震惊，其中一些人明显处于崩溃的边缘，并向监狱长进行了询问。

Are there prisoners in your custody, he asked, whose health might be endangered by serving further time?

他问道，您所羁押的囚犯中，是否存在因进一步服刑而健康状况可能受到威胁的囚犯？

The superintendent’s reply was unambiguous: "All of the suffragists."

负责人的回答毫不含糊：“所有妇女参政论者。”

They were incredibly weak and beaten up and they hadn’t eaten in days, and nobody wanted to have a dead suffragist on their hands.

他们非常虚弱，被殴打，而且已经好几天没有吃东西了，没有人愿意手上有一个死去的妇女参政主义者。

Alice Paul and the others on hunger-strike were the first to be released.

爱丽丝·保罗（Alice Paul）和其他绝食抗议者最先被释放。

They passed through the gates of the District jail just hours later, some too frail to walk without aid, and were met by a clutch of reporters seeking comment from Miss Paul.

几个小时后，他们穿过了地区监狱的大门，其中一些人太虚弱了，没有帮助就无法行走，一群记者向保罗小姐寻求评论。

The news broke six weeks later, in headlines from coast to coast.

六周后，这个消息登上了全国各地的头条新闻。

With the House of Representatives finally set to vote on the federal suffrage amendment, Wilson had met privately with a dozen key Democrats––and had urged the amendment's passage, calling it "an act of right and justice."

随着众议院最终决定对联邦选举权修正案进行投票，威尔逊私下会见了十几位重要的民主党人，并敦促该修正案获得通过，称其为“权利和正义的行为”。

Early on, if you were going to put money down on whether or not Wilson would become a fierce advocate going to personally plea with Congress on behalf of the federal women’s suffrage amendment, that would not have been a good bet.

早些时候，如果你打算押注威尔逊是否会成为一名激烈的倡导者，亲自代表联邦妇女选举权修正案向国会恳求，那将不是一个好的选择。

But things changed pretty significantly by the middle of his second term.

但到了他第二个任期中期，情况发生了很大变化。

Just days before, in what would come to be called his "Fourteen Points" speech, Wilson had outlined his plan for the end of the Great War and his grand vision for a lasting peace.

就在几天前，威尔逊在后来被称为“十四点”的演讲中概述了他结束大战的计划和持久和平的宏伟愿景。

But if he were to have any hope of achieving it, he'd need to keep control of Congress.

但如果他希望实现这一目标，他就需要保持对国会的控制。

Wilson is doing whatever he possibly can to try to help Democrats win in the 1918 midterm elections, and one thing that is going to be used against them in state after state is their opposition to suffrage.

威尔逊正在竭尽全力帮助民主党在 1918 年中期选举中获胜，而一个又一个的州将利用他们反对选举权来对付他们。

I don't think he at heart changed his mind about where women's place was.

我认为他内心并没有改变对女性地位的看法。

But over time between Carrie Chapman Catt and Alice Paul, he became convinced of the political expediency for himself and, more importantly, for his party of putting through the Constitutional amendment.

但随着凯莉·查普曼·卡特和爱丽丝·保罗之间的相处，他开始相信通过宪法修正案对他本人以及更重要的是对他的政党来说是政治上的权宜之计。

By late morning on January 10th, 1918, it was standing-room only in the House, with nervous suffragists counting and recounting their too-close-to-call tallies.

到 1918 年 1 月 10 日上午晚些时候，众议院已经座无虚席，紧张的妇女参政论者们数着又数着他们那势均力敌的计票结果。

When at last the clerk announced the final vote––274 in favor, 136 opposed––a mad cheer went up from the galleries.

当书记员最后宣布最终投票结果时——274 票赞成，136 票反对——观众席上爆发出一阵疯狂的欢呼声。

The amendment had passed the required two-thirds majority by a single vote.

该修正案以一票之差获得了所需的三分之二多数通过。

As exultant suffragists made their way through the Capitol corridors and out into the streets, crying and singing hymns, few could doubt that Wilson's last-minute support had made a difference.

当兴高采烈的妇女参政论者一边哭一边唱着赞美诗，穿过国会大厦走廊，走到街上时，几乎没有人怀疑威尔逊最后一刻的支持起了作用。

What accounted for his conversion was less clear.

他转变的原因尚不清楚。

Carrie Catt believed that it was her slow cultivation, her slow political seduction of him, proving American women deserved the vote, proving their patriotism through wartime, proving their citizenship.

凯莉·卡特相信，正是她慢慢的培养，她对他慢慢的政治诱惑，证明了美国女性应有的投票权，证明了她们在战时的爱国主义，证明了她们的公民身份。

And Alice Paul claims credit because she embarrassed him in the eyes of the world by calling him a hypocrite.

爱丽丝·保罗（Alice Paul）声称自己有功劳，因为她称他为伪君子，让他在世人面前感到尴尬。

They were both right.

他们都是对的。

You could make the argument that Catt and Paul were almost working in tandem, and that if you didn’t know better and if you didn’t know the level of animosity that existed, you might think that this was actually a strategy.

你可以说卡特和保罗几乎是协同工作，如果你不了解更多，如果你不知道存在的敌意程度，你可能会认为这实际上是一种策略。

This is not unusual in social political movements—what happens is that there is a split-off of a more militant wing.

这在社会政治运动中并不罕见——所发生的情况是，一个更加激进的派系分裂了。

And there are severe disagreements about tactics and strategy.

并且在战术和战略上存在严重分歧。

But the upshot of it is that the two efforts work very well together, where the more militant wing is really pushing things forward and shifting the agenda, and calling a lot of attention.

但其结果是，这两项努力配合得很好，其中更激进的一方确实在推动事情向前发展，改变议程，并引起了很多关注。

But it makes the mainstream seem much more acceptable.

但这让主流看起来更容易被接受。

When Alice Paul's boisterous troops returned to the Woman's Party headquarters, flush from the House victory, they found Miss Paul was already there, bent over her desk.

当爱丽丝·保罗（Alice Paul）的喧闹部队回到妇女党总部时，他们因众议院的胜利而满脸通红，他们发现保罗小姐已经在那里，弯腰伏在桌子上。

"Eleven [votes] to win before we can pass the Senate," was all she said.

“在我们通过参议院之前，我们需要赢得十一张[选票]，”她只说了这么一句话。

The long anticipated success has come at last and our Federal Amendment, after forty-nine years of struggle is through the house...The Woman's Hour has Struck!

期待已久的成功终于到来，经过四十九年的奋斗，我们的联邦修正案终于通过了……女性的时刻已经到来！

Please start at once a series of letters and telegrams to your Senators...We won by a single vote in the House; we may be beaten by a single vote in the Senate.

请立即向你们的参议员发出一系列信件和电报……我们在众议院以一票之差获胜；我们可能会在参议院被一票击败。

Leave no stone unturned...Put on your armor, mobilize your army, and be ready!

千方百计...穿上你的盔甲，动员你的军队，做好准备！

Yours for final victory before 1920!

1920 年之前的最后胜利属于您！

When she wrote to her lieutenants in early January, 1918, Carrie Chapman Catt was confident they'd make short work of the Senate––so much so that she had a new dress sewn for the ratification campaign, in her favorite shade of blue.

1918 年 1 月初，当嘉莉·查普曼·卡特 (Carrie Chapman Catt) 写信给她的副手时，她相信他们会很快完成参议院的工作，以至于她为批准活动缝制了一件新衣服，颜色是她最喜欢的蓝色。

But week after week, the dress went unworn.

但一周又一周，这件衣服就没穿过了。

Prohibition––the 18th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution––had sailed through both houses of Congress just before the new year.

禁酒令——美国宪法第十八修正案——在新年前夕已在国会参众两院获得通过。

But on the suffrage amendment, the Senate refused to budge.

但在选举权修正案上，参议院拒绝让步。

A vote scheduled for March was blocked by opponents and delayed until May, then delayed once more.

原定于三月举行的投票被反对者阻止并推迟到五月，然后再次推迟。

It wasn't until September that the bill finally came to the floor for debate; and by then, no one was more anxious for it to pass than the president.

直到9月，该法案才最终提交辩论。到那时，没有人比总统更渴望该法案获得通过。

The end of the Great War was finally in sight––the German army all but defeated––and Wilson, intent on dictating the terms of the peace, was looking to boost his credibility abroad.

第一次世界大战终于即将结束——德国军队几乎被击败——威尔逊一心决定和平条款，并希望提高自己在国外的信誉。

America, having built itself up as a power, was now assuming a role as a world leader.

美国已经将自己打造成一个强国，现在正在承担世界领导者的角色。

But America was no longer a world leader in terms of democracy.

但美国在民主方面不再是世界领导者。

The U.S. was actually falling behind other comparable countries like Russia and Germany and the United Kingdom, who had all enfranchised women before America did.

美国实际上落后于俄罗斯、德国和英国等其他类似国家，这些国家都先于美国赋予了妇女选举权。

There's this perception that Wilson is working against as he prepares to negotiate the peace as the beacon of democracy, that he lacks some moral foundation.

当威尔逊准备将和平谈判作为民主的灯塔时，他正在反对这样一种看法，即他缺乏一些道德基础。

And so he’s working to get that liability off of his sheet.

因此，他正在努力摆脱这种责任。

"We have made partners of the women in this war," Wilson insisted to the Senate on September 30th.

9 月 30 日，威尔逊向参议院坚称：“我们在这场战争中成为了女性的伙伴。”

"[S]hall we admit them only to a partnership of suffering and sacrifice and toil and not to a partnership of privilege and right?" The president's appeal changed not a single vote.

“我们是否可以只允许他们加入受苦、牺牲和辛劳的伙伴关系，而不是特权和权利的伙伴关系？”总统的呼吁没有改变任何一票。

The next day, the suffrage measure failed, with more than half of the nays coming from Southern Democrats.

第二天，选举权措施失败，一半以上的反对者来自南方民主党。

The federal woman suffrage amendment, Senator Underwood of Alabama argued, would be "the final overthrow of the very life and integrity of these state governments."

阿拉巴马州参议员安德伍德认为，联邦妇女选举权修正案将“最终推翻这些州政府的生命和诚信”。

Southerners were very frightened of black women getting enfranchised.

南方人非常害怕黑人女性获得选举权。

You know the senator from Mississippi said, "that will be the end of white supremacy if black women get the vote." Tillman of South Carolina says, "black women are more aggressive than even men at the polls, we can’t allow them to be enfranchised."

你知道密西西比州参议员说过：“如果黑人女性获得投票权，白人至上主义就会终结。”南卡罗来纳州的蒂尔曼说：“黑人女性在民意调查中甚至比男性更具攻击性，我们不能允许她们获得选举权。”

Wilson cannot convince Southern Senators to change their position.

威尔逊无法说服南方参议员改变立场。

The calculus for them is different than it is for him.

他们的计算方法与他的计算方法不同。

They can be outflanked on the right in their home states if they appear the least bit soft on the issue of white supremacy.

如果他们在白人至上问题上表现出一点软弱，他们可能会在自己的家乡遭到右翼包抄。

Echoing a widely-held view, one columnist pronounced the amendment dead in the 65th Congress.

一位专栏作家呼应了广泛持有的观点，宣布该修正案在第 65 届国会中无效。

Nevertheless, the suffragists persisted.

尽管如此，选举权主义者仍然坚持不懈。

Even as the war came to an end in November 1918, and Wilson departed soon after for Paris, to negotiate the peace, they continued protesting––only now, instead of merely throwing the president's words back at him, the women set them ablaze across from the White House, in Lafayette Square.

即使战争于 1918 年 11 月结束，威尔逊不久就启程前往巴黎谈判和平，但她们仍在继续抗议——只是现在，妇女们不再只是将总统的话反驳给他，而是在白宫对面的拉斐特广场放火焚烧。

They kept on organizing and educating, lobbying and canvassing––until, as Carrie Chapman Catt said later, the struggle filled their days and rode their nights.

他们继续组织、教育、游说和游说——直到，正如凯莉·查普曼·卡特后来所说，斗争充满了他们的白天和夜晚。

The ongoing work in the states––carried out by women of diverse ages, backgrounds, and ethnicities––had expanded the suffrage column by three in 1918, bringing the total number of states in which women could vote in national elections to twenty-one.

各州正在进行的工作——由不同年龄、背景和种族的妇女开展——在 1918 年将选举权范围扩大了三个，使妇女可以在全国选举中投票的州总数达到 21 个。

Still the amendment idled in the Senate, while Southern opponents put forward various modifications designed to limit the franchise to white women.

该修正案仍然在参议院闲置，而南方反对者提出了各种修改，旨在限制白人女性的选举权。

By early 1919, after more than a year of inaction, suffrage leaders were prepared to compromise.

到 1919 年初，经过一年多的无所作为，选举权领导人准备妥协。

As she dispatched twenty-six members of the Woman's Party on a national speaking tour––with the slogan "From Prison to People"––Alice Paul clarified her objectives to the press.

当她派遣妇女党的 26 名成员进行全国巡回演讲时——口号是“从监狱到人民”——爱丽丝·保罗向媒体澄清了她的目标。

"Negro men cannot vote in South Carolina," she told the New York World, by way of example, "and therefore negro women could not if women were to vote in the nation.

“在南卡罗来纳州，黑人男性不能投票，”她举例告诉《纽约世界报》，“因此，如果女性要在全国投票，黑人女性也不能投票。”

We are organizing white women in the South."

我们正在组织南方的白人妇女。”

This struggle is going on at the same time that the nation is resolving still the Civil War.

这场斗争正在进行的同时，国家仍在解决内战。

How?

如何？

By jettisoning black Americans, from the story and from the actual political culture.

从故事和实际的政治文化中抛弃美国黑人。

And so maybe we shouldn’t be so surprised that some American women come to that same notion of a compromise.

因此，也许我们不应该对一些美国女性提出同样的妥协观念感到惊讶。

Which is that African-Americans might be dispensable for other kinds of goals.

也就是说，对于其他类型的目标来说，非裔美国人可能是可有可无的。

But African-American suffragists refused to be sidelined––and spurred by a complaint from Mary Church Terrell, the NAACP issued a formal resolution condemning Alice Paul's remarks.

但非裔美国妇女参政论者拒绝被边缘化——在玛丽·丘奇·特雷尔的投诉刺激下，全国有色人种协进会发布了一项正式决议，谴责爱丽丝·保罗的言论。

The 6,000 members of the Northeastern Federation of Colored Women's Clubs, meanwhile, applied for membership in the National Association, fully expecting to be told that the timing was not advantageous.

与此同时，东北有色妇女俱乐部联合会的 6,000 名会员申请加入全国协会，满心期待着被告知时机不方便。

When Carrie Chapman Catt, through the National's secretary, begged them to withdraw the application for the sake of the amendment's passage, the Federation's president, Elizabeth Carter, readily agreed––on the condition that the National pledge to stand for the amendment as originally drawn, without modification.

当卡丽·查普曼·卡特（Carrie Chapman Catt）通过国家党秘书恳求他们为了修正案的通过而撤回申请时，联邦主席伊丽莎白·卡特（Elizabeth Carter）欣然同意——条件是国家党承诺坚持最初制定的修正案，不做任何修改。

The Northeast Federation of Colored Women’s clubs realizes that they need to keep the issue of race within this conversation of women’s suffrage.

东北有色人种妇女俱乐部联合会意识到，她们需要将种族问题保留在女性选举权的讨论中。

And so they are forcing women at the front of the suffrage issue to really kind of confess their sins and it’s strategic and it’s an act of disruption, as well as a challenge to organizations that had been poised to ignore black women.

因此，他们迫使处于选举权问题前线的女性真正承认自己的罪行，这是战略性的，是一种破坏行为，也是对那些准备忽视黑人女性的组织的挑战。

In the end, only the Democrats' loss in the midterm elections broke the political stalemate; and it was a new Republican-controlled Congress that finally passed the federal woman suffrage amendment, exactly as written more than forty years before.

最终，只有民主党在中期选举中落败，打破了政治僵局；共和党控制的新国会最终通过了联邦妇女选举权修正案，与四十多年前的规定一模一样。

The measure squeaked through the Senate at last, on June 4th, 1919, with a scant two votes more than the required two-thirds majority.

该法案最终于 1919 年 6 月 4 日在参议院获得通过，仅比所需的三分之二多数票多出两票。

It wasn’t like the men of the political process woke up one day and said, you know what, this is the right thing to do.

这不像政治进程中的人们有一天醒来说，你知道吗，这是正确的做法。

It was won by inches.

这是以英寸之差获胜的。

Perhaps the most important thing that that says to us is that democratic advances have not been achieved in this country by everybody standing up and shouting and agreeing.

也许这对我们来说最重要的是，这个国家的民主进步并没有通过每个人站起来、大声喊叫和同意来实现。

There has always been strong opposition to the enlargement of democratic rights.

扩大民主权利一直遭到强烈反对。

When the legislation had been first introduced in the Senate, in 1878, it was meant to be the 16th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

1878 年，当这项立法首次提交参议院时，它原本是美国宪法第 16 条修正案。

More than four decades on, it was leaving Capitol Hill as the 19th.

四十多年过去了，它离开国会山成为第十九个。

Given what still lay ahead, few suffragists paused to mark the accomplishment; as one remembered it, they "simply made a bee-line for home to start the campaign for ratification."

考虑到仍然存在的问题，很少有妇女参政论者停下来庆祝这一成就。正如人们所记得的那样，他们“径直回家，开始了批准活动”。

The endurance, the incredible endurance, of these women––to keep fighting, there actually is no single reform movement that focused on one single goal—nothing like it exists in American history.

这些女性的耐力，令人难以置信的耐力——为了继续战斗，实际上没有一场改革运动专注于一个目标——在美国历史上不存在这样的事情。

To fight and fight and fight and fight and fight for the same thing for so many years.

为了同一件事而奋斗、奋斗、奋斗、奋斗、奋斗这么多年。

After years of militant protest, the image was at least improbable: Alice Paul, needle and thread in hand, patiently stitching satin stars to a flag––a gambit for publicity she dubbed "the Betsy Ross of Suffrage." When a similar photograph, featuring another Woman's Party member in the role of Ross, appeared on the cover of the Suffragist, in mid-July 1919, the flag bore eleven stars, one for each of the states that had already ratified the 19th Amendment.

经过多年的激进抗议，这一形象至少是不可能的：爱丽丝·保罗手里拿着针和线，耐心地将缎星缝在旗帜上——她将这一宣传策略称为“选举权的贝齐·罗斯”。 1919 年 7 月中旬，另一名妇女党成员扮演罗斯的类似照片出现在《妇女参政权论者》的封面上，旗帜上有十一颗星星，一颗代表已经批准第十九修正案的州。

Subsequent editions would track its progress through the statehouses of America.

随后的版本将跟踪其在美国各州议会的进展。

Three-quarters of the states have to ratify any federal amendment.

任何联邦修正案都必须得到四分之三的州的批准。

There are 48 states.

有48个州。

That means 36 states have to ratify.

这意味着 36 个州必须批准。

There were not 36 states at that point that already allowed women to vote.

当时还没有 36 个州允许女性投票。

Nowhere near that close.

远没有那么接近。

And, so, each state to add to that was a real battle.

因此，每增加一个州都是一场真正的战斗。

In capitols both north and south––from Boston, Massachusetts to Austin, Texas––the decades-long struggle was reenacted once more.

在南北各地的国会大厦——从马萨诸塞州的波士顿到德克萨斯州的奥斯汀——这场长达数十年的斗争再次重演。

Governors, asked to call special sessions, dug in their heels.

州长们被要求召开特别会议，但他们却坚持不懈。

Legislators debated and wavered.

立法者们对此进行了辩论和动摇。

And organized anti-suffrage women, who for years had been distracted by the war in Europe, surfaced once again to plead that their sex be left out of the electorate.

多年来一直被欧洲战争困扰的有组织的反选举权妇女再次浮出水面，恳求将她们的性别排除在选民之外。

It took the suffragists a full year, but as of mid-June 1920, thirty-five states had ratified the amendment.

妇女参政主义者花了整整一年的时间，但截至 1920 年 6 月中旬，已有 35 个州批准了该修正案。

Eight more––seven of them in the Solid South––had rejected it.

另外八个——其中七个在南方——拒绝了它。

Three others refused even to consider it.

另外三个人甚至拒绝考虑。

That left as a possible 36th only North Carolina, where defeat was all but certain, and Tennessee––which just the previous year had extended presidential voting rights to women, in a bitterly contested battle that split the dominant Democratic party.

这样一来，可能的第 36 名就只剩下北卡罗来纳州和田纳西州了，前者的失败几乎是板上钉钉的事，而田纳西州就在前一年将总统投票权扩大到了女性，这场激烈的斗争导致了占主导地位的民主党的分裂。

Tennessee's governor, Albert Roberts, at first refused to call a special session.

田纳西州州长阿尔伯特·罗伯茨起初拒绝召开特别会议。

Then, in late June, came a wire from President Wilson, who pressed the governor to deliver the final state, so that the Democrats could take credit for it.

然后，六月下旬，威尔逊总统发来一封电报，敦促州长交付最终的州份，以便民主党可以借此获得功劳。

Roberts––who liked to say that Wilson was his Moses––compliantly set the date for Monday, August 9th.

罗伯茨——喜欢说威尔逊是他的摩西——顺从地将日期定在 8 月 9 日星期一。

The suffragists do not want to stage this in Tennessee.

妇女参政论者不想在田纳西州上演这种事。

Tennessee is a border state.

田纳西州是一个边境州。

Part of it had actually supported the Union during the Confederacy.

其中一部分实际上在南部邦联时期支持过联邦。

But it's still a Southern state and it's still a terrible place to have to put all your marbles for the last possible ratification.

但它仍然是一个南方州，它仍然是一个可怕的地方，必须为最后可能的批准付出所有的努力。

There is a Presidential election looming in the fall, the first election since the end of World War I.

秋季即将举行总统选举，这是第一次世界大战结束以来的首次选举。

At a time when the whole world is realigning and America's going to have to make big decisions about its role in the world.

在整个世界正在重新调整的时候，美国将不得不就其在世界上的角色做出重大决定。

The suffragists want to be part of this, and they've come to the very threshold.

妇女参政论者希望成为其中的一部分，而且他们已经到了临界点。

So, Tennessee becomes the last hope.

因此，田纳西州成为最后的希望。

For both the suffragists and the anti-suffragists, it's the last stand.

对于妇女参政论者和反妇女参政论者来说，这是最后的立场。

They began to converge on Nashville during the first, abysmally hot week in August 1920: suffragists and anti-suffragists, legislators, lobbyists, reporters––all of them primed for the final showdown.

1920 年 8 月，在极其炎热的第一周，他们开始聚集在纳什维尔：妇女参政论者和反妇女参政论者、立法者、游说者、记者——所有人都为最后的决战做好了准备。

Carrie Chapman Catt had been in town for a month already, preparing the legislative ground from her third-floor suite at the Hermitage Hotel.

卡丽·查普曼·卡特已经进城一个月了，她在冬宫酒店三楼的套房里准备立法场地。

Carrie Catt has been leading the fieldwork for the suffragists.

凯莉·卡特（Carrie Catt）一直在领导妇女参政论者的实地工作。

They want legislators to commit in advance, to sign a paper saying yes, I’m going to vote for the federal amendment.

他们希望立法者提前承诺，签署一份文件，表示是的，我将投票支持联邦修正案。

They send Tennessee women out to every town and hamlet and say, "We are your constituents.

他们派田纳西州妇女到每个城镇和小村庄说：“我们是你们的选民。

You have to sign this.

你必须签署这个。

And, so, by their count they have the votes.

因此，根据他们的统计，他们拥有选票。

But now, as new arrivals crowded into town, Catt had a dark sense of foreboding.

但现在，随着新来的人涌入小镇，卡特有一种不祥的预感。

The Anti-Suffragists also have their headquarters in the Hermitage Hotel.

反参政主义者的总部也设在冬宫酒店。

And you have the corporate lobbyists and the politicians who have come in from all over the country, and they’re also staying in the hotel.

还有来自全国各地的企业游说者和政客，他们也住在酒店里。

Even though Prohibition is already in effect, they open what they call the Jack Daniels suite on the eighth floor, a 24/7 speakeasy where liquor is dispensed morning, noon, and night to any legislator who will come up and listen to the arguments why they should vote against suffrage.

尽管禁酒令已经生效，他们还是在八楼开设了他们所谓的杰克丹尼套房，这是一个 24/7 的地下酒吧，早上、中午和晚上都会向任何前来聆听关于为什么他们应该投票反对选举权的争论的立法者提供酒水。

And there’s money being passed, there’s threats being made, to get them to change their vote.

为了让他们改变投票，有人通过了金钱，有人发出了威胁。

Alice Paul, stuck in Washington D.C. raising funds for the ratification campaign, got word of the shady dealings from Sue White, a veteran picketer and native Tennessean whom Paul had put in charge of the Woman's Party efforts on the ground.

爱丽丝·保罗（Alice Paul）困在华盛顿特区，为批准运动筹集资金，她从苏·怀特（Sue White）那里得知了这些不正当交易的消息。苏·怀特是一名经验丰富的纠察员，也是土生土长的田纳西州人，保罗让她负责妇女党的实地工作。

"Nobody will say how bulk of Republicans will vote," White wrote Paul.

“没有人会说有多少共和党人会投票，”怀特在保罗的信中写道。

"Some reports antis using money...

“一些报道反对使用金钱......

Wish greatly you were here." At noon on Monday, August 9th, the pounding of gavels brought both the Tennessee Senate and House to order––and set in motion one of the most contentious and chaotic legislative sessions in the history of the Republic.

真希望你能在这里。”8 月 9 日星期一中午，木槌的敲击声使田纳西州参议院和众议院恢复了秩序，并启动了共和国历史上最具争议和最混乱的立法会议之一。

Employing a series of procedural high-jinx––purposeful clerical errors, resolutions to delay, maddening adjournments––opponents of the amendment first managed to stall the Senate vote until Friday, leaving legislators with little to do all week but mingle at the Hermitage.

修正案的反对者采用了一系列程序性的恶作剧——故意的文书错误、推迟决议、令人抓狂的休会——首先设法将参议院的投票推迟到周五，让立法者们整周无所事事，只能在冬宫里闲逛。

Carrie Catt convenes her suffragists and says, "Okay, how many of these legislators are susceptible to bribes?

凯莉·卡特（Carrie Catt）召集了她的妇女参政论者并说道：“好吧，这些立法者中有多少人容易受贿？

Yes, we have his pledge, but is it reliable?

是的，我们有他的承诺，但这可靠吗？

And what they find is those pledges begin to get reneged.

他们发现这些承诺开始被违背。

By the time the Senate passed the amendment––twenty-five to four––the vote in the House had been postponed.

当参议院以二十五比四通过修正案时，众议院的投票已被推迟。

Worse still, Speaker Seth Walker, who had originally pledged "aye," had double-crossed the suffragists, and vowed to bring with him as many House members as he could muster.

更糟糕的是，原本承诺“同意”的议长塞思·沃克却出卖了妇女参政论者，并发誓要召集尽可能多的众议院议员。

Tallies made Friday night indicated ratification would fail by two votes.

周五晚上的计票显示，批准将以两票之差失败。

It was a trying weekend––with drunken legislators wandering the halls of the Hermitage and weary suffragists keeping watch over their pledged delegates, lest any one of them slip away.

这是一个艰难的周末——醉酒的立法者在冬宫大厅里闲逛，疲惫的妇女参政论者监视着他们宣誓的代表，以免其中任何一个人溜走。

The suffragists see the erosion of their support, and they know that it’s other influences that are coming to bear.

妇女参政论者看到他们的支持受到侵蚀，他们知道其他影响正在发挥作用。

They realize they don’t have the votes; they’re probably going to lose.

他们意识到自己没有选票；他们可能会输。

And Carrie Catt realizes that she’s been working for this cause for 30 years and this may be it, this may be the end.

Carrie Catt 意识到她已经为这项事业工作了 30 年，这可能就是终点了。

On Wednesday, August 18th, after nine days of delays and three and a half hours of debate, the suffrage measure finally moved to a vote on the House floor.

8月18日星期三，经过九天的拖延和三个半小时的辩论，选举权措施终于在众议院进行了投票。

In the galleries, anxious women reviewed their tallies––two votes shy of the required majority.

在旁听席上，焦虑的女性们回顾了她们的计票结果——距离法定多数票还差两票。

The chief clerk began to call the roll: Anderson, Bell, Burn.

首席书记员开始点名：安德森、贝尔、伯恩。

Harry Burn was twenty-four years old, the youngest member of the legislature, and a representative of a strenuously anti-suffrage rural district.

哈里·伯恩当时二十四岁，是立法机构中最年轻的议员，也是极力反对选举权的农村地区的代表。

But that morning, a page had handed him a letter from his mother, which spoke more loudly to Burn than did his constituents.

但那天早上，一个侍者递给他一封来自他母亲的信，这封信对伯恩的声音比他的选民的声音更大。

It’s a mother’s letter.

这是一封母亲的信。

She’s asking him to go shopping for her in the big city and buy some sheet music.

她请他去大城市帮她购物并买一些乐谱。

But she also says she’s been reading the papers and noticing he’s not been supporting the Suffragists, and she admonishes him and says, "Be a good boy and help Mrs. Catt."

但她也说她一直在读报纸，注意到他没有支持妇女参政论者，她告诫他说：“做个好孩子，帮助卡特夫人。”

To the astonishment of all, Harry Burn voted "aye"––bringing the tally dead even.

令所有人惊讶的是，哈利·伯恩投了“赞成”票——使比分持平。

And there it remained through the rest of the roll call.

在接下来的点名过程中，这一点一直保持不变。

Suffragists were already weeping softly when, at the last possible moment, Banks Turner suddenly stood to address the speaker.

当班克斯·特纳在最后一刻突然站起来向演讲者讲话时，妇女参政论者已经轻轻哭泣。

The thirty-year-old farmer had been counted as an opponent; but he'd kept silent when the roll was called.

三十岁的农民被算作对手；但点名时他保持沉默。

Now, he announced he wished to be recorded as having voted "aye." Catt, who'd elected to wait out the vote at the Hermitage, could hear the roar in the galleries clear across the street.

现在，他宣布他希望被记录为投了“赞成”票。卡特选择在冬宫等待投票结束，他可以清晰地听到街对面画廊里的喧闹声。

Carrie Catt’s window faces the state house, and she hears shouting and she realizes this is it.

嘉莉·卡特 (Carrie Catt) 的窗户面向州议会大厦，她听到喊叫声，意识到就是这里了。

The dream of her life was coming true.

她一生的梦想即将实现。

Outside the statehouse, Harry Burn paused to exchange congratulations with Banks Turner and the suffragists, but only briefly––having fled the torrent of insults in the House chamber through a window in the clerk's room.

在州议会大厦外，哈里·伯恩停下来与班克斯·特纳和妇女参政论者交换了祝贺，但只是短暂的——通过书记员房间的窗户逃离了众议院会议厅的侮辱洪流。

ELEANOR SMEAL: The closeness of the vote shows you how important the struggle is and shows you, you weren’t just fighting windmills.

埃莉诺·斯米尔：投票的接近程度表明了斗争的重要性，也表明了你们不仅仅是在与风车作斗争。

There is always an opponent, and that opponent has power, and they are yielding only because they have to.

总是有一个对手，而那个对手拥有权力，他们屈服只是因为他们不得不屈服。

The rush wire from Nashville soon reached a waiting Alice Paul, who hastily stitched to her ratification banner the long-awaited 36th star.

来自纳什维尔的紧急电报很快就到达了等待的爱丽丝·保罗，她匆忙地将期待已久的第 36 颗星缝在了她的批准横幅上。

Eight days later, on August 26th, 1920––72 years after the movement for woman suffrage first stirred into being––Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby certified the 19th Amendment to the U.

八天后，即 1920 年 8 月 26 日——也就是妇女选举权运动首次兴起 72 年后——国务卿班布里奇·科尔比批准了美国第十九条修正案。

S.

S。

Constitution, and with his seal, enfranchised 26 million women of voting age.

宪法和他的印章赋予了 2600 万投票年龄的女性选举权。

The phrase you hear is "In 1920 American women were given the vote." It drives me crazy.

您听到的这句话是“1920 年美国妇女获得了投票权”。这让我发疯。

The struggle for women’s suffrage takes over seven decades.

争取妇女选举权的斗争持续了七十多年。

The women who began the movement didn’t live to see it come to fruition.

发起这场运动的女性并没有活着看到它取得成果。

And the women who took it over the finish line weren’t born when it began.

那些冲过终点线的女性在比赛开始时还没有出生。

And, so, you have these three generations of American women who all come together in this extraordinary movement for equality.

因此，这三代美国女性都聚集在这场非凡的平等运动中。

To reduce that to women being given the vote or granted the vote, it just does a disservice to what is clearly one of the most sustained and successful moments of political mobilization in all of American history.

为了减少女性获得投票权的机会，这只会损害美国历史上政治动员最持久和最成功的时刻之一。

It wasn’t just given to them.

这不仅仅是给他们的。

Women fought for the right to vote, and they won the right to vote.

妇女为选举权而奋斗，她们赢得了选举权。

When Americans went to the polls in November 1920, an estimated nine million women were among them––only a third of the eligible female electorate, but roughly three times the number who'd been active in the suffrage movement's final phase.

1920 年 11 月美国人参加投票时，估计有 900 万女性参与其中——只占符合资格的女性选民的三分之一，但大约是选举权运动最后阶段活跃人数的三倍。

Many were African-Americans, who had eagerly registered to vote wherever they were able––from Massachusetts and Maryland to Ohio.

其中许多人是非裔美国人，他们热切地登记投票，无论是在马萨诸塞州、马里兰州还是俄亥俄州，只要有可能，他们都会投票。

But elsewhere, as one journalist observed, black women had the right to vote "in name only." Denied access to the polls by individual states, as black men throughout the South had been, on grounds not specifically prohibited by the U.S. Constitution, many thousands of African-American women and other women of color would remain disenfranchised for decades yet to come.

但正如一位记者所观察到的，在其他地方，黑人女性“只是名义上”拥有投票权。由于美国宪法没有明确禁止，个别州拒绝投票，就像整个南方的黑人一样，成千上万的非裔美国妇女和其他有色人种妇女将在未来几十年内继续被剥夺公民权。

If we’re talking about fairness and equality and democracy, the whole idea of reform is to do away with as much discrimination as one can.

如果我们谈论公平、平等和民主，那么改革的整个理念就是尽可能消除歧视。

You might not be able to do it all at the same time; but you've got to go for it, and you have to envision it.

您可能无法同时完成所有工作；但你必须去争取它，并且你必须设想它。

Votes for women, as everyone who'd agitated for them well knew, had merely forced open a door.

每个为女性鼓动的人都清楚，为女性投票只是强行打开了一扇门。

"It is incredible to me," Alice Paul remarked in 1921, "that any woman should consider the fight for full equality won." But thanks to the 19th Amendment––and the decades-long struggle that had secured it––that fight had at least finally begun.

“令我难以置信的是，”爱丽丝·保罗 (Alice Paul) 在 1921 年说道，“任何女性都应该认为争取完全平等的斗争取得了胜利。”但多亏了第十九条修正案——以及为确保该修正案而进行的长达数十年的斗争——这场斗争至少终于开始了。

What the 19th Amendment meant for American democracy is hard to overstate.

第十九修正案对美国民主的意义怎么强调都不为过。

Half the country winning the right to vote is a tremendous step towards this young country, America, finally achieving the equality that Thomas Jefferson wrote about in the Declaration of Independence, a huge step towards America achieving its potential.

一半的国家赢得了投票权，这是美国这个年轻国家迈出的一大步，最终实现了托马斯·杰斐逊在《独立宣言》中所写的平等，这是美国实现其潜力的一大步。

Any time you bring more people into full citizenship, you create new standards and new expectations for what a nation can do, and so the 19th Amendment meant that the concerns of women were important.

每当你让更多的人成为完全公民时，你就会为一个国家的能力制定新的标准和新的期望，因此第十九修正案意味着女性的关注很重要。

When you enfranchise half the population, you’re stripping away the argument that this is a privilege, this should be exercised by only certain kinds of people.

当你赋予一半人口选举权时，你就放弃了“这是一种特权，应该只由某些类型的人行使”的论点。

The 19th Amendment is absolutely critical to the affirmation of voting as a right.

第十九修正案对于确认投票权至关重要。

The fight over the right to vote has never just been about ideals.

围绕投票权的斗争从来都不仅仅是关于理想的。

It’s always been about power, and who has it, and who doesn’t want to give it up.

这始终与权力有关，以及谁拥有权力，以及谁不想放弃权力。

We’re still fighting over who has that power.

我们仍在争夺谁拥有这种权力。

And that fight to vote is the central story of American democracy.

这场投票之争是美国民主的核心故事。

It’s about who we are as a country and who gets to decide what the policies of the government are.

这关系到我们作为一个国家是谁以及谁有权决定政府的政策。

Like all those who had spent their lives in pursuit of the ballot, Carrie Chapman Catt was deeply conscious of its value––and she'd closed out her career as a suffragist with a plea that the newly enfranchised not lose sight of what it was they had won:

像所有那些一生都在追求选票的人一样，凯莉·查普曼·卡特深深地意识到了选票的价值——她结束了自己作为妇女参政论者的职业生涯，恳求新获得选举权的人不要忽视他们所赢得的东西：